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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #54635 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54635)
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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of My Life in China and America, by Yung Wing
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: My Life in China and America
-
-Author: Yung Wing
-
-Release Date: April 30, 2017 [EBook #54635]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY LIFE IN CHINA AND AMERICA ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Mary Glenn Krause, Chuck Greif, MFR, University
-of Toronto - Robarts Library and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
- [Illustration: Portrait; Very truly yours
-
- Yung Wing]
-
-
-
-
- MY LIFE IN CHINA
- AND AMERICA
-
- BY
-
- YUNG WING, A.B., LL.D. (YALE)
-
- COMMISSIONER OF THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL COMMISSION,
- ASSOCIATE CHINESE MINISTER IN WASHINGTON,
- EXPECTANT TAO-TAI OF KIANG SU
-
- [Illustration: colophon]
-
- NEW YORK
-
- HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
- 1909
-
- COPYRIGHT, 1909
-
- BY
-
- HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
-
- _Published November, 1909._
-
-
-
-
- TO
-
- MY DEVOTED SONS
-
- MORRISON BROWN
-
- AND
-
- BARTLETT GOLDEN YUNG
-
- THESE REMINISCENCES
-
- ARE AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-
-The first five chapters of this book give an account of my early
-education, previous to going to America, where it was continued, first
-at Monson Academy, in Monson, Massachusetts, and later, at Yale College.
-
-The sixth chapter begins with my reëntrance into the Chinese world,
-after an absence of eight years. Would it not be strange, if an
-Occidental education, continually exemplified by an Occidental
-civilization, had not wrought upon an Oriental such a metamorphosis in
-his inward nature as to make him feel and act as though he were a being
-coming from a different world, when he confronted one so diametrically
-different? This was precisely my case, and yet neither my patriotism nor
-the love of my fellow-countrymen had been weakened. On the contrary,
-they had increased in strength from sympathy. Hence, the succeeding
-chapters of my book will be found to be devoted to the working out of my
-educational scheme, as an expression of my undying love for China, and
-as the most feasible method to my mind, of reformation and regeneration
-for her.
-
-With the sudden ending of the Educational Commission, and the recall of
-the one hundred and twenty students who formed the vanguard of the
-pioneers of modern education in China, my educational work was brought
-to a close.
-
-Of the survivors of these students of 1872, a few by dint of hard,
-persistent industry, have at last come forth to stand in the front ranks
-of the leading statesmen of China, and it is through them that the
-original Chinese Educational Commission has been revived, though in a
-modified form, so that now, Chinese students are seen flocking to
-America and Europe from even the distant shores of Sinim for a
-scientific education.
-
-November, 1909,
-
-16 Atwood St., Hartford, Conn.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-
-CHAPTER PAGE
-
-I. BOYHOOD 1
-
-II. SCHOOL DAYS 13
-
-III. JOURNEY TO AMERICA AND FIRST EXPERIENCES THERE 21
-
-IV. AT MONSON ACADEMY 27
-
-V. MY COLLEGE DAYS 34
-
-VI. RETURN TO CHINA 42
-
-VII. EFFORT TO FIND A POSITION 58
-
-VIII. EXPERIENCES IN BUSINESS 67
-
-IX. MY FIRST TRIP TO THE TEA DISTRICTS 79
-
-X. MY VISIT TO THE TAIPINGS 96
-
-XI. REFLECTIONS ON THE TAIPING REBELLION 113
-
-XII. EXPEDITION TO THE TAIPING TEA DISTRICT 123
-
-XIII. MY INTERVIEWS WITH TSANG KWOH FAN 137
-
-XIV. MY MISSION TO AMERICA TO BUY MACHINERY 154
-
-XV. MY SECOND RETURN TO CHINA 160
-
-XVI. PROPOSAL OF MY EDUCATIONAL SCHEME 170
-
-XVII. THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL MISSION 180
-
-XVIII. INVESTIGATION OF THE COOLIE TRAFFIC IN PERU 191
-
-XIX. END OF THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION 197
-
-XX. JOURNEY TO PEKING AND DEATH MY WIFE 216
-
-XXI. MY RECALL TO CHINA 224
-
-XXII. THE COUP D’ETAT OF 1898 239
-
-APPENDIX 247
-
-INDEX 275
-
-
-
-
-MY LIFE IN CHINA AND AMERICA
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-BOYHOOD
-
-
-I was born on the 17th of November, 1828, in the village of Nam Ping
-(South Screen) which is about four miles southwest of the Portuguese
-Colony of Macao, and is situated on Pedro Island lying west of Macao,
-from which it is separated by a channel of half a mile wide.
-
-I was one of a family of four children. A brother was the eldest, a
-sister came next, I was the third, and another brother was the fourth
-and the youngest of the group. I am the only survivor of them all.
-
-As early as 1834, an English lady, Mrs. Gutzlaff, wife of the Rev.
-Charles Gutzlaff, a missionary to China, came to Macao and, under the
-auspices of the Ladies’ Association in London for the promotion of
-female education in India and the East, immediately took up the work of
-her mission by starting a girls’ school for Chinese girls, which was
-soon followed by the opening of a school for boys also.
-
-Mrs. Gutzlaff’s comprador or factotum happened to come from the village
-I did and was, in fact, my father’s friend and neighbor. It was through
-him that my parents heard about Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school and it was
-doubtless through his influence and means that my father got me admitted
-into the school. It has always been a mystery to me why my parents
-should take it into their heads to put me into a foreign school, instead
-of a regular orthodox Confucian school, where my brother much older than
-myself was placed. Most assuredly such a step would have been more in
-play with Chinese public sentiment, taste, and the wants of the country
-at large, than to allow me to attend an English school; moreover, a
-Chinese cult is the only avenue in China that leads to political
-preferment, influence, power and wealth. I can only account for the
-departure thus taken on the theory that as foreign intercourse with
-China was just beginning to grow, my parents, anticipating that it might
-soon assume the proportions of a tidal wave, thought it worth while to
-take time by the forelock and put one of their sons to learning English
-that he might become one of the advanced interpreters and have a more
-advantageous position from which to make his way into the business and
-diplomatic world. This I take to be the chief aim that influenced my
-parents to put me into Mrs. Gutzlaff’s Mission School. As to what other
-results or sequences it has eventually brought about in my subsequent
-life, they were entirely left to Him who has control of all our devising
-and planning, as they are governed by a complete system of divine laws
-of antecedents and consequents, or of cause and effect.
-
-In 1835, when I was barely seven years of age, my father took me to
-Macao. Upon reaching the school, I was brought before Mrs. Gutzlaff. She
-was the first English lady I had ever seen. On my untutored and
-unsophisticated mind she made a deep impression. If my memory serves me
-right, she was somewhat tall and well-built. She had prominent features
-which were strong and assertive; her eyes were of clear blue lustre,
-somewhat deep set. She had thin lips, supported by a square chin,--both
-indicative of firmness and authority. She had flaxen hair and eyebrows
-somewhat heavy. Her features taken collectively indicated great
-determination and will power.
-
-As she came forward to welcome me in her long and full flowing white
-dress (the interview took place in the summer), surmounted by two large
-globe sleeves which were fashionable at the time and which lent her an
-exaggerated appearance, I remember most vividly I was no less puzzled
-than stunned. I actually trembled all over with fear at her imposing
-proportions--having never in my life seen such a peculiar and odd
-fashion. I clung to my father in fear. Her kindly expression and
-sympathetic smiles found little appreciative response at the outset, as
-I stood half dazed at her personality and my new environment. For
-really, a new world had dawned on me. After a time, when my homesickness
-was over and the novelty of my surroundings began gradually to wear
-away, she completely won me over through her kindness and sympathy. I
-began to look upon her more like a mother. She seemed to take a special
-interest in me; I suppose, because I was young and helpless, and away
-from my parents, besides being the youngest pupil in the school. She
-kept me among her girl pupils and did not allow me to mingle with what
-few boys there were at the time.
-
-There is one escapade that I can never forget! It happened during the
-first year in the school, and was an attempt on my part to run away. I
-was shut up in the third story of the house, which had a wide open
-terrace on the top,--the only place where the girls and myself played
-and found recreation. We were not allowed to go out of doors to play in
-the streets. The boy pupils had their quarters on the ground floor and
-had full liberty to go out for exercise. I used to envy them their
-freedom and smuggled down stairs to mingle with them in their sports
-after school hours. I felt ill at ease to be shut up with the girls all
-alone way up in the third story. I wanted to see something of the
-outside world. I occasionally stole down stairs and ventured out to the
-wharves around which were clustered a number of small ferry boats which
-had a peculiar fascination to my young fancy. To gain my freedom, I
-planned to run away. The girls were all much older than I was, and a few
-sympathized with me in my wild scheme; doubtless, from the same
-restlessness of being too closely cooped up. I told them of my plan. Six
-of the older ones fell in with me in the idea. I was to slip out of the
-house alone, go down to the wharf and engage a covered boat to take us
-all in.
-
-The next morning after our morning meal, and while Mrs. Gutzlaff was
-off taking her breakfast, we stole out unbeknown to any one and crowded
-into the boat and started off in hot haste for the opposite shore of
-Pedro Island. I was to take the whole party to my home and from there
-the girls were to disperse to their respective villages. We were half
-way across the channel when, to my great consternation, I saw a boat
-chasing us, making fast time and gaining on us all the while. No promise
-of additional pay was of any avail, because our two oars against their
-four made it impossible for us to win out; so our boatmen gave up the
-race at the waving of handkerchiefs in the other boat and the whole
-party was captured. Then came the punishment. We were marched through
-the whole school and placed in a row, standing on a long narrow school
-table placed at one end of the school room facing all the pupils in
-front of us. I was placed in the center of the row, with a tall foolscap
-mounted on my head, having three girls on the right and three on the
-left. I had pinned on my breast a large square placard bearing the
-inscription, “Head of the Runaways;” there we stood for a whole hour
-till school was dismissed. I never felt so humiliated in my life as I
-did when I was undergoing that ordeal. I felt completely crestfallen.
-Some of the mischievous fellows would extract a little fun out of this
-display by taking furtive glances and making wry faces at us. Mrs.
-Gutzlaff, in order to aggravate our punishment, had ordered ginger snaps
-and oranges to be distributed among the other pupils right before us.
-
-Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school, started in September, 1835, was originally for
-girls only. Pending the organization and opening of the so-called
-“Morrison Education Society School,” in the interval between 1835 and
-1839, a department for boys was temporarily incorporated into her
-school, and part of the subscription fund belonging to the M. E. S.
-School was devoted to the maintenance of this one.
-
-This accounts for my entrance into Mrs. Gutzlaff’s School, as one of
-only two boys first admitted. Her school being thus enlarged and
-modified temporarily, Mrs. Gutzlaff’s two nieces--the Misses Parkes,
-sisters to Mr. Harry Parkes who was afterwards knighted, by reason of
-the conspicuous part he played in the second Opium War, in 1864, of
-which he was in fact the originator--came out to China as assistants in
-the school. I was fortunately placed under their instruction for a short
-time.
-
-Afterwards the boys’ school under Mrs. Gutzlaff and her two nieces, the
-Misses Parkes, was broken up; that event parted our ways in life in
-divergent directions. Mrs. Gutzlaff went over to the United States with
-three blind girls,--Laura, Lucy and Jessie. The Misses Parkes were
-married to missionaries, one to Dr. William Lockhart, a medical
-missionary; the other to a Rev. Mr. MacClatchy, also a missionary. They
-labored long in China, under the auspices of the London Missionary
-Society. The three blind girls whom Mrs. Gutzlaff took with her were
-taught by me to read on raised letters till they could read from the
-Bible and Pilgrim’s Progress.
-
-On my return to my home village I resumed my Chinese studies.
-
-In the fall of 1840, while the Opium War was still going on, my father
-died, leaving four children on my mother’s hands without means of
-support.
-
-Fortunately, three of us were old enough to lend a helping hand. My
-brother was engaged in fishing, my sister helped in housework, and I
-took to hawking candy through my own village and the neighboring one. I
-took hold of the business in good earnest, rising at three o’clock
-every morning, and I did not come home until six o’clock in the
-evening. My daily earnings netted twenty-five cents, which I turned over
-to my mother, and with the help given by my brother, who was the main
-stay of the family, we managed to keep the wolf away from our door. I
-was engaged in hawking candy for about five months, and when winter was
-over, when no candy was made, I changed my occupation and went into the
-rice fields to glean rice after the reapers. My sister usually
-accompanied me in such excursions. But unlike Ruth of old, I had no Boaz
-to help me out when I was short in my gleaning. But my knowledge of
-English came to my rescue. My sister told the head reaper that I could
-speak, read and write English. This awakened the curiosity of the
-reaper. He beckoned me to him and asked me whether I wouldn’t talk some
-“Red Hair Men” talk to him. He said he never heard of such talk in his
-life. I felt bashful and diffident at first, but my sister encouraged me
-and said “the reaper may give you a large bundle of rice sheaf to take
-home.” This was said as a kind of prompter. The reaper was shrewd enough
-to take it up, and told me that if I would talk, he would give me a
-bundle heavier than I could carry. So I began and repeated the alphabet
-to him. All the reapers as well as the gleaners stood in vacant silence,
-with mouths wide open, grinning with evident delight. A few minutes
-after my maiden speech was delivered in the paddy field with water and
-mud almost knee deep, I was rewarded with several sheaves, and I had to
-hurry away in order to get two other boys to carry what my sister and I
-could not lug. Thus I came home loaded with joy and sheaves of golden
-rice to my mother, little dreaming that my smattering knowledge of
-English would serve me such a turn so early in my career. I was then
-about twelve years old. Even Ruth with her six measures of corn did not
-fare any better than I did.
-
-Soon after the gleaning days, all too few, were over, a neighbor of mine
-who was a printer in the printing office of a Roman Catholic priest
-happened to be home from Macao on a vacation. He spoke to my mother
-about the priest wanting to hire a boy in his office who knew enough
-English to read the numerals correctly, so as to be able to fold and
-prepare the papers for the binders. My mother said I could do the work.
-So I was introduced to the priest and a bargain was struck. I returned
-home to report myself, and a few days later I was in Macao and entered
-upon my duty as a folder on a salary of $4.50 a month. My board and
-lodging came to $1.50--the balance of $3.00 was punctually sent to my
-mother every month. I did not get rich quickly in this employment, for I
-had been there but four months when a call for me to quit work came from
-a quarter I least expected. It had more the sound of heaven in it. It
-came from a Dr. Benjamin Hobson, a medical missionary in Macao whose
-hospital was not more than a mile from the printer’s office. He sent
-word that he wanted to see me; that he had been hunting for me for
-months. I knew Dr. Hobson well, for I saw him a number of times at Mrs.
-Gutzlaff’s. So I called on him. At the outset, I thought he was going to
-take me in to make a doctor of me, but no, he said he had a promise to
-fulfill. Mrs. Gutzlaff’s last message to him, before she embarked for
-America with the three blind girls, was to be sure to find out where I
-was and to put me into the Morrison Education Society School as soon as
-it was opened for pupils.
-
-“This is what I wanted to see you for,” said Dr. Hobson. “Before you
-leave your employment and after you get the consent of your mother to
-let you go to the Morrison School, I would like to have you come to the
-hospital and stay with me for a short time so that I may become better
-acquainted with you, before I take you to the Morrison School, which is
-already opened for pupils, and introduce you to the teacher.”
-
-At the end of the interview, I went home to see my mother who, after
-some reluctance, gave her consent. I returned to Macao, bade farewell to
-the priest who, though reticent and reserved, not having said a word to
-me during all the four months I was in his employ, yet did not find
-fault with me in my work. I went over to the hospital. Dr. Hobson
-immediately set me to work with the mortar and pestle, preparing
-materials for ointments and pills. I used to carry a tray and accompany
-him in his rounds to visit the patients, in the benevolent work of
-alleviating their pains and sufferings. I was with him about a couple of
-months in the hospital work, at the end of which time he took me one day
-and introduced me to the Rev. Samuel Robins Brown, the teacher of the
-Morrison Education Society School.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-SCHOOL DAYS
-
-
-The Morrison School was opened on the 1st of November, 1839, under the
-charge of the Rev. S. R. Brown who, with his wife, Mrs. Brown, landed at
-Macao on the 19th of February, 1839. Brown, who was afterwards made a
-D.D., was a graduate of Yale of the class of 1832. From his antecedents,
-he was eminently fitted to pioneer the first English school in China. I
-entered the school in 1841. I found that five other boys had entered
-ahead of me by one year. They were all studying primary arithmetic,
-geography, and reading. I had the start of them only in reading and
-pronouncing English well. We studied English in the forenoon, and
-Chinese in the afternoon. The names of the five boys were: 1. Wong
-Shing; 2. Li Kan; 3. Chow Wan; 4. Tong Chik; 5. Wong Foon. I made the
-sixth one and was the youngest of all. We formed the first class of the
-school, and became Brown’s oldest pupils throughout, from first to last,
-till he left China in December, 1846, on account of poor health. Half of
-our original number accompanied him to this country, on his return.
-
-The Morrison Education Society School came about in this way: Not long
-after the death of Dr. Robert Morrison, which occurred on the 1st of
-August, 1834, a circular was issued among the foreign residents on the
-26th of January, 1835, calling for the formation of an Association to be
-named the “Morrison Education Society.” Its object was to “improve and
-promote English education in China by schools and other means.” It was
-called “Morrison” to commemorate the labors and works of that
-distinguished man who was sent out by the London Missionary Society as
-the first missionary to China in 1807. He crossed the Atlantic from
-London to New York where he embarked for China in the sailing vessel
-“Trident” on the 31st of January, 1807. He tried to land in Macao, but
-the jealousy of the Jesuits thwarted his purpose. He was obliged to go
-up to Canton. Finally, on account of the unsettled relations between the
-Chinese government and the foreign merchants there, he repaired to
-Malacca, and made that place the basis of his labors. He was the author
-of the first Anglo-Chinese dictionary, of three quarto volumes. He
-translated the Bible into Chinese; Leang Afah was his first Chinese
-convert and trained by him to preach. Leang afterwards became a powerful
-preacher. The importance and bearing of his dictionary and the
-translation of the Bible into Chinese, on subsequent missionary work in
-China, were fundamental and paramount. The preaching of his convert,
-Leang Afah, likewise contributed in no small degree towards opening up a
-new era in the religious life of China. His memory, therefore, is worthy
-of being kept alive by the establishment of a school named after him.
-Indeed, a university ought to have been permanently founded for that
-purpose instead of a school, whose existence was solely dependent upon
-the precarious and ephemeral subscriptions of transient foreign
-merchants in China.
-
-At the close of the Opium War in 1840, and after the Island of Hong Kong
-had been ceded to the British government, the Morrison school was
-removed to Hong Kong in 1842. The site chosen for it was on the top of a
-hill about six hundred feet above the level of the sea. The hill is
-situated on the eastern end of Victoria Colony and was called “Morrison
-Hill” after the name of the school. It commands a fine view of the
-harbor, as that stretches from east to west. The harbor alone made Hong
-Kong the most coveted concession in Southern China. It is spacious and
-deep enough to hold the Navy of Great Britain, and it is that
-distinguishing feature and its strategic location that have made it what
-it is.
-
-On the 12th of March, 1845, Mr. Wm. Allen Macy arrived in Hong Kong as
-an assistant teacher in the school. His arrival was timely, because the
-school, since its removal from Macao to Hong Kong, had been much
-enlarged. Three more classes of new pupils had been formed and the total
-number of pupils all told was more than forty. This was more than one
-man could manage. The assistant teacher was much needed. Brown continued
-his work in the school till the fall of 1846. Macy had a whole year in
-which to be broken into the work.
-
-Between Brown and Macy there was a marked difference in temperament and
-character. Brown, on the one hand, showed evidences of a self-made man.
-He was cool in temperament, versatile in the adaptation of means to
-ends, gentlemanly and agreeable, and somewhat optimistic. He found no
-difficulty in endearing himself to his pupils, because he sympathized
-with them in their efforts to master their studies, and entered heart
-and soul into his work. He had an innate faculty of making things clear
-to the pupils and conveying to them his understanding of a subject
-without circumlocution, and with great directness and facility. This was
-owing in a great measure to his experience as a pedagogue, before coming
-out to China, and even before he entered college. He knew how to manage
-boys, because he knew boys’ nature well, whether Chinese, Japanese or
-American. He impressed his pupils as being a fine teacher and one
-eminently fitted from inborn tact and temperament to be a successful
-school master, as he proved himself to be in his subsequent career in
-Auburn, N. Y., and in Japan.
-
-Macy, the assistant teacher, was likewise a Yale man. He had never
-taught school before in his life, and had no occasion to do so. He
-possessed no previous experience to guide him in his new work of
-pedagogy in China. He was evidently well brought up and was a man of
-sensitive nature, and of fine moral sensibilities,--a soul full of
-earnestness and lofty ideals.
-
-After the Morrison School was broken up in 1850, he returned to this
-country with his mother and took up theology in the Yale Theological
-Seminary. In 1854, he went back to China as a missionary under the
-American Board. I had graduated from Yale College then and was
-returning to China with him. We were the only passengers in that long,
-wearisome and most trying passage of 154 days from Sandy Hook to Hong
-Kong.
-
-Brown left China in the winter of 1846. Four months before he left, he
-one day sprang a surprise upon the whole school. He told of his
-contemplated return to America on account of his health and the health
-of his family. Before closing his remarks by telling us of his deep
-interest in the school, he said he would like to take a few of his old
-pupils home with him to finish their education in the United States, and
-that those who wished to accompany him would signify it by rising. This
-announcement, together with his decision to return to America, cast a
-deep gloom over the whole school. A dead silence came over all of us.
-And then for several days afterwards the burden of our conversation was
-about Brown’s leaving the school for good. The only cheerful ones among
-us were those who had decided to accompany him home. These were Wong
-Shing, Wong Foon and myself. When he requested those who wished to
-accompany him to the States to signify it by rising, I was the first one
-on my feet. Wong Foon was the second, followed by Wong Shing. But
-before regarding our cases as permanently settled, we were told to go
-home and ask the consent of our respective parents. My mother gave her
-consent with great reluctance, but after my earnest persuasion she
-yielded, though not without tears and sorrow. I consoled her with the
-fact that she had two more sons besides myself, and a daughter to look
-after her comfort. Besides, she was going to have a daughter-in-law to
-take care of her, as my elder brother was engaged to be married.
-
-It may not be out of place to say that if it had depended on our own
-resources, we never could have come to America to finish our education,
-for we were all poor. Doubtless Brown must have had the project well
-discussed among the trustees of the school months before he broached the
-subject to his pupils.
-
-It was also through his influence that due provision was made for the
-support of our parents for at least two years, during our absence in
-America. Our patrons who bore all our expenses did not intend that we
-should stay in this country longer than two years. They treated us
-nobly. They did a great work for us. Among those who bore a conspicuous
-part in defraying our expenses while in America, besides providing for
-the support of our aged parents, I can recall the names of Andrew
-Shortrede, proprietor and editor of the “Hong Kong China Mail” (he was a
-Scotchman, an old bachelor, and a noble and handsome specimen of
-humanity), A. A. Ritchie, an American merchant, and A. A. Campbell,
-another Scotchman. There were others unknown to me. The Olyphant Sons,
-David, Talbot and Robert, three brothers, leading merchants of New York,
-gave us a free passage from Hong Kong to New York in their sailing
-vessel, the “Huntress,” which brought a cargo of tea at the same time.
-Though late in the day for me to mention the names of these benefactors
-who from pure motives of Christian philanthropy aided me in my
-education, yet it may be a source of satisfaction to their descendants,
-if there are any living in different parts of the world, to know that
-their sires took a prominent part in the education of the three Chinese
-youths,--Wong Shing, Wong Foon and myself.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-JOURNEY TO AMERICA AND FIRST EXPERIENCES THERE
-
-
-Being thus generously provided for, we embarked at Whompoa on the 4th of
-January, 1847, in the good ship “Huntress” under Captain Gillespie. As
-stated above, she belonged to the Olyphant Brothers and was loaded with
-a full cargo of tea. We had the northeast trade wind in our favor, which
-blew strong and steady all the way from Whompoa to St. Helena. There was
-no accident of any kind, excepting a gale as we doubled the Cape of Good
-Hope. The tops of the masts and ends of the yards were tipped with balls
-of electricity. The strong wind was howling and whistling behind us like
-a host of invisible Furies. The night was pitch dark and the electric
-balls dancing on the tips of the yards and tops of the masts, back and
-forth and from side to side like so many infernal lanterns in the black
-night, presented a spectacle never to be forgotten by me. I realized no
-danger, although the ship pitched and groaned, but enjoyed the wild and
-weird scene hugely. After the Cape was doubled, our vessel ploughed
-through the comparatively smooth waters of the Atlantic until we reached
-the Island of St. Helena where we were obliged to stop for fresh water
-and provisions. Most sailing vessels that were bound from the East for
-the Atlantic board were accustomed to make St. Helena their stopping
-place. St. Helena, as viewed from the shipboard, presented an outward
-appearance of a barren volcanic rock, as though freshly emerged from the
-baptism of fire and brimstone. Not a blade of grass could be seen on its
-burnt and charred surface. We landed at Jamestown, which is a small
-village in the valley of the Island. In this valley there was rich and
-beautiful vegetation. We found among the sparse inhabitants a few
-Chinese who were brought there by the East India Company’s ships. They
-were middle-aged people, and had their families there. While there, we
-went over to Longwood where was Napoleon’s empty tomb. A large weeping
-willow hung and swept over it. We cut a few twigs, and kept them alive
-till we reached this country and they were brought to Auburn, N. Y., by
-Mr. Brown, who planted them near his residence when he was teaching in
-the Auburn Academy for several years before his departure for Japan.
-These willows proved to be fine, handsome trees when I visited Auburn in
-1854.
-
-From St. Helena we took a northwesterly course and struck the Gulf
-Stream, which, with the wind still fair and favorable, carried us to New
-York in a short time. We landed in New York on the 12th of April, 1847,
-after a passage of ninety-eight days of unprecedented fair weather. The
-New York of 1847 was altogether a different city from the New York of
-1909. It was a city of only 250,000 or 300,000 inhabitants; now it is a
-metropolis rivaling London in population, wealth and commerce. The whole
-of Manhattan Island is turned into a city of skyscrapers, churches and
-palatial residences.
-
-Little did I realize when in 1845 I wrote, while in the Morrison School,
-a composition on “An Imaginary Voyage to New York and up the Hudson,”
-that I was to see New York in reality. This incident leads me to the
-reflection that sometimes our imagination foreshadows what lies
-uppermost in our minds and brings possibilities within the sphere of
-realities. The Chinese Education Scheme is another example of the
-realities that came out of my day dreams a year before I graduated. So
-was my marrying an American wife. Still there are other day dreams yet
-to be realized; whether or no they will ever come to pass the future
-will determine.
-
-Our stay in New York was brief. The first friends we had the good
-fortune to make in the new world, were Prof. David E. Bartlett and his
-wife. He was a professor in the New York Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb,
-and was afterwards connected with a like institution in Hartford. The
-Professor died in 1879. His wife, Mrs. Fanny P. Bartlett, survived him
-for nearly thirty years and passed away in the spring of 1907. She was a
-woman highly respected and beloved for her high Christian character and
-unceasing activities for good in the community in which she lived. Her
-influence was even extended to China by the few students who happened to
-enjoy her care and instruction. I count her as one of my most valued
-friends in America.
-
-From New York we proceeded by boat to New Haven where we had an
-opportunity to see Yale College and were introduced to President Day. I
-had not then the remotest idea of becoming a graduate of one of the
-finest colleges of the country, as I did a few years afterwards. We went
-by rail from New Haven to Warehouse Point and from there to East
-Windsor, the home of Mrs. Elizabeth Brown, wife of Dr. Brown. Her
-parents were then living. Her father, the Rev. Shubael Bartlett, was the
-pastor of the East Windsor Congregational Church. I well remember the
-first Sabbath we attended his church. We three Chinese boys sat in the
-pastor’s pew which was on the left of the pulpit, having a side view of
-the minister, but in full view of the whole congregation. We were the
-cynosure of the whole church. I doubt whether much attention was paid to
-the sermon that day.
-
-The Rev. Shubael Bartlett was a genuine type of the old New England
-Puritan. He was exact and precise in all his manners and ways. He spoke
-in a deliberate and solemn tone, but full of sincerity and earnestness.
-He conducted himself as though he was treading on thin ice, cautiously
-and circumspectly. One would suppose from his appearance that he was
-austere and exacting, but he was gentle and thoughtful. He would have
-his family Bible and hymn book placed one on top of the other, squared
-and in straight lines, on the same spot on the table every morning for
-morning prayers. He always sat in the same spot for morning prayers. In
-other words, you always knew where to find him. His habits and daily
-life were as regular as clock work. I never heard him crack a joke or
-burst out in open laughter.
-
-Mrs. Bartlett, Mrs. Brown’s mother, was of a different makeup. She was
-always cheerful. A smile lighted up her features nearly all the time and
-for everyone she had a kind and cheerful word, while the sweet tone of
-her voice always carried with it cheerfulness and good will. Her genial
-temperament and her hospitality made the parsonage a favorite resort to
-all the friends and relatives of the family, who were quite numerous. It
-was always a puzzle to me how the old lady managed to make ends meet
-when her husband’s salary was not over $400 a year. To be sure, the farm
-annually realized something, but Daniel, the youngest son, who was the
-staff of the old couple, had to work hard to keep up the prestige of the
-parsonage. It was in this parsonage that I found a temporary home while
-at school in Monson, and also in Yale.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-AT MONSON ACADEMY
-
-
-We were in East Windsor for about a week; then we went up to Monson,
-Mass., to enter the Academy there. Monson Academy was, at one time,
-quite a noted preparatory school in New England, before high schools
-sprang into existence. Young men from all parts of the country were
-found here, undergoing preparation for colleges. It was its fortune, at
-different periods of its history, to have had men of character and
-experience for its principals. The Rev. Charles Hammond was one of them.
-He was in every sense a self-made man. He was a graduate of Yale; he was
-enthusiastically fond of the classics, and a great admirer of English
-literature. He was a man of liberal views and broad sympathies. He was
-well-known in New England as an educator and a champion of temperance
-and New England virtues. His high character gave the Academy a wide
-reputation and the school was never in a more prosperous condition than
-when he was principal. He took a special interest in us, the three
-Chinese students--Wong Shing, Wong Foon and myself--not so much from the
-novelty of having Chinese in the school as from his interest in China,
-and the possible good that might come out of our education.
-
-In our first year in the Academy, we were placed in the English
-department. Greenleaf’s Arithmetic, English Grammar, Physiology, and
-Upham’s Mental Philosophy were our studies. In the last two studies we
-recited to the new preceptress, Miss Rebekah Brown, a graduate of Mt.
-Holyoke, the valedictorian of her class. She afterwards became the wife
-of Doctor A. S. McClean, of Springfield, Mass. She was a fine teacher
-and a woman of exceptional Christian virtues. She had an even and sweet
-temper, and was full of good will and good works. She and her husband,
-the good Doctor, took a genuine interest in me; they gave me a home
-during some of my college vacations, and helped me in various ways in my
-struggle through Yale. I kept up my correspondence with them after my
-return to China, and upon my coming back to this country, I was always
-cordially invited to their home in Springfield. It was on account of
-such a genuine friendship that I made Springfield my headquarters in
-1872, when I brought the first installment of Government students to
-this country.
-
-Brown placed us under the care of his mother, Mrs. Phoebe H. Brown. We
-boarded with her, but had a separate room assigned us in a dwelling
-right across the road, opposite to her cottage. Her widowed daughter
-with her three boys had taken up all the spare rooms in the cottage,
-which accounts for the want of accommodation for us.
-
-In those primitive days, board and lodging in the country were very
-reasonable. Indigent students had a fair chance to work their way for an
-education. I remember we paid for board and lodging, including fuel,
-light and washing, only $1.25 a week for each, but we had to take care
-of our own rooms and, in the winter, saw and split our own wood, which
-we found to be capital exercise.
-
-Our lodging was about half a mile from the academy. We had to walk three
-times a day to school and back, in the dead of winter when the snow was
-three feet deep; that gave us plenty of exercise, keen appetites and
-kept us in fine condition.
-
-I look back upon my acquaintance with Mrs. Phoebe H. Brown with a
-mingled feeling of respect and admiration. She certainly was a
-remarkable New England woman--a woman of surpassing strength of moral
-and religious character. Those who have had the rare privilege of
-reading her stirring biography, will, I am sure, bear me out in this
-statement. She went through the crucible of unprecedented adversities
-and trials of life and came out one of the rare shining lights that
-beautify the New England sky. She is the authoress of the well-known
-hymn, “I love to steal awhile away from every cumbering care,” etc.,
-which breathes the calm spirit of contentment and resignation wherever
-sung.
-
-The Rev. Charles Hammond, the principal of the academy when we joined
-it, was a graduate of Yale, as I stated before, and a man of a fine
-cultivated taste. He was an enthusiastic admirer of Shakespeare, who was
-his favorite poet; among orators, he was partial to Daniel Webster. He
-had the faculty of inspiring his pupils with the love of the beautiful,
-both in ancient and modern literature. In our daily recitations, he laid
-a greater stress on pointing out the beauties of a sentence and its
-construction, than he did on grammatical rules, moods and tenses. He
-was a fine writer. His addresses and sermons were pointed and full of
-life. Like Dr. Arnold of Rugby, he aimed to build character in his
-pupils and not to convert them into walking encyclopedias, or
-intelligent parrots. It was through him that I was introduced to
-Addison, Goldsmith, Dickens, Sir Walter Scott, the Edinburgh Reviews,
-Macaulay and Shakespeare, which formed the bulk of my reading while in
-Monson.
-
-During my first year in the Monson Academy, I had no idea of taking a
-collegiate course. It was well understood that I was to return to China
-at the end of 1849, and the appropriation was made to suit such a plan.
-In the fall of 1848, after Wong Shing--the eldest of the three of
-us--had returned to China on account of his poor health, Wong Foon and
-myself, who were left behind to continue our studies for another year,
-frequently met to talk over future plans for the end of the prescribed
-time. We both decided finally to stay in this country to continue our
-studies, but the question arose, who was going to back us financially
-after 1849? This was the Gordian Knot. We concluded to consult Mr.
-Hammond and Mr. Brown on the subject. They both decided to have the
-matter referred to our patrons in Hong Kong. Reply came that if we
-wished to prosecute our studies after 1849, they would be willing to
-continue their support through a professional course, if we were willing
-to go over to Scotland to go through the University of Edinburgh. This
-was a generous and noble-hearted proposal.
-
-Wong Foon, on his part, after much deliberation, decided to accept the
-offer and go over to Scotland at the end of 1849, while, on my part, I
-preferred to remain in this country to continue my studies here with the
-view of going to Yale. Wong Foon’s decision had relieved him of all
-financial anxieties, while the problem of how I was to pay my education
-bills after 1849, still remained to be solved. But I did not allow the
-perplexities of the future to disturb my peace of mind. I threw all my
-anxieties to the wind, trusting to a wise Providence to care for my
-future, as it had done for my past.
-
-Wong Foon and I, having taken our decisive steps, dropped our English
-studies at the close of the school year of 1849, and in the fall of the
-same year we began the A B C’s of our classical course. In the summer of
-1850, we graduated from the academy. Wong Foon, by previous
-arrangements, went over to Scotland and entered the University of
-Edinburgh. I remained in this country and finally entered Yale. It was
-fully a decade since we had met for the first time in the Morrison
-School in Macao, in 1840, to become school-mates as well as class-mates.
-Now that link was broken.
-
-Wong was in the University seven years. After completing his
-professional studies as a doctor, he returned to China in 1857. He was a
-fine scholar. He graduated the third man in his medical class. He also
-distinguished himself in his profession. His ability and skill secured
-for him an enviable reputation as one of the ablest surgeons east of the
-Cape of Good Hope at that time. He had a fine practice in Canton, where
-the foreign residents retained him as their physician in preference to
-European doctors. He was very successful and made quite a fortune before
-his death, which took place in 1879. Both the native and foreign
-communities felt his loss. He was highly respected and honored by
-Chinese and foreigners for his Christian character and the purity of his
-life.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-MY COLLEGE DAYS
-
-
-Before entering Yale, I had not solved the problem of how I was to be
-carried through the collegiate course without financial backing of a
-definite and well-assured character. It was an easy matter to talk about
-getting an education by working for it, and there is a kind of romance
-in it that captivates the imagination, but it is altogether a different
-thing to face it in a business and practical way. So it proved to me,
-after I had put my foot into it. I had no one except Brown, who had
-already done so much for me in bringing me to this country, and Hammond,
-who fitted me for college. To them I appealed for advice and counsel. I
-was advised to avail myself of the contingent fund provided for indigent
-students. It was in the hands of the trustees of the academy and so well
-guarded that it could not be appropriated without the recipient’s
-signing a written pledge that he would study for the ministry and
-afterwards become a missionary. Such being the case, I made up my mind
-that it would be utterly useless for me to apply for the fund. However,
-a day was appointed for me to meet the trustees in the parsonage, to
-talk over the subject. They said they would be too glad to have me avail
-myself of the fund, provided I was willing to sign a pledge that after
-graduation I should go back to China as a missionary. I gave the
-trustees to understand that I would never give such a pledge for the
-following reasons: First, it would handicap and circumscribe my
-usefulness. I wanted the utmost freedom of action to avail myself of
-every opportunity to do the greatest good in China. If necessary, I
-might be obliged to create new conditions, if I found old ones were not
-favorable to any plan I might have for promoting her highest welfare.
-
-In the second place, the calling of a missionary is not the only sphere
-in life where one can do the most good in China or elsewhere. In such a
-vast empire, there can be hardly any limit put upon one’s ambition to do
-good, if one is possessed of the Christ-spirit; on the other hand, if
-one has not such a spirit, no pledge in the world could melt his
-ice-bound soul.
-
-In the third place, a pledge of that character would prevent me from
-taking advantage of any circumstance or event that might arise in the
-life of a nation like China, to do her a great service.
-
-“For these reasons,” I said, “I must decline to give the pledge and at
-the same time decline to accept your kind offer to help me. I thank you,
-gentlemen, very much, for your good wishes.”
-
-Both Brown and Hammond afterwards agreed that I took the right view on
-the subject and sustained me in my position. To be sure, I was poor, but
-I would not allow my poverty to gain the upper hand and compel me to
-barter away my inward convictions of duty for a temporary mess of
-pottage.
-
-During the summer of 1850, it seems that Brown who had been making a
-visit in the South to see his sister, while there had occasion to call
-on some of the members of “The Ladies’ Association” in Savannah, Ga., to
-whom he mentioned my case. He returned home in the nick of time, just
-after I had the interview with the board of trustees of the academy. I
-told him of the outcome, when, as stated above, he approved of my
-position, and told me what he had done. He said that the members of the
-association agreed to help me in college. On the strength of that I
-gathered fresh courage, and went down to New Haven to pass my
-examination for entrance. How I got in, I do not know, as I had had only
-fifteen months of Latin and twelve months of Greek, and ten months of
-mathematics. My preparation had been interrupted because the academy had
-been broken up by the Palmer & New London R.R. that was being built
-close by. As compared with the college preparations of nine-tenths of my
-class-mates, I was far behind. However, I passed without condition. But
-I was convinced I was not sufficiently prepared, as my recitations in
-the class-room clearly proved. Between the struggle of how to make ends
-meet financially and how to keep up with the class in my studies, I had
-a pretty tough time of it. I used to sweat over my studies till twelve
-o’clock every night the whole Freshman year. I took little or no
-exercise and my health and strength began to fail and I was obliged to
-ask for a leave of absence of a week. I went to East Windsor to get
-rested and came back refreshed.
-
-In the Sophomore year, from my utter aversion to mathematics, especially
-to differential and integral calculus, which I abhorred and detested,
-and which did me little or no good in the way of mental discipline, I
-used to fizzle and flunk so often that I really thought I was going to
-be dropped from the class, or dismissed from college. But for some
-unexplained reasons I was saved from such a catastrophe, and I squeezed
-through the second year in college with so low a mark that I was afraid
-to ask my division tutor, who happened to be Tutor Blodget, who had me
-in Greek, about it. The only redeeming feature that saved me as a
-student in the class of 1854, was the fortunate circumstance that I
-happened to be a successful competitor on two occasions in English
-composition in my division. I was awarded the first prize in the second
-term, and the first prize in the third term of the year. These prizes
-gave me quite an éclat in the college as well as in the outside world,
-but I was not at all elated over them on account of my poor scholarship
-which I felt keenly through the whole college course.
-
-Before the close of my second year, I succeeded in securing the
-stewardship of a boarding club consisting of sophomores and juniors.
-There were altogether twenty members. I did all the marketing and served
-at the table. In this way, I earned my board through the latter half of
-my college course. In money matters, I was supplied with remittances
-from “The Ladies’ Association” in Savannah, and also contributions from
-the Olyphant Brothers of New York. In addition to these sources of
-supply, I was paid for being an assistant librarian to the “Brothers in
-Unity,” which was one of the two college debating societies that owned a
-library, and of which I was a member.
-
-In my senior year I was again elected librarian to the same Society and
-got $30.00. These combined sums were large enough to meet all my cash
-bills, since my wants had to be finely trimmed to suit the cloth. If
-most of the country parsons of that period could get along with a salary
-of $200 or $300 a year (supplemented, of course, with an annual donation
-party, which sometimes carried away more than it donated), having as a
-general thing a large family to look after, I certainly ought to have
-been able to get through college with gifts of nearly a like amount,
-supplemented with donations of shirts and stockings from ladies who took
-an interest in my education.
-
-The class of 1854, to which I had the honor and the good fortune to
-belong, graduated ninety-eight all told. Being the first Chinaman who
-had ever been known to go through a first-class American college, I
-naturally attracted considerable attention; and from the fact that I was
-librarian for one of the college debating societies (Linonia was the
-other) for two years, I was known by members of the three classes above,
-and members of the three classes below me. This fact had contributed
-toward familiarizing me with the college world at large, and my
-nationality, of course, added piquancy to my popularity.
-
-As an undergraduate, I had already acquired a factitious reputation
-within the walls of Yale. But that was ephemeral and soon passed out of
-existence after graduation.
-
-All through my college course, especially in the closing year, the
-lamentable condition of China was before my mind constantly and weighed
-on my spirits. In my despondency, I often wished I had never been
-educated, as education had unmistakably enlarged my mental and moral
-horizon, and revealed to me responsibilities which the sealed eye of
-ignorance can never see, and sufferings and wrongs of humanity to which
-an uncultivated and callous nature can never be made sensitive. The more
-one knows, the more he suffers and is consequently less happy; the less
-one knows, the less he suffers, and hence is more happy. But this is a
-low view of life, a cowardly feeling and unworthy of a being bearing the
-impress of divinity. I had started out to get an education. By dint of
-hard work and self-denial I had finally secured the coveted prize and
-although it might not be so complete and symmetrical a thing as could be
-desired, yet I had come right up to the conventional standard and idea
-of a liberal education. I could, therefore, call myself an educated man
-and, as such, it behooved me to ask, “What am I going to do with my
-education?” Before the close of my last year in college I had already
-sketched out what I should do. I was determined that the rising
-generation of China should enjoy the same educational advantages that I
-had enjoyed; that through western education China might be regenerated,
-become enlightened and powerful. To accomplish that object became the
-guiding star of my ambition. Towards such a goal, I directed all my
-mental resources and energy. Through thick and thin, and the
-vicissitudes of a checkered life from 1854 to 1872, I labored and waited
-for its consummation.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-RETURN TO CHINA
-
-
-In entering upon my life’s work which to me was so full of meaning and
-earnestness, the first episode was a voyage back to the old country,
-which I had not seen for nearly ten years, but which had never escaped
-my mind’s eye nor my heart’s yearning for her welfare. I wanted very
-much to stay a few years longer in order to take a scientific course. I
-had taken up surveying in the Sheffield Scientific School just as that
-department was starting into existence under Professor Norton. Had I had
-the means to prosecute a practical profession, that might have helped to
-shorten and facilitate the way to the goal I had in view; but as I was
-poor and my friends thought that a longer stay in this country might
-keep me here for good, and China would lose me altogether, I was for
-this and other reasons induced to return. The scientific course was
-accordingly abandoned. The persons who were most interested in my return
-to China were Pelatiah Perit of Messrs. Goodhue & Co., merchants in the
-China trade, and the Olyphant Brothers, who had taken such a lively
-interest eight years before in helping me to come over in their ship,
-the “Huntress.” These gentlemen had no other motive in desiring me to
-return to China than that of hoping to see me useful in Christianizing
-the Chinese, which was in harmony with their well-known broad and
-benevolent characters.
-
-On the 13th of November, 1854, the Rev. William Allen Macy, who went out
-to Hong Kong to take the place of the Rev. Dr. Brown, as teacher in the
-Morrison Education Society School in 1845, went back to China as a
-missionary under the American Board, and we were fellow-passengers on
-board the sailing clipper ship “Eureka,” under Captain Whipple, of
-Messrs. Chamber, Heisser & Co., of New York.
-
-Winter is the worst season of the year to go on an eastern voyage in a
-sailing vessel, via the Cape of Good Hope. The northeast trade winds
-prevail then and one is sure to have head winds all the way. The
-“Eureka,” in which Macy and myself were the only passengers, took that
-route to Hong Kong. We embarked on board of her as she rode in midstream
-of the East River. The day was bleak and bitingly cold. No
-handkerchiefs were fluttering in the air, waving a good voyage; no
-sound from the shore cheered us as the anchor was weighed, and as the
-tug towed us out as far as Sandy Hook. There we were left to our own
-resources. The sails were not furled to their full extent, but were
-reefed for tacking, as the wind was nearly dead ahead and quite strong.
-We found the “Eureka” to be empty of cargo, and empty even of ballast of
-any kind; for that reason she acted like a sailor who had just had his
-nip before he went out to sea. She tossed up and down and twisted from
-right to left, just as though she had a little too much to keep her
-balance. It was in such a fashion that she reeled her way from Sandy
-Hook to Hong Kong--a distance of nearly 13,000 nautical miles, which
-took her 154 days to accomplish. It was decidedly the most uninteresting
-and wearisome voyage I ever took in my life. The skipper was a
-Philadelphian. He had the unfortunate habit of stuttering badly, which
-tended to irritate a temper naturally quick and fiery. He was certainly
-a ludicrous object to look at. It was particularly in the morning that
-he might be seen pacing the quarter deck, scanning the sky. This, by the
-spectator, was deemed necessary for the skipper to work himself up to
-the right pitch, preliminary to his pantomimic performances in his
-battle with the head wind. All at once, he halted, stared at the quarter
-of the sky from whence the malicious head wind came. With a face all
-bloated and reddened by intense excitement, his eyes almost standing out
-of their sockets, and all ablaze with uncontrollable rage, with arms
-uplifted, he would clutch his hair as if plucking it out by the roots,
-gnash his teeth, and simultaneously he would jump up and down, stamping
-on the deck, and swear at the Almighty for sending him head winds. The
-air for the moment was split with his revolting imprecations and
-blasphemous oaths that were ejaculated through the laborious process of
-stammering and stuttering, which made him a most pitiable object to
-behold. In the early part of the voyage it was a painful sight to see
-him working himself up to that pitch of contortion and paroxysm of rage
-which made him appear more like an insane than a sane man, but as these
-exhibitions were of daily occurrence for the greater part of the voyage,
-we came to regard him as no longer deserving of sympathy and pity, but
-rather with contempt. After his passion had spent its force, and he
-subsided into his calmer and normal mood, he would drop limply into a
-cane chair, where he would sit for hours all by himself. For the sake of
-diversion, he would rub his hands together, and soliloquize quietly to
-himself, an occasional smile breaking over his face, which made him look
-like an innocent idiot. Before the voyage was half through, the skipper
-had made such a fool of himself through his silly and insane conduct
-about the wind, that he became the laughing stock of the whole crew,
-who, of course, did not dare to show any outward signs of
-insubordination. The sailing of the vessel was entirely in the hands of
-the first mate, who was literally a sea-tyrant. The crew was composed of
-Swedes and Norwegians. If it had been made up of Americans, the inhuman
-treatment by the officers might have driven them to desperate
-extremities, because the men were over-worked night and day in incessant
-tacking. The only time that they found a resting spell was when the ship
-was becalmed in the tropics when not a breath of wind was to be had for
-several days at a time. Referring to my diary kept in that memorable
-voyage,--it took us nearly two weeks to beat up the Macassar straits.
-This event tried our patience sorely. After it was passed, the skipper
-made the remark within the hearing of the Rev. Macy that the reason he
-had bad luck was because he had a Jonah on board. My friend Macy took
-the remark in a good-natured way and gave me a significant smile. We
-were just then discussing the feat of going through the Macassar straits
-and I remarked in a tone just loud enough to be heard by the old skipper
-that if I had charge of the vessel, I could take her through in less
-than ten days. This was meant as a direct reflection on the poor
-seamanship of the old fellow (for he really was a miserable sailor), as
-well as to serve as a retaliation for what he said a few minutes before,
-that there was a Jonah on board.
-
-In the dead of winter, the passage to the East should have been taken
-around Cape Horn instead of the Cape of Good Hope, in which case we
-would no doubt have had strong and fair wind all the way from New York
-to Hong Kong, which would not only have shortened the voyage but also
-saved the captain a world of swearing and an incalculable amount of wear
-and tear on his nervous system. But as a passenger only, I had no idea
-of the financial motive back of the move to send the ship off perfectly
-empty and unballasted, right in the teeth of the northeast monsoon. I
-would have been glad to go around Cape Horn, as that would have added a
-new route to my journeying around the world, and furnished me with new
-incidents as well.
-
-As we approached Hong Kong, a Chinese pilot boarded us. The captain
-wanted me to ask him whether there were any dangerous rocks and shoals
-nearby. I could not for the life of me recall my Chinese in order to
-interpret for him; the pilot himself understood English, and he was the
-first Chinese teacher to give me the terms in Chinese for dangerous
-rocks and shoals. So the skipper and Macy, and a few other persons who
-were present at the time, had the laugh on me, who, being a Chinese, yet
-was not able to speak the language.
-
-My first thought upon landing was to walk up to the office of the “China
-Mail,” to pay my respects to Andrew Shortrede, the proprietor and editor
-of the paper, and the friend who supported me for over a year, while I
-was in Monson Academy. After seeing him and accepting his hospitality by
-way of an invitation to take up my quarters in his house, I lost no time
-in hastening over to Macao to see my aged and beloved mother, who, I
-knew, yearned to see her long-absent boy. Our meeting was arranged a day
-beforehand. I was in citizen’s dress and could not conveniently change
-the same for my Chinese costume. I had also allowed a pair of mustaches
-to grow, which, according to Chinese custom, was not becoming for an
-unmarried young man to do. We met with tears of joy, gratitude and
-thanksgiving. Our hearts were too full even to speak at first. We gave
-way to our emotions. As soon as we were fairly composed, she began to
-stroke me all over, as expressive of her maternal endearment which had
-been held in patient suspense for at least ten years. As we sat close to
-each other, I gave her a brief recital of my life in America, for I knew
-she would be deeply interested in the account. I told her that I had
-just finished a long and wearisome voyage of five months’ duration, but
-had met with no danger of any kind; that during my eight years of
-sojourn in the United States, I was very kindly treated by the good
-people everywhere; that I had had good health and never been seriously
-sick, and that my chief object during the eight years was to study and
-prepare myself for my life work in China. I explained to her that I had
-to go through a preparatory school before entering college; that the
-college I entered was Yale--one of the leading colleges of the United
-States, and that the course was four years, which accounted for my long
-stay and delayed my return to China. I told her that at the end of four
-years I had graduated with the degree of A.B.,--analogous to the Chinese
-title of Siu Tsai, which is interpreted “Elegant Talent;” that it was
-inscribed on a parchment of sheep skin and that to graduate from Yale
-College was considered a great honor, even to a native American, and
-much more so to a Chinese. She asked me näively how much money it
-conferred. I said it did not confer any money at once, but it enabled
-one to make money quicker and easier than one can who has not been
-educated; that it gave one greater influence and power among men and if
-he built on his college education, he would be more likely to become the
-leader of men, especially if he had a well-established character. I told
-her my college education was worth more to me than money, and that I was
-confident of making plenty of money.
-
-“Knowledge,” I said, “is power, and power is greater than riches. I am
-the first Chinese to graduate from Yale College, and that being the
-case, you have the honor of being the first and only mother out of the
-countless millions of mothers in China at this time, who can claim the
-honor of having a son who is the first Chinese graduate of a
-first-class American college. Such an honor is a rare thing to possess.”
-I also assured her that as long as I lived all her comforts and wants
-would be scrupulously and sedulously looked after, and that nothing
-would be neglected to make her contented and happy. This interview
-seemed to give her great comfort and satisfaction. She seemed very happy
-over it. After it was ended, she looked at me with a significant smile
-and said, “I see you have already raised your mustaches. You know you
-have a brother who is much older than you are; he hasn’t grown his
-mustaches yet. You must have yours off.” I promptly obeyed her mandate,
-and as I entered the room with a clean face, she smiled with intense
-satisfaction, evidently thinking that with all my foreign education, I
-had not lost my early training of being obedient to my mother. And if
-she could only have read my heart, she would have found how every throb
-palpitated with the most tender love for her. During the remaining years
-of her life, I had the rare privilege of seeing her often and ministered
-to her every comfort that it was in my power to bestow. She passed away
-in 1858, at the age of sixty-four, twenty-four years after the death of
-my father. I was in Shanghai at the time of her death. I returned to my
-native village in time to attend her funeral.
-
-In the summer of 1855, I took up my residence in Canton, with the Rev.
-Mr. Vrooman, a missionary under the American Board. His headquarters
-were in Ham Ha Lan, in the vicinity of the government execution ground,
-which is in the southwestern outskirts of the city, close to the bank of
-the Pearl River. While there, I began my Chinese studies and commenced
-to regain the dialect of Canton, which I had forgotten during my stay in
-the United States. In less than six months, the language came back to me
-readily, although I was still a little rusty in it. I was also making
-slow progress in recovering the written language, in which I was not
-well-grounded before leaving China, in 1846. I had studied it only four
-years, which was considered a short time in which to master the written
-language. There is a greater difference between the written and the
-spoken language of China than there is between the written and spoken
-English language. The Chinese written language is stilted and full of
-conventional forms. It is understood throughout the whole empire, but
-differently pronounced in different provinces and localities. The
-spoken language is cut up into endless dialects and in certain provinces
-like Fuhkien, Anhui and Kiangsu, the people are as foreigners to each
-other in the matter of dialects. Such are the peculiar characteristics
-of the ideographic and spoken languages of China.
-
-During the six months of my residence in Canton, while trying to recover
-both the written and spoken languages, Kwang Tung province was thrown
-into a somewhat disorganized condition. The people of Canton attempted
-to raise a provincial insurrection or rebellion entirely distinct from
-the Taiping rebellion which was being carried on in the interior of
-China with marked success. To suppress and nip it in the bud, drastic
-measures were resorted to by Viceroy Yeh Ming Hsin, who, in the summer
-of 1855, decapitated seventy-five thousand people, most of whom, I was
-told, were innocent. My residence was within half a mile of the
-execution ground, as stated above, and one day, out of curiosity, I
-ventured to walk over to the place. But, oh! what a sight. The ground
-was perfectly drenched with human blood. On both sides of the driveway
-were to be seen headless human trunks, piled up in heaps, waiting to be
-taken away for burial. But no provision had been made to facilitate
-their removal.
-
-The execution was carried on on a larger scale than had been expected,
-and no provision had been made to find a place large enough to bury all
-the bodies. There they were, left exposed to a burning sun. The
-temperature stood from morning to night in midsummer steadily at 90°
-Fahrenheit, and sometimes higher. The atmosphere within a radius of two
-thousand yards of the execution ground was heavily charged with the
-poisonous and pestilential vapor that was reeking from the ground
-already over-saturated with blood and from the heaps of corpses which
-had been left behind for at least two days, and which showed signs of
-rapid decomposition. It was a wonder to me that no virulent epidemic had
-sprung up from such an infectious spot to decimate the compact
-population of the city of Canton. It was a fortunate circumstance that
-at last a deep and extensive ravine, located in the far-off outskirts of
-the western part of the city, was found, which was at once converted
-into a sepulchral receptacle into which this vast human hecatomb was
-dumped. It was said that no earth was needed to be thrown over these
-corpses to cover them up; the work was accomplished by countless swarms
-of worms of a reddish hue and of an appearance that was perfectly
-hideous and revolting.
-
-I was told that during the months of June, July and August, of 1855,
-seventy-five thousand people had been decapitated; that more than half
-of that number were declared to be innocent of the charge of rebellion,
-but that the accusation was made as a pretext to exact money from them.
-This wholesale slaughter, unparalleled in the annals of modern
-civilization, eclipsing even the enormities and blood-thirstiness of
-Caligula and Nero, or even the French Revolution, was perpetrated by Yeh
-Ming Hsin, who was appointed viceroy of Kwang Tung and Kwangsi in 1854.
-
-Yeh Ming Hsin was a native of Han-Yang. Han-Yang is a part of the port
-of Hankau, and was destroyed with it when the Taiping rebels took
-possession of it. It was said that Yeh Ming Hsin had immense estates in
-Han-Yang, which were completely destroyed by fire. This circumstance
-embittered him towards the Taiping rebels and as the Taiping leaders
-hailed from Kwang Tung and Kwangsi, he naturally transferred his hatred
-to the people of those two provinces. It was in the lofty position of a
-viceroy that he found his opportunity to wreak his private and personal
-vengeance upon the Canton people. This accounts for his indiscriminate
-slaughter of them, and for the fact that he did not deign to give them
-even the semblance of a trial, but hurried them from life to death like
-packs of cattle to the shambles.
-
-But this human monster did not dream that his day of reckoning was fast
-approaching. Several years after this appalling sacrifice of human life,
-in 1855, he got into trouble with the British government. He was
-captured by the British forces and banished to some obscure and remote
-corner in India where he led a most ignominious life, hated by the whole
-Chinese nation, and despised by the world at large.
-
-On my return to headquarters, after my visit to the execution ground, I
-felt faint-hearted and depressed in spirit. I had no appetite for food,
-and when night came, I was too nervous for sleep. The scene I had looked
-upon during the day had stirred me up. I thought then that the Taiping
-rebels had ample grounds to justify their attempt to overthrow the
-Manchu régime. My sympathies were thoroughly enlisted in their favor and
-I thought seriously of making preparations to join the Taiping rebels,
-but upon a calmer reflection, I fell back on the original plan of doing
-my best to recover the Chinese language as fast as I possibly could and
-of following the logical course of things, in order to accomplish the
-object I had at heart.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII
-
-EFFORT TO FIND A POSITION
-
-
-Having at last succeeded in mastering the spoken language sufficiently
-to speak it quite fluently, I at once set to work to find a position in
-which I could not only support myself and mother, but also form a plan
-for working out my ideas of reform in China.
-
-Doctor Peter Parker, who had been a medical missionary under the
-American Board for many years in Canton, was at that time made United
-States Commissioner as a temporary expedient, to take the place of an
-accredited minister plenipotentiary--a diplomatic appointment not yet
-come into existence, because the question of a foreign minister resident
-in Peking was still under negotiation, and had not been fully settled as
-a permanent diplomatic arrangement between the Peking government and the
-Treaty Powers. Dr. Parker was given the appointment of commissioner on
-account of his long residence in China and his ability to speak the
-Chinese language, but not on account of any special training as a
-diplomat, nor for legal knowledge. It was through Mr. M. N. Hitchcock,
-an American merchant of the firm of Messrs. King & Co., and a mutual
-friend of Dr. Parker and myself, that I became the Doctor’s private
-secretary. I knew Dr. Parker while I was at Mrs. Gutzlaff’s School, and
-he doubtless knew I had recently graduated from Yale, which was his Alma
-Mater also. His headquarters were in Canton, but he spent his summers in
-Macao. I was with him only three months. My salary was $15 a month (not
-large enough to spoil me at any rate). He had very little for me to do,
-but I thought that by being identified with him, I might possibly come
-in contact with Chinese officials. However, this was far from being the
-case. Seeing that I could neither learn anything from him, nor enlarge
-my acquaintance with the Chinese officials, I gave up my position as his
-secretary and went over to Hong Kong to try to study law. Through my old
-friend, Andrew Shortrede, who generously extended to me the hospitality
-of his house, I succeeded in securing the position of the
-interpretership in the Hong Kong Supreme Court. The situation paid me
-$75 a month. Having this to fall back upon, I felt encouraged to go
-ahead in my effort to study law. Accordingly, I was advised to
-apprentice myself to an attorney or solicitor-at-law. In the English
-court of practice, it seems that there are two distinct classes of
-lawyers--attorneys or solicitors, and barristers. The first prepares in
-writing all evidences, facts, and proofs of a case, hands them to the
-barrister or counsel, who argues the case in court according to law.
-
-I apprenticed myself to an attorney, who was recommended to me by my old
-patron and friend, Shortrede. I was not aware that by going into the
-British Colony in Hong Kong to become an attorney, I was stepping on the
-toes of the British legal fraternity, nor that by apprenticing myself to
-an attorney instead of to the new attorney-general of the Colony, who,
-without my knowledge, wanted me himself, I had committed another
-mistake, which eventually necessitated my leaving Hong Kong altogether.
-
-First of all, all the attorneys banded themselves together against me,
-because, as they openly stated in all the local papers except the “China
-Mail,” if I were allowed to practice my profession, they might as well
-pack up and go back to England, for as I had a complete knowledge of
-both English and Chinese I would eventually monopolize all the Chinese
-legal business. So they made it too hot for me to continue in my
-studies.
-
-In the next place, I was not aware that the attorney-general wanted me
-to apprentice myself to him, for he did all he could in his capacity as
-attorney-general of the Colony to use his influence to open the way for
-me to become an attorney, by draughting a special colonial ordinance to
-admit Chinese to practice in the Hong Kong Colony as soon as I could
-pass my examinations. This ordinance was sent to the British government
-to be sanctioned by Parliament before it became valid and a colonial
-law. It was sanctioned and thus became a colonial ordinance.
-
-In the meanwhile, Anstey, the attorney-general, found out that I had
-already apprenticed myself to Parson, the attorney. From that time forth
-I had no peace. I was between two fires--the batteries operated by the
-attorneys opened on me with redoubled energy, and the new battery,
-operated by the attorney-general, opened its fire. He found fault with
-my interpreting, which he had never done previously. Mr. Parson saw how
-things stood. He himself was also under a hot fire from both sides. So
-in order to save himself, he told me plainly and candidly that he had to
-give me up and made the article of apprenticeship between us null and
-void. I, on my part, had to give up my position as interpreter in the
-Supreme Court. Parson, himself, not long after I had abandoned my
-apprenticeship and my position as interpreter, for reasons satisfactory
-to himself, gave up his business in Hong Kong and returned to England.
-So master and pupil left their posts at pretty nearly the same time.
-
-A retrospective view of my short experience in Hong Kong convinced me
-that it was after all the best thing that I did not succeed in becoming
-a lawyer in Hong Kong, as the theatre of action there would have been
-too restricted and circumscribed. I could not have come in touch with
-the leading minds of China, had I been bound up in that rocky and barren
-Colony. Doubtless I might have made a fortune if I had succeeded in my
-legal profession, but as circumstances forced me to leave the Colony, my
-mind was directed northward to Shanghai, and in August, 1856, I left
-Hong Kong in the tea clipper, “Florence,” under Captain Dumaresque, of
-Boston. He was altogether a different type of man from the captain of
-the “Eureka” which brought me out in 1855. He was kind, intelligent and
-gentlemanly. When he found out who I was, he offered me a free passage
-from Hong Kong to Shanghai. He was, in fact, the sole owner of the
-vessel, which was named after his daughter, Florence. The passage was a
-short one--lasting only seven days--but before it was over, we became
-great friends.
-
-Not long after my arrival in Shanghai, I found a situation in the
-Imperial Customs Translating Department, at a salary of Tls. 75 a month,
-equivalent to $100 Mexican. For want of a Chinese silver currency the
-Mexican dollar was adopted. This was one point better than the
-interpretership in the Hong Kong Supreme Court. The duties were not
-arduous and trying. In fact, they were too simple and easy to suit my
-taste and ambition. I had plenty of time to read. Before three months of
-trial in my new situation, I found that things were not as they should
-be, and if I wished to keep a clean and clear record and an untarnished
-character, I could not remain long in the service. Between the
-interpreters who had been in the service many years and the Chinese
-shippers there existed a regular system of graft. After learning this,
-and not wishing to be implicated with the others in the division of the
-spoils in any way or shape, I made up my mind to resign. So one day I
-called upon the Chief Commissioner of Customs, ostensibly to find out
-what my future prospects were in connection with the Customs
-Service--whether or not there were any prospects of my being promoted to
-the position of a commissioner. I was told that no such prospects were
-held out to me or to any other Chinese interpreter. I, therefore, at
-once decided to throw up my position. So I sent in my resignation, which
-was at first not accepted. A few days after my first interview, Lay, the
-chief commissioner, strenuously tried to persuade me to change my mind,
-and offered as an inducement to raise my salary to Tls. 200 a month,
-evidently thinking that I was only bluffing in order to get higher
-wages. It did not occur to him that there was at least one Chinaman who
-valued a clean reputation and an honest character more than money; that
-being an educated man, I saw no reason why I should not be given the
-same chances to rise in the service of the Chinese government as an
-Englishman, nor why my individuality should not be recognized and
-respected in every walk of life. He little thought that I had
-aspirations even higher than his, and that I did not care to associate
-myself with a pack of Custom-house interpreters and inspectors, who were
-known to take bribes; that a man who expects others to respect him, must
-first respect himself. Such were my promptings. I did not state the real
-cause of my quitting the service, but at the end of four months’ trial I
-left the service in order to try my fortune in new fields more
-congenial.
-
-My friends at the time looked upon me as a crank in throwing up a
-position yielding me Tls. 200 a month for something uncertain and
-untried. This in their estimation was the height of folly. They little
-realized what I was driving at. I had a clean record and I meant to keep
-it clean. I was perfectly aware that in less than a year since my return
-to China, I had made three shifts. I myself began to think I was too
-mercurial to accomplish anything substantial, or that I was too dreamy
-to be practical or too proud to succeed in life. But in a strenuous life
-one needs to be a dreamer in order to accomplish possibilities. We are
-not called into being simply to drudge for an animal existence. I had
-had to work hard for my education, and I felt that I ought to make the
-most of what little I had, not so much to benefit myself individually
-as to make it a blessing common to my race. By these shifts and changes
-I was only trying to find my true bearing, and how I could make myself a
-blessing to China.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII
-
-EXPERIENCES IN BUSINESS
-
-
-The next turn I took, after leaving the Imperial Customs, was clerk in
-an English house--tea and silk merchants. During the few months that I
-was with them, I gained quite an insight into mercantile business, and
-the methods of conducting it, which proved to be profitable knowledge
-and experience to me later on. Six months after I had entered upon my
-new sphere as a make-shift, the firm dissolved partnership, which once
-more threw me out of a position, and I was again cast upon the sea of
-uncertainty. But during my connection with the firm, two little
-incidents occurred which I must not fail to relate.
-
-One Thursday evening, as I was returning home from a prayer meeting held
-in the Union Chapel in Shanghai, I saw ahead of me on Szechuen Road in
-front of the Episcopal church, a string of men; each had a Chinese
-lantern swinging in the air over his head, and they were singing and
-shouting as they zigzagged along the road, evidently having a jolly,
-good time, while Chinese on both sides of the road were seen dodging and
-scampering about in great fright in all directions, and acting as though
-they were chased by the Old Nick himself. I was at a distance of about
-one hundred yards from the scene. I took in the situation at once. My
-servant, who held a lantern ahead of me, to light the way, was so
-frightened that he began to come back towards me. I told him not to be
-afraid, but walk right straight ahead. Pretty soon we confronted three
-or four of the fellows, half tipsy. One of them snatched the lantern
-from my servant and another, staggering about, tried to give me a kick.
-I walked along coolly and unconcerned till I reached the last batch of
-two or three fellows. I found these quite sober and in their senses and
-they were lingering behind evidently to enjoy the fun and watch the
-crowd in their hilarious antics. I stopped and parleyed with them, and
-told them who I was. I asked them for the names of the fellows who
-snatched my boy’s lantern and of the fellow who tried to kick me. They
-declined at first, but finally with the promise that I would not give
-them any trouble, they gave me the name of one of the fellows, his
-position on the vessel, and the name of the vessel he belonged to. It
-turned out that the man was the first mate of the ship “Eureka,” the
-very vessel that brought me out to China, in 1855, and which happened to
-be consigned to the firm I was working for. The next morning, I wrote a
-note to the captain, asking him to hand the note to his first officer.
-The captain, on receiving the note, was quite excited, and handed it to
-the first mate, who immediately came ashore and apologized. I made it
-very pleasant for him and told him that Americans in China were held in
-high esteem by the people, and every American landing in China should be
-jealous of the high estimation in which they were held and not do
-anything to compromise it. My motive in writing the note was merely to
-get him on shore and give him this advice. He was evidently pleased with
-my friendly attitude and extended his hand for a shake to thank me for
-the advice. He invited me to go on board with him to take a glass of
-wine and be good friends. I thanked him for his offer, but declined it,
-and we parted in an amicable way.
-
-My second incident, which happened a couple of months after the first,
-did not have such a peaceful ending.
-
-After the partnership of the firm, in whose employ I was, dissolved, an
-auction sale of the furniture of the firm took place. In the room where
-the auction was proceeding, I happened to be standing in a mixed crowd
-of Chinese and foreigners. A stalwart six-footer of a Scotchman happened
-to be standing behind me. He was not altogether a stranger to me, for I
-had met him in the streets several times. He began to tie a bunch of
-cotton balls to my queue, simply for a lark. But I caught him at it and
-in a pleasant way held it up and asked him to untie it. He folded up his
-arms and drew himself straight up with a look of the utmost disdain and
-scorn. I at once took in the situation, and as my countenance sobered, I
-reiterated my demand to have the appendage taken off. All of a sudden,
-he thrust his fist against my mouth, without drawing any blood, however.
-Although he stood head and shoulders above me in height, yet I was not
-at all abashed or intimidated by his burly and contemptuous appearance.
-My dander was up and oblivious to all thoughts of our comparative size
-and strength, I struck him back in the identical place where he punched
-me, but my blow was a stinger and it went with lightning rapidity to the
-spot, without giving him time to think. It drew blood in great
-profusion from lip and nose. He caught me by the wrist with both his
-hands. As he held my right wrist in his powerful grasp, for he was an
-athlete and a sportsman, I was just on the point of raising my right
-foot for a kick, which was aimed at a vital point, when the head partner
-of the firm, who happened to be near, suddenly stepped in between and
-separated us. I then stood off to one side, facing my antagonist, who
-was moving off into the crowd. As I moved away, I was asked by a voice
-from the crowd:
-
-“Do you want to fight?”
-
-I said, “No, I was only defending myself. Your friend insulted me and
-added injury to insult. I took him for a gentleman, but he has proved
-himself a blackguard.”
-
-With this stinging remark, which was heard all over the room, I retired
-from the scene into an adjoining room, leaving the crowd to comment on
-the incident. The British Consul, who happened to be present on the
-occasion, made a casual remark on the merits of the case and said, as I
-was told afterwards by a friend, that “The young man was a little too
-fiery; if he had not taken the law into his own hands, he could have
-brought suit for assault and battery in the consular court, but since he
-has already retaliated and his last remark before the crowd has
-inflicted a deeper cut to his antagonist than the blow itself, he has
-lost the advantage of a suit.”
-
-The Scotchman, after the incident, did not appear in public for a whole
-week. I was told he had shut himself up in his room to give his wound
-time to heal, but the reason he did not care to show himself was more on
-account of being whipped by a little Chinaman in a public manner; for
-the affair, unpleasant and unfortunate as it was, created quite a
-sensation in the settlement. It was the chief topic of conversation for
-a short time among foreigners, while among the Chinese I was looked upon
-with great respect, for since the foreign settlement on the
-extra-territorial basis was established close to the city of Shanghai,
-no Chinese within its jurisdiction had ever been known to have the
-courage and pluck to defend his rights, point blank, when they had been
-violated or trampled upon by a foreigner. Their meek and mild
-disposition had allowed personal insults and affronts to pass unresented
-and unchallenged, which naturally had the tendency to encourage
-arrogance and insolence on the part of ignorant foreigners. The time
-will soon come, however, when the people of China will be so educated
-and enlightened as to know what their rights are, public and private,
-and to have the moral courage to assert and defend them whenever they
-are invaded. The triumph of Japan over Russia in the recent war has
-opened the eyes of the Chinese world. It will never tolerate injustice
-in any way or shape, much less will it put up with foreign aggression
-and aggrandizement any longer. They see now in what plight their
-national ignorance, conceit and conservatism, in which they had been
-fossilized, had placed them. They were on the verge of being partitioned
-by the European Powers and were saved from that catastrophe only by the
-timely intervention of the United States government. What the future
-will bring forth, since the Emperor Kwangsu and Dowager Empress Chi Hsi
-have both passed away, no one can predict.
-
-The breaking up of the firm by which I was employed, once more, as
-stated before, and for the fourth time, threw me out of a regular
-business. But I was not at all disconcerted or discouraged, for I had no
-idea of following a mercantile life as a permanent calling. Within the
-past two years, my knowledge of the Chinese language had decidedly
-improved. I was not in hot haste to seek for a new position. I
-immediately took to translating as a means of bridging over the breaks
-of a desultory life. This independent avocation, though not a lucrative
-one, nevertheless led the way to a wider acquaintance with the educated
-and mercantile classes of the Chinese; to widen my acquaintance was my
-chief concern. My translating business brought me in contact with the
-comprador of one of the leading houses in Shanghai. The senior partner
-of this house died in 1857. He was well-known and thought much of by
-both the Chinese and the foreign mercantile body. To attest their high
-regard for his memory, the prominent Chinese merchants drew up an
-elaborate and eulogistic epitaph on the occasion of his death. The
-surviving members of the firm selected two translators to translate the
-epitaph. One was the interpreter in the British Consulate General, a
-brother to the author of “The Chinese and their Rebellions,” and the
-other was (through the influence of the comprador) myself. To my great
-surprise, my translation was given the preference and accepted by the
-manager of the firm. The Chinese committee were quite elated that one
-of their countrymen knew enough English to bring out the inner sense of
-their epitaph. It was adopted and engraved on the monument. My name
-began to be known among the Chinese, not as a fighter this time, but as
-a Chinese student educated in America.
-
-Soon after this performance, another event unexpectedly came up in which
-I was again called upon to act; that was the inundation of the Yellow
-River, which had converted the northern part of Kiangsu province into a
-sea, and made homeless and destitute thousands of people of that
-locality. A large body of refugees had wandered to and flocked near
-Shanghai. A Chinese deputation, consisting of the leading merchants and
-gentry, who knew or had heard of me, called and asked me to draw up a
-circular appealing to the foreign community for aid and contributions to
-relieve the widespread suffering among the refugees. Several copies were
-immediately put into circulation and in less than a week, no less than
-$20,000 were subscribed and paid. The Chinese Committee were greatly
-elated over their success and their joy was unbounded. To give a
-finishing touch to this stroke of business, I wrote in the name of the
-committee a letter of acknowledgment and thanks to the foreign
-community for the prompt and generous contribution it had made. This was
-published in the Shanghai local papers--“The Shanghai Mail” and “Friend
-of China”--so that inside of three months after I had started my
-translating business, I had become widely known among the Chinese as the
-Chinese student educated in America. I was indebted to Tsang Kee Foo,
-the comprador, for being in this line of business, and for the fact that
-I was becoming known in Shanghai. He was a well-educated Chinese--a man
-highly respected and trusted for his probity and intelligence. His long
-connection with the firm and his literary taste had gathered around him
-some of the finest Chinese scholars from all parts of China, while his
-business transactions brought him in touch with the leading Chinese
-capitalists and business men in Shanghai and elsewhere. It was through
-him that both the epitaph and the circular mentioned above were written;
-and it was Tsang Kee Foo who introduced me to the celebrated Chinese
-mathematician, Li Jen Shu, who years afterwards brought me to the notice
-of Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan--the distinguished general and statesman, who,
-as will be seen hereafter, took up and promoted the Chinese Education
-Scheme. In the great web of human affairs, it is almost impossible to
-know who among our friends and acquaintances may prove to be the right
-clue to unravel the skein of our destiny. Tsang Kee Foo introduced me to
-Li Jen Shu, the latter introduced me to Tsang Kwoh Fan, who finally
-through the Chinese Education Scheme grafted Western education to the
-Oriental culture, a union destined to weld together the different races
-of the world into one brotherhood.
-
-My friend Tsang Kee Foo afterwards introduced me to the head or manager
-of Messrs. Dent & Co., who kindly offered me a position in his firm as
-comprador in Nagasaki, Japan, soon after that country was opened to
-foreign trade. I declined the situation, frankly and plainly stating my
-reason, which was that the compradorship, though lucrative, is
-associated with all that is menial, and that as a graduate of Yale, one
-of the leading colleges in America, I could not think of bringing
-discredit to my Alma Mater, for which I entertained the most profound
-respect and reverence, and was jealous of her proud fame. What would the
-college and my class-mates think of me, if they should hear that I was a
-comprador--the head servant of servants in an English establishment? I
-said there were cases when a man from stress of circumstances may be
-compelled to play the part of a menial for a shift, but I was not yet
-reduced to that strait, though I was poor financially. I told him I
-would prefer to travel for the firm as its agent in the interior and
-correspond directly with the head of the firm. In that case, I would not
-sacrifice my manhood for the sake of making money in a position which is
-commonly held to be servile. I would much prefer to pack tea and buy
-silk as an agent--either on a salary or on commission. Such was my
-ground for declining. I, however, thanked him for the offer. This
-interview took place in the presence of my friend, Tsang Kee Foo, who
-without knowing the details of the conversation, knew enough of the
-English language to follow the general tenor of the talk. I then retired
-and left the manager and my friend to talk over the result. Tsang
-afterwards told me that Webb said, “Yung Wing is poor but proud. Poverty
-and pride usually go together, hand in hand.” A few days afterwards
-Tsang informed me that Webb had decided to send me to the tea districts
-to see and learn the business of packing tea.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IX
-
-MY FIRST TRIP TO THE TEA DISTRICTS
-
-
-On the 11th of March, 1859, I found myself on board of a Woo-Sik-Kwei, a
-Chinese boat built in Woo-Sik, a city situated on the borders of the
-Grand Canal, within a short distance of the famous city of Suchau--a
-rival of the city of Hangchau, for wealth, population, silk manufacture,
-and luxury. The word “Kwei” means “fast.” Therefore, Woo-Sik-Kwei means
-fast boats of Woo-Sik. These passenger boats which plied between the
-principal cities and marts situated near the waters of the canal and
-lake system in southern Kianksu, were usually built of various sizes and
-nicely fitted up for the comfort and convenience of the public. Those
-intended for officials, and the wealthy classes, were built on a larger
-scale and fitted up in a more pretentious style. They were all
-flat-bottom boats. They sailed fairly well before the wind, but against
-it, they were either tracked by lines from the mast to the trackers on
-shore, or by sculling, at which the Chinese are adepts. They can give a
-boat a great speed by a pair of sculls resting on steel pivots that are
-fastened at the stern, one on each side, about the middle of the scull,
-with four men on each scull; the blades are made to play in the water
-astern, right and left, which pushes and sends the boat forward at a
-surprisingly rapid rate. But in recent years, steam has made its way
-into China and steam launches have superseded these native craft which
-are fast disappearing from the smooth waters of Kiangsu province--very
-much as the fast sailing ships, known as Baltimore Clippers, that in the
-fifties and sixties were engaged in the East India and China trade, have
-been gradually swept from the ocean by steam.
-
-At the end of three days, I was landed in the historic city of Hangchau,
-which is the capital of Chêhkiang. It is situated on a plain of uneven
-ground, with hills in the southwest and west, and northeast. It covers
-an area of about three or four square miles. It is of a rectangular
-shape. Its length is from north to south; its breadth, from east to
-west. On the west, lies the Si-Hoo or West Lake, a beautiful sheet of
-limpid water with a gravelly or sandy bottom, stretching from the foot
-of the city wall to the foot of the mountains which appear in the
-distance in the rear, rising into the clouds like lofty bulwarks
-guarding the city on the north.
-
-The Tsientang River, about two miles distant, flanks the city on the
-east. It takes its rise from the high mountain range of Hwui Chow in the
-southeast and follows a somewhat irregular course to the bay of the same
-name, and rushes down the rocky declivities like a foaming steed and
-empties itself into the bay about forty miles east of the city. This is
-one of the rivers that have periodical bores in which the tidal waters
-in their entrance to the bay create a noise like thunder, and the waves
-rise to the height of eight or ten feet.
-
-Hangchau, aside from her historic fame as having been the seat of the
-government of the Sung Dynasty of the 12th and 13th centuries, has
-always maintained a wide reputation for fine buildings, public and
-private, such as temples, pagodas, mosques and bridges, which go to lend
-enchantment to the magnificent natural scenery with which she is
-singularly endowed. But latterly, age and the degeneration of the times
-have done their work of mischief. Her past glory is fast sinking into
-obscurity; she will never recover her former prestige, unless a new
-power arises to make her once more the capital of a regenerated
-government.
-
-On the 15th of March, I left Hangchau to ascend the Tsientang River, at
-a station called Kang Kow, or mouth of the river, about two miles east
-of the city, where boats were waiting for us. Several hundreds of these
-boats of a peculiar and unique type were riding near the estuary of the
-river. These boats are called Urh Woo, named after the district where
-they were built. They vary from fifty to one hundred feet in length,
-from stem to stern, and are ten or fifteen feet broad, and draw not more
-than two or three feet of water when fully loaded. They are all
-flat-bottom boats, built of the most limber and flexible material that
-can be found, as they are expected to meet strong currents and run
-against rocks, both in their ascent and descent, on account of the
-irregularity and rocky bottom of the river. These boats, when completely
-equipped and covered with bamboo matting, look like huge cylinders, and
-are shaped like cigars. The interior from stem to stern is divided into
-separate compartments, or rooms, in which bunks are built to accommodate
-passengers. These compartments and bunks are removed when room is
-needed for cargoes. These boats ply between Hangchau and Sheong Shan and
-do all the interior transportation by water between these entrepôts in
-Chêhkiang and Kiangsi. Sheong Shan is the important station of
-Chêhkiang, and Yuh-Shan is that of Kiangsi. The distance between the two
-entrepôts is about fifty lis, or about sixteen English miles, connected
-by one of the finest macadamized roads in China. The road is about
-thirty feet wide, paved with slabs of granite and flanked with
-greenish-colored cobbles. A fine stone arch which was erected as a
-land-mark of the boundary line separating Chêhkiang and Kiangsi
-provinces, spans the whole width of the road. On both sides of the
-key-stone of the arch are carved four fine Chinese characters, painted
-in bright blue, viz., Leang Hsing Tung Chu:
-
-[Illustration: Chinese characters]
-
-This is one of the most notable arch-ways through which the
-inter-provincial trade has been carried on for ages past. At the time
-when I crossed from Sheong Shan to Yuh-Shan, the river ports of Hankau,
-Kiukiang, Wuhu and Chinkiang were not opened to foreign trade and
-steam-boats had not come in to play their part in the carrying trade of
-the interior of China. This magnificent thoroughfare was crowded with
-thousands of porters bearing merchandise of all kinds to and
-fro--exports and imports for distribution. It certainly presented an
-interesting sight to the traveller, as well as a profound topic of
-contemplation to a Chinese patriot.
-
-The opening of the Yangtze River, which is navigable as far as Kingchau,
-on the borders of Szechwan province, commanding the trade of at least
-six or seven provinces along its whole course of nearly three thousand
-miles to the ocean, presents a spectacle of unbounded possibilities for
-the amelioration of nearly a third of the human race, if only the
-grasping ambition of the West will let the territorial integrity and the
-independent sovereignty of China remain intact. Give the people of China
-a fair chance to work out the problems of their own salvation, as for
-instance the solution of the labor question, which has been so radically
-disorganized and broken up by steam, electricity and machinery. This has
-virtually taken the breath and bread away from nine-tenths of the people
-of China, and therefore this immovable mass of population should be
-given ample time to recover from its demoralization.
-
-To go back to my starting point at Kang Kow, the entrance to the river,
-two miles east of Hangchau, we set sail, with a fair wind, at five
-o’clock in the morning of the 15th of March, and in the evening at ten
-o’clock we anchored at a place named the “Seven Dragons,” after having
-made about one hundred miles during the day. The eastern shore in this
-part of the Tsientang River is evidently of red sandstone formation, for
-we could see part of the strata submerged in the water, and excavations
-of the stone may be seen strewn about on the shore. In fact, red
-sandstone buildings may be seen scattered about here and there. But the
-mountain about the Seven Dragons is picturesque and romantic.
-
-Early the next day, we again started, but the rain poured down in
-torrents. We kept on till we reached the town of Lan Chi and came to
-anchor in the evening, after having made about forty miles. This is the
-favorite entrepôt where the Hupeh and Hunan congou teas were brought all
-the way from the tea districts of these provinces, to be housed and
-transhipped to Shanghai via Hangchau. Lan Chi is an entrepôt of only
-one street, but its entire length is six miles. It is famous for its
-nice hams, which are known all over China. On account of the incessant
-rain, we stopped half a day at Lan Chi. In the afternoon the sky began
-to clear and at twelve o’clock in the night we again started and reached
-the walled city of Ku Chow, which was besieged by the Taiping rebels in
-March, 1858, just a year before; after four months’ duration the siege
-was raised and no great damage was done. We put up in an inn for the
-night. Ku Chow is a departmental city of Chêhkiang and is about thirty
-miles distant from Sheong Shan, already mentioned in connection with
-Yuh-Shan. We were delayed by the Custom House officials, as well as on
-account of the scarcity of porters and chair-bearers to take us over to
-Sheong Shan. We arrived at Yuh-Shan from Sheong Shan by chair in the
-evening. We put up in an inn for the night, having first engaged fishing
-boats to take us to the city of Kwangshun, thirty miles from Yuh-Shan,
-the next morning. After reaching Yuh-Shan, we were in Kiangsi territory,
-and our route now lay in a west by north direction, down stream towards
-the Po Yang Lake, whose southern margin we passed, and reached Nan
-Cheong, the capital of Kiangsi province. The city presented a fine
-outward appearance. We did not stop long enough to go through the city
-and see its actual condition since its evacuation by the rebels.
-
-Our route from Nan Cheong was changed in a west by south direction,
-making the great entrepôt of Siang Tan our final goal. In this route, we
-passed quite a number of large cities that had nothing of special
-importance, either commercially or historically, to relate. We passed
-Cheong Sha, the capital of Hunan, in the night. We arrived at Siang Tan
-on the morning of the 15th of April. Siang Tan is one of the noted
-entrepôts in the interior of China and used to be the great distributing
-center of imports when foreign trade was confined to the single port of
-Canton. It was also the emporium where the tea and silk goods of China
-were centered and housed, to be carried down to Canton for exportation
-to foreign countries. The overland transport trade between Siang Tan and
-Canton was immense. It gave employment to at least one hundred thousand
-porters, carrying merchandise over the Nan Fung pass, between the two
-cities, and supported a large population along both sides of the
-thoroughfare. Steam, wars and treaties of very recent dates have not
-only broken up this system of labor and changed the complexion of the
-whole labor question throughout China, but will also alter the
-economical, industrial and political conditions of the Chinese Empire
-during the coming years of her history.
-
-At Siang Tan, our whole party, composed of tea-men, was broken up and
-each batch began its journey to the district assigned it, to begin the
-work of purchasing raw tea and preparing it to be packed for shipment in
-Shanghai.
-
-I stayed in Siang Tan about ten days and then made preparations for a
-trip up to the department of Kingchau in Hupeh province, to look into
-the yellow silk produced in a district called Ho-Yung.
-
-We left Siang Tan on the 26th of April, and proceeded northward to our
-place of destination. Next morning at eight o’clock we reached Cheong
-Sha, the capital of Hunan province. As the day was wet and gloomy, we
-stopped and tried to make the best of it by going inside of the city to
-see whether there was anything worth seeing, but like all Chinese
-cities, it presented the same monotonous appearance of age and filth,
-the same unchangeable style of architecture and narrow streets. Early
-next morning, we resumed our boat journey, crossed the Tung Ting Lake
-and the great river Yangtze till we entered the mouth of the King Ho
-which carried us to Ho Yung. On this trip to hunt after the yellow
-silk--not the golden fleece--we were thirteen days from Siang Tan. The
-country on both banks of the King Ho seemed quiet and peaceful and
-people were engaged in agricultural pursuits. We saw many buffaloes and
-donkeys, and large patches of wheat, interspersed with beans. A novel
-sight presented itself which I have never met with elsewhere in China. A
-couple of country lassies were riding on a donkey, and were evidently in
-a happy mood, laughing and talking as they rode by. Arriving in Ho Yung,
-we had some difficulty in finding an inn, but finally succeeded in
-securing quarters in a silk hong. No sooner were we safely quartered,
-than a couple of native constables called to know who we were; our names
-and business were taken down. Our host, the proprietor of the hong, who
-knew the reason of our coming, explained things to the satisfaction of
-the men, who went away perfectly satisfied that we were honest traders
-and no rebel spies. We were left to transact our business unmolested.
-As soon as our object was known, numerous samples of yellow silk were
-brought for our inspection. We selected quite a number of samples, which
-altogether weighed about sixty-five pounds, and had them packed to be
-taken to Shanghai.
-
-At the end of a fortnight, we concluded to take our journey back.
-Accordingly, on the 26th of May we bade Ho Yung farewell, and started
-for the tea district of Nih Kia Shi, in the department of Cheong Sha,
-via Hankau. We arrived at Hankau on the 5th of June, and put up in a
-native inn. The weather was hot and muggy, and our quarters were narrow
-and cut off from fresh air. Three days after our arrival, three deputies
-visited us to find out who we were. It did not take long to convince
-them that we were not rebel spies. We showed them the package of yellow
-silk, which bore marks of a war-tax which we had to pay on it, all along
-the route from Ho Yung to Hankau. We were left unmolested.
-
-The port of Hankau had not been opened for foreign trade, though it was
-well understood that it was to be opened very soon. Before its capture
-by the Taiping rebels, or rather before the Taiping rebels had made
-their appearance on the stage of action, Hankau was the most important
-entrepôt in China. When the Taiping rebels captured Woochang in 1856,
-Hankau and Han Yang fell at the same time, and the port was destroyed by
-fire and was reduced to ashes. At the time of my visit, the whole place
-was rebuilt and trade began to revive. But the buildings were temporary
-shifts. Now the character of the place is completely changed and the
-foreign residences and warehouses along the water’s edge have given it
-altogether a European aspect, so that the Hankau of today may be
-regarded as the Chicago or St. Louis of China, and in no distant day she
-is destined to surpass both in trade, population and wealth. I was in
-Hankau a few days before I crossed the Yangtze-Kiang to the black tea
-district of Nih Kia Shi.
-
-We left Hankau on the 30th of June and went over to the tea packing
-houses in Nih Kia Shi and Yang Liu Tung on the 4th of July. I was in
-those two places over a month and gained a complete knowledge of the
-whole process of preparing the black tea for the foreign market. The
-process is very simple and can be easily learned. I do not know through
-what preparations the Indian and Assam teas have to go, where machinery
-is used, but they cannot be very elaborate. Undoubtedly, since the
-fifties, manual labor, the old standby in preparing teas for foreign
-consumption, has been much improved with a view of retaining a large
-percentage of the tea trade in China. The reason why a large percentage
-of the tea business has passed away from China to India is not because
-machinery is used in the one case and manual labor is retained in the
-other, but chiefly on account of the quality of the tea that is raised
-in the different soil of the two countries. The Indian or Assam tea is
-much stronger (in proportion to the same quantity) than the Chinese tea.
-The Indian tea is 2-1 to Chinese tea, in point of strength, whereas the
-Chinese tea is 2-1 to the Indian tea in point of delicacy and flavor.
-The Indian is rank and strong, but the Chinese tea is superior in the
-quality of its fine aroma. The higher class of tea-drinkers in America,
-Europe and Russia prefer China tea to Indian, whereas the laboring and
-common class in those countries take to Indian and Assam, from the fact
-that they are stronger and cheaper.
-
-In the latter part of August I decided to return to Shanghai, not by way
-of Siang Tan, but via Hankau, down the Yangtze River to Kiu Kang and
-across the Poh Yang Lake. I arrived at Hankau again the second time on
-the 29th of August, having left there two months previous, in July. This
-time I came in a Hunan junk loaded with tea for Shanghai. At Ho Kow, the
-southern shore of the Poh Yang Lake, I had to follow the same route I
-took in March, and on the 21st of September I landed at Hangchau and
-from there I took a Woo-Sik-Kwei for Shanghai, where I arrived in the
-night of the 30th of September, the time consumed on this journey having
-been seven months--from March to October. It was my first journey into
-the interior of China, and it gave me a chance to gain an insight into
-the actual condition of the people, while a drastic rebellion was going
-on in their midst. The zone of the country through which I had passed
-had been visited by the rebels and the imperialists, but was, to all
-outward appearance, peaceful and quiet. To what extent the people had
-suffered both from rebel and imperialist devastations in those sections
-of the country, no one can tell. But there was one significant fact that
-struck me forcibly and that was the sparseness of population, which was
-at variance with my preconceived notions regarding the density of
-population in China which I had gathered from books and accounts of
-travelers. This was particularly noticeable through that section of
-Chêhkiang, Kiangsi, Hunan and Hupeh, which I visited. The time of the
-year, when crops of all kinds needed to be planted, should have brought
-out the peasantry into the open fields with oxen, mules, donkeys,
-buffaloes and horses, as indispensable accessories to farm life. But
-comparatively few farmers were met with.
-
-Shortly after my arrival from the interior, in October, an English
-friend of mine requested me to go to Shau Hing to buy raw silk for him.
-Shau Hing is a city located in a silk district about twenty miles
-southwest of Hangchau, and noted for its fine quality of silk. I was
-about two months in this business, when I was taken down with fever and
-ague and was compelled to give it up. Shau Hing, like most Chinese
-cities, was filthy and unhealthy and the water that flowed through it
-was as black as ink. The city was built in the lowest depression of a
-valley, and the outlet of the river was so blocked that there was hardly
-any current to carry off the filth that had been accumulating for ages.
-Hence the city was literally located in a cesspool--a breeding place
-for fever and ague, and epidemics of all kinds. But I soon recovered
-from the attack of the fever and ague and as soon as I could stand on my
-legs again, I immediately left the malarial atmosphere, and was, in a
-short time, breathing fresher and purer air.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER X
-
-MY VISIT TO THE TAIPINGS
-
-
-In the fall of 1859 a small party of two missionaries, accompanied by
-Tsang Laisun, planned a trip to visit the Taiping rebels in Nanking. I
-was asked to join them, and I decided to do so. My object in going was
-to find out for my own satisfaction the character of the Taipings;
-whether or not they were the men fitted to set up a new government in
-the place of the Manchu Dynasty. Accordingly, on the 6th of November,
-1859, we left Shanghai in a Woo-Sik-Kwei boat, with a stiff northeast
-breeze in our favor, though we had to stem an ebb tide for an hour. The
-weather was fine and the whole party was in fine spirits. We happened to
-have an American flag on board, and on the spur of the moment, it was
-flung to the breeze, but on a sober second thought, we had it hauled
-down so as not to attract undue attention and have it become the means
-of thwarting the purpose of our journey. Instead of taking the
-Sung-Kiang route which was the highway to Suchau, we turned off into
-another one in order to avoid the possibility of being hauled up by the
-imperialists and sent back to Shanghai, as we were told that an imperial
-fleet of Chinese gun-boats was at anchor at Sung Kiang. We found the
-surrounding country within a radius of thirty miles of Shanghai to be
-very quiet and saw no signs of political disturbance. The farmers were
-busily engaged in gathering in their rice crops.
-
-It might be well to mention here that during my sojourn in the interior,
-the Taiping rebels had captured the city of Suchau, and there was some
-apprehension on the part of foreigners in the settlement that they might
-swoop down to take possession of the city of Shanghai, as well as the
-foreign settlement. That was the reason the Sung Kiang River was
-picketed by Chinese gun-boats, and the foreign pickets were extended
-miles beyond the boundary line of the foreign concession.
-
-We reached Suchau on the morning of the 9th of November without meeting
-with any difficulty or obstacles all the way, nor were we challenged
-either by the imperialists or rebels, which went to show how loosely and
-negligently even in time of war, things were conducted in China. On
-arriving at the Lau Gate of the city, we had to wait at the station
-where tickets were issued to those who went into the city and taken from
-those who left, for Suchau was then under martial law. As we wished to
-go into the city to see the commandant, in order to get letters of
-introduction from him to the chiefs of other cities along our route to
-Nanking, we had to send two of our party to headquarters to find out
-whether we were permitted to enter. At the station, close to the Lau
-Gate, we waited over an hour. Finally our party appeared accompanied by
-the same messenger who had been deputed by the head of the police to
-accompany them to the commandant’s office. Permission was given us, and
-all four went in. The civil officer was absent, but we were introduced
-to the military commandant, Liu. He was a tall man, dressed in red. His
-affected hauteur at the start was too thin to disguise his want of a
-solid character. He became very inquisitive and asked the object of our
-journey to Nanking. He treated us very kindly, however, and gave us a
-letter of introduction to the commandant in Tan Yang, and furnished us
-with passports all the way through the cities of Woo Sik and Cheong
-Chow. In the audience hall of Commandant Liu, we were introduced to
-four foreigners--two Americans, one Englishman, and a French noble. One
-of the Americans said he was a doctor, the Englishman was supposed to be
-a military officer, and the Frenchman, as stated above, claimed to be a
-nobleman. Doubtless they were all adventurers. Each had his own ax to
-grind. One of the Americans had a rifle and cartridges for sale. He
-asked quite an exorbitant price for them and they were summarily
-rejected. The Frenchman said he had lost a fortune and had come out to
-China to make it up. Our missionary companions were much pleased after
-being entertained by Liu in hearing him recite the doxology, which he
-did glibly. Towards evening, when we returned to our boat, he sent us a
-number of chickens and a goat to boot. We were thus amply provisioned to
-prosecute our journey to Tan Yang. We left Suchau on the morning of the
-11th of November. On our arrival at Woo Sik, our passports were examined
-and we were very courteously treated by the rebels. We were invited to
-dinner by the chief in command. After that he sent us fruits and nuts,
-and came on board himself to see us off. We held quite a long
-conversation with him, which ended in his repeating the doxology.
-
-November 12th we left Woo Sik and started for Cheong Chow. From Suchau
-onward we were on the Grand Canal. The road on the bank of the canal was
-in good condition. Most of the people we saw and met were rebels,
-traveling between Tan Yang and Suchau, and but few boats were seen
-passing each other. All the country surrounding the canal between those
-cities seemed to have been abandoned by the peasantry and the cultivated
-fields were covered with rank grass and weeds, instead of flourishing
-crops. A traveler, not knowing the circumstances, would naturally lay
-the blame wholly upon the Taiping rebels, but the imperialists in their
-conflicts with the rebels, were as culpable as their enemies. The rebels
-whom we met on the public road were generally very civil and tried in
-every way to protect the people in order to gain their confidence.
-Incendiarism, pillage, robbery and ill-treatment of the people by the
-rebels, were punished by death. We reached Cheong Chow in the night. We
-found nearly all the houses along the road between Woo Sik and Cheong
-Chow to be completely deserted and emptied of all their inmates. There
-were occasionally a few of the inhabitants to be seen standing on the
-bank with small baskets, peddling eggs, oranges and cakes, vegetables
-and pork. They were principally old people, with countenances showing
-their suffering and despair. On November 13, at six o’clock in the
-morning, we resumed our journey to Tan Yang. As we drew near Tan Yang,
-the people seemed to have regained their confidence and the fields
-seemed to be cultivated. The conduct of the rebels towards them was
-considerate and commendable. During the morning we saw a force of one
-thousand men marching towards Tan Yang. We did not quite reach Tan Yang
-and came to anchor for the night in plain sight of it.
-
-Early next morning, we went into the city to see the Commandant Liu, to
-present to him the letter we received in Suchau, but he was absent from
-the city. The man next to Liu, a civilian, came out to meet us. He was
-very affable and treated us kindly and with great civility. One of our
-party referred to the religious character of the Taipings.
-
-Chin then gave us his views of Christianity, as taught by Hung Siu
-Chune--the leader of the rebellion. He said:
-
-“We worship God the Heavenly Father, with whom Jesus and the Holy Spirit
-constitute the true God; that Shang Ti is the True Spirit.”
-
-He then repeated the doxology. He said the rebels had two
-doxologies--the old and the new; they had discarded the new and adopted
-the old. He said, the Tien Wong--the Celestial Emperor--was taken up to
-Heaven and received orders from the Heavenly Father to come and
-exterminate all evil and rectify all wrong; to destroy idolatry and evil
-spirits, and finally to teach the people the knowledge of God. He did
-not know whether the Tien Wong was translated to Heaven bodily or in
-spirit, or both. He said the Tien Wong himself explained that he could
-not hold the same footing with God himself; that the homage paid to God
-was an act of religious worship, but that rendered to the Tien Wong was
-merely an act of court etiquette, which ministers and officers always
-paid to their sovereigns in every dynasty, and could not be construed as
-acts of worship. He also said that Tien Wong was a younger brother of
-Christ, but that it did not follow that he was born of the same mother.
-Tien Wong, he claimed, was a younger brother of Christ in the sense that
-he was especially appointed by God to instruct the people. Christ was
-also appointed by God to reform and redeem the world. With regard to
-the three cups of tea,--he said that they were intended as a
-thank-offering, and were not propitiatory in their character.
-
-“Whenever we drink a cup of tea, we offer thanksgiving to the Heavenly
-Father. The three cups of tea have no reference to the Trinity whatever.
-One cup answers the same purpose. The number three was purposely chosen,
-because it is the favorite number with the Chinese,--it is even
-mentioned in the Chinese classics.”
-
-As for redemption, he said,--“No sacrificial offering can take away our
-sins; the power of redemption is in Christ; he redeems us and it is our
-duty to repent of our sins. Even the Tien Wong is very circumspect and
-is afraid to sin against God.”
-
-In the matter of the soldiery keeping aloof from the people in time of
-war, he said,--“It has been an immemorial custom, adopted by almost
-every dynasty, that the people should go to the country, and the
-soldiers be quartered in the city. When a city is captured or taken, it
-is easy to subjugate the surrounding country.”
-
-The places we saw in ruins, both at Suchau and all the way up the canal,
-were partly destroyed by Cheong Yuh Leang’s troops in their retreat,
-partly by local predatory parties for the sake of plunder, and partly
-by the Taipings themselves. When Chung Wong was in Suchau, he did all he
-could to suppress incendiarism by offering rewards of both money and
-rank to those who took an active part in suppressing it. He issued three
-orders: 1. That soldiers were not allowed to kill or slaughter the
-inhabitants. 2. They were prohibited from slaughtering cattle. 3. They
-were prohibited from setting fire to houses. A violation of any of these
-orders was attended with capital punishment. When he came down to Woo
-Sik, he had a country elder decapitated for allowing local bandits to
-burn down the houses of the people. This was the information we gathered
-from our conversation with Chin. He also said that Ying Wong and Chung
-Wong were both talented men--not only in military but also in civil
-affairs.
-
-He gave us a long account of the capture of different places by the
-rebels, and how they had been defeated before Nanking, when that city
-was laid siege to by the imperialists in the early part of 1860. He also
-showed us a letter by a chief at Hwui Chow regarding the utter defeat
-and rout of Tsang Kwoh Fan, who was hemmed in by an immense force of the
-rebels. Tsang was supposed to have been killed in the great battle. He
-said that Cheong Yuh Leang, the imperialist general, who laid siege to
-Nanking, after his defeat went to Hangchau for medical treatment for
-hemorrhage of the lungs; that all the country along the canal, north of
-the Yangtze, was in the hands of the rebels, and that Princes Chung and
-Ying were marching up the river to take possession of Hupeh, and that
-Shih Ta Kai, another chief, was assigned the conquest of Yun Nan, Kwai
-Chow and Sze Chune provinces. At that time Chin Kiang was being besieged
-by the rebels, and Chi Wong was in command of an army of observation in
-Kiang Nan. Such was the rambling statement given us by Chin regarding
-the disposition of the rebel forces under different chiefs or princes.
-
-After dining with him in the evening, we repaired to our boat for the
-night. The next morning, November 15th, we again went into the city and
-called upon Liu, but, failing to see him, we again called upon Chin to
-arrange for the conveyance of our luggage and ourselves from Tan Yang to
-Nanking. The aide told us to send all our things to Chin’s office and
-that our boat, if left in Tan Yang until our return, would be well cared
-for and protected during our absence. So next morning, the 16th of
-November, we started on foot and walked fifteen miles from Tan Yang to a
-village called Po Ying, about six miles from the city of Ku Yung, where
-we halted to pass the night. We had some difficulty in securing a
-resting place. The people were poor and had no confidence in strangers.
-We, however, after some coaxing, were supplied with straws spread out on
-the ground, and the next morning we gave the old women a dollar. We had
-boiled rice gruel, cold chicken and crackers for our breakfast. When we
-reached Ku Yung about nine o’clock on the 17th of November, we found
-that every gate of the city was closed against us, as well as all
-others, because a rumor was afloat that the rebels before Chin Kiang
-were defeated, and that they were flocking towards Ku Yung for shelter.
-So we concluded to continue on our journey towards Nanking, though our
-missionary friends came near deciding to return to Tan Yang and wend our
-way back to Shanghai. We proceeded not far from Ku Yung, when we finally
-succeeded in getting chairs and mules to prosecute our journey.
-
-On the 18th of November, after a trying and wearisome journey, we
-reached Nanking. I was the first one to reach the South Gate, waiting
-for the rest of the party to come up before entering. We were reported
-inside of the gate and messengers accompanied us to the headquarters of
-the Rev. Mr. Roberts, close by the headquarters of Hung Jin, styled
-Prince Kan.
-
-After our preliminary introduction to the Rev. Mr. Roberts, I excused
-myself, and leaving the rest of the party to continue their conversation
-with him, retired to my quarters to clean up and get rested from the
-long and tedious journey. In fact, I had little or nothing to say while
-in Mr. Roberts’ presence, nor did I attempt to make myself known to him.
-I had seen him often in Macao when in Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school, twenty or
-more years before, and I had recognized him at once as soon as I set my
-eyes on him. He certainly appeared old to me, being dressed in his
-yellow satin robe of state and moving leisurely in his clumsy Chinese
-shoes. Exactly in what capacity he was acting in Nanking, I was at a
-loss to know; whether still as a religious adviser to Hung Siu Chune, or
-playing the part of secretary of state for the Taiping Dynasty, no one
-seemed able to tell.
-
-The next day (the 19th of November) I was invited to call on Kan Wong.
-He was a nephew of Hung Siu Chune, the rebel chief who was styled Tien
-Wong or the Celestial Sovereign. Before Hung Jin came to Nanking, I had
-made his acquaintance, in 1856, at Hong Kong. He was then connected with
-the London Mission Association as a native preacher and was under Dr.
-James Legge, the distinguished translator of the Chinese classics. I saw
-considerable of him while in Hong Kong and even then he had expressed a
-wish that he might see me some day in Nanking. He was then called Hung
-Jin, but since he had joined his uncle in Nanking, he was raised to the
-position of a prince. Kan means “Protecting,” and Kan Wong signifies
-“Protecting Prince.” He greeted me very cordially and evidently was glad
-to see me. After the usual exchange of conventionalities, he wanted to
-know what I thought of the Taipings; whether I thought well enough of
-their cause to identify myself with it. In reply, I said I had no
-intention of casting my lot with them, but came simply to see him and
-pay my respects. At the same time, I wanted to find out for my own
-satisfaction the actual condition of things in Nanking. I said the
-journey from Suchau to Nanking had suggested several things to me,
-which I thought might be of interest to him. They were as follows:
-
- 1. To organize an army on scientific principles.
-
- 2. To establish a military school for the training of competent
- military officers.
-
- 3. To establish a naval school for a navy.
-
- 4. To organize a civil government with able and experienced men to
- act as advisers in the different departments of administration.
-
- 5. To establish a banking system, and to determine on a standard of
- weight and measure.
-
- 6. To establish an educational system of graded schools for the
- people, making the Bible one of the text books.
-
- 7. To organize a system of industrial schools.
-
-These were the topics that suggested themselves to me during the
-journey. If the Taiping government would be willing, I said, to adopt
-these measures and set to work to make suitable appropriations for them,
-I would be perfectly willing to offer my services to help carry them
-out. It was in that capacity that I felt I could be of the most service
-to the Taiping cause. In any other, I would simply be an encumbrance and
-a hindrance to them.
-
-Such was the outcome of my first interview. Two days later, I was again
-invited to call. In the second interview, we discussed the merits and
-the importance of the seven proposals stated in our first interview. Kan
-Wong, who had seen more of the outside world than the other princes or
-leaders, and even more than Hung Siu Chune himself, knew wherein lay the
-secret of the strength and power of the British government and other
-European powers, and fully appreciated the paramount importance and
-bearing of these proposals. But he was alone and had no one to back him
-in advocating them. The other princes, or leaders, were absent from the
-city, carrying on their campaign against the imperialists. He said he
-was well aware of the importance of these measures, but nothing could be
-done until they returned, as it required the consent of the majority to
-any measure before it could be carried out.
-
-A few days after this a small parcel was presented to me as coming from
-Kan Wong. On opening it, I found to my great surprise a wooden seal
-about four inches long and an inch wide, having my name carved with the
-title of “E,”
-
-[Illustration: Chinese character]
-
-which means “Righteousness,” and designates the fourth official rank
-under that of a prince, which is the first. My title was written out on
-a piece of yellow satin stamped with the official seal of the Kan Wong.
-I was placed in a quandary and was at a loss to know its
-purport,--whether it was intended to detain me in Nanking for good or to
-commit me irretrievably to the Taiping cause, _nolens volens_. At all
-events, I had not been consulted in the matter and Kan Wong had
-evidently acted on his own responsibility and taken it for granted that
-by conferring on me such a high rank as the fourth in the official scale
-of the Taipings, I might be induced to accept and thus identify myself
-with the Taiping cause--of the final success of which I had strong
-doubts, judging from the conduct, character and policy of the leading
-men connected with it. I talked the matter over with my associates, and
-came to the decision that I must forthwith return the seal and decline
-the tempting bauble. I went in person to thank Kan Wong for this
-distinguished mark of his high consideration, and told him that at any
-time when the leaders of the Taipings decided to carry out either one
-or all of my suggestions, made in my first interview with him, I should
-be most happy to serve them, if my services were needed to help in the
-matter. I then asked him as a special favor for a passport that would
-guarantee me a safe conduct in traveling through the territory under the
-jurisdiction of the Taipings, whether on business or pleasure. The
-passport was issued to me the next day, on the 24th of December, and we
-were furnished with proper conveyances and provisions to take us back to
-the city of Tan Yang, where our boat lay under the protection of Chin,
-second in command of the city, waiting our return from Nanking. We
-started on our return trip for Shanghai on the 27th of December by the
-same route as we came, and arrived safely in Tan Yang in the early part
-of January, 1861.
-
-On my way back to Shanghai, I had ample time to form an estimate of the
-Taiping Rebellion--its origin, character and significance.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XI
-
-REFLECTIONS ON THE TAIPING REBELLION
-
-
-Rebellions and revolutions in China are not new and rare historic
-occurrences. There have been at least twenty-four dynasties and as many
-attendant rebellions or revolutions. But with the exception of the
-Feudatory period, revolutions in China (since the consolidation of the
-three Kingdoms into one Empire under the Emperor Chin) meant only a
-change of hands in the government, without a change either of its form,
-or principles. Hence the history of China for at least two thousand
-years, like her civilization, bears the national impress of a monotonous
-dead level--jejune in character, wanting in versatility of genius, and
-almost devoid of historic inspiration.
-
-The Taiping Rebellion differs from its predecessors in that in its
-embryo stage it had taken onto itself the religious element, which
-became the vital force that carried it from the defiles and wilds of
-Kwangsi province in the southwest to the city of Nanking in the
-northeast, and made it for a period of fifteen years a constantly
-impending danger to the Manchu Dynasty, whose corruption, weakness and
-maladministration were the main causes that evoked the existence of this
-great rebellion.
-
-The religious element that gave it life and character was a foreign
-product, introduced into China by the early Protestant missionaries, of
-whom Dr. Robert Morrison was the first English pioneer sent out by the
-London Mission, followed a decade later by the Rev. Icabod J. Roberts,
-an American missionary. These two missionaries may properly claim the
-credit, if there is any, of having contributed (each in his particular
-sphere) in imparting to Hung Siu Chune a knowledge of Christianity. Dr.
-Morrison, on his part, had translated the Bible into Chinese, and the
-Emperor Khang Hsi’s dictionary into English; both these achievements
-gave the missionary work in China a basis to go upon in prosecuting the
-work of revising and of bringing the Bible to the Chinese standard of
-literary taste, so as to commend it to the literary classes, and in
-making further improvements in perfecting the Chinese-English
-dictionary, which was subsequently done by such men as Dr. Medhurst,
-Bishop Boone, Dr. Legge, E. C. Bridgeman, and S. Wells Williams.
-
-Besides these works of translation, which undoubtedly called for further
-revision and improvement, Dr. Morrison also gave China a native
-convert--Leang Ahfah--who became afterwards a noted preacher and the
-author of some religious tracts.
-
-Hung Siu Chune, in his quest after religious knowledge and truths, got
-hold of a copy of Dr. Morrison’s Bible and the tracts of Leang Ahfah. He
-read and studied them, but he stood in need of a teacher to explain to
-him many points in the Bible, which appeared to him mysterious and
-obscure. He finally made the acquaintance of the Rev. Mr. Icabod J.
-Roberts, an American missionary from Missouri, who happened to make his
-headquarters in Canton. Hung Siu Chune called upon him often, till their
-acquaintance ripened into a close and lasting friendship, which was kept
-up till Hung Siu Chune succeeded in taking Nanking, when Mr. Roberts was
-invited to reside there in the double capacity of a religious teacher
-and a state adviser. This was undoubtedly done in recognition of Mr.
-Roberts’ services as Hung’s teacher and friend while in Canton. No one
-knew what had become of Mr. Roberts when Nanking fell and reverted to
-the imperialists in 1864.
-
-It was about this time, when he was sedulously seeking Mr. Roberts’
-religious instructions at Canton, that Hung failed to pass his first
-competitive examination as a candidate to compete for official
-appointment, and he decided to devote himself exclusively to the work of
-preaching the Gospel to his own people, the Hakkas of Kwang Tung and
-Kwangsi. But as a colporter and native preacher, Hung had not reached
-the climax of his religious experience before taking up his stand as the
-leader of his people in open rebellion against the Manchu Dynasty.
-
-We must go back to the time when, as a candidate for the literary
-competitive examinations, he was disappointed. This threw him into a
-fever, and when he was tossing about in delirium, he was supposed to
-have been translated to Heaven, where he was commanded by the Almighty
-to fill and execute the divine mission of his life, which was to destroy
-idolatry, to rectify all wrong, to teach the people a knowledge of the
-true God, and to preach redemption through Christ. In view of such a
-mission, and being called to the presence of God, he at once assumed
-himself to be the son of God, co-equal with Christ, whom he called his
-elder brother.
-
-It was in such a state of mental hallucination that Hung Siu Chune
-appeared before his little congregation of Hakkas--migrating
-strangers--in the defiles and wilds of Kwangsi. Their novel and strange
-conduct as worshippers of Shangti--the Supreme Ruler--their daily
-religious exercises, their prayers, and their chanting of the doxology
-as taught and enjoined by him, had attracted a widespread attention
-throughout all the surrounding region of Kwangsi. Every day fresh
-accessions of new comers flocked to their fold and swelled their ranks,
-till their numerical force grew so that the local mandarins were baffled
-and at their wits’ end to know what to do with these believers of
-Christianity. Such, in brief, was the origin, growth and character of
-the Christian element working among the simple and rustic mountaineers
-of Kwangsi and Kwang Tung.
-
-It is true that their knowledge of Christianity, as sifted through the
-medium of the early missionaries from the West, and the native converts
-and colporters, was at best crude and elementary, but still they were
-truths of great power, potential enough to turn simple men and
-religiously-inclined women into heroes and heroines who faced dangers
-and death with the utmost indifference, as was seen subsequently, when
-the government had decided to take the bull by the horns and resorted to
-persecution as the final means to break up this religious, fanatical
-community. In their conflicts with the imperial forces, they had neither
-guns nor ammunition, but fought with broomsticks, flails and pitchforks.
-With these rustic and farming implements they drove the imperialist
-hordes before them as chaff and stubble before a hurricane. Such was
-their pent-up religious enthusiasm and burning ardor.
-
-Now this religious persecution was the side issue that had changed the
-resistance of Hung Siu Chune and his followers, in their religious
-capacity, into the character of a political rebellion. It is difficult
-to say whether or not, if persecution had not been resorted to, Hung Siu
-Chune and his followers would have remained peaceably in the heart of
-China and developed a religious community. We are inclined to think,
-however, that even if there had been no persecution, a rebellion would
-have taken place, from the very nature of the political situation.
-
-Neither Christianity nor religious persecution was the immediate and
-logical cause of the rebellion of 1850. They might be taken as
-incidents or occasions that brought it about, but they were not the real
-causes of its existence. These may be found deeply seated in the vitals
-of the political constitution of the government. Foremost among them was
-the corruption of the administrative government. The whole official
-organization, from head to foot, was honeycombed and tainted by a system
-of bribery, which passed under the polite and generic term of
-“presents,” similar in character to what is now known as “graft.” Next
-comes the exploitation of the people by the officials, who found an
-inexhaustible field to build up their fortunes. Finally comes the
-inevitable and logical corollary to official bribery and exploitation,
-namely, that the whole administrative government was founded on a
-gigantic system of fraud and falsehood.
-
-This rebellion rose in the arena of China with an enigmatic character
-like that of the Sphinx, somewhat puzzling at the start. The Christian
-world throughout the whole West, on learning of its Christian
-tendencies, such as the worship of the true and living God; Christ the
-Savior of the world; the Holy Spirit, the purifier of the soul; the
-destruction of temples and idols that was found wherever their
-victorious arms carried them; the uncompromising prohibition of the
-opium habit; the observance of a Sabbath; the offering of prayers before
-and after meals; the invocation of divine aid before a battle--all these
-cardinal points of a Christian faith created a world-wide impression
-that China, through the instrumentality of the Taipings, was to be
-evangelized; that the Manchu Dynasty was to be swept out of existence,
-and a “Celestial Empire of Universal Peace,” as it was named by Hung Siu
-Chune, was going to be established, and thus China, by this wonderful
-intervention of a wise Providence, would be brought within the pale of
-Christian nations. But Christendom was a little too credulous and
-impulsive in the belief. It did not stop to have the Christianity of the
-Taipings pass through the crucible of a searching analysis.
-
-Their first victory over their persecutors undoubtedly gave Hung Siu
-Chune and his associates the first intimation of a possible overturning
-of the Manchu Dynasty and the establishment of a new one, which he named
-in his religious ecstasy “The Celestial Empire of Universal Peace.” To
-the accomplishment of this great object, they bent the full force of
-their iconoclastic enthusiasm and religious zeal.
-
-En route from Kwang Si, their starting point, to Nanking, victory had
-perched on their standard all the way. They had despatched a division of
-their army to Peking, and, on its way to the northern capitol, it had
-met with a repulse and defeat at Tientsin from whence they had turned
-back to Nanking. In their victorious march through Hunan, Hupeh, Kiang
-Si and part of An Hwui, their depleted forces were replenished and
-reinforced by fresh and new accessions gathered from the people of those
-provinces. They were the riffraff and scum of their populations. This
-rabble element added no new strength to their fighting force, but proved
-to be an encumbrance and caused decided weakness. They knew no
-discipline, and had no restraining religious power to keep them from
-pillage, plunder and indiscriminate destruction. It was through such new
-accessions that the Taiping cause lost its prestige, and was defeated
-before Tientsin and forced to retreat to Nanking. After their defeat in
-the North, they began to decline in their religious character and their
-bravery. Their degeneracy was accelerated by the capture of Yang Chow,
-Suchau, and Hangchau, cities noted in Chinese history for their great
-wealth as well as for their beautiful women. The capture of these
-centers of a materialistic civilization poured into their laps untold
-wealth and luxury which tended to hasten their downfall.
-
-The Taiping Rebellion, after fifteen years of incessant and desultory
-fighting, collapsed and passed into oblivion, without leaving any traces
-of its career worthy of historical commemoration beyond the fact that it
-was the outburst of a religious fanaticism which held the Christian
-world in doubt and bewilderment, by reason of its Christian origin. It
-left no trace of its Christian element behind either in Nanking, where
-it sojourned for nearly ten years, or in Kwang Si, where it had its
-birth. In China, neither new political ideas nor political theories or
-principles were discovered which would have constituted the basal facts
-of a new form of government. So that neither in the religious nor yet in
-the political world was mankind in China or out of China benefited by
-that movement. The only good that resulted from the Taiping Rebellion
-was that God made use of it as a dynamic power to break up the stagnancy
-of a great nation and wake up its consciousness for a new national life,
-as subsequent events in 1894, 1895, 1898, 1900, 1901, and 1904-5 fully
-demonstrated.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XII
-
-EXPEDITION TO THE TAIPING TEA DISTRICT
-
-
-My Nanking visit was utterly barren of any substantial hope of promoting
-any scheme of educational or political reform for the general welfare of
-China or for the advancement of my personal interest. When I was
-thoroughly convinced that neither the reformation nor the regeneration
-of China was to come from the Taipings, I at once turned my thoughts to
-the idea of making a big fortune as my first duty, and as the first
-element in the successful carrying out of other plans for the future.
-
-One day, while sauntering about in the tea garden inside the city of
-Shanghai, I came across a few tea-merchants regaling themselves with
-that beverage in a booth by themselves, evidently having a very social
-time. They beckoned to me to join their party. In the course of the
-conversation, we happened to touch on my late journey through the tea
-districts of Hunan, Hupeh and Kiang Si and also my trip to Nanking.
-Passing from one topic of conversation to another, we lighted upon the
-subject of the green tea district of Taiping in An Hwui province. It was
-stated that an immense quantity of green tea could be found there, all
-packed and boxed ready for shipment, and that the rebels were in
-possession of the goods, and that whoever had the hardihood and courage
-to risk his life to gain possession of it would become a millionaire. I
-listened to the account with deep and absorbing interest, taking in
-everything that was said on the subject. It was stated that there were
-over 1,000,000 chests of tea there. Finally the party broke up, and I
-wended my way to my quarters completely absorbed in deep thought. I
-reasoned with myself that this was a chance for me to make a fortune,
-but wondered who would be foolhardy enough to furnish the capital,
-thinking that no business man of practical experience would risk his
-money in such a wild goose adventure, surrounded as it was with more
-than ordinary dangers and difficulties, in a country where highway
-robbery, lawlessness and murder were of daily occurrence. But with the
-glamor of a big fortune confronting me, all privations, dangers and
-risks of life seemed small and faded into airy nothing.
-
-My friend, Tsang Mew, who had been instrumental in having me sent
-traveling into the interior a year before, was a man of great business
-experience. He had a long head and a large circle of business
-acquaintances, besides being my warm friend, so I concluded to go to him
-and talk over the whole matter, as I knew he would not hesitate to give
-me his best advice. I laid the whole subject before him. He said he
-would consider the matter fully and in a few days let me know what he
-had decided to do about it. After a few days, he told me that he had had
-several consultations with the head of the firm, of which he was
-comprador, and between them the company had decided to take up my
-project.
-
-The plan of operation as mapped out by me was as follows: I was to go to
-the district of Taiping by the shortest and safest route possible, to
-find out whether the quantity of tea did exist; whether it was safe to
-have treasure taken up there to pay the rebels for the tea; and whether
-it was possible to have the tea supply taken down by native boats to be
-transhipped by steamer to Shanghai. This might be called the preliminary
-expedition. Then, I was to determine which of the two routes would be
-the more feasible,--there being two, one by way of Wuhu, a treaty port,
-and another by way of Ta Tung, not a treaty port, a hundred miles above
-Wuhu. Wuhu and the whole country leading to Taiping, including the
-district itself, was under the jurisdiction of the rebels, whereas Ta
-Tung was still in possession of the imperialists. From Wuhu to Taiping
-by river the distance was about two hundred and fifty miles, whereas, by
-way of Ta Tung, the way, though shorter, was mostly overland, which made
-transportation more difficult and expensive, besides having to pay the
-imperialists a heavy war-tax at Ta Tung, while duty and war-tax were
-entirely free at Wuhu.
-
-In this expedition of inspection, I chose Wuhu as the basis of my
-operation. I started with four Chinese tea-men, natives of Taiping who
-had fled to Shanghai as refugees when the whole district was changed
-into a theatre of bloody conflicts between the imperialist and rebel
-forces for two years. On the way up the Wuhu River, we passed three
-cities mostly deserted by their inhabitants, but occupied by rebels.
-Paddy fields on both sides of the river were mostly left uncultivated
-and deserted, overrun with rank weeds and tall grass. As we ascended
-towards Taiping, the whole region presented a heartrending and
-depressing scene of wild waste and devastation. Whole villages were
-depopulated and left in a dilapidated condition. Out of a population of
-500,000 only a few dozen people were seen wandering about in a listless,
-hopeless condition, very much emaciated and looking like walking
-skeletons.
-
-After a week’s journey we reached the village of San Kow, where we were
-met and welcomed by three tea-men who had been in Shanghai about four
-years previous. It seemed that they had succeeded in weathering the
-storm which had swept away the bulk of the population and left them
-among the surviving few. They were mighty glad to see us, and our
-appearance in the village seemed to be a God-send. Among the houses that
-were left intact, I selected the best of them to be my headquarters for
-the transaction of the tea business. The old tea-men were brought in to
-co-operate in the business and they showed us where the tea was stored.
-I was told that in San Kow there were at least five hundred thousand
-boxes, but in the whole district of Taiping there were at least a
-million and a half boxes, about sixty pounds of tea to a box.
-
-At the end of another week, I returned to Wuhu and reported all
-particulars. I had found that the way up from Wuhu by river to Taiping
-was perfectly safe and I did not anticipate any danger to life or
-treasure. I had seen a large quantity of the green tea myself and found
-out that all that was needed was to ship as much treasure as it was safe
-to have housed in Wuhu, and from there to have it transferred in country
-tea-boats, well escorted by men in case of any emergency. I also sent
-samples of the different kinds of green tea to Shanghai to be inspected
-and listed. These proved to be satisfactory, and the order came back to
-buy as much of the stock as could be bought.
-
-I was appointed the head of all succeeding expeditions to escort
-treasure up the river to San Kow and cargoes of tea from there to Wuhu.
-In one of these expeditions, I had a staff of six Europeans and an equal
-number of Chinese tea-men. We had eight boxes of treasure containing
-altogether Tls. 40,000. A tael, in the sixties, according to the
-exchange of that period, was equal to $1.33, making the total amount in
-Mexican dollars to be a little over $53,000. We had a fleet of eight
-tea-boats, four large ones and four smaller ones. The treasure was
-divided into two equal parts and was placed in the two largest and
-staunchest boats. The men were also divided into two squads, three
-Europeans and three Chinese in one large boat and an equal number in the
-other. We were well provided with firearms, revolvers and cutlasses.
-Besides the six Europeans, we had about forty men including the boatmen,
-but neither the six tea-men nor the boatmen could be relied upon to show
-fight in case of emergency. The only reliable men I had to fall back
-upon, in case of emergency, were the Europeans; even in these I was not
-sure I could place implicit confidence, for they were principally
-runaway sailors of an adventurous character picked up in Shanghai by the
-company and sent up to Wuhu to escort the treasure up to the interior.
-Among them was an Englishman who professed to be a veterinary doctor. He
-was over six feet tall in his stocking feet, a man of fine personal
-appearance, but he did not prove himself to be of very stout heart, as
-may be seen presently. Thus prepared and equipped, we left Wuhu in fine
-spirits. We proceeded on our journey a little beyond the city of King
-Yuen, which is about half the way to San Kow. We could have gone a
-little beyond King Yuen, but thinking it might be safer to be near the
-city, where the rebel chief had seen my passport, obtained in Nanking,
-and knew that I had influential people in Nanking, we concluded to pass
-the night in a safe secluded little cove in the bend of the river just
-large enough for our little boats to moor close to each other, taking
-due precaution to place the two largest ones in the center, flanked by
-the other boats on the right and left of them; the smaller boats
-occupied the extreme ends of the line.
-
-Before retiring, I had ordered all our firearms to be examined and
-loaded and properly distributed. Watchmen were stationed in each boat to
-keep watch all night, for which they were to be paid extra. The
-precautionary steps having thus been taken, we all retired for the
-night. An old tea-man and myself were the only ones who lay wide awake
-while the rest gave unmistakable signs of deep sleep. I felt somewhat
-nervous and could not sleep. The new moon had peeked in upon us
-occasionally with her cold smile, as heavy and dark clouds were scudding
-across her path. Soon she was shut in and disappeared, and all was
-shrouded in pitch darkness. The night was nearly half spent, when my
-ears caught the distant sound of whooping and yelling which seemed to
-increase in volume. I immediately started up to dress myself and
-quietly woke up the Europeans and Chinese in both boats. As the yelling
-and whooping drew nearer and nearer it seemed to come from a thousand
-throats, filling the midnight air with unearthly sounds. In another
-instant countless torch lights were seen dancing and whirling in the
-dismal darkness right on the opposite bank. Fortunately the river was
-between this marauding band and us, while pitch darkness concealed our
-boats from their sight. In view of such impending danger, we held a
-council of war. None of us were disposed to fight and endanger our lives
-in a conflict in which the odds were fearfully against us, there being
-about a thousand to one. But the English veterinary doctor was the
-foremost and most strenuous of the Europeans to advocate passive
-surrender. His countenance actually turned pale and he trembled all
-over, whether from fear or the chilly atmosphere of the night I could
-not tell. Having heard from each one what he had to say, I could do
-nothing but step forward and speak to them, which I did in this wise:
-“Well, boys, you have all decided not to fight in case we are attacked,
-but to surrender our treasure. The ground for taking such a step is that
-we are sure to be outnumbered by a rebel host. So that in such a
-dilemma discretion is the better part of valor, and Tls. 40,000 are not
-worth sacrificing our lives for. But by surrendering our trust without
-making an effort of some kind to save it, we would be branded as
-unmitigated cowards, and we could never expect to be trusted with any
-responsible commission again. Now, I will tell you what I propose to do.
-If the rebel horde should come over and attempt to seize our treasure, I
-will spring forward with my yellow silk passport, and demand to see
-their chief, while you fellows with your guns and arms must stand by the
-treasure. Do not fire and start the fight. By parleying with them, it
-will for the moment check their determination to plunder, and they will
-have a chance to find out who we are, and where I obtained the passport;
-and, even if they should carry off the treasure, I shall tell their
-chief that I will surely report the whole proceeding in Nanking and
-recover every cent of our loss.”
-
-These remarks seemed to revive the spirit and courage of the men, after
-which we all sat on the forward decks of our boats anxiously waiting for
-what the next moment would bring forth. While in this state of
-expectancy, our hearts palpitating in an audible fashion, our eyes were
-watching intently the opposite shore. All the shouting and yelling
-seemed to have died away, and nothing could be seen but torches moving
-about slowly and leisurely in regular detachments, each detachment
-stopping occasionally and then moving on again. This was kept up for
-over two hours, while they constantly receded from us. I asked an old
-boatman the meaning of such movements and was told that the marauding
-horde was embarking in boats along the whole line of the opposite shore
-and was moving down stream. It was three o’clock in the morning, and it
-began to rain. A few of the advance boats had passed us without
-discovering where we were. They were loaded with men and floated by us
-in silence. By four o’clock the last boats followed the rest and soon
-disappeared from sight. Evidently, from the stillness that characterized
-the long line of boats as they floated down stream, the buccaneering
-horde was completely used up by their looting expedition, and at once
-abandoned themselves to sound sleep when they got on board the boats. We
-thanked our stars for such a narrow escape from such an unlooked-for
-danger. We owed our safety to the darkness of the night, the rain and
-to the fact that we were on the opposite shore in a retired cove. By
-five o’clock all our anxieties and fears were laid aside and turned into
-joy and thankfulness. We resumed our journey with light hearts and
-reached San Kow two days later in peace and safety. In less than two
-weeks we sent down to Wuhu, escorted by Europeans and tea-men, the first
-installment, consisting of fifteen boatloads of tea to be transhipped by
-steamer to Shanghai. The next installment consisted of twelve boatloads.
-I escorted that down the river in person. The river, in some places,
-especially in the summer, was quite shallow and a way had to be dug to
-float the boats down. In one or two instances the boatmen were very
-reluctant to jump into the water to do the work of deepening the river,
-and on one occasion I had to jump in, with the water up to my waist, in
-order to set them an example. When they caught the idea and saw me in
-the water, every man followed my example and vied with each other in
-clearing a way for the boats, for they saw I meant business and there
-was no fooling about it either.
-
-I was engaged in this Taiping tea business for about six months, and
-took away about sixty-five thousand boxes of tea, which was hardly a
-tenth part of the entire stock found in the district. Then I was taken
-down with the fever and ague of the worst type. As I could get no
-medical relief at Wuhu, I was obliged to return to Shanghai, where I was
-laid up sick for nearly two months. Those two months of sickness had
-knocked all ideas of making a big fortune out of my head. I gave up the
-Taiping tea enterprise, because it called for a greater sacrifice of
-health and wear upon my nervous system than I was able to stand. The
-King Yuen midnight incident, which came near proving a disastrous one
-for me, with the marauding horde of unscrupulous cut-throats, had been
-quite a shock on my nervous system at the time and may have been the
-primal cause of my two months’ sickness; it served as a sufficient
-warning to me not to tax my nervous system by further encounters and
-disputes with the rebel chiefs, whose price on the tea we bought of them
-was being increased every day. A dispassionate and calm view of the
-enterprise convinced me that I would have to preserve my life, strength
-and energy for a higher and worthier object than any fortune I might
-make out of this Taiping tea, which, after all, was plundered property.
-I am sure that no fortune in the world could be brought in the balance
-to weigh against my life, which is of inestimable value to me.
-
-Although I had made nothing out of the Taiping teas, yet the fearless
-spirit, the determination to succeed, and the pluck to be able to do
-what few would undertake in face of exceptional difficulties and
-hazards, that I had exhibited in the enterprise, were in themselves
-assets worth more to me than a fortune. I was well-known, both among
-foreign merchants and native business men, so that as soon as it was
-known that I had given up the Taiping tea enterprise on account of
-health, I was offered a tea agency in the port of Kew Keang for packing
-teas for another foreign firm. I accepted it as a temporary shift, but
-gave it up in less than six months and started a commission business on
-my own account. I continued this business for nearly three years and was
-doing as well as I had expected to do. It was at this time while in Kew
-Keang that I caught the first ray of hope of materializing the
-educational scheme I had been weaving during the last year of my college
-life.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII
-
-MY INTERVIEWS WITH TSANG KWOH FAN
-
-
-In 1863, I was apparently prospering in my business, when, to my great
-surprise, an unexpected letter from the city of Ngan Khing, capital of
-An Whui province, was received. The writer was an old friend whose
-acquaintance I had made in Shanghai in 1857. He was a native of Ningpo,
-and was in charge of the first Chinese gunboat owned by the local
-Shanghai guild. He had apparently risen in official rank and had become
-one of Tsang Kwoh Fan’s secretaries. His name was Chang Shi Kwei. In
-this letter, Chang said he was authorized by Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan to
-invite me to come down to Ngan Khing to call, as he (the Viceroy) had
-heard of me and wished very much to see me. On the receipt of the letter
-I was in a quandary and asked myself many questions: What could such a
-distinguished man want of me? Had he got wind of my late visit to
-Nanking and of my late enterprise to the district of Taiping for the
-green tea that was held there by the rebels? Tsang Kwoh Fan himself had
-been in the department of Hwui Chow fighting the rebels a year before
-and had been defeated, and he was reported to have been killed in
-battle. Could he have been told that I had been near the scene of his
-battle and had been in communication with the rebels, and did he want,
-under a polite invitation, to trap me and have my head off? But Chang,
-his secretary, was an old friend of many years’ standing. I knew his
-character well; he wouldn’t be likely to play the cat’s paw to have me
-captured. Thus deliberating from one surmise to another, I concluded not
-to accept the invitation until I had learned more of the great man’s
-purpose in sending for me.
-
-In reply to the letter, I wrote and said I thanked His Excellency for
-his great condescension and considered it a great privilege and honor to
-be thus invited, but on account of the tea season having set in (which
-was in February), I was obliged to attend to the orders for packing tea
-that were fast coming in; but that as soon as they were off my hands, I
-would manage to go and pay my respects to His Excellency.
-
-Two months after receiving the first letter, a second one came urging me
-to come to Ngan Khing as early as possible. This second letter enclosed
-a letter written by Li Sien Lan, the distinguished Chinese
-mathematician, whose acquaintance I had also made while in Shanghai. He
-was the man who assisted a Mr. Wiley, a missionary of the London Board
-of Missions, in the translation of several mathematical works into
-Chinese, among which was the Integral and Differential Calculus over
-which I well remember to have “flunked and fizzled” in my sophomore year
-in college; and, in this connection, I might as well frankly own that in
-my make-up mathematics was left out. Mr. Li Sien Lan was also an
-astronomer. In his letter, he said he had told Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan
-who I was and that I had had a foreign education; how I had raised a
-handsome subscription to help the famine refugees in 1857; that I had a
-strong desire to help China to become prosperous, powerful and strong.
-He said the viceroy had some important business for me to do, and that
-Chu and Wa, who were interested in machinery of all kinds, were also in
-Ngan Khing, having been invited there by the Viceroy. Mr. Li’s letter
-completely dispelled all doubts and misgivings on my part as to the
-viceroy’s design in wishing to see me, and gave me an insight as to his
-purpose for sending for me.
-
-As an answer to these letters, I wrote saying that in a couple of months
-I should be more at liberty to take the journey. But my second reply did
-not seem to satisfy the strong desire on the part of Tsang Kwoh Fan to
-see me. So in July, 1863, I received a third letter from Chang and a
-second one from Li. In these letters the object of the viceroy was
-clearly and frankly stated. He wanted me to give up my mercantile
-business altogether and identify myself under him in the service of the
-state government, and asked whether or not I could come down to Ngan
-Khing at once. In view of this unexpected offer, which demanded prompt
-and explicit decision, I was not slow to see what possibility there was
-of carrying out my educational scheme, having such a powerful man as
-Tsang Kwoh Fan to back it. I immediately replied that upon learning the
-wishes of His Excellency, I had taken the whole situation into
-consideration, and had concluded to go to his headquarters at Ngan
-Khing, just as soon as I had wound up my business, which would take me a
-complete month, and that I would start by August at the latest. Thus
-ended the correspondence which was really the initiatory step of my
-official career.
-
-Tsang Kwoh Fan was a most remarkable character in Chinese history. He
-was regarded by his contemporaries as a great scholar and a learned man.
-Soon after the Taiping Rebellion broke out and began to assume vast
-proportions, carrying before it province after province, Tsang began to
-drill an army of his own compatriots of Hunan who had always had the
-reputation of being brave and hardy fighters. In his work of raising a
-disciplined army, he secured the co-operation of other Hunan men, who
-afterwards took a prominent part in building up a flotilla of river
-gun-boats. This played a great and efficient part as an auxiliary force
-on the Yangtze River, and contributed in no small measure to check the
-rapid and ready concentration of the rebel forces, which had spread over
-a vast area on both banks of the great Yangtze River. In the space of a
-few years the lost provinces were gradually recovered, till the
-rebellion was narrowed down within the single province of Kiang Su, of
-which Nanking, the capital of the rebellion, was the only stronghold
-left. This finally succumbed to the forces of Tsang Kwoh Fan in 1864.
-
-To crush and end a rebellion of such dimensions as that of the Taipings
-was no small task. Tsang Kwoh Fan was made the generalissimo of the
-imperialists. To enable him to cope successfully with the Taipings,
-Tsang was invested with almost regal power. The revenue of seven or
-eight provinces was laid at his feet for disposal, also official ranks
-and territorial appointments were at his command. So Tsang Kwoh Fan was
-literally and practically the supreme power of China at the time. But
-true to his innate greatness, he was never known to abuse the almost
-unlimited power that was placed in his hands, nor did he take advantage
-of the vast resources that were at his disposal to enrich himself or his
-family, relatives or friends. Unlike Li Hung Chang, his protégé and
-successor, who bequeathed Tls. 40,000,000 to his descendants after his
-death, Tsang died comparatively poor, and kept the escutcheon of his
-official career untarnished and left a name and character honored and
-revered for probity, patriotism and purity. He had great talents, but he
-was modest. He had a liberal mind, but he was conservative. He was a
-perfect gentleman and a nobleman of the highest type. It was such a man
-that I had the great fortune to come in contact with in the fall of
-1863.
-
-After winding up my business in New Keang, I took passage in a native
-boat and landed at Ngan Khing in September. There, in the military
-headquarters of Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, I was met by my friends, Chang
-Si Kwei, Li Sien Lan, Wha Yuh Ting and Chu Siuh Chune, all old friends
-from Shanghai. They were glad to see me, and told me that the viceroy
-for the past six months, after hearing them tell that as a boy I had
-gone to America to get a Western education, had manifested the utmost
-curiosity and interest to see me, which accounted for the three letters
-which Chang and Li had written urging me to come. Now, since I had
-arrived, their efforts to get me there had not been fruitless, and they
-certainly claimed some credit for praising me up to the viceroy. I asked
-them if they knew what His Excellency wanted me for, aside from the
-curiosity of seeing a native of China made into a veritable Occidental.
-They all smiled significantly and told me that I would find out after
-one or two interviews. From this, I judged that they knew the object for
-which I was wanted by the Viceroy, and perhaps, they were at the bottom
-of the whole secret.
-
-The next day I was to make my début, and called. My card was sent in,
-and without a moment’s delay or waiting in the ante-room, I was ushered
-into the presence of the great man of China. After the usual ceremonies
-of greeting, I was pointed to a seat right in front of him. For a few
-minutes he sat in silence, smiling all the while as though he were much
-pleased to see me, but at the same time his keen eyes scanned me over
-from head to foot to see if he could discover anything strange in my
-outward appearance. Finally, he took a steady look into my eyes which
-seemed to attract his special attention. I must confess I felt quite
-uneasy all the while, though I was not abashed. Then came his first
-question.
-
-“How long were you abroad?”
-
-“I was absent from China eight years in pursuit of a Western education.”
-
-“Would you like to be a soldier in charge of a company?”
-
-“I should be pleased to head one if I had been fitted for it. I have
-never studied military science.”
-
-“I should judge from your looks, you would make a fine soldier, for I
-can see from your eyes that you are brave and can command.”
-
-“I thank Your Excellency for the compliment. I may have the courage of a
-soldier, but I certainly lack military training and experience, and on
-that account I may not be able to meet Your Excellency’s expectations.”
-
-When the question of being a soldier was suggested, I thought he really
-meant to have me enrolled as an officer in his army against the rebels;
-but in this I was mistaken, as my Shanghai friends told me afterwards.
-He simply put it forward to find out whether my mind was at all
-martially inclined. But when he found by my response that the bent of my
-thought was something else, he dropped the military subject and asked me
-my age and whether or not I was married. The last question closed my
-first introductory interview, which had lasted only about half an hour.
-He began to sip his tea and I did likewise, which according to Chinese
-official etiquette means that the interview is ended and the guest is at
-liberty to take his departure.
-
-I returned to my room, and my Shanghai friends soon flocked around me to
-know what had passed between the viceroy and myself. I told them
-everything, and they were highly delighted.
-
-Tsang Kwoh Fan, as he appeared in 1863, was over sixty years of age, in
-the very prime of life. He was five feet, eight or nine inches tall,
-strongly built and well-knitted together and in fine proportion. He had
-a broad chest and square shoulders surmounted by a large symmetrical
-head. He had a broad and high forehead; his eyes were set on a straight
-line under triangular-shaped eyelids, free from that obliquity so
-characteristic of the Mongolian type of countenance usually accompanied
-by high cheek bones, which is another feature peculiar to the Chinese
-physiognomy. His face was straight and somewhat hairy. He allowed his
-side whiskers their full growth; they hung down with his full beard
-which swept across a broad chest and added dignity to a commanding
-appearance. His eyes though not large were keen and penetrating. They
-were of a clear hazel color. His mouth was large but well compressed
-with thin lips which showed a strong will and a high purpose. Such was
-Tsang Kwoh Fan’s external appearance, when I first met him at Ngan
-Khing.
-
-Regarding his character, he was undoubtedly one of the most remarkable
-men of his age and time. As a military general, he might be called a
-self-made man; by dint of his indomitable persistence and perseverance,
-he rose from his high scholarship as a Hanlin (Chinese LL.D.) to be a
-generalissimo of all the imperial forces that were levied against the
-Taiping rebels, and in less than a decade after he headed his Hunan raw
-recruits, he succeeded in reducing the wide devastations of the
-rebellion that covered a territorial area of three of the richest
-provinces of China to the single one of Kiang Nan, till finally, by the
-constriction of his forces, he succeeded in crushing the life out of the
-rebellion by the fall and capture of Nanking. The Taiping Rebellion was
-of fifteen years’ duration, from 1850 to 1865. It was no small task to
-bring it to its extinction. Its rise and progress had cost the Empire
-untold treasures, while 25,000,000 human lives were immolated in that
-political hecatomb. The close of the great rebellion gave the people a
-breathing respite. The Dowager Empress had special reasons to be
-grateful to the genius of Tsang Kwoh Fan, who was instrumental in
-restoring peace and order to the Manchu Dynasty. She was not slow,
-however, to recognize Tsang Kwoh Fan’s merits and moral worth and
-created him a duke. But Tsang’s greatness was not to be measured by any
-degree of conventional nobility; it did not consist in his victories
-over the rebels, much less in his re-capture of Nanking. It rose from
-his great virtues: his pure, unselfish patriotism, his deep and
-far-sighted statesmanship, and the purity of his official career. He is
-known in history as “the man of rectitude.” This was his posthumous
-title conferred on him by imperial decree.
-
-To resume the thread of my story, I was nearly two weeks in the
-viceroy’s headquarters, occupying a suite of rooms in the same building
-assigned to my Shanghai friends--Li, Chang, Wha and Chu. There were
-living in his military headquarters at least two hundred officials,
-gathered there from all parts of the Empire, for various objects and
-purposes. Besides his secretaries, who numbered no less than a hundred,
-there were expectant officials, learned scholars, lawyers,
-mathematicians, astronomers and machinists; in short, the picked and
-noted men of China were all drawn there by the magnetic force of his
-character and great name. He always had a great admiration for men of
-distinguished learning and talents, and loved to associate and mingle
-with them. During the two weeks of my sojourn there, I had ample
-opportunity to call upon my Shanghai friends, and in that way
-incidentally found out what the object of the Viceroy was in urging me
-to be enrolled in the government service. It seemed that my friends had
-had frequent interviews with the Viceroy in regard to having a foreign
-machine shop established in China, but it had not been determined what
-kind of a machine shop should be established. One evening they gave me a
-dinner, at which time the subject of the machine shop was brought up and
-it became the chief topic. After each man had expressed his views on the
-subject excepting myself, they wanted to know what my views were,
-intimating that in all likelihood in my next interview with the Viceroy
-he would bring up the subject. I said that as I was not an expert in the
-matter, my opinions or suggestions might not be worth much, but
-nevertheless from my personal observation in the United States and from
-a common-sense point of view, I would say that a machine shop in the
-present state of China should be of a general and fundamental character
-and not one for specific purposes. In other words, I told them they
-ought to have a machine shop that would be able to create or reproduce
-other machine shops of the same character as itself; each and all of
-these should be able to turn out specific machinery for the manufacture
-of specific things. In plain words, they would have to have general and
-fundamental machinery in order to turn out specific machinery. A machine
-shop consisting of lathes of different kinds and sizes, planers and
-drills would be able to turn out machinery for making guns, engines,
-agricultural implements, clocks, etc. In a large country like China, I
-told them, they would need many primary or fundamental machine shops,
-but that after they had one (and a first-class one at that) they could
-make it the mother shop for reproducing others--perhaps better and more
-improved. If they had a number of them, it would enable them to have the
-shops co-operate with each other in case of need. It would be cheaper to
-have them reproduced and multiplied in China, I said, where labor and
-material were cheaper, than in Europe and America. Such was my crude
-idea of the subject. After I had finished, they were apparently much
-pleased and interested, and expressed the hope that I would state the
-same views to the Viceroy if he should ask me about the subject.
-
-Several days after the dinner and conversation, the Viceroy did send for
-me. In this interview he asked me what in my opinion was the best thing
-to do for China at that time. The question came with such a force of
-meaning, that if I had not been forwarned by my friends a few evenings
-before, or if their hearts had not been set on the introduction of a
-machine shop, and they had not practically won the Viceroy over to
-their pet scheme, I might have been strongly tempted to launch forth
-upon my educational scheme as a reply to the question as to what was the
-best thing to do for China. But in such an event, being a stranger to
-the Viceroy, having been brought to his notice simply through the
-influence of my friends, I would have run a greater risk of jeopardizing
-my pet scheme of education than if I were left to act independently. My
-obligations to them were great, and I therefore decided that my
-constancy and fidelity to their friendship should be correspondingly
-great. So, instead of finding myself embarrassed in answering such a
-large and important question, I had a preconceived answer to give, which
-seemed to dove-tail into his views already crystallized into definite
-form, and which was ready to be carried out at once. So my educational
-scheme was put in the background, and the machine shop was allowed to
-take precedence. I repeated in substance what I had said to my friends
-previously in regard to establishing a mother machine shop, capable of
-reproducing other machine shops of like character, etc. I especially
-mentioned the manufacture of rifles, which, I said, required for the
-manufacture of their component parts separate machinery, but that the
-machine shop I would recommend was not one adapted for making the
-rifles, but adapted to turn out specific machinery for the making of
-rifles, cannons, cartridges, or anything else.
-
-“Well,” said he, “this is a subject quite beyond my knowledge. It would
-be well for you to discuss the matter with Wha and Chu, who are more
-familiar with it than I am and we will then decide what is best to be
-done.”
-
-This ended my interview with the Viceroy. After I left him, I met my
-friends, who were anxious to know the result of the interview. I told
-them of the outcome. They were highly elated over it. In our last
-conference it was decided that the matter of the character of the
-machine shop was to be left entirely to my discretion and judgment,
-after consulting a professional mechanical engineer. At the end of
-another two weeks, Wha was authorized to tell me that the Viceroy, after
-having seen all the four men, had decided to empower me to go abroad and
-make purchases of such machinery as in the opinion of a professional
-engineer would be the best and the right machinery for China to adopt.
-It was also left entirely to me to decide where the machinery should be
-purchased,--either in England, France or the United States of America.
-
-The location of the machine shop was to be at a place called Kow Chang
-Meu, about four miles northwest of the city of Shanghai. The Kow Chang
-Meu machine shop was afterwards known as the Kiang Nan Arsenal, an
-establishment that covers several acres of ground and embraces under its
-roof all the leading branches of mechanical work. Millions have been
-invested in it since I brought the first machinery from Fitchburg,
-Mass., in order to make it one of the greatest arsenals east of the Cape
-of Good Hope. It may properly be regarded as a lasting monument to
-commemorate Tsang Kwoh Fan’s broadmindedness as well as far-sightedness
-in establishing Western machinery in China.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV
-
-MY MISSION TO AMERICA TO BUY MACHINERY
-
-
-A week after my last interview with the Viceroy and after I had been
-told that I was to be entrusted with the execution of the order, my
-commission was made out and issued to me. In addition to the commission,
-the fifth official rank was conferred on me. It was a nominal civil
-rank, with the privilege of wearing the blue feather, as was customary
-only in war time and limited to those connected with the military
-service, but discarded in the civil service, where the peacock’s feather
-is conferred only by imperial sanction. Two official despatches were
-also made out, directing me where to receive the Tls. 68,000, the entire
-amount for the purchase of the machinery. One-half of the amount was to
-be paid by the Taotai of Shanghai, and the other half by the Treasurer
-of Canton. After all the preliminary preparations had been completed, I
-bade farewell to the Viceroy and my Shanghai friends and started on my
-journey.
-
-On my arrival in Shanghai in October, 1863, I had the good fortune to
-meet Mr. John Haskins, an American mechanical engineer, who came out to
-China with machinery for Messrs. Russell & Co. He had finished his
-business with that firm and was expecting soon to return to the States
-with his family--a wife and a little daughter. He was just the man I
-wanted. It did not take us long to get acquainted and as the time was
-short, we soon came to an understanding. We took the overland route from
-Hong Kong to London, via the Isthmus of Suez. Haskins and his family
-took passage on the French Messagerie Imperial line, while I engaged
-mine on board of one of the Peninsular & Oriental steamers. In my route
-to London, I touched at Singapore, crossed the Indian Ocean, and landed
-at Ceylon, where I changed steamers for Bengal up the Red Sea and landed
-at Cairo, where I had to cross the Isthmus by rail. The Suez Canal was
-not finished; the work of excavating was still going on. Arriving at
-Alexandria, I took passage from there to Marseilles, the southern port
-of France, while Haskins and his family took a steamer direct for
-Southampton. From Marseilles I went to Paris by rail. I was there about
-ten days, long enough to give me a general idea of the city, its public
-buildings, churches, gardens, and of Parisian gaiety. I crossed the
-English channel from Calais to Dover and went thence by rail to
-London--the first time in my life to touch English soil, and my first
-visit to the famous metropolis. While in London, I visited Whitworth’s
-machine shop, and had the pleasure of renewing my acquaintance with
-Thomas Christy, whom I knew in China in the ’50’s. I was about a month
-in England, and then crossed the Atlantic in one of the Cunard steamers
-and landed in New York in the early spring of 1864, just ten years after
-my graduation from Yale and in ample time to be present at the decennial
-meeting of my class in July. Haskins and his family had preceded me in
-another steamer for New York, in order that he might get to work on the
-drawings and specifications of the shop and machinery and get them
-completed as soon as possble. In 1864, the last year of the great Civil
-War, nearly all the machine shops in the country, especially in New
-England, were preoccupied and busy in executing government orders, and
-it was very difficult to have my machinery taken up. Finally Haskins
-succeeded in getting the Putnam Machine Co., Fitchburg, Mass., to fill
-the order.
-
-While Haskins was given sole charge of superintending the execution of
-the order, which required at least six months before the machinery could
-be completed for shipment to China, I took advantage of the interim to
-run down to New Haven and attend the decennial meeting of my class. It
-was to me a joyous event and I congratulated myself that I had the good
-luck to be present at our first re-union. Of course, the event that
-brought me back to the country was altogether unpretentious and had
-attracted little or no public attention at the time, because the whole
-country was completely engrossed in the last year of the great Civil
-War, yet I personally regarded my commission as an inevitable and
-preliminary step that would ultimately lead to the realization of my
-educational scheme, which had never for a moment escaped my mind. But at
-the meeting of my class, this subject of my life plan was not brought
-up. We had a most enjoyable time and parted with nearly the same
-fraternal feeling that characterized our parting at graduation. After
-the decennial meeting, I returned to Fitchburg and told Haskins that I
-was going down to Washington to offer my services to the government as a
-volunteer for the short period of six months, and that in case anything
-happened to me during the six months so that I could not come back to
-attend to the shipping of the machinery to Shanghai, he should attend to
-it. I left him all the papers--the cost and description of the
-machinery, the bills of lading, insurance, and freight, and directed him
-to send everything to the Viceroy’s agent in Shanghai. This
-precautionary step having been taken, I slipped down to Washington.
-
-Brigadier-General Barnes of Springfield, Mass., happened to be the
-general in charge of the Volunteer Department. His headquarters were at
-Willard’s Hotel. I called on him and made known to him my object, that I
-felt as a naturalized citizen of the United States, it was my bounden
-duty to offer my services as a volunteer courier to carry despatches
-between Washington and the nearest Federal camp for at least six months,
-simply to show my loyalty and patriotism to my adopted country, and that
-I would furnish my own equipments. He said that he remembered me well,
-having met me in the Yale Library in New Haven, in 1853, on a visit to
-his son, William Barnes, who was in the college at the time I was, and
-who afterwards became a prominent lawyer in San Francisco. General
-Barnes asked what business I was engaged in. I told him that since my
-graduation in 1854 I had been in China and had recently returned with an
-order to purchase machinery for a machine shop ordered by Viceroy and
-Generalissimo Tsang Kwoh Fan. I told him the machinery was being made to
-order in Fitchburg, Mass., under the supervision of an American
-mechanical engineer, and as it would take at least six months before the
-same could be completed, I was anxious to offer my services to the
-government in the meantime as an evidence of my loyalty and patriotism
-to my adopted country. He was quite interested and pleased with what I
-said.
-
-“Well, my young friend,” said he, “I thank you very much for your offer,
-but since you are charged with a responsible trust to execute for the
-Chinese government, you had better return to Fitchburg to attend to it.
-We have plenty of men to serve, both as couriers and as fighting men to
-go to the front.” Against this peremptory decision, I could urge nothing
-further, but I felt that I had at least fulfilled my duty to my adopted
-country.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XV
-
-MY SECOND RETURN TO CHINA
-
-
-The machinery was not finished till the early spring of 1865. It was
-shipped direct from New York to Shanghai, China; while it was doubling
-the Cape of Good Hope on its way to the East, I took passage in another
-direction, back to China. I wanted to encircle the globe once in my
-life, and this was my opportunity. I could say after that, that I had
-circumnavigated the globe. So I planned to go back by way of San
-Francisco. In order to do that, I had to take into consideration the
-fact that the Union Pacific from Chicago to San Francisco via Omaha was
-not completed, nor was any steamship line subsidized by the United
-States government to cross the Pacific from San Francisco to any
-seaport, either in Japan or China at the time. On that account I was
-obliged to take a circuitous route, by taking a coast steamer from New
-York to Panama, cross the Isthmus, and from there take passage in
-another coast steamer up the Mexican coast to San Francisco, Cal.
-
-At San Francisco, I was detained two weeks where I had to wait for a
-vessel to bridge me over the broad Pacific, either to Yokohama or
-Shanghai. At that time, as there was no other vessel advertised to sail
-for the East, I was compelled to take passage on board the “Ida de
-Rogers,” a Nantucket bark. There were six passengers, including myself.
-We had to pay $500 each for passage from San Francisco to Yokohama. The
-crew consisted of the captain, who had with him his wife, and a little
-boy six years old, a mate, three sailors and a cook, a Chinese boy. The
-“Ida de Rogers” was owned by Captain Norton who hailed from Nantucket.
-She was about one hundred and fifty feet long--an old tub at that. She
-carried no cargo and little or no ballast, except bilge-water, which may
-have come from Nantucket, for aught I know. The skipper, true to the
-point of the country where they produce crops of seamen of microscopic
-ideas, was found to be not at all deficient in his close calculations of
-how to shave closely in every bargain and, in fact, in everything in
-life. In this instance, we had ample opportunity to find out under whom
-we were sailing. Before we were fairly out of the “Golden Gate,” we were
-treated every day with salted mackerel, which I took to be the daily
-and fashionable dish of Nantucket. The cook we had made matters worse,
-as he did not seem to know his business and was no doubt picked up in
-San Francisco just to fill the vacancy. The mackerel was cooked and
-brought on the table without being freshened, and the Indian meal cakes
-that were served with it, were but half baked, so that day after day we
-practically all left the table disgusted and half starved. Not only was
-the food bad and unhealthy, but the skipper’s family was of a very low
-type. The skipper himself was a most profane man, and although I never
-heard the wife swear, yet she seemed to enjoy her husband’s oaths. Their
-little boy who was not more than six years old, seemed to have surpassed
-the father in profanity. It may be said that the young scamp had
-mastered his shorter and longer catechism of profanity completely, for
-he was not wanting in expressions of the most disgusting and repulsive
-kind, as taught him by his sire, yet his parents sat listening to him
-with evident satisfaction, glancing around at the passengers to catch
-their approval. One of the passengers, an Englishman, who stood near
-listening and smoking his pipe, only remarked ironically, “You have a
-smart boy there.” At this the skipper nodded, while the mother seemed
-to gloat over her young hopeful. Such a scene was of daily occurrence,
-and one that we could not escape, since we were cooped up in such narrow
-quarters on account of the smallness of the vessel. There was not even a
-five-foot deck where one could stretch his legs. We were most of the
-time shut up in the dining room, as it was the coolest spot we could
-find. Before our voyage was half over, we had occasion to land at one of
-the most northerly islands of the Hawaiian group for fresh water and
-provisions. While the vessel was being victualed, all the passengers
-landed and went out to the country to take a stroll, which was a great
-relief. We were gone nearly all day. We all re-embarked early in the
-evening. It seemed that the captain had filled the forward hold with
-chickens and young turkeys. We congratulated ourselves that the skipper
-after all had swung round to show a generous streak, which had only
-needed an opportunity to show itself, and that for the rest of the
-voyage he was no doubt going to feed us on fresh chickens and turkeys to
-make up for the salted mackerel, which might have given us the scurvy
-had we continued on the same diet. For the first day or so, after we
-resumed our voyage, we had chicken and fish for our breakfast and
-dinners, but that was the last we saw of the fresh provisions. We saw no
-turkey on the table. On making inquiry, the cook told us that both the
-chickens and the turkeys were bought, not for our table, but for
-speculation, to be sold on arrival in Yokohama. Unfortunately for the
-skipper, the chickens and turkeys for want of proper food and fresh air,
-had died a few days before our arrival at the port.
-
-Immediately upon reaching Yokohama, I took passage in a P. & O. steamer
-for Shanghai.
-
-On my arrival there, I found the machinery had all arrived a month
-before; it had all been delivered in good condition and perfect working
-order. I had been absent from China a little over a year. During that
-time Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, with the co-operation of his brother, Tsang
-Kwoh Chuen, succeeded in the capture of Nanking, which put an end to the
-great Taiping Rebellion of 1850.
-
-On my arrival in Shanghai, I found that the Viceroy had gone up to Chu
-Chow, the most northerly department of Kiangsu province, close to the
-border line of Shan Tung, and situated on the canal. He made that his
-headquarters in superintending the subjugation of the Nienfi or Anwhui
-rebels, against whom Li Hung Chang had been appointed as his lieutenant
-in the field. I was requested to go up to Chu Chow to make a report in
-person regarding the purchase of the machinery.
-
-On my journey to Chu Chow, I was accompanied by my old friend Wha Yuh
-Ting part of the way. We went by the Grand Canal from Sinu-Mew at the
-Yangtze up as far as Yang Chow, the great entrepôt for the Government
-Salt Monopoly. There we took mule carts overland to Chu Chow. We were
-three days on our journey. Chu Chow is a departmental city and here, as
-stated before, Viceroy Tsang made his quarters. I was there three days.
-The Viceroy complimented me highly for what I had done. He made my late
-commission to the States to purchase machinery the subject of a special
-memorial to the government. Such a special memorial on any political
-event invariably gives it political prominence and weight, and in order
-to lift me at once from a position of no importance to a territorial
-civil appointment of the bona fide fifth rank, was a step seldom asked
-for or conceded. He made out my case to be an exceptional one, and the
-following is the language he used in his memorial:
-
-“Yung Wing is a foreign educated Chinese. He has mastered the English
-language. In his journey over thousands of miles of ocean to the extreme
-ends of the earth to fulfill the commission I entrusted to him, he was
-utterly oblivious to difficulties and dangers that lay in his way. In
-this respect even the missions of the Ancients present no parallel equal
-to his. Therefore, I would recommend that he be promoted to the
-expectancy of one of the Kiangsu subprefects, and he is entitled to fill
-the first vacancy presenting itself, in recognition of his valuable
-services.”
-
-His secretary, who drew up the memorial at his dictation, gave me a copy
-of the memorial before I left Chu Chow for Shanghai, and congratulated
-me on the great honor the Viceroy had conferred on me. I thanked the
-Viceroy before bidding him good-bye, and expressed the hope that my
-actions in the future would justify his high opinion of me.
-
-In less than two months after leaving him, an official document from the
-Viceroy reached me in Shanghai, and in October, 1865, I was a
-full-fledged mandarin of the fifth rank. While waiting as an expectant
-subprefect, I was retained by the provincial authorities as a government
-interpreter and translator. My salary was $250 per month. No other
-expectant official of the province--not even an expectant Taotai (an
-official of the fourth rank)--could command such a salary.
-
-Ting Yih Chang was at the time Taotai of Shanghai. He and I became great
-friends. He rose rapidly in official rank and became successively salt
-commissioner, provincial treasurer and Taotai or governor of Kiang Nan.
-Through him, I also rose in official rank and was decorated with the
-peacock’s feather. While Ting Yih Chang was salt commissioner, I
-accompanied him to Yang Chow and was engaged in translating Colton’s
-geography into Chinese, for about six months. I then returned to
-Shanghai to resume my position as government interpreter and translator.
-I had plenty of time on my hands. I took to translating “Parsons on
-Contracts,” which I thought might be useful to the Chinese. In this work
-I was fortunate in securing the services of a Chinese scholar to help
-me. I found him well versed in mathematics and in all Chinese official
-business, besides being a fine Chinese scholar and writer. He finally
-persuaded me not to continue the translation, as there was some doubt as
-to whether such a work, even when finished, would be in demand, because
-the Chinese courts are seldom troubled with litigations on contracts,
-and in all cases of violation of contracts, the Chinese code is used.
-
-In 1867, Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, with Li Hung Chang’s co-operation,
-succeeded in ending the Nienfi rebellion, and came to Nanking to fill
-his viceroyalty of the two Kiangs.
-
-Before taking up his position as viceroy of the Kiangs permanently, he
-took a tour of inspection through his jurisdiction and one of the
-important places he visited was Shanghai and the Kiang Nan Arsenal--an
-establishment of his own creation. He went through the arsenal with
-undisguised interest. I pointed out to him the machinery which I bought
-for him in America. He stood and watched its automatic movement with
-unabated delight, for this was the first time he had seen machinery, and
-how it worked. It was during this visit that I succeeded in persuading
-him to have a mechanical school annexed to the arsenal, in which Chinese
-youths might be taught the theory as well as the practice of mechanical
-engineering, and thus enable China in time to dispense with the
-employment of foreign mechanical engineers and machinists, and to be
-perfectly independent. This at once appealed to the practical turn of
-the Chinese mind, and the school was finally added to the arsenal. They
-are doubtless turning out at the present time both mechanical engineers
-and machinists of all descriptions.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVI
-
-PROPOSAL OF MY EDUCATIONAL SCHEME
-
-
-Having scored in a small way this educational victory, by inducing the
-Viceroy to establish a mechanical training school as a corollary to the
-arsenal, I felt quite worked up and encouraged concerning my educational
-scheme which had been lying dormant in my mind for the past fifteen
-years, awaiting an opportunity to be brought forward.
-
-Besides Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, whom I counted upon to back me in
-furthering the scheme, Ting Yih Chang, an old friend of mine, had become
-an important factor to be reckoned with in Chinese politics. He was a
-man of progressive tendencies and was alive to all practical measures of
-reform. He had been appointed governor of Kiangsu province, and after
-his accession to his new office, I had many interviews with him
-regarding my educational scheme, in which he was intensely interested.
-He told me that he was in correspondence with Wen Seang, the prime
-minister of China, who was a Manchu, and that if I were to put my scheme
-in writing, he would forward it to Peking, and ask Wen Seang to use his
-influence to memorialize the government for its adoption. Such an
-unexpected piece of information came like a clap of thunder and fairly
-lifted me off my feet. I immediately left Suchau for Shanghai. With the
-help of my Nanking friend, who had helped me in the work of translating
-“Parsons on Contracts,” I drew up four proposals to be presented to
-Governor Ting, to be forwarded by him to Minister Wen Seang, at Peking.
-They were as follows:
-
-
-FIRST PROPOSAL
-
-The first proposal contemplated the organization of a Steamship Company
-on a joint stock basis. No foreigner was to be allowed to be a
-stockholder in the company. It was to be a purely Chinese company,
-managed and worked by Chinese exclusively.
-
-To insure its stability and success, an annual government subsidy was to
-be made in the shape of a certain percentage of the tribute rice carried
-to Peking from Shanghai and Chinkiang, and elsewhere, where tribute
-rice is paid over to the government in lieu of taxes in money. This
-tribute rice heretofore had been taken to Peking by flat-bottom boats,
-via the Grand Canal. Thousands of these boats were built expressly for
-this rice transportation, which supported a large population all along
-the whole route of the Grand Canal.
-
-On account of the great evils arising from this mode of transportation,
-such as the great length of time it took to take the rice to Peking, the
-great percentage of loss from theft, and from fermentation, which made
-the rice unfit for food, part of the tribute rice was carried by sea in
-Ningpo junks as far as Tiensin, and from thence transhipped again in
-flat-bottom boats to Peking. But even the Ningpo junk system was
-attended with great loss of time and much damage, almost as great as by
-flat-bottom scows. My proposition was to use steam to do the work,
-supplanting both the flat-bottomed scows and the Ningpo junk system, so
-that the millions who were dependent on rice for subsistence might find
-it possible to get good and sound rice. This is one of the great
-benefits and blessings which the China Merchant Steamship Co. has
-conferred upon China.
-
-
-SECOND PROPOSAL
-
-The second proposition was for the government to send picked Chinese
-youths abroad to be thoroughly educated for the public service. The
-scheme contemplated the education of one hundred and twenty students as
-an experiment. These one hundred and twenty students were to be divided
-into four installments of thirty students each, one installment to be
-sent out each year. They were to have fifteen years to finish their
-education. Their average age was to be from twelve to fourteen years. If
-the first and second installments proved to be a success, the scheme was
-to be continued indefinitely. Chinese teachers were to be provided to
-keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in the United States. Over the
-whole enterprise two commissioners were to be appointed, and the
-government was to appropriate a certain percentage of the Shanghai
-customs to maintain the mission.
-
-
-THIRD PROPOSAL
-
-The third proposition was to induce the government to open the mineral
-resources of the country and thus in an indirect way lead to the
-necessity of introducing railroads to transport the mineral products
-from the interior to the ports.
-
-I did not expect this proposition to be adopted and carried out, because
-China at that time had no mining engineers who could be depended upon to
-develop the mines, nor were the people free from the Fung Shui
-superstition.[A] I had no faith whatever in the success of this
-proposition, but simply put it in writing to show how ambitious I was to
-have the government wake up to the possibilities of the development of
-its vast resources.
-
- [A] The doctrine held by the Chinese in relation to the spirits or
- genii that rule over winds and waters, especially running streams
- and subterranean waters. This doctrine is universal and inveterate
- among the Chinese, and in a great measure prompts their hostility to
- railroads and telegraphs, since they believe that such structures
- anger the spirits of the air and waters and consequently cause floods
- and typhoons.--_Standard Dictionary_.
-
-
-FOURTH PROPOSAL
-
-The encroachment of foreign powers upon the independent sovereignty of
-China has always been watched by me with the most intense interest. No
-one who is at all acquainted with Roman Catholicism can fail to be
-impressed with the unwarranted pretensions and assumptions of the Romish
-church in China. She claims civil jurisdiction over her proselytes, and
-takes civil and criminal cases out of Chinese courts. In order to put a
-stop to such insidious and crafty workings to gain temporal power in
-China, I put forth this proposition: to prohibit missionaries of any
-religious sect or denomination from exercising any kind of jurisdiction
-over their converts, in either civil or criminal cases. These four
-propositions were carefully drawn up, and were presented to Governor
-Ting for transmission to Peking.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Of the four proposals, the first, third and fourth were put in to
-chaperone the second, in which my whole heart was enlisted, and which
-above all others was the one I wanted to be taken up; but not to give it
-too prominent a place, at the suggestion of my Chinese teacher, it was
-assigned a second place in the order of the arrangement. Governor Ting
-recognized this, and accordingly wrote to Prime Minister Wen Seang and
-forwarded the proposals to Peking. Two months later, a letter from Ting,
-at Suchau, his headquarters, gave me to understand that news from Peking
-had reached him that Wen Seang’s mother had died, and he was obliged,
-according to Chinese laws and customs, to retire from office and go
-into mourning for a period of twenty-seven months, equivalent to three
-years, and to abstain altogether from public affairs of all kinds. This
-news threw a cold blanket over my educational scheme for the time being.
-No sooner had one misfortune happened than another took its place, worst
-than the first--Wen Seang himself, three months afterwards, was
-overtaken by death during his retirement. This announcement appeared in
-the Peking “Gazette,” which I saw, besides being officially informed of
-it by Governor Ting. No one who had a pet scheme to promote or a hobby
-to ride could feel more blue than I did, when the cup of joy held so
-near to his lips was dashed from him. I was not entirely disheartened by
-such circumstances, but had an abiding faith that my educational scheme
-would in the end come out all right. There was an interval of at least
-three years of suspense and waiting between 1868 and 1870. I kept
-pegging at Governor Ting, urging him to keep the subject constantly
-before Viceroy Tsang’s mind. But like the fate of all measures of
-reform, it had to abide its time and opportunity.
-
-The time and the opportunity for my educational scheme to materialize
-finally came. Contrary to all human expectations, the opportunity
-appeared in the guise of the Tientsin Massacre. No more did Samson, when
-he slew the Timnath lion, expect to extract honey from its carcass than
-did I expect to extract from the slaughter of the French nuns and
-Sisters of Charity the educational scheme that was destined to make a
-new China of the old, and to work out an Oriental civilization on an
-Occidental basis.
-
-The Tientsin Massacre took place early in 1870. It arose from the gross
-ignorance and superstition of the Tientsin populace regarding the work
-of the nuns and Sisters of Charity, part of whose religious duty it was
-to rescue foundlings and castaway orphans, who were gathered into
-hospitals, cared for and educated for the services of the Roman Catholic
-church. This beneficent work was misunderstood and misconstrued by the
-ignorant masses, who really believed in the rumors and stories that the
-infants and children thus gathered in were taken into the hospitals and
-churches to have their eyes gouged out for medical and religious
-purposes. Such diabolical reports soon spread like wild-fire till
-popular excitement was worked up to its highest pitch of frenzy, and the
-infuriated mob, regardless of death and fearless of law, plunged
-headlong into the Tientsin Massacre. In that massacre a Protestant
-church was burned and destroyed, as was also a Roman Catholic church and
-hospital; several nuns or Sisters of Charity were killed.
-
-At the time of this occurrence, Chung Hou was viceroy of the
-Metropolitan province. He had been ambassador to Russia previously, but
-in this unfortunate affair, according to Chinese law, he was held
-responsible, was degraded from office and banished. The whole imbroglio
-was finally settled and patched up by the payment of an indemnity to the
-relatives and friends of the victims of the massacre and the rebuilding
-of the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches, another Catholic
-hospital, besides a suitable official apology made by the government for
-the incident. Had the French government not been handicapped by the
-impending German War which threatened her at the time, France would
-certainly have made the Tientsin Massacre a _casus belli_, and another
-slice of the Chinese Empire would have been annexed to the French
-possessions in Asia. As it was, Tonquin, a tributary state of China, was
-afterwards unscrupulously wrenched from her.
-
-In the settlement of the massacre, the Imperial commissioners appointed
-were: Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, Mow Chung Hsi, Liu * * * and Ting Yih
-Chang, Governor of Kiang Su. Li Hung Chang was still in the field
-finishing up the Nienfi rebellion, otherwise he, too, would have been
-appointed to take part in the proceedings of the settlement. I was
-telegraphed for by my friend, Ting Yih Chang, to be present to act as
-interpreter on the occasion, but the telegram did not reach me in time
-for me to accompany him to Tientsin; but I reached Tientsin in time to
-witness the last proceedings. The High Commissioners, after the
-settlement with the French, for some reason or other, did not disband,
-but remained in Tientsin for several days. They evidently had other
-matters of State connected with Chung Hou’s degradation and banishment
-to consider.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVII
-
-THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL MISSION
-
-
-Taking advantage of their presence, I seized the opportunity to press my
-educational scheme upon the attention of Ting Yih Chang and urged him to
-present the subject to the Board of Commissioners of which Tsang Kwoh
-Fan was president. I knew Ting sympathized with me in the scheme, and I
-knew, too, that Tsang Kwoh Fan had been well informed of it three years
-before through Governor Ting. Governor Ting took up the matter in dead
-earnest and held many private interviews with Tsang Kwoh Fan as well as
-with the other members of the Commission. One evening, returning to his
-headquarters very late, he came to my room and awakened me and told me
-that Viceroy Tsang and the other Commissioners had unanimously decided
-to sign their names conjointly in a memorial to the government to adopt
-my four propositions. This piece of news was too much to allow me to
-sleep any more that night; while lying on my bed, as wakeful as an owl,
-I felt as though I were treading on clouds and walking in air. Two days
-after this stirring piece of news, the memorial was jointly signed with
-Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan’s name heading the list, and was on its way to
-Peking by pony express. Meanwhile, before the Board of Commissioners
-disbanded and Viceroy Tsang took his departure for Nanking, it was
-decided that Chin Lan Pin, a member of the Hanlin College, who had
-served twenty years as a clerk in the Board of Punishment, should be
-recommended by Ting to co-operate with me in charge of the Chinese
-Educational Commission. The ground upon which Chin Lan Pin was
-recommended as a co-commissioner was that he was a Han Lin and a
-regularly educated Chinese, and the enterprise would not be so likely to
-meet with the opposition it might have if I were to attempt to carry it
-out alone, because the scheme in principle and significance was against
-the Chinese theory of national education, and it would not have taken
-much to create a reaction to defeat the plan on account of the intense
-conservatism of the government. The wisdom and the shrewd policy of such
-a move appealed to me at once, and I accepted the suggestion with
-pleasure and alacrity. So Chin Lan Pin was written to and came to
-Tientsin. The next day, after a farewell dinner had been accorded to the
-Board of Commissioners before it broke up, Governor Ting introduced me
-to Chin Lan Pin, whom I had never met before and who was to be my
-associate in the educational scheme. He evidently was pleased to quit
-Peking, where he had been cooped up in the Board of Punishment for
-twenty years as a clerk. He had never filled a government position in
-any other capacity in his life, nor did he show any practical experience
-in the world of business and hard facts. In his habits he was very
-retiring, but very scholarly. In disposition he was kindly and pleasant,
-but very timid and afraid of responsibilities of even a feather’s
-weight.
-
-In the winter of 1870, Tsang Kwoh Fan, after having settled the Tientsin
-imbroglio, returned to Nanking, his headquarters as the viceroy of the
-two Kiangs. There he received the imperial rescript sanctioning his
-joint memorial on the four proposals submitted through Ting Yih Chang
-for adoption by the government. He notified me on the subject. It was a
-glorious piece of news, and the Chinese educational project thus became
-a veritable historical fact, marking a new era in the annals of China.
-Tsang invited me to repair to Nanking, and during that visit the most
-important points connected with the mission were settled, viz.: the
-establishment of a preparatory school; the number of students to be
-selected to be sent abroad; where the money was to come from to support
-the students while there; the number of years they were to be allowed to
-remain there for their education.
-
-The educational commission was to consist of two commissioners, Chin Lan
-Pin and myself. Chin Lan Pin’s duty was to see that the students should
-keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in America; my duty was to look
-after their foreign education and to find suitable homes for them. Chin
-Lan Pin and myself were to look after their expenses conjointly. Two
-Chinese teachers were provided to keep up their studies in Chinese, and
-an interpreter was provided for the Commission. Yeh Shu Tung and Yung
-Yune Foo were the Chinese teachers and Tsang Lai Sun was the
-interpreter. Such was the composition of the Chinese Educational
-Commission.
-
-As to the character and selection of the students: the whole number to
-be sent abroad for education was one hundred and twenty; they were to
-be divided into four installments of thirty members each, one
-installment to be sent each year for four successive years at about the
-same time. The candidates to be selected were not to be younger than
-twelve or older than fifteen years of age. They were to show respectable
-parentage or responsible and respectable guardians. They were required
-to pass a medical examination, and an examination in their Chinese
-studies according to regulation--reading and writing in Chinese--also to
-pass an English examination if a candidate had been in an English
-school. All successful candidates were required to repair every day to
-the preparatory school, where teachers were provided to continue with
-their Chinese studies, and to begin the study of English or to continue
-with their English studies, for at least one year before they were to
-embark for the United States.
-
-Parents and guardians were required to sign a paper which stated that
-without recourse, they were perfectly willing to let their sons or
-protégés go abroad to be educated for a period of fifteen years, from
-the time they began their studies in the United States until they had
-finished, and that during the fifteen years, the government was not to
-be responsible for death or for any accident that might happen to any
-student.
-
-The government guaranteed to pay all their expenses while they were
-being educated. It was to provide every installment with a Chinese
-teacher to accompany it to the United States, and to give each
-installment of students a suitable outfit. Such were the requirements
-and the organization of the student corps.
-
-Immediately upon my return to Shanghai from Nanking after my long
-interview with the Viceroy, my first step was to have a preparatory
-school established in Shanghai for the accommodation of at least thirty
-students, which was the full complement for the first installment. Liu
-Kai Sing, who was with the Viceroy for a number of years as his first
-secretary in the Department on Memorials, was appointed superintendent
-of the preparatory school in Shanghai. In him, I found an able coadjutor
-as well as a staunch friend who took a deep interest in the educational
-scheme. He it was who prepared all the four installments of students to
-come to this country.
-
-Thus the China end of the scheme was set afloat in the summer of 1871.
-To make up the full complement of the first installment of students, I
-had to take a trip down to Hong Kong to visit the English government
-schools to select from them a few bright candidates who had had some
-instruction both in English and Chinese studies. As the people in the
-northern part of China did not know that such an educational scheme had
-been projected by the government, there being no Chinese newspapers
-published at that time to spread the news among the people, we had, at
-first, few applications for entrance into the preparatory school. All
-the applications came from the Canton people, especially from the
-district of Heang Shan. This accounts for the fact that nine-tenths of
-the one hundred and twenty government students were from the south.
-
-In the winter of 1871, a few months after the preparatory school had
-begun operations, China suffered an irreparable loss by the death of
-Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, who died in Nanking at the ripe age of
-seventy-one years. Had his life been spared even a year longer, he would
-have seen the first installment of thirty students started for the
-United States,--the first fruit of his own planting. But founders of all
-great and good works are not permitted by the nature and order of things
-to live beyond their ordained limitations to witness the successful
-developments of their own labor in this world; but the consequences of
-human action and human character, when once their die is cast, will
-reach to eternity. Sufficient for Tsang Kwoh Fan that he had completed
-his share in the educational line well. He did a great and glorious work
-for China and posterity, and those who were privileged to reap the
-benefit of his labor will find ample reason to bless him as China’s
-great benefactor. Tsang, as a statesman, a patriot, and as a man,
-towered above his contemporaries even as Mount Everest rises above the
-surrounding heights of the Himalaya range, forever resting in
-undisturbed calmness and crowned with the purity of everlasting snow.
-Before he breathed his last, I was told that it was his wish that his
-successor and protégé, Li Hung Chang, be requested to take up his mantle
-and carry on the work of the Chinese Educational Commission.
-
-Li Hung Chang was of an altogether different make-up from his
-distinguished predecessor and patron. He was of an excitable and nervous
-temperament, capricious and impulsive, susceptible to flattery and
-praise, or, as the Chinese laconically put it, he was fond of wearing
-tall hats. His outward manners were brusque, but he was inwardly
-kind-hearted. As a statesman he was far inferior to Tsang; as a patriot
-and politician, his character could not stand a moment before the
-searchlight of cold and impartial history. It was under such a man that
-the Chinese Educational Commission was launched forth.
-
-In the latter part of the summer of 1872 the first installment of
-Chinese students, thirty in number, were ready to start on the passage
-across the Pacific to the United States. In order that they might have
-homes to go to on their arrival, it devolved upon me to precede them by
-one month, leaving Chin Lan Pin, the two Chinese teachers and their
-interpreter to come on a mail later. After reaching New York by the
-Baltimore and Ohio, via Washington, I went as far as New Haven on my way
-to Springfield, Mass., where I intended to meet the students and other
-members of the commission on their way to the East by the Boston and
-Albany Railroad. At New Haven, the first person I called upon to
-announce my mission was Prof. James Hadley. He was indeed glad to see
-me, and was delighted to know that I had come back with such a mission
-in my hands. After making my wants known to him, he immediately
-recommended me to call upon Mr. B. G. Northrop, which I did. Mr.
-Northrop was then Commissioner of Education for Connecticut. I told him
-my business and asked his advice. He strongly recommended me to
-distribute and locate the students in New England families, either by
-twos or fours to each family, where they could be cared for and at the
-same time instructed, till they were able to join classes in graded
-schools. This advice I followed at once. I went on to Springfield,
-Mass., which city I considered was the most central point from which to
-distribute the students in New England; for this reason I chose
-Springfield for my headquarters. This enabled me to be very near my
-friends, Dr. A. S. McClean and his worthy wife, both of whom had been my
-steadfast friends since 1854.
-
-But through the advice of Dr. B. G. Northrop and other friends, I made
-my permanent headquarters in the city of Hartford, Conn., and for nearly
-two years our headquarters were located on Sumner Street. I did not
-abandon Springfield, but made it the center of distribution and location
-of the students as long as they continued to come over, which was for
-three successive years, ending in 1875.
-
-In 1874, Li Hung Chang, at the recommendation of the commission,
-authorized me to put up a handsome, substantial building on Collins
-Street as the permanent headquarters of the Chinese Educational
-Commission in the United States. In January, 1875, we moved into our new
-headquarters, which was a large, double three-story house spacious
-enough to accommodate the Commissioners, teachers and seventy-five
-students at one time. It was provided with a school-room where Chinese
-was exclusively taught; a dining room, a double kitchen, dormitories and
-bath rooms. The motive which led me to build permanent headquarters of
-our own was to have the educational mission as deeply rooted in the
-United States as possible, so as not to give the Chinese government any
-chance of retrograding in this movement. Such was my proposal, but that
-was not God’s disposal as subsequent events plainly proved.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVIII
-
-INVESTIGATION OF THE COOLIE TRAFFIC IN PERU
-
-
-In the spring of 1873, I returned to China on a flying visit for the
-sole purpose of introducing the Gatling gun--a comparatively new weapon
-of warfare of a most destructive character. I had some difficulty in
-persuading the Gatling Company to give me the sole agency of the gun in
-China, because they did not know who I was, and were unacquainted with
-my practical business experience. In fact, they did not know how
-successfully I had carried on the Taiping Green Tea Expedition in
-1860-1, in the face of dangers and privations which few men dared to
-face. However, I prevailed on the president of the company, Dr. Gatling
-himself, the inventor of the gun, to entrust me with the agency. Exactly
-a month after my arrival in Tientsin, I cabled the company an order for
-a battery of fifty guns, which amounted altogether to something over
-$100,000, a pretty big order for a man who it was thought could not do
-anything. This order was followed by subsequent orders. I was anxious
-that China should have the latest modern guns as well as the latest
-modern educated men. The Gatling Company was satisfied with my work and
-had a different opinion of me afterwards.
-
-While I was in Tientsin, attending to the gun business, the Viceroy told
-me that the Peruvian commissioner was there waiting to make a treaty
-with China regarding the further importation of coolie labor into Peru.
-He wanted me to call on the commissioner and talk with him on the
-subject, which I did. In his conversation, he pictured to me in rosy
-colors how well the Chinese were treated in Peru; how they were
-prospering and doing well there, and said that the Chinese government
-ought to conclude a treaty with Peru to encourage the poorer class of
-Chinese to emigrate to that country, which offered a fine chance for
-them to better themselves. I told him that I knew something about the
-coolie traffic as it was carried on in Macao; how the country people
-were inveigled and kidnapped, put into barracoons and kept there by
-force till they were shipped on board, where they were made to sign
-labor contracts either for Cuba or Peru. On landing at their
-destination, they were then sold to the highest bidder, and made to
-sign another contract with their new masters, who took special care to
-have the contract renewed at the end of every term, practically making
-slaves of them for life. Then I told him something about the horrors of
-the middle passage between Macao and Cuba or Peru; how whole cargoes of
-them revolted in mid-ocean, and either committed wholesale suicide by
-jumping into the ocean, or else overpowered the captain and the crew,
-killed them and threw them overboard, and then took their chances in the
-drifting of the vessel.
-
-Such were some of the facts and horrors of the coolie traffic I pictured
-to the Peruvian Commissioner. I told him plainly that he must not expect
-me to help him in this diabolical business. On the contrary, I told him
-I would dissuade the Viceroy from entering into a treaty with Peru to
-carry on such inhuman traffic. How the Peruvian’s countenance changed
-when he heard me deliver my mind on the subject! Disappointment,
-displeasure and anger were visible in his countenance. I bade him good
-morning, for I was myself somewhat excited as I narrated what I had seen
-in Macao and what I had read in the papers about the coolie traffic.
-Indeed, one of the first scenes I had seen on my arrival in Macao in
-1855 was a string of poor Chinese coolies tied to each other by their
-cues and led into one of the barracoons like abject slaves. Once, while
-in Canton, I had succeeded in having two or three kidnappers arrested,
-and had them put into wooden collars weighing forty pounds, which the
-culprits had to carry night and day for a couple of months as a
-punishment for their kidnapping.
-
-Returning to the Viceroy, I told him I had made the call, and narrated
-my interview. The Viceroy, to make my visit short, then said, “You have
-come back just in time to save me from cabling you. I wish you to return
-to Hartford as quickly as possible and make preparations to proceed to
-Peru at once, to look into the condition of the Chinese coolies there.”
-
-On my return to Hartford, I found that Chin Lan Pin had also been
-instructed by the government to look after the condition of the Chinese
-coolies in Cuba. These collateral or side missions were ordered at Li
-Hung Chang’s suggestion. I started on my mission before Chin Lan Pin
-did. My friend, the Rev. J. H. Twichell, and Dr. E. W. Kellogg, who
-afterwards became my brother-in-law, accompanied me on my trip. I
-finished my work inside of three months, and had my report completed
-before Chin started on his journey to Cuba. On his return, both of our
-reports were forwarded to Viceroy Li, who was in charge of all foreign
-diplomatic affairs.
-
-My report was accompanied with two dozen photographs of Chinese coolies,
-showing how their backs had been lacerated and torn, scarred and
-disfigured by the lash. I had these photographs taken in the night,
-unknown to anyone except the victims themselves, who were, at my
-request, collected and assembled together for the purpose. I knew that
-these photographs would tell a tale of cruelty and inhumanity
-perpetrated by the owners of haciendas, which would be beyond cavil and
-dispute.
-
-The Peruvian Commissioner, who was sent out to China to negotiate a
-treaty with Viceroy Li Hung Chang to continue the coolie traffic to
-Peru, was still in Tientsin waiting for the arrival of my report. A
-friend of mine wrote me that he had the hardihood to deny the statements
-in my report, and said that they could not be supported by facts. I had
-written to the Viceroy beforehand that he should hold the photographs in
-reserve, and keep them in the background till the Peruvian had exhausted
-all his arguments, and then produce them. My correspondent wrote me
-that the Viceroy followed my suggestion, and the photographs proved to
-be so incontrovertible and palpable that the Peruvian was taken by
-surprise and was dumbfounded. He retired completely crestfallen.
-
-Since our reports on the actual conditions of Chinese coolies in Cuba
-and Peru were made, no more coolies have been allowed to leave China for
-those countries. The traffic had received its death blow.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIX
-
-END OF THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION
-
-
-In the fall of 1875 the last installment of students arrived. They came
-in charge of a new commissioner, Ou Ngoh Liang, two new Chinese teachers
-and a new interpreter, Kwang Kee Cheu. These new men were appointed by
-Viceroy Li Hung Chang. I knew them in China, especially the new
-commissioner and the interpreter.
-
-These changes were made at the request of Chin Lan Pin, who expected
-soon to return to China on a leave of absence. He was going to take with
-him the old Chinese teacher, Yeh Shu Tung, who had rendered him great
-and signal service in his trip to Cuba on the coolie question the year
-before. Tsang Lai Sun, the old interpreter, was also requested to resign
-and returned to China. These changes I had anticipated some time before
-and they did not surprise me.
-
-Three months after Chin Lan Pin’s arrival in Peking, word came from
-China that he and I were appointed joint Chinese ministers to
-Washington, and that Yeh Shu Tung, the old Chinese teacher, was
-appointed secretary to the Chinese Legation. This was great news to me
-to be sure, but I did not feel ecstatic over it; on the contrary, the
-more I reflected on it, the more I felt depressed. But my friends who
-congratulated me on the honor and promotion did not take in the whole
-situation as it loomed up before my mind in all its bearings. As far as
-I was concerned, I had every reason to feel grateful and honored, but
-how about my life work--the Chinese educational mission that I had in
-hand--and which needed in its present stage great watchfulness and care?
-If, as I reflected, I were to be removed to Washington, who was there
-left behind to look after the welfare of the students with the same
-interest that I had manifested? It would be like separating the father
-from his children. This would not do, so I sat down and wrote to the
-Viceroy a letter, the tenor of which ran somewhat as follows: I thanked
-him for the appointment which I considered to be a great honor for any
-man to receive from the government; and said that while I appreciated
-fully its significance, the obligations and responsibilities
-inseparably connected with the position filled me with anxious
-solicitude that my abilities and qualifications might not be equal to
-their satisfactory fulfilment. In view of such a state of mind, I much
-preferred, if I were allowed to have my preference in the matter, to
-remain in my present position as a commissioner of the Chinese mission
-in Hartford and to continue in it till the Chinese students should have
-finished their education and were ready to return to China to serve the
-State in their various capacities. In that event I should have
-discharged a duty to “Tsang the Upright,” and at the same time fulfilled
-a great duty to China. As Chin Lan Pin had been appointed minister at
-the same time, he would doubtless be able alone to meet the expectations
-of the government in his diplomatic capacity.
-
-The letter was written and engrossed by Yung Yune Foo, one of the old
-Chinese teachers who came over with the first installment of students at
-the same time Yeh Shu Tung came. In less than four months an answer was
-received which partially acceded to my request by making me an assistant
-or associate minister, at the same time allowing me to retain my
-position as Commissioner of Education, and in that capacity, to
-exercise a general supervision over the education of the students.
-
-Ou Ngoh Liang, the new commissioner, was a much younger man than Chin.
-He was a fair Chinese scholar, but not a member of the Hanlin College.
-He was doubtless recommended by Chin Lan Pin. He brought his family with
-him, which consisted of his second wife and two children. He was a man
-of a quiet disposition and showed no inclination to meddle with settled
-conditions or to create trouble, but took rather a philosophical view of
-things; he had the good sense to let well enough alone. He was connected
-with the mission but a short time and resigned in 1876.
-
-In 1876 Chin Lan Pin came as minister plenipotentiary and brought with
-him among his numerous retinue Woo Tsze Tung, a man whom I knew in
-Shanghai even in the ’50’s. He was a member of the Hanlin College, but
-for some reason or other, he was never assigned to any government
-department, nor was he ever known to hold any kind of government office.
-He showed a decided taste for chemistry, but never seemed to have made
-any progress in it, and was regarded by all his friends as a crank.
-
-After Ou’s resignation, Chin Lan Pin before proceeding to Washington to
-take up his official position as Chinese minister, strongly recommended
-Woo Tsze Tung to succeed Ou as commissioner, to which Viceroy Li Hung
-Chang acceded without thinking of the consequences to follow. From this
-time forth the educational mission found an enemy who was determined to
-undermine the work of Tsang Kwoh Fan and Ting Yih Cheong, to both of
-whom Woo Tsze Tung was more or less hostile. Woo was a member of the
-reactionary party, which looked upon the Chinese Educational Commission
-as a move subversive of the principles and theories of Chinese culture.
-This was told me by one of Chin’s suite who held the appointment of
-_chargé d’affaires_ for Peru. The making of Woo Tsze Tung a commissioner
-plainly revealed the fact that Chin Lan Pin himself was at heart an
-uncompromising Confucian and practically represented the reactionary
-party with all its rigid and uncompromising conservatism that gnashes
-its teeth against all and every attempt put forth to reform the
-government or to improve the general condition of things in China. This
-accounts for the fact that in the early stages of the mission, I had
-many and bitter altercations with him on many things which had to be
-settled for good, once and for all. Such as the _school_ and _personal_
-expenses of the students; their vacation expenses; their change of
-costume; their attendance at family worship; their attendance at Sunday
-School and church services; their outdoor exercises and athletic games.
-These and other questions of a social nature came up for settlement. I
-had to stand as a kind of buffer between Chin and the students, and
-defended them in all their reasonable claims. It was in this manner that
-I must have incurred Chin’s displeasure if not his utter dislike. He had
-never been out of China in his life until he came to this country. The
-only standard by which he measured things and men (especially students)
-was purely Chinese. The gradual but marked transformation of the
-students in their behavior and conduct as they grew in knowledge and
-stature under New England influence, culture and environment produced a
-contrast to their behavior and conduct when they first set foot in New
-England that might well be strange and repugnant to the ideas and senses
-of a man like Chin Lan Pin, who all his life had been accustomed to see
-the springs of life, energy and independence, candor, ingenuity and
-open-heartedness all covered up and concealed, and in a great measure
-smothered and never allowed their full play. Now in New England the
-heavy weight of repression and suppression was lifted from the minds of
-these young students; they exulted in their freedom and leaped for joy.
-No wonder they took to athletic sports with alacrity and delight!
-
-Doubtless Chin Lan Pin when he left Hartford for good to go to
-Washington carried away with him a very poor idea of the work to which
-he was singled out and called upon to perform. He must have felt that
-his own immaculate Chinese training had been contaminated by coming in
-contact with Occidental schooling, which he looked upon with evident
-repugnance. At the same time the very work which he seemed to look upon
-with disgust had certainly served him the best turn in his life. It
-served to lift him out of his obscurity as a head clerk in the office of
-the Board of Punishment for twenty years to become a commissioner of the
-Chinese Educational Commission, and from that post to be a minister
-plenipotentiary in Washington. It was the stepping stone by which he
-climbed to political prominence. He should not have kicked away the
-ladder under him after he had reached his dizzy elevation. He did all he
-could to break up the educational scheme by recommending Woo Tsze Tung
-to be the Commissioner of Education, than whom he could not have had a
-more pliant and subservient tool for his purpose, as may be seen
-hereinafter.
-
-Woo Tsze Tung was installed commissioner in the fall of 1876. No sooner
-was he in office than he began to find fault with everything that had
-been done. Instead of laying those complaints before me, he
-clandestinely started a stream of misrepresentation to Peking about the
-students; how they had been mismanaged; how they had been indulged and
-petted by Commissioner Yung; how they had been allowed to enjoy more
-privileges than was good for them; how they imitated American students
-in athletics; that they played more than they studied; that they formed
-themselves into secret societies, both religious and political; that
-they ignored their teachers and would not listen to the advice of the
-new commissioner; that if they were allowed to continue to have their
-own way, they would soon lose their love of their own country, and on
-their return to China, they would be good for nothing or worse than
-nothing; that most of them went to church, attended Sunday Schools and
-had become Christians; that the sooner this educational enterprise was
-broken up and all the students recalled, the better it would be for
-China, etc., etc.
-
-Such malicious misrepresentations and other falsehoods which we knew
-nothing of, were kept up in a continuous stream from year to year by Woo
-Tsze Tung to his friends in Peking and to Viceroy Li Hung Chang. The
-Viceroy called my attention to Woo’s accusations. I wrote back in reply
-that they were malicious fabrications of a man who was known to have
-been a crank all his life; that it was a grand mistake to put such a man
-in a responsible position who had done nothing for himself or for others
-in his life; that he was only attempting to destroy the work of Tsang
-Kwoh Fan who, by projecting and fathering the educational mission, had
-the highest interest of China at heart; whereas Woo should have been
-relegated to a cell in an insane asylum or to an institution for
-imbeciles. I said further that Chin Lan Pin, who had recommended Woo to
-His Excellency as commissioner of Chinese Education, was a timid man by
-nature and trembled at the sight of the smallest responsibilities. He
-and I had not agreed in our line of policy in our diplomatic
-correspondence with the State Department nor had we agreed as
-commissioners in regard to the treatment of the Chinese students. To
-illustrate his extreme dislike of responsibilities: He was requested by
-the Governor to go to Cuba to find out the condition of the coolies in
-that island in 1873. He waited three months before he started on his
-journey. He sent Yeh Shu Tung and one of the teachers of the Mission
-accompanied by a young American lawyer and an interpreter to Cuba, which
-party did the burden of the work and thus paved the way for Chin Lan Pin
-and made the work easy for him. All he had to do was to take a trip down
-to Cuba and return, fulfilling his mission in a perfunctory way. The
-heat of the day and the burden of the labor were all borne by Yeh Shu
-Tung, but Chin Lan Pin gathered in the laurel and was made a minister
-plenipotentiary, while Yeh was given the appointment of a secretary of
-the legation. I mention these things not from any invidious motive
-towards Chin, but simply to show that often in the official and
-political world one man gets more praise and glory than he really
-deserves, while another is not rewarded according to his intrinsic
-worth. His Excellency was well aware that I had no axe to grind in
-making the foregoing statement. I further added that I much preferred
-not to accept the appointment of a minister to Washington, but rather
-to remain as commissioner of education, for the sole purpose of carrying
-it through to its final success. And, one time in the heat of our
-altercation over a letter addressed to the State Department, I told Chin
-Lan Pin in plain language that I did not care a rap either for the
-appointment of an assistant minister, or for that matter, of a full
-minister, and that I was ready and would gladly resign at any moment,
-leaving him free and independent to do as he pleased.
-
-This letter in answer to the Viceroy’s note calling my attention to
-Woo’s accusations gave the Viceroy an insight into Woo’s antecedents, as
-well as into the impalpable character of Chin Lan Pin. Li was, of
-course, in the dark as to what the Viceroy had written to Chin Lan Pin,
-but things both in the legation and the Mission apparently moved on
-smoothly for a while, till some of the students were advanced enough in
-their studies for me to make application to the State Department for
-admittance to the Military Academy at West Point and the Naval Academy
-in Annapolis. The answer to my application was: “There is no room
-provided for Chinese students.” It was curt and disdainful. It breathed
-the spirit of Kearnyism and Sandlotism with which the whole Pacific
-atmosphere was impregnated, and which had hypnotized all the departments
-of the government, especially Congress, in which Blaine figured most
-conspicuously as the champion against the Chinese on the floor of the
-Senate. He had the presidential bee buzzing in his bonnet at the time,
-and did his best to cater for the electoral votes of the Pacific coast.
-The race prejudice against the Chinese was so rampant and rank that not
-only my application for the students to gain entrance to Annapolis and
-West Point was treated with cold indifference and scornful hauteur, but
-the Burlingame Treaty of 1868 was, without the least provocation, and
-contrary to all diplomatic precedents and common decency, trampled under
-foot unceremoniously and wantonly, and set aside as though no such
-treaty had ever existed, in order to make way for those acts of
-congressional discrimination against Chinese immigration which were
-pressed for immediate enactment.
-
-When I wrote to the Viceroy that I had met with a rebuff in my attempt
-to have some of the students admitted to West Point and Annapolis, his
-reply at once convinced me that the fate of the Mission was sealed. He
-too fell back on the Burlingame Treaty of 1868 to convince me that the
-United States government had violated the treaty by shutting out our
-students from West Point and Annapolis.
-
-Having given a sketch of the progress of the Chinese Educational Mission
-from 1870 to 1877-8, my letter applying for their admittance into the
-Military and Naval Academies might be regarded as my last official act
-as a commissioner. My duties from 1878 onwards were chiefly confined to
-legation work.
-
-When the news that my application for the students to enter the Military
-and Naval Academies of the government had proved a failure, and the
-displeasure and disappointment of the Viceroy at the rebuff were known,
-Commissioner Woo once more renewed his efforts to break up the Mission.
-This time he had the secret co-operation of Chin Lan Pin.
-Misrepresentations and falsehoods manufactured out of the whole cloth
-went forth to Peking in renewed budgets in every mail, till a censor
-from the ranks of the reactionary party came forward and took advantage
-of the strong anti-Chinese prejudices in America to memorialize the
-government to break up the Mission and have all the students recalled.
-
-The government before acceding to the memorial put the question to
-Viceroy Li Hung Chang first, who, instead of standing up for the
-students, yielded to the opposition of the reactionary party and gave
-his assent to have the students recalled. Chin Lan Pin, who from his
-personal experience was supposed to know what ought to be done, was the
-next man asked to give his opinion. He decided that the students had
-been in the United States long enough, and that it was time for them to
-return to China. Woo Tsze Tung, the Commissioner, when asked for his
-opinion, came out point blank and said that they should be recalled
-without delay and should be strictly watched after their return. I was
-ruled out of the consultation altogether as being one utterly
-incompetent to give an impartial and reliable opinion on the subject.
-Thus the fate of the educational mission was sealed, and all students,
-about one hundred in all, returned to China in 1881.
-
-The breaking up of the Chinese Educational Commission and the recall of
-the young students in 1881, was not brought about without a strenuous
-effort on the part of some thoughtful men who had watched steadfastly
-over the development of human progress in the East and the West, who
-came forward in their quiet and modest ways to enter a protest against
-the revocation of the Mission. Chief among them were my lifelong friend,
-the Rev. J. H. Twichell, and Rev. John W. Lane, through whose persistent
-efforts Presidents Porter and Seelye, Samuel Clemens, T. F.
-Frelinghuysen, John Russell Young and others were enlisted and brought
-forward to stay the work of retrogression of the part of the Chinese.
-The protest was couched in the most dignified, frank and manly language
-of President Porter of Yale and read as follows:
-
-
- _To The Tsung Li Yamun_
- _or_
- _Office for Foreign Affairs._
-
-“The undersigned, who have been instructors, guardians and friends of
-the students who were sent to this country under the care of the Chinese
-Educational Commission, beg leave to represent:
-
-“That they exceedingly regret that these young men have been withdrawn
-from the country, and that the Educational Commission has been
-dissolved.
-
-“So far as we have had opportunity to observe, and can learn from the
-representations of others, the young men have generally made a faithful
-use of their opportunities, and have made good progress in the studies
-assigned to them, and in the knowledge of the language, ideas, arts and
-institutions of the people of this country.
-
-“With scarcely a single exception, their morals have been good; their
-manners have been singularly polite and decorous, and their behavior has
-been such as to make friends for themselves and their country in the
-families, the schools, the cities and villages in which they have
-resided.
-
-“In these ways they have proved themselves eminently worthy of the
-confidence which has been reposed in them to represent their families
-and the great Chinese Empire in a land of strangers. Though children and
-youths, they have seemed always to understand that the honor of their
-race and their nation was committed to their keeping. As the result of
-their good conduct, many of the prejudices of ignorant and wicked men
-towards the Chinese have been removed, and more favorable sentiments
-have taken their place.
-
-“We deeply regret that the young men have been taken away just at the
-time when they were about to reap the most important advantages from
-their previous studies, and to gather in the rich harvest which their
-painful and laborious industry had been preparing for them to reap. The
-studies which most of them have pursued hitherto have been disciplinary
-and preparatory. The studies of which they have been deprived by their
-removal, would have been the bright flower and the ripened fruit of the
-roots and stems which have been slowly reared under patient watering and
-tillage. We have given to them the same knowledge and culture that we
-give to our own children and citizens.
-
-“As instructors and guardians of these young men, we should have
-welcomed to our schools and colleges the Commissioners of Education or
-their representatives and have explained to them our system and methods
-of instruction. In some cases, they have been invited to visit us, but
-have failed to respond to their invitations in person or by their
-deputies.
-
-“We would remind your honorable body that these students were originally
-received to our homes and our colleges by request of the Chinese
-government through the Secretary of State with the express desire that
-they might learn our language, our manners, our sciences and our arts.
-To remove them permanently and suddenly without formal notice or inquiry
-on the ground that as yet they had learned nothing useful to China when
-their education in Western institutions, arts and sciences is as yet
-incomplete, seems to us as unworthy of the great Empire for which we
-wish eminent prosperity and peace, as it is discourteous to the nation
-that extended to these young men its friendly hospitality.
-
-“We cannot accept as true the representation that they have derived evil
-and not good from our institutions, our principles and our manners. If
-they have neglected or forgotten their native language, we never assumed
-the duty of instructing them in it, and cannot be held responsible for
-this neglect. The Chinese government thought it wise that some of its
-own youth should be trained after our methods. We have not finished the
-work which we were expected to perform. May we not reasonably be
-displeased that the results of our work should be judged unfavorably
-before it could possibly be finished?
-
-“In view of these considerations, and especially in view of the injury
-and loss which have fallen upon the young men whom we have learned to
-respect and love, and the reproach which has implicitly been brought
-upon ourselves and the great nation to which we belong,--we would
-respectfully urge that the reasons for this sudden decision should be
-reconsidered, and the representations which have been made concerning
-the intellectual and moral character of our education should be properly
-substantiated. We would suggest that to this end, a committee may be
-appointed of eminent Chinese citizens whose duty it shall be to examine
-into the truth of the statements unfavorable to the young men or their
-teachers, which have led to the unexpected abandonment of the
-Educational Commission and to the withdrawal of the young men from the
-United States before their education could be finished.”
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XX
-
-JOURNEY TO PEKING AND DEATH OF MY WIFE
-
-
-The treatment which the students received at the hands of Chinese
-officials in the first years after their return to China as compared
-with the treatment they received in America while at school could not
-fail to make an impression upon their innermost convictions of the
-superiority of Occidental civilization over that of China--an impression
-which will always appeal to them as cogent and valid ground for radical
-reforms in China, however altered their conditions may be in their
-subsequent careers. Quite a number of the survivors of the one hundred
-students, I am happy to say, have risen to high official ranks and
-positions of great trust and responsibility. The eyes of the government
-have been opened to see the grand mistake it made in breaking up the
-Mission and having the students recalled. Within only a few years it had
-the candor and magnanimity to confess that it wished it had more of just
-such men as had been turned out by the Chinese Educational Mission in
-Hartford, Conn. This confession, though coming too late, may be taken as
-a sure sign that China is really awakening and is making the best use of
-what few partially educated men are available. And these few
-Occidentally educated men have, in their turn, encouraged and stimulated
-both the government and the people. Since the memorable events of the
-China and Japan war, and the war between Japan and Russia, several
-hundreds of Chinese students have come over to the United States to be
-educated. Thus the Chinese educational scheme which Tsang Kwoh Fan
-initiated in 1870 at Tientsin and established in Hartford, Conn., in
-1872, though rolled back for a period of twenty-five years, has been
-practically revived.
-
-Soon after the students’ recall and return to China in 1881, I also took
-my departure and arrived in Tientsin in the fall of that year on my way
-to Peking to report myself to the government after my term of office as
-assistant minister had expired. This was the customary step for all
-diplomatic officers of the government to take at the close of their
-terms. Chin Lan Pin preceded me by nearly a year, having returned in
-1880.
-
-While paying my visit to Li Hung Chang in Tientsin, before going up to
-Peking, he brought up the subject of the recall of the students. To my
-great astonishment he asked me why I had allowed the students to return
-to China. Not knowing exactly the significance of the inquiry, I said
-that Chin Lan Pin, who was minister, had received an imperial decree to
-break up the Mission; that His Excellency was in favor of the decree, so
-was Chin Lan Pin and so was Woo Tsze Tung. If I had stood out alone
-against carrying out the imperial mandate, would not I have been
-regarded as a rebel, guilty of treason, and lose my head for it? But he
-said that at heart he was in favor of their being kept in the States to
-continue their studies, and that I ought to have detained them. In reply
-I asked how I could have been supposed to read his heart at a distance
-of 45,000 lis, especially when it was well known that His Excellency had
-said that they might just as well be recalled. If His Excellency had
-written to me beforehand not to break up the Mission under any
-circumstances, I would then have known what to do; as it was, I could
-not have done otherwise than to see the decree carried out. “Well,” said
-he, in a somewhat angry and excited tone, “I know the author of this
-great mischief.” Woo Tsze Tung happened to be in Tientsin at the time.
-He had just been to Peking and sent me word begging me to call and see
-him. Out of courtesy, I did call. He told me he had not been well
-received in Peking, and that Viceroy Li was bitter towards him when he
-had called and had refused to see him a second time. He looked careworn
-and cast down. He was never heard of after our last interview.
-
-On my arrival in Peking, one of my first duties was to make my round of
-official calls on the leading dignitaries of the government--the Princes
-Kung and Ching and the presidents of the six boards. It took me nearly a
-month to finish these official calls. Peking may be said to be a city of
-great distances, and the high officials live quite far apart from each
-other. The only conveyances that were used to go about from place to
-place were the mule carts. These were heavy, clumsy vehicles with an
-axle-tree running right across under the body of a box, which was the
-carriage, and without springs to break the jolting, with two heavy
-wheels, one at each end of the axle. They were slow coaches, and with
-the Peking roads all cut up and seldom repaired, you can imagine what
-traveling in those days meant. The dust and smell of the roads were
-something fearful. The dust was nothing but pulverized manure almost as
-black as ink. It was ground so fine by the millions of mule carts that
-this black stuff would fill one’s eyes and ears and penetrate deep into
-the pores of one’s skin, making it impossible to cleanse oneself with
-one washing. The neck, head and hands had to have suitable coverings to
-keep off the dust. The water is brackish, making it difficult to take
-off the dirt, thereby adding to the discomforts of living in Peking.
-
-I was in Peking about three months. While there, I found time to prepare
-a plan for the effectual suppression of the Indian opium trade in China
-and the extinction of the poppy cultivation in China and India. This
-plan was submitted to the Chinese government to be carried out, but I
-was told by Whang Wen Shiu, the president of the Tsung Li Yamun (Foreign
-Affairs), that for want of suitable men, the plan could not be
-entertained, and it was shelved for nearly a quarter of a century until
-recently when the subject became an international question.
-
-I left Peking in 1882. After four months’ residence in Shanghai, I
-returned to the United States on account of the health of my family.
-
-I reached home in the spring of 1883, and found my wife in a very low
-condition. She had lost the use of her voice and greeted me in a hoarse
-low whisper. I was thankful that I found her still living though much
-emaciated. In less than a month after my return, she began to pick up
-and felt more like herself. Doubtless, her declining health and
-suffering were brought on partly on account of my absence and her
-inexpressible anxiety over the safety of my life. A missionary fresh
-from China happened to call on her a few days before my departure for
-China and told her that my going back to China was a hazardous step, as
-they would probably cut my head off on account of the Chinese
-Educational Mission. This piece of gratuitous information tended more to
-aggravate a mind already weighed down by poor health, and to have this
-gloomy foreboding added to her anxiety was more than she could bear. I
-was absent in China from my family this time nearly a year and a half,
-and I made up my mind that I would never leave it again under any
-conditions whatever. My return in 1883 seemed to act on my wife’s health
-and spirit like magic, as she gradually recovered strength enough to go
-up to Norfolk for the summer. The air up in Norfolk was comparatively
-pure and more wholesome than in the Connecticut valley, and proved
-highly salubrious to her condition. At the close of the summer, she came
-back a different person from what she was when she went away, and I was
-much encouraged by her improved health. I followed up these changes of
-climate and air with the view of restoring her to her normal condition,
-taking her down to Atlanta, Georgia, one winter and to the Adirondacks
-another year. It seemed that these changes brought only temporary relief
-without any permanent recovery. In the winter of 1885, she began to show
-signs of a loss of appetite and expressed a desire for a change.
-Somerville, New Jersey, was recommended to her as a sanitarium. That was
-the last resort she went to for her health, for there she caught a cold
-which resulted in her death. She lingered there for nearly two months
-till she was brought home, and died of Bright’s disease on the 28th of
-June, 1886. She was buried in Cedar Hill Cemetery in the home lot I
-secured for that purpose. Her death made a great void in my after-life,
-which was irreparable, but she did not leave me hopelessly deserted and
-alone; she left me two sons who are constant reminders of her beautiful
-life and character. They have proved to be my greatest comfort and
-solace in my declining years. They are most faithful, thoughtful and
-affectionate sons, and I am proud of their manly and earnest Christian
-characters. My gratitude to God for blessing me with two such sons will
-forever rise to heaven, an endless incense.
-
-The two blows that fell upon me one after the other within the short
-span of five years from 1880 to 1886 were enough to crush my spirit. The
-one had scattered my life work to the four winds; the other had deprived
-me of a happy home which had lasted only ten years. The only gleam of
-light that broke through the dark clouds which hung over my head came
-from my two motherless sons whose tender years appealed to the very
-depths of my soul for care and sympathy. They were respectively seven
-and nine years old when deprived of their mother. I was both father and
-mother to them from 1886 till 1895. My whole soul was wrapped up in
-their education and well-being. My mother-in-law, Mrs. Mary B. Kellogg,
-assisted me in my work and stood by me in my most trying hours, keeping
-house for me for nearly two years.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXI
-
-MY RECALL TO CHINA
-
-
-In 1894-5 war broke out between China and Japan on account of Korea. My
-sympathies were enlisted on the side of China, not because I am a
-Chinese, but because China had the right on her side, and Japan was
-simply trumping up a pretext to go to war with China, in order to show
-her military and naval prowess. Before the close of the war, it was
-impossible for me to be indifferent to the situation--I could not
-repress my love for China. I wrote to my former legation interpreter and
-secretary, two letters setting forth a plan by which China might
-prosecute the war for an indefinite time.
-
-My first plan was to go over to London to negotiate a loan of
-$15,000,000, with which sum to purchase three or four ready built
-iron-clads, to raise a foreign force of 5,000 men to attack Japan in the
-rear from the Pacific coast--thus creating a diversion to draw the
-Japanese forces from Korea and give the Chinese government a breathing
-spell to recruit a fresh army and a new navy to cope with Japan. While
-this plan was being carried out, the government was to empower a
-commission to mortgage the Island of Formosa to some Western power for
-the sum of $400,000,000 for the purpose of organizing a national army
-and navy to carry on the war. These plans were embodied in two letters
-to Tsai Sik Yung, at that time secretary to Chang Tsze Tung, viceroy of
-Hunan and Hupeh. They were translated into Chinese for the Viceroy. That
-was in the winter of 1894. To my great surprise, Viceroy Chang approved
-of my first plan. I was authorized by cable to go over to London to
-negotiate the loan of $15,000,000. The Chinese minister in London, a Li
-Hung Chang man, was advised of my mission, which in itself was a
-sufficient credential for me to present myself to the minister. In less
-than a month after my arrival in London, I succeeded in negotiating the
-loan; but in order to furnish collaterals for it, I had to get the
-Chinese minister in London to cable the government for the hypothecation
-of the customs’ revenue. I was told that Sir Robert Hart,
-inspector-general of customs, and Viceroy Li Hung Chang refused to have
-the customs’ revenue hypothecated, on the ground that this revenue was
-hardly enough to cover as collateral the loan to meet the heavy
-indemnity demanded by Japan. The fact was: Viceroy Li Hung Chang and
-Chang Chi Tung were at loggerheads and opposed to each other in the
-conduct of the war. The latter was opposed to peace being negotiated by
-Li Hung Chang; but the former had the Dowager Empress on his side and
-was strenuous in his efforts for peace.
-
-Hence Sir Robert Hart had to side with the Court party, and ignored
-Chang Chi Tung’s request for the loan of $15,000,000; on that account
-the loan fell through, and came near involving me in a suit with the
-London Banking Syndicate.
-
-I returned to New York and cabled for further instructions from Chang
-Chi Tung as to what my next step would be. In reply he cabled for me to
-come to China at once.
-
-After thirteen years of absence from China, I thought that my
-connections with the Chinese government had been severed for good when I
-left there in 1883. But it did not appear to be so; another call to
-return awaited me, this time from a man whom I had never seen, of whose
-character, disposition and views I was altogether ignorant, except from
-what I knew from hearsay. But he seemed to know all about me, and in
-his memorial to the government inviting me to return, he could not have
-spoken of me in higher terms than he did. So I girded myself to go back
-once more to see what there was in store for me. By this recall, I
-became Chang Chi Tung’s man as opposed to Li Hung Chang.
-
-Before leaving for China this time, I took special pains to see my two
-sons well provided for in their education. Dr. E. W. Kellogg, my oldest
-brother-in-law, was appointed their guardian. Morrison Brown Yung, the
-older son, had just succeeded in entering Yale, Sheffield Scientific,
-and was able to look out for himself. Bartlett G. Yung, the younger one,
-was still in the Hartford High School preparing for college. I was
-anxious to secure a good home for him before leaving the country, as I
-did not wish to leave him to shift for himself at his critical age. The
-subject was mentioned to my friends, Mr. and Mrs. Twichell. They at once
-came forward and proposed to take Bartlett into their family as one of
-its members, till he was ready to enter college. This is only a single
-instance illustrative of the large-hearted and broad spirit which has
-endeared them to their people both in the Asylum Hill church and outside
-of it. I was deeply affected by this act of self-denial and magnanimity
-in my behalf as well as in the behalf of my son Bartlett, whom I felt
-perfectly assured was in first-class hands, adopted as a member of one
-of the best families in New England. Knowing that my sons would be well
-cared for, and leaving the development of their characters to an
-all-wise and ever-ruling Providence, as well as to their innate
-qualities, I embarked for China, this time without any definite and
-specific object in view beyond looking out for what opening there might
-be for me to serve her.
-
-On my arrival in Shanghai, in the early part of the summer of 1895, I
-had to go to the expense of furnishing myself with a complete outfit of
-all my official dresses, which cost me quite a sum. Viceroy Chang Chi
-Tung, a short time previous to my arrival, had been transferred from the
-viceroyalty of the two Hoos to the viceroyalty of the two Kiangs
-temporarily. Instead of going up to Wu Chang, the capital of Hupeh, I
-went up to Nanking, where he was quartered.
-
-In Viceroy Chang Chi Tung, I did not find that magnetic attraction which
-at once drew me towards Tsang Kwoh Fan when I first met him at Ngan
-Khing in 1863. There was a cold, supercilious air enveloping him, which
-at once put me on my guard. After stating in a summary way how the loan
-of $15,000,000 fell through, he did not state why the Peking government
-had declined to endorse his action in authorizing the loan, though I
-knew at the time that Sir Robert Hart, the inspector-general of the
-Chinese customs, put forward as an excuse that the custom dues were
-hardly enough to serve as collateral for the big loan that was about to
-be negotiated to satisfy the war indemnity demanded by the Japanese
-government. This was the diplomatic way of coating over a bitter pill
-for Chang Chi Tung to swallow, when the Peking government, through the
-influence of Li Hung Chang, was induced to ignore the loan. Chang and Li
-were not at the time on cordial terms, each having a divergent policy to
-follow in regard to the conduct of the war.
-
-Dropping the subject of the loan as a dead issue, our next topic of
-conversation was the political state of the country in view of the
-humiliating defeat China had suffered through the incompetence and
-corruption of Li Hung Chang, whose defeat both on land and sea had
-stripped him of all official rank and title and came near costing him
-his life. I said that China, in order to recover her prestige and
-become a strong and powerful nation, would have to adopt a new policy.
-She would have to go to work and engage at least four foreigners to act
-as advisers in the Department for Foreign Affairs, in the Military and
-Naval Departments and in the Treasury Department. They might be engaged
-for a period of ten years, at the end of which time they might be
-re-engaged for another term. They would have to be men of practical
-experience, of unquestioned ability and character. While these men were
-thus engaged to give their best advice in their respective departments,
-it should be taken up and acted upon, and young and able Chinese
-students should be selected to work under them. In that way, the
-government would have been rebuilt upon Western methods, and on
-principles and ideas that look to the reformation of the administrative
-government of China.
-
-Such was the sum and substance of my talk in the first and only
-interview with which Chang Chi Tung favored me. During the whole of it,
-he did not express his opinion at all on any of the topics touched upon.
-He was as reticent and absorbent as a dry sponge. The interview differed
-from that accorded me by Tsang Kwoh Fan in 1863, in that Tsang had
-already made up his mind what he wanted to do for China, and I was
-pointed out to him to execute it. But in the case of Chang Chi Tung, he
-had no plan formed for China at the time, and what I presented to him in
-the interview was entirely new and somewhat radical; but the close of
-the Japan War justified me in bringing forward such views, as it was on
-account of that war that I had been recalled. If he had been as broad a
-statesman as his predecessor, Tsang Kwoh Fan, he could have said
-something to encourage me to entertain even a glimpse of hope that he
-was going to do something to reform the political condition of the
-government of the country at the close of the war. Nothing, however, was
-said, or even hinted at. In fact, I had no other interview with him
-after the first one. Before he left Nanking for Wu Chang, he gave me the
-appointment of Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Kiang Nan.
-
-On the arrival of Liu Kwan Yih, the permanent viceroy of the two Kiang
-provinces, Chang Chi Tung did not ask me to go up to Wu Chang with him.
-This I took to be a pretty broad hint that he did not need my services
-any longer, that I was not the man to suit his purposes; and as I had
-no axe to grind, I did not make any attempt to run after my grind-stone.
-On the contrary, after three months’ stay in Nanking under Viceroy Liu
-Kwan Yih, out of regard for official etiquette, I resigned the
-secretaryship, which was practically a sinecure--paying about $150 a
-month. Such was my brief official experience with Viceroys Chang Chi
-Tung and Liu Kwan Yih.
-
-I severed my official connection with the provincial government of Kiang
-Nan in 1896, and took up my headquarters in Shanghai--untrammeled and
-free to do as I pleased and go where I liked. It was then that I
-conceived the plan of inducing the central government to establish in
-Peking a government national bank. For this object I set to work
-translating into Chinese the National Banking Act and other laws
-relating to national banks from the Revised Statutes of the United
-States with Amendments and additional Acts of 1875. In prosecuting this
-work, I had the aid of a Chinese writer, likewise the co-operation of
-the late Wong Kai Keh, one of the Chinese students who was afterwards
-the assistant Chinese commissioner in the St. Louis Exposition, who gave
-me valuable help. With the translation, I went up to Peking with my
-Chinese writer, and, at the invitation of my old friend, Chang Yen Hwan,
-who had been Chinese Minister in Washington from 1884 to 1888, I took up
-my quarters in his residence and remained there several months. Chang
-Yen Hwan at that time held two offices: one as a senior member of the
-Tsung Li Yamun (Office for Foreign Affairs); the other, as the first
-secretary in the Treasury Department of which Ung Tung Hwo, tutor to the
-late Emperor Kwang Su, was the president. Chang Yen Hwan was greatly
-interested in the National Banking scheme. He examined the translation
-critically and suggested that I should leave out those articles that
-were inapplicable to the conditions of China, and retain only such as
-were important and practicable. After the translation and selection were
-completed, he showed it to Ung Tung Hwo, president of the Treasury. They
-were both highly pleased with it, and had all the Treasury officials
-look it over carefully and pass their judgment upon it. In a few weeks’
-time, the leading officials of the Treasury Department called upon me to
-congratulate me upon my work, and said it ought to be made a subject of
-a memorial to the government to have the banking scheme adopted and
-carried out. Chang Yen Hwan came forward to champion it, backed by Ung
-Tung Hwo, the president.
-
-To have a basis upon which to start the National Bank of China, it was
-necessary to have the government advance the sum of Tls. 10,000,000; of
-this sum, upwards of Tls. 2,000,000 were to be spent on machinery for
-printing government bonds and bank-notes of different denominations and
-machinery for a mint; Tls. 2,000,000 for the purchase of land and
-buildings; and Tls. 6,000,000 were to be held in reserve in the Treasury
-for the purchase of gold, silver and copper for minting coins of
-different denominations for general circulation. This Tls. 10,000,000
-was to be taken as the initiatory sum to start the National Bank with,
-and was to be increased every year in proportion to the increase of the
-commerce of the Empire.
-
-We had made such progress in our project as to warrant our appointing a
-committee to go around to select a site for the Bank, while I was
-appointed to come to the United States to consult with the Treasury
-Department on the plan and scope of the enterprise and to learn the best
-course to take in carrying out the plan of the National Bank. The
-Treasury Department, through its president, Ung Tung Hwo, was on the
-point of memorializing for an imperial decree to sanction setting aside
-the sum of Tls. 10,000,000 for the purpose indicated, when, to the
-astonishment of Chang Yen Hwan and other promoters of the enterprise,
-Ung Tung Hwo, the president, received a telegraphic message from Shing
-Sun Whei, head of the Chinese Telegraphic Co., and manager of the
-Shanghai, China Steamship Navigation Co., asking Ung to suspend his
-action for a couple of weeks, till his arrival in Peking, Ung and Shing
-being intimate friends, besides being compatriots, Ung acceded to
-Shing’s request. Shing Taotai, as he was called, was well-known to be a
-multimillionaire, and no great enterprise or concession of any kind
-could pass through without his finger in the pie. So in this banking
-scheme, he was bound to have his say. He had emissaries all over Peking
-who kept him well posted about everything going on in the capital as
-well as outside of it. He had access to the most powerful and
-influential princes in Peking, his system of graft reaching even the
-Dowager Empress through her favorite eunuch, the notorious Li Ling Ying.
-So Shing was a well-known character in Chinese politics. It was through
-his system of graft that the banking enterprise was defeated. It was
-reported that he came up to Peking with Tls. 300,000 as presents to two
-or three princes and other high and influential dignitaries, and got
-away with the Tls. 10,000,000 of appropriation by setting up a bank to
-manipulate his own projects.
-
-The defeat of the National Banking project owed its origin to the
-thoroughly corrupt condition of the administrative system of China. From
-the Dowager Empress down to the lowest and most petty underling in the
-Empire, the whole political fabric was honey-combed with what Americans
-characterize as graft--a species of political barnacles, if I may be
-allowed to call it that, which, when once allowed to fasten their hold
-upon the bottom of the ship of State were sure to work havoc and
-ruination; in other words, with money one could get anything done in
-China. Everything was for barter; the highest bid got the prize. The two
-wars--the one with Japan in 1894-5 and the other, the Japan and Russian
-War in 1904-5--have in some measure purified the Eastern atmosphere, and
-the Chinese have finally awakened to their senses and have come to some
-sane consciousness of their actual condition.
-
-After the defeat of the national banking project at the hands of Shing
-Taotai, I went right to work to secure a railroad concession from the
-government. The railroad I had in mind was one between the two ports of
-Tientsin and Chinkiang; one in the north, the other in the south near
-the mouth of the Yangtze River. The distance between these ports in a
-bee line is about five hundred miles; by a circuitous route going around
-the province of Shan Tung and crossing the Yellow River into the
-province of Hunan through Anwhui, the distance would be about seven
-hundred miles. The German government objected to having this railroad
-cross Shan Tung province, as they claimed they had the monopoly of
-building railroads throughout the province, and would not allow another
-party to build a railroad across Shan Tung. This was a preposterous and
-absurd pretension and could not be supported either by the international
-laws or the sovereign laws of China. At that time, China was too feeble
-and weak to take up the question and assert her own sovereign rights in
-the matter, nor had she the men in the Foreign Office to show up the
-absurdity of the pretension. So, to avoid any international
-complications, the concession was issued to me with the distinct
-understanding that the road was to be built by the circuitous route
-above described. The road was to be built with Chinese, not with foreign
-capital. I was given six months’ time to secure capital. At the end of
-six months, if I failed to show capital, I was to surrender the
-concession. I knew very well that it would be impossible to get Chinese
-capitalists to build any railroad at that time. I tried hard to get
-around the sticking point by getting foreign syndicates to take over the
-concession, but all my attempts proved abortive, and I was compelled to
-give up my railroad scheme also. This ended my last effort to help
-China.
-
-I did not dream that in the midst of my work, Khang Yu Wei and his
-disciple, Leang Kai Chiu, whom I met often in Peking during the previous
-year, were engaged in the great work of reform which was soon to
-culminate in the momentous _coup d’état_ of 1898.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXII
-
-THE COUP D’ETAT OF 1898
-
-
-The _coup d’état_ of September, 1898, was an event memorable in the
-annals of the Manchu Dynasty. In it, the late Emperor Kwang Su was
-arbitrarily deposed; treasonably made a prisoner of state; and had his
-prerogatives and rights as Emperor of the Chinese Empire wrested from
-him and usurped by the late Dowager Empress Chi Hsi.
-
-Kwang Su, though crowned Emperor when he was five years of age, had all
-along held the sceptre only nominally. It was Chi Hsi who held the helm
-of the government all the time.
-
-As soon as Kwang Su had attained his majority, and began to exercise his
-authority as emperor, the lynx eye of Chi Hsi was never lifted away from
-him. His acts and movements were watched with the closest scrutiny, and
-were looked upon in any light but the right one, because her own stand
-in the government had never been the legitimate and straight one since
-1864, when her first regency over her own son, Tung Chi, woke in her an
-ambition to dominate and rule, which grew to be a passion too morbid and
-strong to be curbed.
-
-In the assertion of his true manhood, and the exercise of his sovereign
-power, his determination to reform the government made him at once the
-cynosure of Peking, inside and outside of the Palace. In the eyes of the
-Dowager Empress Chi Hsi, whose retina was darkened by deeds perpetrated
-in the interest of usurpation and blinded by jealousy, Kwang Su appeared
-in no other light than as a dement, or to use a milder expression, an
-imbecile, fit only to be tagged round by an apron string, cared for and
-watched. But to the disinterested spectator and unprejudiced judge, Kwan
-Su was no imbecile, much less a dement. Impartial history and posterity
-will pronounce him not only a patriot emperor, but also a patriot
-reformer--as mentally sound and sane as any emperor who ever sat on the
-throne of China. He may be looked upon as a most remarkable historical
-character of the Manchu Dynasty from the fact that he was singled out by
-an all-wise Providence to be the pioneer of the great reform movement in
-China at the threshold of the twentieth century.
-
-Just at this juncture of the political condition of China, the tide of
-reform had reached Peking. Emperor Kwang Su, under some mysterious
-influence, to the astonishment of the world, stood forth as the exponent
-of this reform movement. I determined to remain in the city to watch its
-progress. My headquarters became the rendez-vous of the leading
-reformers of 1898. It was in the fall of that memorable year that the
-_coup d’état_ took place, in which the young Emperor Kwang Su was
-deposed by the Dowager Empress, and some of the leading reformers
-arrested and summarily decapitated.
-
-Being implicated by harboring the reformers, and in deep sympathy with
-them, I had to flee for my own life and succeeded in escaping from
-Peking. I took up quarters in the foreign settlement of Shanghai. While
-there, I organized the “Deliberative Association of China,” of which I
-was chosen the first president. The object of the association was to
-discuss the leading question of the day, especially those of reform.
-
-In 1899, I was advised for my own personal safety, to change my
-residence. I went to Hong Kong and placed myself under the protection of
-the British government.
-
-I was in Hong Kong from 1900 till 1902, when I returned to the United
-States to see my younger son, Bartlett G. Yung, graduate from Yale
-University.
-
-In the spring of 1901, I visited the Island of Formosa, and in that
-visit I called upon Viscount Gentaro Kodama, governor of the island,
-who, in the Russo-Japan War of 1904-5 was the chief of staff to Marshal
-Oyama in Manchuria. In the interview our conversation had to be carried
-on through his interpreter, as he, Kodama, could not speak English nor
-could I speak Japanese.
-
-He said he was glad to see me, as he had heard a great deal of me, but
-never had the pleasure of meeting me. Now that he had the opportunity,
-he said he might as well tell me that he had most unpleasant if not
-painful information to give me. Being somewhat surprised at such an
-announcement, I asked what the information was. He said he had received
-from the viceroy of Fuhkein and Chêhkiang an official despatch
-requesting him to have me arrested, if found in Formosa, and sent over
-to the mainland to be delivered over to the Chinese authorities. Kodama
-while giving this information showed neither perturbation of thought nor
-feeling, but his whole countenance was wreathed with a calm and even
-playful smile.
-
-I was not disturbed by this unexpected news, nor was I at all excited. I
-met it calmly and squarely, and said in reply that I was entirely in his
-power, that he could deliver me over to my enemies whenever he wished; I
-was ready to die for China at any time, provided that the death was an
-honorable one.
-
-“Well, Mr. Yung,” said he, “I am not going to play the part of a
-constable for China, so you may rest at ease on this point. I shall not
-deliver you over to China. But I have another matter to call to your
-attention.” I asked what it was. He immediately held up a Chinese
-newspaper before me, and asked who was the author of the proposition.
-Without the least hesitation. I told him I was the author of it. At the
-same time, to give emphasis to this open declaration, I put my opened
-right palm on my chest two or three times, which attracted the attention
-of everyone in the room, and caused a slight excitement among the
-Japanese officials present.
-
-I then said, “With Your Excellency’s permission, I must beg to make one
-correction in the amount stated; instead of $800,000,000, the sum stated
-in my proposition was only $400,000,000.” At this frank and open
-declaration and the corrected sum, Kodama was evidently pleased and
-visibly showed his pleasure by smiling at me.
-
-The Chinese newspaper Kodama showed me contained a proposition I drew up
-for Viceroy Chang Chi Tung to memorialize the Peking government for
-adoption in 1894-5, about six months before the signing of the Treaty of
-Shemonashiki by Viceroy Li Hung Chang. The proposal was to have the
-Island of Formosa mortgaged to a European Treaty power for a period of
-ninety-nine years for the sum of $400,000,000 in gold. With this sum
-China was to carry on the war with Japan by raising a new army and a new
-navy. This proposition was never carried through, but was made public in
-the Chinese newspapers, and a copy of it found its way to Kodama’s
-office, where, strange to say, I was confronted with it, and I had the
-moral courage not only to avow its authorship but also a correction of
-the amount the island was to be mortgaged for.
-
-To bring the interview to a climax, I said, should like circumstances
-ever arise, nothing would deter me from repeating the same proposition
-in order to fight Japan.
-
-This interview with the Japanese governor of Formosa was one of the
-most memorable ones in my life. I thought at first that at the request
-of the Chinese viceroy I was going to be surrendered, and that my fate
-was sealed; but no sooner had the twinkling smile of Kodama lighted his
-countenance than my assurance of life and safety came back with
-redoubled strength, and I was emboldened to talk war on Japan with
-perfect impunity. The bold and open stand I took on that occasion won
-the admiration of the governor who then invited me to accompany him to
-Japan where he expected to go soon to be promoted. He said he would
-introduce me to the Japanese emperor and other leading men of the
-nation. I thanked him heartily for his kindness and invitation and said
-I would accept such a generous invitation and consider it a great honor
-to accompany him on his contemplated journey, but my health would not
-allow me to take advantage of it. I had the asthma badly at the time.
-
-Then, before parting, he said that my life was in danger, and that while
-I was in Formosa under his jurisdiction he would see that I was well
-protected and said that he would furnish me with a bodyguard to prevent
-all possibilities of assassination. So the next day he sent me four
-Japanese guards to watch over me at night in my quarters; and in the
-daytime whenever I went out, two guards would go in advance of me and
-two behind my jinrickisha to see that I was safe. This protection was
-continued for the few days I spent in Formosa till I embarked for Hong
-Kong. I went in person to thank the governor and to express my great
-obligation and gratitude to him for the deep interest he had manifested
-towards me.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-An address by the Rev. Joseph H. Twichell, delivered before the Kent
-Club of the Yale Law School, April 10, 1878.
-
-
-A visitor to the City of Hartford, at the present time, will be likely
-to meet on the streets groups of Chinese boys, in their native dress,
-though somewhat modified, and speaking their native tongue, yet seeming,
-withal, to be very much at home. He will also occasionally meet Chinese
-men who, by their bearing, will impress him as being gentlemen of their
-race.
-
-These gentlemen are officers, and these boys are pupils of the Chinese
-Educational Mission, although one of the most remarkable and significant
-institutions of the age on the face of the whole earth. The object of
-the mission, now of nearly six years’ standing, is the education in this
-country, through a term of fifteen years, of a corps of young men for
-the Chinese Government service; that Government paying the whole
-cost--an annual expense of about $100,000. The number of the officers is
-five, viz,--the two Imperial Commissioners in charge, a translator and
-interpreter and two teachers. The function of the teachers is to direct
-the Chinese education of the pupils, which proceeds _pari passu_ with
-their Western education. The number of pupils was originally 120, but
-now 112, one having died and seven having, for various reasons, returned
-to China. A fine, large house recently erected by the Chinese Government
-in the western part of the City, at a cost of fifty thousand dollars, is
-the headquarters of the Mission. There are the offices of the officers,
-and there is lodged the class that is present for examination and
-instruction in Chinese studies. For this purpose the pupils are divided
-into classes of about twenty, one coming as another goes, each staying
-at the Mission House two weeks at a time. A small part only of the whole
-number are permanently located in Hartford. Most of them are in other
-places, though not far away, generally two together attending school or
-receiving private instruction in families.
-
-They come in yearly companies of thirty, beginning with 1872, and the
-last detachment is still chiefly engaged in learning our language.
-
-The plan is to afford these boys the advantages of our best educational
-institutions--academies, colleges, and, to some extent, professional
-schools--to assign them, by and by, as they shall develop aptitude, to
-various special courses of study and training in the physical,
-mechanical and military sciences, in political history and economy,
-international law, the principles and practice of civil administration
-and in all departments and branches of knowledge, skill in which is
-useful for public government service in these modern times. And through
-the whole process of this education, it is to be impressed upon them
-that they belong and are to belong to their nation, for whose sake they
-are elected to enjoy these great and peculiar opportunities. The result
-will be, if all goes well and the plan is carried out,--and there is
-apparently nothing now to prevent it,--that in the year 1887 or
-thereabout there will go from this country to China a body of somewhere
-near a hundred men who have grown up under exceedingly favorable
-conditions from early youth to manhood here among us, destined to hold
-places of importance in the government and in the society of their
-native land, better equipped in all save experience to do for that land
-what most needs to be done, and inspired for their work with a more
-enlightened sense of patriotic duty and responsibility than any other
-hundred of her sons of their generation. And who can forecast or
-estimate the consequences that Divine Providence is thus preparing?
-
-
-COMMISSIONER YUNG WING
-
-Such in brief outline is the Chinese Educational Mission to the United
-States. The head and front of the whole marvellous enterprise, humanly
-speaking, is Commissioner Yung Wing. While others whose co-operation was
-indispensable, have, as will presently appear, contributed to it and
-still stand back of it, and justly share the credit of it with him, to
-him more than to any other man beside, probably more than to all other
-men beside, its existence is due. Its history, thus far, cannot be
-better told except in that connection, so intimately are the two
-histories related. But it becomes one who speaks of Yung Wing to observe
-the principle that we must be modest for a modest man, for so modest a
-man as he is is rare to find. He was born in 1828, of a worthy family in
-humble life, near the city of Macao in Southern China. In the year 1839
-he became a pupil in a children’s school, opened by Mrs. Gutzlaff, the
-wife of an English missionary, his parents consenting to it in the idea
-that it would be a profitable thing for him to learn the English
-language. Proving a bright scholar, he was in time promoted to the
-Morrison School, an institution founded by English merchants in Macao
-and named after Robert Morrison, the first English Protestant, but at
-this time under charge of the Rev. S. R. Brown, a teacher engaged by the
-Morrison Educational Society. When later this school was transferred to
-Hong Kong he went with it, and remained in it till he came to this
-country. He suffered, however, during this time serious interruption by
-the death of his father, which required him to go home and, a boy that
-he was, assist in the support of his family. This he did by wages earned
-in the printing establishment of a Portuguese Roman Catholic mission in
-Macao.
-
-In 1847, Mr. Brown, who had long noted his patient ardor in study, the
-marks of ability he showed and a certain original vigor of will and
-strength of character that were in him, brought him, at the age of
-sixteen, with two other native lads, also his pupils, of about the same
-age, to the United States; Andrew Shortrede, a large-hearted Scotchman,
-founder, proprietor and editor of _The China Mail_, published at Hong
-Kong, engaging to advance the means of their support for two years. The
-three boys were entered together at the academy in Monson, Mass., and
-were received into the family of Mr. Brown’s mother, who lived at
-Monson, a royal woman whose name is memorable in the church of Christ as
-that of the author of the hymn, “I love to steal awhile away.” It was
-while a member of her godly household that Yung Wing became a Christian
-believer.
-
-It will not be out of place to state here, as a fact, the significance
-of which will be readily appreciated, that he caused the son who was
-born to him in 1876--his first-born--to be named in baptism Morrison
-Brown, an eloquent act of recognition and profession. Of Wing’s two
-companions one, Wong Shing, was compelled, by want of health, to return
-to China the next year. There, in the office of _The China Mail_, he
-learned the art of printing. From 1852 or 1853 he was for several years
-connected with the press of the _London Mission_ under Dr. Legge, now
-the eminent Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature in Oxford
-University. In 1873 he accompanied the second detachment of Chinese
-students to this country, and is at present under appointment as
-interpreter to the Chinese Legation soon to be established at
-Washington.
-
-The other, Wong Fun, went to Scotland in 1850, and after two years
-general study entered the Medical Department of Edinburgh University, at
-which he graduated with very high honor. Returning to China in 1856, he
-began the practice of medicine in the city of Canton and is most highly
-esteemed on all that coast, both for his private character and for his
-professional talents, being held by many foreign residents the ablest
-physician in the whole region of the East beyond Calcutta. Wong Fun died
-Oct. 15th, 1878.
-
-
-IN YALE COLLEGE
-
-Yung Wing, after two years and a half spent at Monson, Mass., was, in
-1850, though but poorly fitted for want of time, admitted to the
-Freshman Class in Yale College. His career in college was, in some
-respects, a remarkable one. Owing to his inadequate preparations, he did
-not, though he worked hard, take a high stand in general scholarship,
-yet he excelled in the departments of writing and metaphysics, and made
-a sensation that was felt beyond the college walls by bearing off
-repeated prizes for English composition. Throughout his entire course he
-contended with poverty, a circumstance the explanation of which
-deserves notice. When he became a Christian, at Monson, he heard and at
-once accepted his Divine call to devote his life to the Christian
-service of his nation. But the form of that service--what should it be?
-This question he had to answer, at least in part. The presumption was,
-and it was assumed by his friends and by the public so far as his case
-was known, that he would be a minister of the Gospel. But right then and
-there, after much careful and prayerful thinking, this boy of seventeen,
-though by no means doubting the value of Christian missions, fully
-recognizing the fact, indeed, that he himself was the direct fruit of
-Christian missions,--which, be it ever remembered, he was,--concluded,
-with an independence characteristic of him even at that age, that it was
-not best for him to be a missionary. He had a suspicion then, though
-indistinct, that he was wanted for something else. It was a costly
-conclusion and he was quite aware of it. It was against the views and
-hopes of the most of those who were around him, and by it, being without
-pecuniary means, he cut himself off from the resource of those
-charitable foundations that would have aided him as a student for the
-ministry. And so he was poor in college; he smiles now to remember how
-poor. Yet he received help from persons interested in him at New Haven
-and elsewhere, mainly through the medium of Professor Thatcher, whose
-care for him in that matter claims his liveliest gratitude to this day.
-And he got through. He came to college in his cue and Chinese tunic, but
-put off both in the course of his first year.
-
-His nationality made him a good deal of a stranger, and this, together
-with his extreme natural reserve and his poverty, kept him from mingling
-much with the social life of college. He had not many intimates, yet he
-so carried himself from first to last as to merit and win the entire
-respect of all his class. It was in certain long walks and talks he had
-with his classmate, Carrol Cutler, now president of Western Reserve
-College, that he opened and discussed the project then forming in his
-mind of this Chinese Educational Mission. The idea was born, the dream
-was taking shape, but the way was long to its realization.
-
-His graduation in 1854 was the event of the Commencement of that year.
-There were many, at least, who so regarded it, and some of them came to
-the Commencement principally for the sake of seeing the Chinese
-graduate. Among the latter was Dr. Bushnell of Hartford. He had heard
-of him and being strongly interested, according to the size of his great
-mind and heart, in the Chinese race, he desired to meet Yung Wing. An
-incident of their meeting on that occasion, which the writer has heard
-Dr. Bushnell tell, will bear repeating: When they were introduced, the
-Doctor gave it as one of his reasons for seeking the introduction that
-he desired to ascertain who had written certain newspaper articles on
-the Chinese question, as it then stood, which had attracted his
-attention as evincing marks of statesmanship. He thought Wing might
-know. Whereupon, as the Doctor said, Wing hung his head, and blushing
-like a girl, with much confusion of manner, confessed that he was their
-author. It is only fair to add that Mr. Wing says that he does not
-remember this incident. But it is equally fair to add again that in a
-case of this kind Dr. Bushnell’s memory, or anybody else’s, were more
-worthy to be trusted than Yung Wing’s.
-
-At the time of his graduation, Wing was as much tempted as it was
-possible for him to be, to change the plan of his life. He had been in
-this country long enough to become thoroughly naturalized here. He was,
-in fact, a citizen. All his tastes and feelings and affinities,
-intellectual and moral, made him at home here. Moreover, through the
-notice into which his graduation brought him, it came about that a very
-inviting opportunity was opened to him to remain and have his career
-here if he chose to. On the other hand, China was like a strange land to
-him. He had even almost entirely forgotten his native tongue. And there
-was nothing in China for him to go to. Except among his humble kindred,
-he had no friends there; nothing to give him any standing or
-consideration, no place, so to speak, to set his foot on. Not only so,
-but considering where he had been and what he had become, and the
-purpose he had in view, he could not fail to encounter, among his own
-people, prejudice, suspicion, hostility. A cheerless, forbidding
-prospect lay before him in that direction. The thought of going back was
-the thought of exile. He wanted immensely to stay. But there was one
-text of Holy Scripture that, all this while, he says, haunted him and
-followed him like the voice of God. It was this: “If any provide not for
-his own, and specially for those of his own house, he hath denied the
-faith, and is worse than an infidel.” And by the words “his own” and
-“his own house,” it meant to him the nation of which he was born. The
-text carried the day. The benefits which he had been, as it were,
-singled out from a whole people to receive, his sense of justice and
-gratitude alike would not let him appropriate to his own advantage. And
-so, though he knew not what should befall him, he set his face to
-return; and he went to do what he has done.
-
-He sailed soon after his graduation for Hong Kong which, after a voyage
-of 151 days, he reached in the month of April, 1855. When the Chinese
-pilot came on board he found that he could, with some difficulty,
-understand what he said, though he could not make the pilot understand
-him, which shows the condition of his knowledge of Chinese on his
-arrival in the country. It took him all the time he was not otherwise
-employed for two years to acquire facility in the use of it.
-
-
-TAKING FIRST STEPS IN LIFE
-
-As for his grand scheme, he had settled it in his own mind that the
-first step to be taken toward carrying it out was to contrive a way of
-getting it before some influential public man or men--a thing itself of
-infinite difficulty. With this end in view, though, of course, to make
-his living also, he sought and obtained the position of private
-secretary to the Hon. Peter Parker, then Commissioner of the United
-States to China, hoping that it would be the means of affording him the
-access he desired. Becoming satisfied upon a sufficient trial that it
-was not likely to answer his expectations in this regard, he resigned
-the place after a few months. He now attempted another way of compassing
-the matter. There was at Hong Kong an English bar consisting of a dozen
-or so lawyers doing business for the foreign commercial houses of that
-City. Wing bethought him that the standing and acquaintance resulting
-from his becoming a member of that bar might not improbably bring him
-the opportunity he sought. Accordingly, he entered one of the offices as
-a student. But presently it got out among the lawyers who this young man
-was, what his education had been, and they saw that his competition with
-them for legal practice of a Chinese city was a thing not to be allowed
-if it could be prevented. And so his principal, pleading the commands of
-his legal brethren, informed him, with many courteous expressions of
-regret, that he must find another place to study law in. And as there
-was no other place, he had to give it up.
-
-After this followed an interval of nearly two years, during which he
-occupied himself with Chinese and other studies, earning his bread by
-such commercial translation as he could find to do, and waited for the
-right thing to turn up. He then, in the same hope that led him to his
-previous experiments, took a place in the Customs Service at Shanghai.
-But neither did this, on trial, promise, in his judgment, a _pou sto_
-for his operations, and he soon abandoned it.
-
-It was now 1860. Five years and nothing accomplished! To one only
-looking on the outside Yung Wing would appear to have thus far pursued
-an uncertain and rather thriftless course; but not if he penetrated his
-real policy and the purpose that lay ever nearest his heart; most
-assuredly not if he knew--what was the fact--that all this time that he
-was going from one thing to another and keeping himself poor, he was
-refusing offers of employment at rates of remuneration that to him, so
-long familiar with a straightened lot, seemed little short of princely.
-In 1860, however, overtures were made him by one of the leading silk and
-tea houses of Shanghai to enter its service as traveling inland agent,
-which, for the reason in part that it would send him touring through a
-wide extent of country and possess him, by observation, of a knowledge
-that he deemed would be useful to him, he determined to accept. This
-business he followed for a year, and then, seeing a good chance for it,
-set up in a business for himself which proved so profitable a venture
-that, had he continued in it, he would, to all appearances, have
-speedily become rich. As it was, he made a very considerable sum of
-money.
-
-But in 1862 the door of the opportunity which he had been constantly
-feeling after from the day he landed in China, unexpectedly opened to
-him.
-
-It was in this wise: While in the city of Shanghai, he made the
-acquaintance of a Chinese astronomer--a man of rank and of eminence in
-learning. Or rather, the astronomer, who had in some way gained
-intelligence of Wing’s antecedents, sought his acquaintance for the sake
-of talking astronomy with him. In repeated interviews through which
-their acquaintance progressed to the degree of mutual friendly regard,
-Wing, who had carried away from college a better knowledge of astronomy
-than most graduates do, told him all he knew, which was a long advance
-upon his own previous acquisitions in that science. This astronomer was
-an officer of the great Tsang Kwoh Fan, viceroy of Kiang Su and Kiang
-Nan provinces, generalissimo of the Imperial forces and one of the very
-most prominent and leading men in the whole Empire. Through
-representations made to him by the astronomer, he soon sent a message to
-Yung Wing desiring to see him, and hinting a desire to take him into his
-service. Though returning a favorable reply to the message, under all
-the circumstances and for reasons that cannot be explained, Wing delayed
-responding to it in person for a considerable time. The situation was a
-delicate one, requiring extreme caution and circumspection on his part.
-
-But at length he paid Tsang Koh Fan the promised visit. He felt the
-occasion to be a critical one, and when ushered into the great man’s
-presence found it difficult to retain his composure. Tsang Koh Fan first
-bent upon him a long, intense, piercing gaze. As Wing says, he had never
-been looked at in his life as he was then. Then causing him to be
-seated, he required of him an account of his history, which he gave. He
-then questioned him as to his views respecting China,--her needs, her
-outlook, her public policy, and so on. A long conversation followed in
-which the Viceroy disclosed his views, to which Wing listened with
-amazement. For, behold, here was a man such as he had not supposed
-existed in that country--a man reared in China, and not a young man
-either--who had light in his head; who recognized the causes of many of
-the disadvantages China was contending with in taking her place among
-the family of nations; a man of marvellously liberal and progressive
-sentiments.
-
-
-MADE A MANDARIN
-
-The result of the interview was that Wing entered his service and was
-made a Mandarin of the fifth rank, there being nine degrees of that
-dignity in the Chinese official system. At this time the great Taiping
-rebellion was at its height and Tsang Koh Fan was in the field. In fact,
-the interview had taken place at his camp in Ngankin, on the Yang Tse
-River. The Viceroy first tendered Wing a military command which, on the
-score of lack of qualification, he asked leave to decline. He was then,
-shortly after, 1864, at his own suggestion, despatched abroad to
-purchase machinery for the manufacture of arms, for which purpose the
-expenditure of a large sum of money was intrusted to him. On this
-errand he visited France and England as well as the United States, but
-finally gave his orders here. On returning with his purchases to China
-in 1865, what he had done was so satisfactory to his chief that he was
-advanced to the next higher grade of official rank, viz,--the Fourth.
-The machinery he had bought was the foundation of the Kiang Nan Arsenal.
-It is curious to remark that the first work of a man whose supreme
-ambition it was, from Christian motives, to set his country forward in
-civilization, should have been the establishment of an arsenal. But it
-quite consisted with Yung Wing’s ideas, which were intensely patriotic.
-
-From 1865 to 1870 he was variously employed in different places, being
-under command now of one superior and now of another. Among the work
-that he did during this period, that of translation was prominent. He
-translated into Chinese Parson’s Law of Contracts, and a book of English
-Law. He also translated large portions of Colton’s Geography, deeming
-that geographical knowledge was as likely to prove beneficial to his
-countrymen as any.
-
-But the thing that lay nearest his heart and that was continually before
-him, was the question of how to accomplish the plan he had so many
-years held in hope. He now had ample opportunity to expound and advocate
-it, and he did so with inexhaustible perseverance. The main argument he
-used was this: China, in her international relations, in her commercial
-and other intercourse with foreign peoples, suffers disadvantage and
-much detriment from want of men capable by education of acting as her
-representatives. She is forced to employ in many most important places,
-that ought to be occupied by her own citizens, foreigners by whom her
-interests are liable to be neglected or betrayed. Her forts, her ships
-of war, her military forces, her customs, are largely in charge of
-foreigners. How was it proper, he asked, that Anson Burlingame, an
-American, should be her chief agent in arranging a treaty with his own
-country and other western governments? This was his general line of
-reasoning.
-
-The most to whom he brought the matter heard him with indifference, but
-there were three men upon whom he made an impression--all men of high
-rank and commanding influence. They were the Viceroy, Tsang Koh Fan,
-already named; Li Hung Chang, now Viceroy of the capital province of
-Chihli and the foremost Chinese statesman; and Ting Yi Tcheang, then
-Governor of the Province of Kiang Su. Yet these men, convinced as they
-were by Wing’s reasons and avowedly favorable to his project, with all
-their eminence of position and their influence, were not ready to
-venture the attempt to carry it through with the Imperial Government.
-All the forces of conservatism would be opposed to it; the time for it
-had not come.
-
-In 1867, however, the Governor Ting, who was the most willing of the
-three, had made representations to an Imperial Minister named Wan
-Cheang, on the strength of which he was advised to address a memorial on
-the subject to the Imperial Council at Peking, Wan Cheang undertaking to
-commend it to the attention of the Council. The situation was at this
-juncture moderately hopeful, but before the memorial reached the
-Council, the mother of Wan Cheang died, by which event he was, under the
-law of Chinese high official etiquette, retired from public life three
-entire years, and the whole business was set back to where it had been.
-These were years of great trial to Yung Wing. He was prospering, indeed,
-in one point of view, but the hope to which he was devoted was so long
-deferred that his heart was often sick. Understand that he was leading
-there in China an essentially solitary life. He had, soon after his
-return in 1855, in accordance with his views of what was due to his
-purpose, resumed his native dress and identified himself not only thus
-externally, but also in large measure in every other respect with his
-own people. Especially from the time he became a Chinese Government
-official, he had dwelt in Chinese society, and had disappeared almost
-wholly from other society. He had his books and kept up diligently with
-what was going on in the world of learning and letters outside--it was
-his only resource--but he was exceedingly alone and lonely
-notwithstanding. The discouragements to his endeavor that faced him were
-so numerous and so solid that he was sometimes half disposed to give it
-all up; but only half disposed.
-
-One of the things that held him to it was not of a nature of an
-encouragement exactly, but it did excellently well as an antidote to the
-effect upon his spirits of his discouragements. It began to come to his
-ears now and than that his American and English friends in China were
-whispering it among themselves that he was a failure, that he had had a
-noble chance and had not known how to improve it; that he was
-impracticable; and that this scheme of his was utterly visionary and
-could never be successful. Whenever Wing heard of this, he set his teeth
-and took a new hold. But altogether his faith and manhood were put to an
-extreme test.
-
-The end came though, as it always does in such cases, and came in a
-manner almost dramatic. In the month of June, 1870, occurred the woeful
-tragedy at Tientsin called the Tientsin Massacre, in which a
-considerable number of French Roman Catholic missionaries, male and
-female, were murdered by a Chinese mob. It followed that a commission
-appointed by the foreign powers, diplomatically represented in China,
-met that same year at Tientsin to investigate the outrage and determine
-the satisfaction that was to be required for it, together with a like
-commission appointed by the Chinese Government authorized to bring the
-affair to a settlement. The Chinese Commission consisted of five, and
-three of these five were the three men of whom mention has been
-made,--the viceroys Tsang Koh Fan and Li Hung Chang, and the Governor
-Ting Yi Tcheang.
-
-
-AN OPPORTUNITY SEIZED
-
-Yung Wing was at this time under official control of the last named,
-who, on being summoned to Tientsin, sent him word, for he was at a
-distance from him, to join the Commission at Tientsin as soon as
-possible, for his services would be needed there. Wing, though
-hastening, arrived late on the scene and found the business concluded.
-But on receiving an account of the difficulties that had attended its
-transaction, and observing that the commissioners were conscious of
-their disadvantage in it, he perceived an auspicious occasion for making
-a stroke in behalf of his scheme, and he made the most of it. He
-restated his arguments, enforcing them by the illustration of the case
-at hand, and insisted with the utmost earnestness that there ought to be
-no delay. And this time he prevailed. The three friends of his idea
-being together and countenancing one another, then and there agreed that
-they would at once take action to have the thing he proposed done, and
-would cast their united influence with the Government in its favor. They
-kept their agreement. They set their names to a memorial recommending
-the education of a corps of young men abroad for the Government service
-and at the Government expense. This memorial they forwarded to Pekin,
-where they backed it by all means in their power and to the effect that
-in the month of August, 1871, the measure recommended was adopted by the
-Imperial Government and a sum equal to $1,500,000 appropriated for its
-execution.
-
-Mandarin Yung Wing was scarcely able to support the joy of his triumph.
-For two days, as he has told the writer, he could neither eat nor sleep.
-He walked on air, and he worshipped God. It was sixteen years after his
-return to China and twenty years after he set out for this goal that
-heaven had at last granted his prayer. To him the organization of the
-enterprise was principally committed. The feature of the long term of
-fifteen years resolved upon for the course of study and training to be
-pursued, is particularly due to him and reflects the size of the man,
-the type of his mind and character.
-
-A school of candidates was at once opened at Shanghai from which the
-pupils were to be selected by competitive examination, and, as has been
-already stated, the first detachment of thirty arrived in the United
-States in 1872. The location of the Mission was also for him to
-determine. He might have procured its establishment in England, or
-France, or Germany; but as he himself had expressed it, the light that
-had enlightened him shone from America and from New England, and to
-America and New England he was resolved from the first this Mission
-should repair.
-
-He was appointed Chief Commissioner of the Mission, receiving with the
-appointment his second promotion in rank, viz,--to the Third or Blue
-Button grade. With him was associated, as co-commissioner, a venerable
-scholar and dignitary,--Chin Lan Pin by name,--who, however, remained in
-this country less than two years, yielding his place to a younger man,
-Ngau Ngoh Liang, well-born, distinguished for learning, and a most
-agreeable gentleman.
-
-The students of the Mission have thus far, with very few exceptions,
-exhibited excellent ability as scholars, and in many instances
-extraordinary ability, and with fewer exceptions still have been marked
-by their exemplary conduct. They have everywhere been most hospitably
-received. They are certainly worthy to be objects of the highest and
-most friendly interest to every Christian citizen of the United States.
-
-Yung Wing was appointed, December 11, 1876, Associate Minister with his
-former colleague in the Educational Mission, Chin Lan Pin, to the United
-States, Peru and Spain. On this occasion he was again promoted in
-rank,--that is, to Second or Red Button grade, and invested with the
-title of Tao-tai (or Intendant) of the Province of Kiang Su.
-
-He expects, on the now approaching arrival of Chin Lan Pin in the
-country, to take up his residence in Washington, yet not to relinquish
-the general superintendence of the institution which is so dear to him
-and has cost him so much, and in which are bound up his best patriotic
-hopes for his native land,--for he is a patriot from head to foot, in
-every fiber of his body. He loves the Chinese nation and believes in it,
-doubting not that there is before it a grand career worthy of its noble
-soil and of its august antiquity.
-
-If it were the aim of the writer to magnify Yung Wing,--which it is not,
-but only to tell the story of the Chinese Educational Mission to the
-United States,--there are many things more that might be related of him,
-all going to show him to be of the stuff that heroes are made of, and
-one of the most significant characters in modern civilization. But
-because to relate them would be aside from the purpose in hand, and
-also because it would grievously offend Yung Wing to have them
-published, they are passed by. It must be said, for the last word, that
-even in attributing to him so much credit of the Educational Mission
-itself, the share he allows himself is very far exceeded. He is
-accustomed to assign the chief honor of it to those three men of China
-who helped it so potently with their influence. Tsang Koh Fan died in
-1871. His portrait hangs on the wall of the Mission House in Hartford;
-and the portraits of the other two are there also. The boys are taught
-to reverence these men as their benefactors. And they are worthy of
-reverence. Their names deserve to be remembered, and will be, and not
-alone in China. Yet undoubtedly had there been no Yung Wing, that
-illustrious good deed of theirs had never been performed.
-
-
-
-
-INDEX
-
-
-American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, 17, 43, 52, 58.
-
-An Hwui, province, 124.
-
-Anglo-Chinese dictionary, First, compiled by Dr. Robert Morrison, 14, 114.
-
-Anhui, province, 53.
-
-Annapolis, Naval Academy at, Chinese students refused admission, 207.
-
-Arch, Stone, marking boundary between Chêhkiang and Kiangsi, 83.
-
-Arnold, Dr. Thomas, of Rugby, 31.
-
-Arsenal, _see_ Kiang Nan Arsenal.
-
-Assam tea, _see_ Tea.
-
-Auburn Academy, Auburn, N. Y., 22.
-
-
-Baltimore clipper ships, 80.
-
-Barnes, Brigadier-General, of Springfield, Mass., 158.
-
-Bartlett, Daniel, son of Rev. Shubael Bartlett, 26.
-
-Bartlett, Prof. David E., 24.
-
-Bartlett, Mrs. Fanny P., 24.
-
-Bartlett, Rev. Shubael, pastor of East Windsor (Conn.)
- Congregational church, 25, 26.
-
-Bible, The, translated by Dr. Robert Morrison, 14, 114.
-
-Blaine, James G., champion against Chinese, 208.
-
-Blue feather, Wearing of, mark of rank, 154;
- _see also_ Rank.
-
-Boats, Chinese, 79, 82.
-
-Bore of Tsientang River, 81.
-
-Bribery in Chinese government, one cause of Taiping rebellion, 119;
- _see also_ Graft.
-
-Bridgeman, E. C., work on Anglo-Chinese dictionary, 114.
-
-“Brothers in Unity,” debating society at Yale, Yung Wing
- assistant librarian, 39;
- _see also_ “Linonia.”
-
-Brown, Mrs. Elizabeth, home at East Windsor, Conn., 25.
-
-Brown, Mrs. Phœbe H., mother of Dr. S. R. Brown, 29;
- author of hymn, 30, 252.
-
-Brown, Miss Rebekah, preceptress at Munson Academy, 28;
- _also_ 189.
-
-Brown, Dr. Samuel Robins, opens Morrison school (_1839_), 13;
- assisted by W. A. Macy, 16;
- personal qualifications, 17;
- return to U. S. accompanied by three students, 18;
- provides for support of their parents, 19;
- willow trees planted at Auburn, N. Y., 22;
- uses influence in obtaining financial support for Yung Wing, 36;
- _also_ 12, 34, 36, 43.
-
-Burlingame Treaty of _1868_ disregarded, 208.
-
-Bushnell, Dr. Horace, meeting with Yung Wing, 256.
-
-
-Campbell, A. A., 20.
-
-Canton, city, Wong Foon practices medicine in, 33;
- dialect of, 52;
- revolting conditions attending insurrection (_1855_), 53.
-
-Canton and Siang Tan, overland transport trade between, 87.
-
-“Celestial Empire of Universal Peace,” 120.
-
-“Celestial Sovereign,” Hung Siu Chune called, 108.
-
-Chamber, Heisser and Co., N. Y., 43.
-
-Chang Chi Tung, Viceroy, summons Yung Wing (_1895_), 227;
- temporarily transferred, 228;
- listens to plan to recover prestige, 228;
- compared with Tsang Kwoh Fan, 228, 230;
- appoints Yung Wing Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Kiang Nan, 231;
- _also_ 232.
-
-Chang Shi Kwei, secretary to Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, 137;
- _also_ 143.
-
-Chang Tsze Tung, viceroy of Hunan and Hupeh (_1894_), 225.
-
-Chang Yen Hwan, minister in Washington (_1884-’88_), 223;
- champions Yung Wing’s banking scheme, 234.
-
-Chêhkiang, province, 83, 86.
-
-Cheong Sha, capital of Hunan, 87, 88.
-
-Cheong Yuh Leang, Imperialist general, 103, 105.
-
-Chi Ksi, _see_ Dowager Empress.
-
-Chin * * *, commandant’s representative at Tan Yang, statement
- concerning disposition of rebel forces, 105.
-
-Chin Lan Pin, co-operates with Yung Wing in Chinese Educational
- Commission, 181;
- personal qualities, 182;
- duties as commissioner, 183;
- sent to investigate coolie traffic in Cuba, 194;
- requests changes in _personnel_ of Educational Commission, 197;
- appointed joint minister to Washington, 198;
- minister plenipotentiary to U. S. (_1876_), 200;
- antagonistic to reform, 201;
- unsympathetic to New England influence on students, 202;
- reputation as official, 206;
- instrumental in recalling students (_1881_), 210;
- reports at Peking upon expiration of term of office (_1880_), 217.
-
-China, characteristics of language, 52;
- Yung Wing’s feeling toward during college course, 40;
- conditions in interior (_1860_), 93.
-
-China and Japan war (_1894-’95_), plans for prosecution by China
- formulated by Yung Wing, 224;
- unsuccessful attempts to negotiate loan, 225;
- influence on China, 236.
-
-_China Mail_, 48, 60.
-
-Chinaman, First, to graduate from American college, 39.
-
-_Chinese and their Rebellions_, 74.
-
-Chinese boats, 79, 82.
-
-Chinese Educational Commission, Chin Lan Pin appointed to
- co-operate with Yung Wing, 181;
- _personnel_ and duties, 183;
- character, selection, and number of students in preparatory
- school, 183;
- support of Chinese government, 185;
- work carried on by Li Hung Chang after death of Tsang Kwoh
- Fan, 187;
- first installment of students leave for U. S. (_1872_), 188;
- headquarters at Hartford, Conn., 189;
- building erected (_1875_), 190;
- last installment (_1875_), 197;
- changes in _personnel_, 197, 200;
- reactionary attitude of Tsze Tung, 201;
- students refused admission to West Point and Annapolis, 207;
- break up of Commission (_1881_), 210;
- text of protest, 211;
- impression made upon Chinese government, 216;
- practical revival, 217;
- annual cost of maintenance, 247;
- details of administration, 248;
- inception, 255;
- _also_ 23, 76, 269.
-
-Chinese government, resorts to persecution to quell religious
- fanaticism, 118;
- corruption of, real cause of Taiping rebellion, 119;
- _see also_ Graft.
-
-Chinese in St. Helena, 22.
-
-Chinkiang, river port, 83.
-
-Christianity, views held by Taiping rebels, 101;
- spread of as led by Hung Siu Chune, 117;
- _see also_ Taiping rebellion.
-
-Christy, Thomas, 156.
-
-Chu Chow, headquarters of Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, 164.
-
-Chung Hou, viceroy of Metropolitan province, held responsible
- for Tsientsin massacre, 178.
-
-Chung Wong, issues three orders against incendiarism, 104.
-
-Clemens, Samuel, protest against breaking up of Chinese
- Educational Commission, 211.
-
-_Colton’s Geography_, translated by Yung Wing, 167.
-
-Coolie traffic in Cuba, investigated by Chin Lan Pin, 194;
- results, 196.
-
-Coolie traffic in Peru, attempt to form treaty with
- China, 192;
- Yung Wing’s recital of existing cruelties and refusal
- to further treaty, 193;
- investigation by Yung Wing, 194;
- attitude of Commission, 195;
- results, 196.
-
-Cuba, Coolie traffic in, 194, 196.
-
-Cutler, Carrol, president of Western Reserve College, 255.
-
-
-“Deliberative Association of China,” 241.
-
-Dent and Co., Messrs., 77.
-
-Dialect, of Canton, 52;
- Fuhkien, Anhui, Kiangsee, 53.
-
-Dictionary, First Anglo-Chinese, compiled by Dr. Robert Morrison, 14, 114.
-
-Dictionary of Emperor Khang Hsi, translated, 114.
-
-Doxology, The, repeated by Commandant Liu and Taiping rebels, 99.
-
-Dowager Empress Chi Hsi, Tsang Kwoh Fan created duke by, 147;
- on side of Li Hung Chang in war with Japan (_1894-’95_), 226;
- affected by graft, 235;
- despotic rule over Emperor Kwang Su, 239;
- _also_ 73.
-
-Dumaresque, Captain, of ship _Florence_, 62.
-
-Dynasties in China, Number of, 113.
-
-
-East India Company, 22.
-
-East Windsor, Conn., 25.
-
-“Elegant talent,” interpretation of Siu Tsai, 50.
-
-_Eureka_, sailing ship, story of voyage from New York
- to Hong Kong (_1854-’55_), 43;
- _also_ 63, 69.
-
-European powers and partitionment of China, 73.
-
-Evangelization of China, False impressions of, caused
- by Christian tendencies of Taiping rebellion, 120.
-
-Exploitation of Chinese by officials, one cause of Taiping rebellion, 119.
-
-Extra-territorial basis, Foreign settlement on, 72.
-
-
-Feudatory period, 113.
-
-Fitchburg, Mass., supplies first American machinery to China, 53;
- _see also_ Machinery.
-
-_Florence_, sailing ship, 62.
-
-Formosa, Island of, plan to mortgage (_1894_), 225, 244;
- visited by Yung Wing, 242.
-
-Frelinghuysen, T. F., protest against breaking up of
- Chinese Educational Commission, 211.
-
-_Friend of China_, Shanghai local paper, 76.
-
-Fuhkien, province, Dialect of, 53.
-
-
-Gatling gun introduced into China, 191.
-
-German government claims monopoly of railroads in Shan Tung, 237.
-
-Gillespie, Capt., of ship _Huntress_, 21.
-
-Good Hope, Cape of, 21, 33, 43.
-
-Goodhue and Co., Messrs., 42.
-
-Graft, System of, between interpreters and Chinese shippers, 63;
- as practiced by Shing Sun Whei, 235;
- responsible for corruption in China, 236;
- _see also_ Bribery.
-
-Grand Canal, China, 79, 100.
-
-Gutzlaff, Mrs., starts school, in Macao, 1, 7;
- Yung Wing’s first impression of, 3;
- leaves China for U. S., 8;
- plans for Yung Wing’s education, 11;
- _also_ 59, 107.
-
-Gutzlaff, Rev. Charles, missionary to China, 1.
-
-
-Hadley, Prof. James, 188.
-
-Ham Ha Lan, headquarters of Rev. Mr. Vrooman, 52.
-
-Hammond, Rev. Charles, principal of Monson Academy, 27;
- graduate of Yale, 27, 30;
- literary tastes, 30;
- likened to Dr. Arnold of Rugby, 31;
- _also_ 34, 36.
-
-Han Yang, port of Hankau, 55;
- destroyed by Taiping rebels, 91.
-
-Hangchau, capital of Chêhkiang, 80;
- historic fame, 81;
- _also_ 83, 85.
-
-Hankau, river port, destroyed by Taiping rebels, 91;
- present-day conditions, 91;
- _also_ 90.
-
-Hanlin, Chinese degree of LL.D., 146.
-
-Hanlin College, 200.
-
-Hart, Sir Robert, inspector-general of customs in London (_1894_), 225;
- refuses loan to China for prosecuting war with Japan (_1894-’95_) 226;
- _also_ 229.
-
-Hartford, Conn., headquarters for Chinese Educational
- Commission (_1873-’75_), 189;
- _see also_ Chinese Educational Commission.
-
-Haskins, John, American mechanical engineer, 155.
-
-Ho Yung, Hupeh province, 88, 89.
-
-Hobson, Dr. Benjamin, employs Yung Wing in hospital, 11.
-
-Hong Kong, Island of, ceded to British government, 15;
- its harbor, 15;
- British colony is opposed to Yung Wing, 60;
- ordinance passed admitting Chinese to practice law in, 61;
- _also_ 43.
-
-_Hong Kong China Mail_, 20.
-
-Horn, Cape, 47.
-
-Hung Jin, called Kan Wong, _which see_.
-
-Hung Siu Chune, leader of Taiping rebellion, 101, 116;
- views of Christianity, 101;
- called Tien Wong, or “Celestial Sovereign,” 108;
- knowledge of Christianity from missionaries, 114;
- failure to pass examination and resulting mental hallucination, 116;
- worshipped as Supreme Ruler, 117;
- Chinese government resorts to persecution to quell fanaticism, 118.
-
-_Huntress_, sailing ship, 20, 21, 43.
-
-Hwui Chow, mountain range, 81.
-
-
-_Ida de Rogers_, sailing ship, incidents of voyage from
- San Francisco to Yokohama (_1865_), 161.
-
-Imperial commissioners for settlement of Tientsin massacre, 178;
- Yung Wing presses educational scheme, 180.
-
-Imperial forces defeat rebels before Nanking (_1860_), 104;
- other conflicts, 118.
-
-Imperialists, partly responsible
-for conditions near Suchau (_1859_), 100.
-
-Incendiarism, Attempts to suppress, 104.
-
-Indian opium trade, Plan for suppression of, 220.
-
-Indian tea, _see_ Tea.
-
-_Integral and Differential Calculus_, translated, 139.
-
-
-Jamestown, St. Helena, 22.
-
-Japan over Russia, Triumph of, effect on China, 73.
-
-Japan-Russo War (_1904-’05_), influence on China, 236.
-
-Jesuits, their jealousy toward Dr. Robert Morrison, 14.
-
-
-Kan Wong, Hung Jiu called, native preacher, 108;
- raised to position of prince and meaning of new name, 108;
- interviews with Yung Wing regarding Taiping rebellion, 109;
- offers him seal of high official rank, 110.
-
-Kang Kow, station at entrance of Tsientang River, 82, 85.
-
-Kearneyism, Spirit of, 208.
-
-Kellogg, Dr. E. W., accompanies Yung Wing to Peru, 194;
- guardian to sons of Yung Wing, 227.
-
-Kew Keang, port, 136.
-
-Kiang Nan Arsenal, location and importance, 153;
- visited by Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan (_1867_), 168;
- _see also_ Machinery; Tsang Kwoh Fan.
-
-Kiangsee, province, 53, 75, 79, 80, 83.
-
-King Ho, river, 89.
-
-King Yuen, city, 129.
-
-Kingchau, on Yangtze River, 84, 88.
-
-Kiukiang, river port, 83.
-
-Kodama, Viscount Gentaro, governor of Formosa, 242;
- interview with Yung Wing, 242.
-
-Korea, cause of war between China and Japan (_1894-’95_), 224.
-
-Kow Chang Mere, first machine shop at, 153;
- _see also_ Machinery.
-
-Ku Chow, walled city, 86.
-
-Kwang Kee Cheu, interpreter for Chinese Educational Commission, 197.
-
-Kwang Su, Emperor, deposed, 238, 241;
- controlled by Dowager Empress, 238;
- real character, 239;
- exponent of reform movement, 241;
- _also_ 73.
-
-Kwang Tung, province, drastic measures by Yeh Ming Hsin
- to suppress rebellion in, 53;
- revolting scenes, 53;
- spread of Christianity in, 117.
-
-Kwangshun, city, 86.
-
-Kwangsi, province, spread of Christianity in, 117.
-
-
-Labor question in China, affected by Western innovations, 84, 88.
-
-Lan Chi, town on Tsientang River, 86, 87.
-
-Lane, Rev. John W., protest against breaking up of Chinese
- Educational Commission, 211.
-
-Language, Chinese, difference between written and spoken, 52.
-
-Lau Gate, city of Suchau, 98.
-
-Leang Ahfah, first convert, 15, 115.
-
-Legge, Dr. James, translator, 108;
- work on dictionary, 114;
- Professor of Chinese language and literature at Oxford, England, 252.
-
-Li Hung Chang, _protégé_ and successor of Yung Wing, 142;
- Nienfi rebellion ended (_1867_), 168;
- succeeds Tsang Kwoh Fan, 187;
- characters contrasted, 187;
- orders investigation of coolie traffic in Peru and Cuba, 194;
- interview with Yung Wing on subject of recall of students (_1881_), 218;
- strenuous for peace in war with Japan (_1894-’95_), 226;
- responsible for defeat, 229;
- Treaty of Shemonashiki signed, 244.
-
-Li Jen Shu, mathematician, 76.
-
-Li Ling Ying, eunuch of Dowager Empress, 235.
-
-Li Sian Lan, mathematician and astronomer, 139;
- assists in translating _Integral and Differential Calculus_, 139.
-
-“Linonia,” debating society at Yale, 40;
- _see also_ “Brothers in Unity.”
-
-Liu * * *, Imperial commissioner for settlement of Tientsin massacre, 179.
-
-Liu Kai Sing, superintendent of preparatory school at Shanghai, 185.
-
-Liu Kwan Yih, viceroy of Kiang provinces, 231, 232.
-
-Lockhart, Dr. William, 8.
-
-London, Ladies’ Association for Promotion of Female Education
- in India and the East, 1.
-
-London Missionary Society, 8, 14, 108, 114, 139.
-
-Longwood, St. Helena, 22.
-
-
-Macao, coolie traffic in, 192, 194;
- _also_ 1, 3, 10, 11, 12, 14, 33, 48, 59, 107.
-
-Macassar straits, 46, 47.
-
-MacClatchy, Rev. Mr., 8.
-
-McClean, Dr. A. S. of Springfield, Mass., friendliness toward
- Yung Wing, 28, 189.
-
-McClean, Mrs. Rebekah (Brown), 28, 189.
-
-Machinery, American, introduced into China, 149;
- location of first shop, 153;
- Yung Wing commissioned to purchase, 154;
- first order filled at Fitchburg, Mass. (_1865_), 156.
-
-Macy, William Allen, assistant in Morrison school (_1845_), 16, 43;
- personal qualifications, 17;
- student at Yale (_1850_), 17;
- appointed missionary by American Board (_1854_), 17;
- returns to China in company of Yung Wing, 18, 43;
- story of voyage, 43.
-
-Malacca, basis of Dr. Robert Morrison’s labors, 14.
-
-“Man of rectitude,” posthumous title of Tsang Kwoh Fan, 148.
-
-Manchu Dynasty, largely responsible for Taiping rebellion, 114;
- efforts of Hung Siu Chung toward overthrow, 120;
- _also_ 96.
-
-Mandarin, nine degrees of, 263;
- _see also_ Rank.
-
-Medhurst, Dr. Walter Henry, work on dictionary, 114.
-
-Mexican dollar accepted in China, 63.
-
-Missionaries, introduction of Christianity by, 114.
-
-Missionary, First, to China, 14, 114.
-
-Monson academy, Mass., contingent fund and conditions of appropriation, 34;
- Yung Wing’s application for, 35;
- _also_ 27, 48.
-
-Morrison, Dr. Robert, first missionary to China, 14, 114;
- voyage from London via New York, 14;
- compiles first Anglo-Saxon dictionary, 14;
- translates the Bible, 14;
- his first Christian convert, 15;
- influence on subsequent missionary work, 15.
-
-“Morrison hill,” Hong Kong, 15.
-
-Morrison school, opened at Macao (_1839_), 13;
- removed to Hong Kong (_1842_), 15;
- W. A. Macy assistant in, 16;
- _also_ 7, 11, 12, 23, 33.
-
-Mow Chung Hsi, Imperial commissioner for settlement of
- Tsientsin massacre, 179.
-
-
-Nagasaki, Japan, 77.
-
-Nam Ping, birth-place of Yung Wing, 1.
-
-Nan Cheong, capital of Kiangsi, 87.
-
-Nan Fung pass, 87.
-
-Nanking, fall in _1864_, 115;
- captured by Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan (_1865_), 164;
- _also_ 96.
-
-Napoleon, tomb at St. Helena, 22.
-
-National Bank of China, project and defeat, 234.
-
-National Banking scheme, proposed by Yung Wing, 232.
-
-New England, primitive conditions of life in, 29;
- influence on Chinese students, 202.
-
-New York City, in _1847_, 23;
- Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb, 24.
-
-Ngan Khing, capital of An Whui, 137.
-
-Nienfi rebellion, ended (_1867_), 168.
-
-Nih Kia Shi, tea district, 90, 91.
-
-Northrop, B. G., commissioner of education for Connecticut (_1872_), 189.
-
-Norton, Prof. William Augustus, of Sheffield Scientific School, 42.
-
-
-Occidental civilization, Superiority of, demonstrated, 216.
-
-Olyphant Brothers, contribute toward support of Yung Wing at Yale, 39;
- _also_ 20, 43.
-
-Opium war, First (_1840_), 8, 15;
- Second (_1864_), 7.
-
-Ou Ngoh Liang, member of Chinese Educational Commission, 197, 200.
-
-Oyama, Marshal, 242.
-
-
-Palmer and New London railroad, 37.
-
-Parker, Dr. Peter, 58, 59.
-
-Parkes, The Misses, 7, 8.
-
-Parkes, Harry, 7.
-
-_Parsons on Contracts_, parts translated by Yung Wing, 167.
-
-Partitionment of China threatened, 73.
-
-Peacock’s feather, conferred only by Imperial sanction, 154;
- given to Yung Wing, 167;
- _see also_ Rank.
-
-Pearl River, Canton, 52.
-
-Pedro Island, 1, 6.
-
-Peking, Paying official calls in (_1882_), 219;
- _also_ 58.
-
-Perit, Pelatiah, of Messrs. Goodhue and Co., 42.
-
-Persecution resorted to by Chinese government to quell
- religious fanaticism, 118.
-
-Peru, Coolie labor in, 192.
-
-Po Yang Lake, Kiangsi, 86.
-
-Poppy cultivation, early plan for extinction, 220.
-
-Population in interior of China, 93.
-
-Porter, Noah, president of Yale, protest against breaking up
- of Chinese Educational Commission, 211.
-
-Putnam Machine Company, Fitchburg, Mass., execute first order
- for machinery for China, 156;
- _see also_ Machinery.
-
-
-Railroad between Tsientsin and Chinkiang, unsuccessful plan for, 237.
-
-Rank, Second in, Red Button grade, 272;
- third in, Blue Button grade, 271;
- _see also_ Mandarin; Peacock’s feather.
-
-Rebellions, significance in Chinese history, 113;
- _see also_ Kwang Tung rebellion; Taiping rebellion.
-
-“Red Hair Men,” 9.
-
-Revolutions, _see_ Rebellions.
-
-Rights of Chinese, to be more fully recognized in future, 73.
-
-Ritchie, A. A., 20.
-
-Road, Macadamized, between Sheong Shan and Yuh-Shan, 83, 84.
-
-Roberts, Rev. Icabod J., American missionary, 114;
- acquaintance with Hung Siu Chune and its results, 115;
- disappearance at fall of Nanking (_1864_), 115;
- _also_ 107.
-
-Roman Catholic Church, its part in Tsientsin massacre, 177.
-
-Russell and Co., Messrs., 155.
-
-
-St. Helena, 21, 22.
-
-San Kow, village, 127.
-
-Sandlotism, Spirit of, 208.
-
-Sandy Hook to Hong Kong in _1854_, 18.
-
-Savannah, Ga., Ladies’ Association of, render financial
- assistance to Yung Wing, 36.
-
-School, Mechanical, annexed to Kiang Nan Arsenal, 168.
-
-School, Preparatory, established at Shanghai (_1871_), 185;
- _see also_ Chinese Educational Commission; Gutzlaff, Mrs.; Morrison school.
-
-Seal of official rank offered to Yung Wing by Kan Wong, 110.
-
-Seelye, Leuranus Clarke, president of Smith College, protest
- against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, 211.
-
-“Seven Dragons,” on Tsientang River, 85.
-
-Shan Hing, city, 94.
-
-Shanghai, city, 51, 67.
-
-_Shanghai Mail_, 76.
-
-Sheffield Scientific School, 42.
-
-Shemonashiki, Treaty of, 244.
-
-Sheong Shan, city, 83.
-
-Shing Sun Whei, head of Chinese Telegraphic Company, 235;
- responsible for defeat of National Banking project, 235.
-
-Shing Taoti, _see_ Shing Sun Whei.
-
-Shortrede, Andrew, 20, 48, 59.
-
-Si-Hoo, or West Lake, 80.
-
-Siang Tan, city, overland transport trade with Canton, 97.
-
-Silk, Yellow, 88, 90, 94.
-
-Siu Tsai, degree, 50.
-
-Soldiery and the people in time of war, 103.
-
-Springfield, Mass., home of Dr. A. S. McClean, 28;
- Yung Wing’s headquarters (_1872_), 29;
- center of location for students under Chinese Educational Commission, 189.
-
-Students, in preparatory school, Shanghai, 185;
- first installment under Chinese Educational Commission
- leave for U. S. (_1872_), 188;
- distributed through New England, 189;
- last installment (_1875_), 197;
- _see also_ Chinese Educational Commission; School.
-
-Suchau, captured by Taiping rebels, 97;
- under martial law, 98.
-
-Sung Dynasty, 81.
-
-Sung-Kiang route to Suchau, 96.
-
-Szechuen Road, Shanghai, 67.
-
-Szechwan, province, 84.
-
-
-Ta Tung, non-treaty port, 126.
-
-Tael, value of Chinese, 128.
-
-Taiping government, conditions under which Yung Wing would join, 109.
-
-Taiping Green Tea Expedition (_1860-’61_), 191;
- _see also_ Tea; Yung Wing.
-
-Taiping rebellion (_1850-’65_), religion its vital force, 113;
- led by Hung Siu Chune, 117;
- Chinese government resorts to persecution to quell, 118;
- assumes political character, 118;
- real causes of, 119;
- false impressions concerning evangelization of China, 120;
- first victory, 120;
- causes of loss of prestige, 121;
- collapse, 122;
- indirect results, 122;
- cost and loss of life, 147;
- capture of Nanking (_1850_), 164;
- _also_ 53, 55, 56;
- _see also_ Taiping rebels.
-
-Taiping rebels, capture of Woo Chang (_1856_), 91;
- and of Suchau, 97;
- condition of surrounding country, 100;
- their considerate conduct, 101;
- Doxology, 99, 102;
- views of Christianity, 101;
- and of soldiery, 103;
- defeated before Nanking (_1860_), 104;
- statement by Chin regarding their disposition, 105;
- quantities of green tea held by, 124;
- _also_ 86, 90;
- _see also_ Taiping Green Tea Expedition; Rebellions.
-
-Taotai, official of fourth rank, 167.
-
-Tea, Chinese and Indian compared, 92;
- drank as thank-offering, 103;
- quantities held by Taiping rebels, 124;
- expeditions to purchase, headed by Yung Wing, 125;
- _also_ 85, 90, 191.
-
-Tien Wong, Hung Siu Chune called, 108.
-
-Tientsin massacre (_1870_), cause, 177;
- Chung Hou held responsible for, 178;
- indemnity, 178;
- Imperial commissioners, 178;
- _also_ 268.
-
-Ting Yi Tcheang, _see_ Ting Yih Chang.
-
-Ting Yih Chang, taotai of Shanghai, 167;
- sympathy with educational plans of Yung Wing, 170;
- governor of Kiang Su and Imperial commissioner for
- settlement of Tsientsin massacre, 179.
-
-Tonquin, tributary state, 178.
-
-Treaty Powers, 58.
-
-Trident, sailing ship, 14.
-
-Tsai Sik Yung, secretary to viceroy of Hunan and Hupeh (_1894_), 225.
-
-Tsang Kee Foo, standing, 76;
- introduces Yung Wing to Li Jen Shu, 76.
-
-Tsang Kwoh Fan, viceroy, 137;
- defeated by Taiping rebels (_1862_), 138;
- his plans for Yung Wing, 139;
- drills army and brings to extinction Taiping rebellion, 141, 147;
- supreme power of China, 142;
- personal characteristics, 142, 145, 146;
- interview with Yung Wing, 143;
- created duke by Dowager Empress, 147;
- plans for introducing Western machinery into China, 149, 153;
- commissions Yung Wing to make first purchase, 154;
- capture of Nanking, 164;
- makes Chu Chow headquarters, 164;
- Nienfi rebellion ended (_1867_), 168;
- visits Kiang Nan Arsenal, 168;
- Imperial commissioner for settlement of Tsientsin massacre, 178, 180;
- furthers Yung Wing’s educational scheme, 180, 183;
- returns to headquarters at Nanking (_1870_), 182;
- death (_1871_), 186, 273;
- summing up of character and comparison with Li Hung Chang, 187;
- Chang Chi Tung compared with, 228, 230;
- _also_ 76, 77, 104.
-
-Tsang Tai Sun, interpreter for Chinese Educational Commission, 183, 197;
- _also_ 96.
-
-Tsang Mew, friend of Yung Wing, 125.
-
-Tsientang River, its periodical bore, 81.
-
-Tung Ting Lake, 89.
-
-Twichell, Rev. Joseph H., accompanies Yung Wing to Peru, 194;
- protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, 211;
- _also_ 227.
-
-
-Ung Tung Hwo, tutor to Emperor Kwang Su, 233;
- champions Yung Wing’s banking scheme, 234;
- collusion with Shing Sun Whei and system of graft, 235.
-
-Union Chapel, Shanghai, 66.
-
-U. S. government, timely intervention to prevent partitionment, 73.
-
-Urh Woo, Chinese boat, 82.
-
-
-Victoria Colony, 15.
-
-Vrooman, Rev. ----, headquarters
-at Ham Ha Lau, 52.
-
-
-Wen Seang, prime minister of China, 171;
- death of mother and period of mourning, 175;
- his death (_1868_), 170.
-
-West Lake, or Si-Hoo, Hangchau, 80.
-
-West Point Military Academy, Chinese students refused admission, 207.
-
-Wha Yuh Ting, 143.
-
-Whang Wen Shiu, president of Tsung Li Yamun, (Foreign Affairs), 220.
-
-Whipple, Capt., of ship _Eureka_, 43.
-
-Whitworth’s machine shop, London, 156.
-
-Williams, S. Wells, work on dictionary, 114.
-
-Willow trees at Auburn, N. Y., planted by S. R. Brown, 22.
-
-Wong Foon, decision to pursue further course of study
- referred to patrons in Hong Kong, 31;
- graduates from Monson Academy and enters University of Edinburgh, 32;
- return to China (_1857_), 33;
- death (_1879_), 33;
- _also_ 13, 18, 20, 28, 31.
-
-Wong Kai Keh, assistant commissioner at St. Louis Exposition, 232.
-
-Wong Shing, scholar in Morrison school, 13, 18, 20, 28, 31.
-
-Woo-Sik, Chinese city, 79.
-
-Woo-Sik-Kwei, Chinese boat, 79, 80.
-
-Woo Tsze Tung, comes to U. S. in retinue of Chin Lan Pin (_1876_), 200;
- member of Chinese Educational Commission (_1876_), 201;
- attitude toward work of the Commission, 204;
- instrumental in recalling students (_1881_), 210, 219.
-
-Wuhu, treaty port, 83, 126.
-
-Wuhu River, 126.
-
-
-Yang Liu Tung, tea district, 91.
-
-Yangtze-Kiang River, 84, 89, 91.
-
-Yeh Ming Hsin, Viceroy, drastic measures to suppress
- rebellion in Kwang Tung province, 53;
- appointed viceroy (_1854_), 55;
- capture and banishment, 56.
-
-Yeh Shu Tung, teacher for Chinese Educational Commission, 183;
- coolie question in Cuba, 197, 206;
- appointed secretary to Chinese Legation, 198.
-
-Yellow River, Inundation of, 75.
-
-Ying Wong, Chin’s opinion of, 104.
-
-Young, John R., protest against breaking up of Chinese
- Educational Commission, 211.
-
-Yuh-Shan, city, 83, 86.
-
-Yung Wing, birth (_1828_), 1;
- early school life, 2;
- death of father (_1840_), 8;
- helps toward family income, 8;
- works in rice fields, 9;
- printing office, 11;
- hospital, 11;
- enters Morrison school (_1841_), 13;
- departure for U. S. (_1847_), 18, 21;
- benefactors, 19, 36;
- incidents of voyage, 22;
- arrival in New York, 23;
- Chinese Education scheme, 23;
- enters Monson Academy, 27;
- studies during first year, 28;
- placed under care of Mrs. Phœbe H. Brown, 29;
- literary taste influenced by Dr. Charles Hammond, 31;
- decision to pursue further course of study referred
- to patrons in Hong Kong, 31;
- refuses Edinburgh offer, 32;
- graduates from Monson Academy, 32;
- enters Yale, 33, 37;
- problem of support, 34;
- applies for assistance from contingent fund, 34;
- grounds for refusal, 35;
- inadequate preparation and hard work, 37;
- prizes, 38;
- stewardship, 38;
- assistant librarian of “Brothers in Unity,” 39;
- first Chinaman to graduate from American college, 18, 39, 49;
- popularity, 40;
- determination to carry Western education into China, 41;
- abandons scientific course and returns to China, 42;
- story of voyage (_1854-’55_), 43;
- meeting with his mother, 48;
- college degree, 50;
- mother’s death (_1858_), 51;
- residence in Canton, regaining the language, 52;
- revolting consequences of Kwang Tung rebellion, 53;
- sympathies stirred, 56;
- private secretary to Dr. Peter Parker, 59;
- interpreter in Hong Kong Supreme Court, 59;
- studies law, 59;
- apprentice to attorney, 60;
- opposition of British colony, 60;
- resignation, 62;
- passage from Shanghai to Hong Kong in ship _Florence_, 62;
- position in Imperial Customs, 63;
- system of graft leading to resignation, 63;
- mercantile life, 67;
- night encounter with men from ship _Eureka_, 67;
- and other personal insults, 70;
- reputation as translator, 74;
- draws up petition for relief of sufferers in Yellow River inundation, 75;
- introduced to Li Jen Shu, 76;
- ground for declining position as comprador, 77;
- packing tea, 78;
- goes to Hangchau, 80;
- ascends Tsientang River, 82, 85;
- takes trip to hunt after yellow silk, 88;
- return to Nih Kia Shi, 90;
- learns process of preparing tea for foreign market, 91;
- first journey in interior of China, 93;
- silk business, 94;
- with missionaries to Nanking (_1859_), 96;
- experiences _en route_, 98;
- arrival at Tan Yang and conversation with Commandant, 101;
- courteous treatment, 105;
- gates of Ku Yung closed against them, 106;
- Nanking reached, 106;
- introduction to I. C. Roberts, 107;
- renews acquaintance with Hung Jin, 108;
- points suggested by journey, 109;
- conditions of joining Taiping government, 109;
- interview with Kan Wong resulting in offer of title of
- fourth official rank, 110;
- refusal, 111;
- passport granted and return journey to Shanghai made, 112;
- attention turned to money-making, 123;
- interview with tea-merchants at Shanghai, 124;
- expedition to Taiping to buy tea, 125;
- routes chosen and particulars of journey, 126;
- escorts treasure on succeeding expeditions, 128;
- midnight adventure with marauding horde, 130;
- ill health and relinquishment of tea business, 135;
- invited to call on Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan (_1863_), 137;
- enters service of state government (_1863_), 140;
- arrival at Ngan Khing and interview with Viceroy, 143, 150;
- temporary abode at military headquarters, 148;
- suggestions for establishing machine shop, 149;
- empowered to purchase machinery, 152;
- commission received (_1863_), 154;
- fifth official rank conferred, 154;
- route from Shanghai to New York, 155;
- class re-union at Yale, 156;
- order for machinery executed at Fitchburg, Mass., 156;
- offers himself to U. S. government as volunteer, 157;
- return to China, 160;
- report on purchase of machinery, 165;
- created mandarin (_1865_), 166;
- government interpreter and translator, 166;
- _Colton’s Geography_ and parts of _Parsons on Contracts_ translated, 167;
- school of engineering suggested to Viceroy, 166;
- secures co-operation of Ting Yih Chang in educational scheme, 170;
- proposals drawn up, 171;
- hindrances to their presentation to the government, 175;
- Tsientsin massacre furthers plans, 177;
- memorial for adoption of proposals signed, 180;
- Chin Lan Pin’s co-operation, 181;
- memorial sanctioned, 182;
- invited to Nanking to confer with Viceroy, 183;
- Educational Commission appointed, 183;
- preparatory school established (_1871_), 185;
- English government schools visited, 186;
- precedes first installment of students to U. S. (_1872_), 188;
- headquarters at Hartford, Conn., 189;
- gatling gun introduced into China (_1873_), 191;
- interview with Peruvian commissioner on coolie traffic, 192;
- relates horrors and refuses to further treaty, 193;
- commissioned to investigate conditions in Peru, 194;
- report of mission, 195;
- attitude of Peruvian commissioner, 195;
- results, 196;
- appointed joint Chinese minister to Washington, 198, 207;
- disagreement with Chin Lan Pin, 202, 205;
- letter to Viceroy regarding Woo Tsze Tung, 205;
- violation of Burlingame Treaty, 208;
- last official act as Commissioner (_1877_), 209;
- reports at Peking upon expiration of term of office (_1881_), 217;
- interview with Li Hung Chang on subject of recall of
- students (_1881_), 218;
- paying official calls, 219;
- Indian opium trade and poppy culture, 220;
- return to U. S. (_1883_), 220;
- illness and death of wife (_1886_), 221;
- joy in sons, 223;
- formulates plans for prosecuting war of _1894-’95_, 224;
- partial acceptance of plan and commission to negotiate loan, 224;
- failure caused by personal animosity, 226;
- recalled to China (_1895_), 226;
- provision for sons during absence, 227;
- presents plans to Chang Chi Tung, 228;
- appointed secretary of Foreign Affairs for Kiang Nan, 231;
- resigns, 232;
- begins translation of National Banking Act, 232;
- defeat of plans for National Bank of China, 234;
- unsuccessful attempt to secure railroad concession, 237;
- headquarters at Peking _rendez-vous_ of reformers of _1898_, 241;
- flight to Shanghai and organization of “Deliberative
- Association of China,” 241;
- in Hong Kong (_1900-’02_), 241;
- returns to U. S. (_1902_), 242;
- visit to Formosa and threatened arrest, 242;
- furnished with bodyguard, 245;
- meeting with Dr. Horace Bushnell, 256;
- _for detailed résumé of life see_ Appendix.
-
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-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of My Life in China and America, by Yung Wing
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: My Life in China and America
-
-Author: Yung Wing
-
-Release Date: April 30, 2017 [EBook #54635]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MY LIFE IN CHINA AND AMERICA ***
-
-
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-Produced by Mary Glenn Krause, Chuck Greif, MFR, University
-of Toronto - Robarts Library and the Online Distributed
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-
-<hr class="full" />
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="321" height="500" alt="[Image
-unavailable: book's cover.]" />
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<a href="images/frontispiece_lg.jpg">
-<img src="images/frontispiece.jpg"
-alt="Portrait; Very truly yours
-
-Yung Wing" /></a>
-</div>
-
-<h1>
-MY LIFE IN CHINA<br />
-AND AMERICA</h1>
-
-<p class="c">
-BY<br />
-<br />
-YUNG WING, A.B., LL.D. (<span class="smcap">Yale</span>)<br />
-<br />
-<small>COMMISSIONER OF THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL COMMISSION,<br />
-ASSOCIATE CHINESE MINISTER IN WASHINGTON,<br />
-EXPECTANT TAO-TAI OF KIANG SU</small><br />
-<br /><br />
-<img src="images/colophon.png"
-alt="[Image unavailable: colophon.]" />
-<br />
-<br /><br />
-NEW YORK<br />
-HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY<br />
-1909<br />
-<br /><br />
-<small><span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1909<br />
-BY<br />
-HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY<br />
-
-<i>Published November, 1909.</i></small>
-<br /><br /><br />
-TO<br />
-<br />
-<small>MY DEVOTED SONS</small><br />
-<br />
-MORRISON BROWN<br />
-<br />
-AND<br />
-<br />
-BARTLETT GOLDEN YUNG<br />
-<br />
-<small>THESE REMINISCENCES<br />
-<br />
-ARE AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED</small><br />
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_iii" id="page_iii"></a>{iii}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2>
-
-<p>The first five chapters of this book give an account of my early
-education, previous to going to America, where it was continued, first
-at Monson Academy, in Monson, Massachusetts, and later, at Yale College.</p>
-
-<p>The sixth chapter begins with my reëntrance into the Chinese world,
-after an absence of eight years. Would it not be strange, if an
-Occidental education, continually exemplified by an Occidental
-civilization, had not wrought upon an Oriental such a metamorphosis in
-his inward nature as to make him feel and act as though he were a being
-coming from a different world, when he confronted one so diametrically
-different? This was precisely my case, and yet neither my patriotism nor
-the love of my fellow-countrymen had been weakened. On the contrary,
-they had increased in strength from sympathy. Hence, the succeeding
-chapters of my book will be found to be devoted to the working out of my
-educational scheme, as an expression of my undying love for China, and
-as the most feasible method to my mind, of reformation and regeneration
-for her.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_iv" id="page_iv"></a>{iv}</span></p>
-
-<p>With the sudden ending of the Educational Commission, and the recall of
-the one hundred and twenty students who formed the vanguard of the
-pioneers of modern education in China, my educational work was brought
-to a close.</p>
-
-<p>Of the survivors of these students of 1872, a few by dint of hard,
-persistent industry, have at last come forth to stand in the front ranks
-of the leading statesmen of China, and it is through them that the
-original Chinese Educational Commission has been revived, though in a
-modified form, so that now, Chinese students are seen flocking to
-America and Europe from even the distant shores of Sinim for a
-scientific education.</p>
-
-<p class="sml">
-November, 1909,<br />
-16 Atwood St., Hartford, Conn.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_v" id="page_v"></a>{v}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2>
-
-<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary="">
-
-<tr><td><small>CHAPTER</small></td><td>&nbsp;</td>
-<td class="rt"><small>PAGE</small></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></td><td class="sml">BOYHOOD</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_001">1</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></td><td class="sml">SCHOOL DAYS</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_013">13</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></td><td class="sml">JOURNEY TO AMERICA AND FIRST EXPERIENCES THERE</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_021">21</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></td><td class="sml">AT MONSON ACADEMY</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_027">27</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></td><td class="sml">MY COLLEGE DAYS</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_034">34</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></td><td class="sml">RETURN TO CHINA</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_042">42</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></td><td class="sml">EFFORT TO FIND A POSITION</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_058">58</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></td><td class="sml">EXPERIENCES IN BUSINESS</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_067">67</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">IX.</a></td><td class="sml">MY FIRST TRIP TO THE TEA DISTRICTS</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_079">79</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">X.</a></td><td class="sml">MY VISIT TO THE TAIPINGS</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_096">96</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">XI.</a></td><td class="sml">REFLECTIONS ON THE TAIPING REBELLION</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_113">113</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">XII.</a></td><td class="sml">EXPEDITION TO THE TAIPING TEA DISTRICT</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_123">123</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">XIII.</a></td><td class="sml">MY INTERVIEWS WITH TSANG KWOH FAN</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_137">137</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">XIV.</a></td><td class="sml">MY MISSION TO AMERICA TO BUY MACHINERY</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_154">154</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">XV.</a></td><td class="sml">MY SECOND RETURN TO CHINA</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_160">160</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">XVI.</a></td><td class="sml">PROPOSAL OF MY EDUCATIONAL SCHEME</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_170">170</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">XVII.</a></td><td class="sml">THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL MISSION<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_vi" id="page_vi"></a>{vi}</span></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_180">180</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">XVIII.</a></td><td class="sml">INVESTIGATION OF THE COOLIE TRAFFIC IN PERU</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_191">191</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">XIX.</a></td><td class="sml">END OF THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_197">197</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">XX.</a></td><td class="sml">JOURNEY TO PEKING AND DEATH MY WIFE</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_216">216</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">XXI.</a></td><td class="sml">MY RECALL TO CHINA</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_224">224</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td class="rt" valign="top"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">XXII.</a></td><td class="sml">THE COUP D’ETAT OF 1898</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_239">239</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td colspan="2"><span class="smcap"><a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a></span></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_247">247</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td colspan="2"><span class="smcap"><a href="#INDEX">Index</a>:
-<a href="#A">A</a>,
-<a href="#B">B</a>,
-<a href="#C">C</a>,
-<a href="#D">D</a>,
-<a href="#E">E</a>,
-<a href="#F">F</a>,
-<a href="#G">G</a>,
-<a href="#H">H</a>,
-<a href="#I-i">I</a>,
-<a href="#J">J</a>,
-<a href="#K">K</a>,
-<a href="#L">L</a>,
-<a href="#M">M</a>,
-<a href="#N">N</a>,
-<a href="#O">O</a>,
-<a href="#P">P</a>,
-<a href="#R">R</a>,
-<a href="#S">S</a>,
-<a href="#T">T</a>,
-<a href="#U">U</a>,
-<a href="#V-i">V</a>,
-<a href="#W">W</a>,
-<a href="#Y">Y</a></span></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_275">275</a></td></tr>
-</table>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_001" id="page_001"></a>{1}</span></p>
-
-<h1>MY LIFE IN CHINA AND<br />
-AMERICA</h1>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /><br />
-BOYHOOD</h2>
-
-<p>I was born on the 17th of November, 1828, in the village of Nam Ping
-(South Screen) which is about four miles southwest of the Portuguese
-Colony of Macao, and is situated on Pedro Island lying west of Macao,
-from which it is separated by a channel of half a mile wide.</p>
-
-<p>I was one of a family of four children. A brother was the eldest, a
-sister came next, I was the third, and another brother was the fourth
-and the youngest of the group. I am the only survivor of them all.</p>
-
-<p>As early as 1834, an English lady, Mrs. Gutzlaff, wife of the Rev.
-Charles Gutzlaff, a missionary to China, came to Macao and, under the
-auspices of the Ladies’ Association in London for the promotion of
-female education in India and the East, immediately took up the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_002" id="page_002"></a>{2}</span> work of
-her mission by starting a girls’ school for Chinese girls, which was
-soon followed by the opening of a school for boys also.</p>
-
-<p>Mrs. Gutzlaff’s comprador or factotum happened to come from the village
-I did and was, in fact, my father’s friend and neighbor. It was through
-him that my parents heard about Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school and it was
-doubtless through his influence and means that my father got me admitted
-into the school. It has always been a mystery to me why my parents
-should take it into their heads to put me into a foreign school, instead
-of a regular orthodox Confucian school, where my brother much older than
-myself was placed. Most assuredly such a step would have been more in
-play with Chinese public sentiment, taste, and the wants of the country
-at large, than to allow me to attend an English school; moreover, a
-Chinese cult is the only avenue in China that leads to political
-preferment, influence, power and wealth. I can only account for the
-departure thus taken on the theory that as foreign intercourse with
-China was just beginning to grow, my parents, anticipating that it might
-soon assume the proportions of a tidal wave, thought it worth while to
-take time by the forelock and put one of their sons to learning<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_003" id="page_003"></a>{3}</span> English
-that he might become one of the advanced interpreters and have a more
-advantageous position from which to make his way into the business and
-diplomatic world. This I take to be the chief aim that influenced my
-parents to put me into Mrs. Gutzlaff’s Mission School. As to what other
-results or sequences it has eventually brought about in my subsequent
-life, they were entirely left to Him who has control of all our devising
-and planning, as they are governed by a complete system of divine laws
-of antecedents and consequents, or of cause and effect.</p>
-
-<p>In 1835, when I was barely seven years of age, my father took me to
-Macao. Upon reaching the school, I was brought before Mrs. Gutzlaff. She
-was the first English lady I had ever seen. On my untutored and
-unsophisticated mind she made a deep impression. If my memory serves me
-right, she was somewhat tall and well-built. She had prominent features
-which were strong and assertive; her eyes were of clear blue lustre,
-somewhat deep set. She had thin lips, supported by a square chin,&mdash;both
-indicative of firmness and authority. She had flaxen hair and eyebrows
-somewhat heavy. Her features taken collectively indicated great
-determination and will power.</p>
-
-<p>As she came forward to welcome me in her<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_004" id="page_004"></a>{4}</span> long and full flowing white
-dress (the interview took place in the summer), surmounted by two large
-globe sleeves which were fashionable at the time and which lent her an
-exaggerated appearance, I remember most vividly I was no less puzzled
-than stunned. I actually trembled all over with fear at her imposing
-proportions&mdash;having never in my life seen such a peculiar and odd
-fashion. I clung to my father in fear. Her kindly expression and
-sympathetic smiles found little appreciative response at the outset, as
-I stood half dazed at her personality and my new environment. For
-really, a new world had dawned on me. After a time, when my homesickness
-was over and the novelty of my surroundings began gradually to wear
-away, she completely won me over through her kindness and sympathy. I
-began to look upon her more like a mother. She seemed to take a special
-interest in me; I suppose, because I was young and helpless, and away
-from my parents, besides being the youngest pupil in the school. She
-kept me among her girl pupils and did not allow me to mingle with what
-few boys there were at the time.</p>
-
-<p>There is one escapade that I can never forget! It happened during the
-first year in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_005" id="page_005"></a>{5}</span> the school, and was an attempt on my part to run away. I
-was shut up in the third story of the house, which had a wide open
-terrace on the top,&mdash;the only place where the girls and myself played
-and found recreation. We were not allowed to go out of doors to play in
-the streets. The boy pupils had their quarters on the ground floor and
-had full liberty to go out for exercise. I used to envy them their
-freedom and smuggled down stairs to mingle with them in their sports
-after school hours. I felt ill at ease to be shut up with the girls all
-alone way up in the third story. I wanted to see something of the
-outside world. I occasionally stole down stairs and ventured out to the
-wharves around which were clustered a number of small ferry boats which
-had a peculiar fascination to my young fancy. To gain my freedom, I
-planned to run away. The girls were all much older than I was, and a few
-sympathized with me in my wild scheme; doubtless, from the same
-restlessness of being too closely cooped up. I told them of my plan. Six
-of the older ones fell in with me in the idea. I was to slip out of the
-house alone, go down to the wharf and engage a covered boat to take us
-all in.</p>
-
-<p>The next morning after our morning meal,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_006" id="page_006"></a>{6}</span> and while Mrs. Gutzlaff was
-off taking her breakfast, we stole out unbeknown to any one and crowded
-into the boat and started off in hot haste for the opposite shore of
-Pedro Island. I was to take the whole party to my home and from there
-the girls were to disperse to their respective villages. We were half
-way across the channel when, to my great consternation, I saw a boat
-chasing us, making fast time and gaining on us all the while. No promise
-of additional pay was of any avail, because our two oars against their
-four made it impossible for us to win out; so our boatmen gave up the
-race at the waving of handkerchiefs in the other boat and the whole
-party was captured. Then came the punishment. We were marched through
-the whole school and placed in a row, standing on a long narrow school
-table placed at one end of the school room facing all the pupils in
-front of us. I was placed in the center of the row, with a tall foolscap
-mounted on my head, having three girls on the right and three on the
-left. I had pinned on my breast a large square placard bearing the
-inscription, “Head of the Runaways;” there we stood for a whole hour
-till school was dismissed. I never felt so humiliated in my life as I
-did when I was undergoing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_007" id="page_007"></a>{7}</span> that ordeal. I felt completely crestfallen.
-Some of the mischievous fellows would extract a little fun out of this
-display by taking furtive glances and making wry faces at us. Mrs.
-Gutzlaff, in order to aggravate our punishment, had ordered ginger snaps
-and oranges to be distributed among the other pupils right before us.</p>
-
-<p>Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school, started in September, 1835, was originally for
-girls only. Pending the organization and opening of the so-called
-“Morrison Education Society School,” in the interval between 1835 and
-1839, a department for boys was temporarily incorporated into her
-school, and part of the subscription fund belonging to the M. E. S.
-School was devoted to the maintenance of this one.</p>
-
-<p>This accounts for my entrance into Mrs. Gutzlaff’s School, as one of
-only two boys first admitted. Her school being thus enlarged and
-modified temporarily, Mrs. Gutzlaff’s two nieces&mdash;the Misses Parkes,
-sisters to Mr. Harry Parkes who was afterwards knighted, by reason of
-the conspicuous part he played in the second Opium War, in 1864, of
-which he was in fact the originator&mdash;came out to China as assistants in
-the school. I was fortunately placed under their instruction for a short
-time.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_008" id="page_008"></a>{8}</span></p>
-
-<p>Afterwards the boys’ school under Mrs. Gutzlaff and her two nieces, the
-Misses Parkes, was broken up; that event parted our ways in life in
-divergent directions. Mrs. Gutzlaff went over to the United States with
-three blind girls,&mdash;Laura, Lucy and Jessie. The Misses Parkes were
-married to missionaries, one to Dr. William Lockhart, a medical
-missionary; the other to a Rev. Mr. MacClatchy, also a missionary. They
-labored long in China, under the auspices of the London Missionary
-Society. The three blind girls whom Mrs. Gutzlaff took with her were
-taught by me to read on raised letters till they could read from the
-Bible and Pilgrim’s Progress.</p>
-
-<p>On my return to my home village I resumed my Chinese studies.</p>
-
-<p>In the fall of 1840, while the Opium War was still going on, my father
-died, leaving four children on my mother’s hands without means of
-support.</p>
-
-<p>Fortunately, three of us were old enough to lend a helping hand. My
-brother was engaged in fishing, my sister helped in housework, and I
-took to hawking candy through my own village and the neighboring one. I
-took hold of the business in good earnest, rising at three o’clock
-every<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_009" id="page_009"></a>{9}</span> morning, and I did not come home until six o’clock in the
-evening. My daily earnings netted twenty-five cents, which I turned over
-to my mother, and with the help given by my brother, who was the main
-stay of the family, we managed to keep the wolf away from our door. I
-was engaged in hawking candy for about five months, and when winter was
-over, when no candy was made, I changed my occupation and went into the
-rice fields to glean rice after the reapers. My sister usually
-accompanied me in such excursions. But unlike Ruth of old, I had no Boaz
-to help me out when I was short in my gleaning. But my knowledge of
-English came to my rescue. My sister told the head reaper that I could
-speak, read and write English. This awakened the curiosity of the
-reaper. He beckoned me to him and asked me whether I wouldn’t talk some
-“Red Hair Men” talk to him. He said he never heard of such talk in his
-life. I felt bashful and diffident at first, but my sister encouraged me
-and said “the reaper may give you a large bundle of rice sheaf to take
-home.” This was said as a kind of prompter. The reaper was shrewd enough
-to take it up, and told me that if I would talk, he would give me a
-bundle heavier than I could carry. So I began<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_010" id="page_010"></a>{10}</span> and repeated the alphabet
-to him. All the reapers as well as the gleaners stood in vacant silence,
-with mouths wide open, grinning with evident delight. A few minutes
-after my maiden speech was delivered in the paddy field with water and
-mud almost knee deep, I was rewarded with several sheaves, and I had to
-hurry away in order to get two other boys to carry what my sister and I
-could not lug. Thus I came home loaded with joy and sheaves of golden
-rice to my mother, little dreaming that my smattering knowledge of
-English would serve me such a turn so early in my career. I was then
-about twelve years old. Even Ruth with her six measures of corn did not
-fare any better than I did.</p>
-
-<p>Soon after the gleaning days, all too few, were over, a neighbor of mine
-who was a printer in the printing office of a Roman Catholic priest
-happened to be home from Macao on a vacation. He spoke to my mother
-about the priest wanting to hire a boy in his office who knew enough
-English to read the numerals correctly, so as to be able to fold and
-prepare the papers for the binders. My mother said I could do the work.
-So I was introduced to the priest and a bargain was struck. I returned
-home to report myself,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_011" id="page_011"></a>{11}</span> and a few days later I was in Macao and entered
-upon my duty as a folder on a salary of $4.50 a month. My board and
-lodging came to $1.50&mdash;the balance of $3.00 was punctually sent to my
-mother every month. I did not get rich quickly in this employment, for I
-had been there but four months when a call for me to quit work came from
-a quarter I least expected. It had more the sound of heaven in it. It
-came from a Dr. Benjamin Hobson, a medical missionary in Macao whose
-hospital was not more than a mile from the printer’s office. He sent
-word that he wanted to see me; that he had been hunting for me for
-months. I knew Dr. Hobson well, for I saw him a number of times at Mrs.
-Gutzlaff’s. So I called on him. At the outset, I thought he was going to
-take me in to make a doctor of me, but no, he said he had a promise to
-fulfill. Mrs. Gutzlaff’s last message to him, before she embarked for
-America with the three blind girls, was to be sure to find out where I
-was and to put me into the Morrison Education Society School as soon as
-it was opened for pupils.</p>
-
-<p>“This is what I wanted to see you for,” said Dr. Hobson. “Before you
-leave your employment and after you get the consent of your<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_012" id="page_012"></a>{12}</span> mother to
-let you go to the Morrison School, I would like to have you come to the
-hospital and stay with me for a short time so that I may become better
-acquainted with you, before I take you to the Morrison School, which is
-already opened for pupils, and introduce you to the teacher.”</p>
-
-<p>At the end of the interview, I went home to see my mother who, after
-some reluctance, gave her consent. I returned to Macao, bade farewell to
-the priest who, though reticent and reserved, not having said a word to
-me during all the four months I was in his employ, yet did not find
-fault with me in my work. I went over to the hospital. Dr. Hobson
-immediately set me to work with the mortar and pestle, preparing
-materials for ointments and pills. I used to carry a tray and accompany
-him in his rounds to visit the patients, in the benevolent work of
-alleviating their pains and sufferings. I was with him about a couple of
-months in the hospital work, at the end of which time he took me one day
-and introduced me to the Rev. Samuel Robins Brown, the teacher of the
-Morrison Education Society School.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_013" id="page_013"></a>{13}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br /><br />
-SCHOOL DAYS</h2>
-
-<p>The Morrison School was opened on the 1st of November, 1839, under the
-charge of the Rev. S. R. Brown who, with his wife, Mrs. Brown, landed at
-Macao on the 19th of February, 1839. Brown, who was afterwards made a
-D.D., was a graduate of Yale of the class of 1832. From his antecedents,
-he was eminently fitted to pioneer the first English school in China. I
-entered the school in 1841. I found that five other boys had entered
-ahead of me by one year. They were all studying primary arithmetic,
-geography, and reading. I had the start of them only in reading and
-pronouncing English well. We studied English in the forenoon, and
-Chinese in the afternoon. The names of the five boys were: 1. Wong
-Shing; 2. Li Kan; 3. Chow Wan; 4. Tong Chik; 5. Wong Foon. I made the
-sixth one and was the youngest of all. We formed the first class of the
-school, and became Brown’s oldest pupils throughout, from first to last,
-till he left China in December, 1846, on account of poor health. Half of
-our original<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_014" id="page_014"></a>{14}</span> number accompanied him to this country, on his return.</p>
-
-<p>The Morrison Education Society School came about in this way: Not long
-after the death of Dr. Robert Morrison, which occurred on the 1st of
-August, 1834, a circular was issued among the foreign residents on the
-26th of January, 1835, calling for the formation of an Association to be
-named the “Morrison Education Society.” Its object was to “improve and
-promote English education in China by schools and other means.” It was
-called “Morrison” to commemorate the labors and works of that
-distinguished man who was sent out by the London Missionary Society as
-the first missionary to China in 1807. He crossed the Atlantic from
-London to New York where he embarked for China in the sailing vessel
-“Trident” on the 31st of January, 1807. He tried to land in Macao, but
-the jealousy of the Jesuits thwarted his purpose. He was obliged to go
-up to Canton. Finally, on account of the unsettled relations between the
-Chinese government and the foreign merchants there, he repaired to
-Malacca, and made that place the basis of his labors. He was the author
-of the first Anglo-Chinese dictionary, of three quarto volumes. He
-translated the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_015" id="page_015"></a>{15}</span> Bible into Chinese; Leang Afah was his first Chinese
-convert and trained by him to preach. Leang afterwards became a powerful
-preacher. The importance and bearing of his dictionary and the
-translation of the Bible into Chinese, on subsequent missionary work in
-China, were fundamental and paramount. The preaching of his convert,
-Leang Afah, likewise contributed in no small degree towards opening up a
-new era in the religious life of China. His memory, therefore, is worthy
-of being kept alive by the establishment of a school named after him.
-Indeed, a university ought to have been permanently founded for that
-purpose instead of a school, whose existence was solely dependent upon
-the precarious and ephemeral subscriptions of transient foreign
-merchants in China.</p>
-
-<p>At the close of the Opium War in 1840, and after the Island of Hong Kong
-had been ceded to the British government, the Morrison school was
-removed to Hong Kong in 1842. The site chosen for it was on the top of a
-hill about six hundred feet above the level of the sea. The hill is
-situated on the eastern end of Victoria Colony and was called “Morrison
-Hill” after the name of the school. It commands a fine view of the
-harbor, as that stretches from east to west. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_016" id="page_016"></a>{16}</span> harbor alone made Hong
-Kong the most coveted concession in Southern China. It is spacious and
-deep enough to hold the Navy of Great Britain, and it is that
-distinguishing feature and its strategic location that have made it what
-it is.</p>
-
-<p>On the 12th of March, 1845, Mr. Wm. Allen Macy arrived in Hong Kong as
-an assistant teacher in the school. His arrival was timely, because the
-school, since its removal from Macao to Hong Kong, had been much
-enlarged. Three more classes of new pupils had been formed and the total
-number of pupils all told was more than forty. This was more than one
-man could manage. The assistant teacher was much needed. Brown continued
-his work in the school till the fall of 1846. Macy had a whole year in
-which to be broken into the work.</p>
-
-<p>Between Brown and Macy there was a marked difference in temperament and
-character. Brown, on the one hand, showed evidences of a self-made man.
-He was cool in temperament, versatile in the adaptation of means to
-ends, gentlemanly and agreeable, and somewhat optimistic. He found no
-difficulty in endearing himself to his pupils, because he sympathized
-with them in their efforts to master their studies, and entered heart
-and soul into his work. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_017" id="page_017"></a>{17}</span> had an innate faculty of making things clear
-to the pupils and conveying to them his understanding of a subject
-without circumlocution, and with great directness and facility. This was
-owing in a great measure to his experience as a pedagogue, before coming
-out to China, and even before he entered college. He knew how to manage
-boys, because he knew boys’ nature well, whether Chinese, Japanese or
-American. He impressed his pupils as being a fine teacher and one
-eminently fitted from inborn tact and temperament to be a successful
-school master, as he proved himself to be in his subsequent career in
-Auburn, N. Y., and in Japan.</p>
-
-<p>Macy, the assistant teacher, was likewise a Yale man. He had never
-taught school before in his life, and had no occasion to do so. He
-possessed no previous experience to guide him in his new work of
-pedagogy in China. He was evidently well brought up and was a man of
-sensitive nature, and of fine moral sensibilities,&mdash;a soul full of
-earnestness and lofty ideals.</p>
-
-<p>After the Morrison School was broken up in 1850, he returned to this
-country with his mother and took up theology in the Yale Theological
-Seminary. In 1854, he went back to China as a missionary under the
-American Board. I had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_018" id="page_018"></a>{18}</span> graduated from Yale College then and was
-returning to China with him. We were the only passengers in that long,
-wearisome and most trying passage of 154 days from Sandy Hook to Hong
-Kong.</p>
-
-<p>Brown left China in the winter of 1846. Four months before he left, he
-one day sprang a surprise upon the whole school. He told of his
-contemplated return to America on account of his health and the health
-of his family. Before closing his remarks by telling us of his deep
-interest in the school, he said he would like to take a few of his old
-pupils home with him to finish their education in the United States, and
-that those who wished to accompany him would signify it by rising. This
-announcement, together with his decision to return to America, cast a
-deep gloom over the whole school. A dead silence came over all of us.
-And then for several days afterwards the burden of our conversation was
-about Brown’s leaving the school for good. The only cheerful ones among
-us were those who had decided to accompany him home. These were Wong
-Shing, Wong Foon and myself. When he requested those who wished to
-accompany him to the States to signify it by rising, I was the first one
-on my feet. Wong Foon was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_019" id="page_019"></a>{19}</span> the second, followed by Wong Shing. But
-before regarding our cases as permanently settled, we were told to go
-home and ask the consent of our respective parents. My mother gave her
-consent with great reluctance, but after my earnest persuasion she
-yielded, though not without tears and sorrow. I consoled her with the
-fact that she had two more sons besides myself, and a daughter to look
-after her comfort. Besides, she was going to have a daughter-in-law to
-take care of her, as my elder brother was engaged to be married.</p>
-
-<p>It may not be out of place to say that if it had depended on our own
-resources, we never could have come to America to finish our education,
-for we were all poor. Doubtless Brown must have had the project well
-discussed among the trustees of the school months before he broached the
-subject to his pupils.</p>
-
-<p>It was also through his influence that due provision was made for the
-support of our parents for at least two years, during our absence in
-America. Our patrons who bore all our expenses did not intend that we
-should stay in this country longer than two years. They treated us
-nobly. They did a great work for us. Among those who bore a conspicuous
-part in defraying<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_020" id="page_020"></a>{20}</span> our expenses while in America, besides providing for
-the support of our aged parents, I can recall the names of Andrew
-Shortrede, proprietor and editor of the “Hong Kong China Mail” (he was a
-Scotchman, an old bachelor, and a noble and handsome specimen of
-humanity), A. A. Ritchie, an American merchant, and A. A. Campbell,
-another Scotchman. There were others unknown to me. The Olyphant Sons,
-David, Talbot and Robert, three brothers, leading merchants of New York,
-gave us a free passage from Hong Kong to New York in their sailing
-vessel, the “Huntress,” which brought a cargo of tea at the same time.
-Though late in the day for me to mention the names of these benefactors
-who from pure motives of Christian philanthropy aided me in my
-education, yet it may be a source of satisfaction to their descendants,
-if there are any living in different parts of the world, to know that
-their sires took a prominent part in the education of the three Chinese
-youths,&mdash;Wong Shing, Wong Foon and myself.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_021" id="page_021"></a>{21}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /><br />
-JOURNEY TO AMERICA AND FIRST EXPERIENCES THERE</h2>
-
-<p>Being thus generously provided for, we embarked at Whompoa on the 4th of
-January, 1847, in the good ship “Huntress” under Captain Gillespie. As
-stated above, she belonged to the Olyphant Brothers and was loaded with
-a full cargo of tea. We had the northeast trade wind in our favor, which
-blew strong and steady all the way from Whompoa to St. Helena. There was
-no accident of any kind, excepting a gale as we doubled the Cape of Good
-Hope. The tops of the masts and ends of the yards were tipped with balls
-of electricity. The strong wind was howling and whistling behind us like
-a host of invisible Furies. The night was pitch dark and the electric
-balls dancing on the tips of the yards and tops of the masts, back and
-forth and from side to side like so many infernal lanterns in the black
-night, presented a spectacle never to be forgotten by me. I realized no
-danger, although the ship pitched and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_022" id="page_022"></a>{22}</span> groaned, but enjoyed the wild and
-weird scene hugely. After the Cape was doubled, our vessel ploughed
-through the comparatively smooth waters of the Atlantic until we reached
-the Island of St. Helena where we were obliged to stop for fresh water
-and provisions. Most sailing vessels that were bound from the East for
-the Atlantic board were accustomed to make St. Helena their stopping
-place. St. Helena, as viewed from the shipboard, presented an outward
-appearance of a barren volcanic rock, as though freshly emerged from the
-baptism of fire and brimstone. Not a blade of grass could be seen on its
-burnt and charred surface. We landed at Jamestown, which is a small
-village in the valley of the Island. In this valley there was rich and
-beautiful vegetation. We found among the sparse inhabitants a few
-Chinese who were brought there by the East India Company’s ships. They
-were middle-aged people, and had their families there. While there, we
-went over to Longwood where was Napoleon’s empty tomb. A large weeping
-willow hung and swept over it. We cut a few twigs, and kept them alive
-till we reached this country and they were brought to Auburn, N. Y., by
-Mr. Brown, who planted them near his residence when he was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_023" id="page_023"></a>{23}</span> teaching in
-the Auburn Academy for several years before his departure for Japan.
-These willows proved to be fine, handsome trees when I visited Auburn in
-1854.</p>
-
-<p>From St. Helena we took a northwesterly course and struck the Gulf
-Stream, which, with the wind still fair and favorable, carried us to New
-York in a short time. We landed in New York on the 12th of April, 1847,
-after a passage of ninety-eight days of unprecedented fair weather. The
-New York of 1847 was altogether a different city from the New York of
-1909. It was a city of only 250,000 or 300,000 inhabitants; now it is a
-metropolis rivaling London in population, wealth and commerce. The whole
-of Manhattan Island is turned into a city of skyscrapers, churches and
-palatial residences.</p>
-
-<p>Little did I realize when in 1845 I wrote, while in the Morrison School,
-a composition on “An Imaginary Voyage to New York and up the Hudson,”
-that I was to see New York in reality. This incident leads me to the
-reflection that sometimes our imagination foreshadows what lies
-uppermost in our minds and brings possibilities within the sphere of
-realities. The Chinese Education Scheme is another example of the
-realities that came out of my day dreams a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_024" id="page_024"></a>{24}</span> year before I graduated. So
-was my marrying an American wife. Still there are other day dreams yet
-to be realized; whether or no they will ever come to pass the future
-will determine.</p>
-
-<p>Our stay in New York was brief. The first friends we had the good
-fortune to make in the new world, were Prof. David E. Bartlett and his
-wife. He was a professor in the New York Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb,
-and was afterwards connected with a like institution in Hartford. The
-Professor died in 1879. His wife, Mrs. Fanny P. Bartlett, survived him
-for nearly thirty years and passed away in the spring of 1907. She was a
-woman highly respected and beloved for her high Christian character and
-unceasing activities for good in the community in which she lived. Her
-influence was even extended to China by the few students who happened to
-enjoy her care and instruction. I count her as one of my most valued
-friends in America.</p>
-
-<p>From New York we proceeded by boat to New Haven where we had an
-opportunity to see Yale College and were introduced to President Day. I
-had not then the remotest idea of becoming a graduate of one of the
-finest colleges of the country, as I did a few years afterwards. We went
-by rail from New Haven to Warehouse<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_025" id="page_025"></a>{25}</span> Point and from there to East
-Windsor, the home of Mrs. Elizabeth Brown, wife of Dr. Brown. Her
-parents were then living. Her father, the Rev. Shubael Bartlett, was the
-pastor of the East Windsor Congregational Church. I well remember the
-first Sabbath we attended his church. We three Chinese boys sat in the
-pastor’s pew which was on the left of the pulpit, having a side view of
-the minister, but in full view of the whole congregation. We were the
-cynosure of the whole church. I doubt whether much attention was paid to
-the sermon that day.</p>
-
-<p>The Rev. Shubael Bartlett was a genuine type of the old New England
-Puritan. He was exact and precise in all his manners and ways. He spoke
-in a deliberate and solemn tone, but full of sincerity and earnestness.
-He conducted himself as though he was treading on thin ice, cautiously
-and circumspectly. One would suppose from his appearance that he was
-austere and exacting, but he was gentle and thoughtful. He would have
-his family Bible and hymn book placed one on top of the other, squared
-and in straight lines, on the same spot on the table every morning for
-morning prayers. He always sat in the same spot for morning prayers. In
-other words, you always knew where to find him. His<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_026" id="page_026"></a>{26}</span> habits and daily
-life were as regular as clock work. I never heard him crack a joke or
-burst out in open laughter.</p>
-
-<p>Mrs. Bartlett, Mrs. Brown’s mother, was of a different makeup. She was
-always cheerful. A smile lighted up her features nearly all the time and
-for everyone she had a kind and cheerful word, while the sweet tone of
-her voice always carried with it cheerfulness and good will. Her genial
-temperament and her hospitality made the parsonage a favorite resort to
-all the friends and relatives of the family, who were quite numerous. It
-was always a puzzle to me how the old lady managed to make ends meet
-when her husband’s salary was not over $400 a year. To be sure, the farm
-annually realized something, but Daniel, the youngest son, who was the
-staff of the old couple, had to work hard to keep up the prestige of the
-parsonage. It was in this parsonage that I found a temporary home while
-at school in Monson, and also in Yale.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_027" id="page_027"></a>{27}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /><br />
-AT MONSON ACADEMY</h2>
-
-<p>We were in East Windsor for about a week; then we went up to Monson,
-Mass., to enter the Academy there. Monson Academy was, at one time,
-quite a noted preparatory school in New England, before high schools
-sprang into existence. Young men from all parts of the country were
-found here, undergoing preparation for colleges. It was its fortune, at
-different periods of its history, to have had men of character and
-experience for its principals. The Rev. Charles Hammond was one of them.
-He was in every sense a self-made man. He was a graduate of Yale; he was
-enthusiastically fond of the classics, and a great admirer of English
-literature. He was a man of liberal views and broad sympathies. He was
-well-known in New England as an educator and a champion of temperance
-and New England virtues. His high character gave the Academy a wide
-reputation and the school was never in a more prosperous condition than
-when<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_028" id="page_028"></a>{28}</span> he was principal. He took a special interest in us, the three
-Chinese students&mdash;Wong Shing, Wong Foon and myself&mdash;not so much from the
-novelty of having Chinese in the school as from his interest in China,
-and the possible good that might come out of our education.</p>
-
-<p>In our first year in the Academy, we were placed in the English
-department. Greenleaf’s Arithmetic, English Grammar, Physiology, and
-Upham’s Mental Philosophy were our studies. In the last two studies we
-recited to the new preceptress, Miss Rebekah Brown, a graduate of Mt.
-Holyoke, the valedictorian of her class. She afterwards became the wife
-of Doctor A. S. McClean, of Springfield, Mass. She was a fine teacher
-and a woman of exceptional Christian virtues. She had an even and sweet
-temper, and was full of good will and good works. She and her husband,
-the good Doctor, took a genuine interest in me; they gave me a home
-during some of my college vacations, and helped me in various ways in my
-struggle through Yale. I kept up my correspondence with them after my
-return to China, and upon my coming back to this country, I was always
-cordially invited to their home in Springfield. It was on account of
-such a genuine friendship that I made Springfield<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_029" id="page_029"></a>{29}</span> my headquarters in
-1872, when I brought the first installment of Government students to
-this country.</p>
-
-<p>Brown placed us under the care of his mother, Mrs. Phoebe H. Brown. We
-boarded with her, but had a separate room assigned us in a dwelling
-right across the road, opposite to her cottage. Her widowed daughter
-with her three boys had taken up all the spare rooms in the cottage,
-which accounts for the want of accommodation for us.</p>
-
-<p>In those primitive days, board and lodging in the country were very
-reasonable. Indigent students had a fair chance to work their way for an
-education. I remember we paid for board and lodging, including fuel,
-light and washing, only $1.25 a week for each, but we had to take care
-of our own rooms and, in the winter, saw and split our own wood, which
-we found to be capital exercise.</p>
-
-<p>Our lodging was about half a mile from the academy. We had to walk three
-times a day to school and back, in the dead of winter when the snow was
-three feet deep; that gave us plenty of exercise, keen appetites and
-kept us in fine condition.</p>
-
-<p>I look back upon my acquaintance with Mrs.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_030" id="page_030"></a>{30}</span> Phoebe H. Brown with a
-mingled feeling of respect and admiration. She certainly was a
-remarkable New England woman&mdash;a woman of surpassing strength of moral
-and religious character. Those who have had the rare privilege of
-reading her stirring biography, will, I am sure, bear me out in this
-statement. She went through the crucible of unprecedented adversities
-and trials of life and came out one of the rare shining lights that
-beautify the New England sky. She is the authoress of the well-known
-hymn, “I love to steal awhile away from every cumbering care,” etc.,
-which breathes the calm spirit of contentment and resignation wherever
-sung.</p>
-
-<p>The Rev. Charles Hammond, the principal of the academy when we joined
-it, was a graduate of Yale, as I stated before, and a man of a fine
-cultivated taste. He was an enthusiastic admirer of Shakespeare, who was
-his favorite poet; among orators, he was partial to Daniel Webster. He
-had the faculty of inspiring his pupils with the love of the beautiful,
-both in ancient and modern literature. In our daily recitations, he laid
-a greater stress on pointing out the beauties of a sentence and its
-construction, than he did on grammatical rules, moods<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_031" id="page_031"></a>{31}</span> and tenses. He
-was a fine writer. His addresses and sermons were pointed and full of
-life. Like Dr. Arnold of Rugby, he aimed to build character in his
-pupils and not to convert them into walking encyclopedias, or
-intelligent parrots. It was through him that I was introduced to
-Addison, Goldsmith, Dickens, Sir Walter Scott, the Edinburgh Reviews,
-Macaulay and Shakespeare, which formed the bulk of my reading while in
-Monson.</p>
-
-<p>During my first year in the Monson Academy, I had no idea of taking a
-collegiate course. It was well understood that I was to return to China
-at the end of 1849, and the appropriation was made to suit such a plan.
-In the fall of 1848, after Wong Shing&mdash;the eldest of the three of
-us&mdash;had returned to China on account of his poor health, Wong Foon and
-myself, who were left behind to continue our studies for another year,
-frequently met to talk over future plans for the end of the prescribed
-time. We both decided finally to stay in this country to continue our
-studies, but the question arose, who was going to back us financially
-after 1849? This was the Gordian Knot. We concluded to consult Mr.
-Hammond and Mr. Brown on the subject. They both decided to have the
-matter referred to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_032" id="page_032"></a>{32}</span> our patrons in Hong Kong. Reply came that if we
-wished to prosecute our studies after 1849, they would be willing to
-continue their support through a professional course, if we were willing
-to go over to Scotland to go through the University of Edinburgh. This
-was a generous and noble-hearted proposal.</p>
-
-<p>Wong Foon, on his part, after much deliberation, decided to accept the
-offer and go over to Scotland at the end of 1849, while, on my part, I
-preferred to remain in this country to continue my studies here with the
-view of going to Yale. Wong Foon’s decision had relieved him of all
-financial anxieties, while the problem of how I was to pay my education
-bills after 1849, still remained to be solved. But I did not allow the
-perplexities of the future to disturb my peace of mind. I threw all my
-anxieties to the wind, trusting to a wise Providence to care for my
-future, as it had done for my past.</p>
-
-<p>Wong Foon and I, having taken our decisive steps, dropped our English
-studies at the close of the school year of 1849, and in the fall of the
-same year we began the A B C’s of our classical course. In the summer of
-1850, we graduated from the academy. Wong Foon, by previous
-arrangements, went over to Scotland and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_033" id="page_033"></a>{33}</span> entered the University of
-Edinburgh. I remained in this country and finally entered Yale. It was
-fully a decade since we had met for the first time in the Morrison
-School in Macao, in 1840, to become school-mates as well as class-mates.
-Now that link was broken.</p>
-
-<p>Wong was in the University seven years. After completing his
-professional studies as a doctor, he returned to China in 1857. He was a
-fine scholar. He graduated the third man in his medical class. He also
-distinguished himself in his profession. His ability and skill secured
-for him an enviable reputation as one of the ablest surgeons east of the
-Cape of Good Hope at that time. He had a fine practice in Canton, where
-the foreign residents retained him as their physician in preference to
-European doctors. He was very successful and made quite a fortune before
-his death, which took place in 1879. Both the native and foreign
-communities felt his loss. He was highly respected and honored by
-Chinese and foreigners for his Christian character and the purity of his
-life.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_034" id="page_034"></a>{34}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /><br />
-MY COLLEGE DAYS</h2>
-
-<p>Before entering Yale, I had not solved the problem of how I was to be
-carried through the collegiate course without financial backing of a
-definite and well-assured character. It was an easy matter to talk about
-getting an education by working for it, and there is a kind of romance
-in it that captivates the imagination, but it is altogether a different
-thing to face it in a business and practical way. So it proved to me,
-after I had put my foot into it. I had no one except Brown, who had
-already done so much for me in bringing me to this country, and Hammond,
-who fitted me for college. To them I appealed for advice and counsel. I
-was advised to avail myself of the contingent fund provided for indigent
-students. It was in the hands of the trustees of the academy and so well
-guarded that it could not be appropriated without the recipient’s
-signing a written pledge that he would study for the ministry and
-afterwards become a missionary. Such being the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_035" id="page_035"></a>{35}</span> case, I made up my mind
-that it would be utterly useless for me to apply for the fund. However,
-a day was appointed for me to meet the trustees in the parsonage, to
-talk over the subject. They said they would be too glad to have me avail
-myself of the fund, provided I was willing to sign a pledge that after
-graduation I should go back to China as a missionary. I gave the
-trustees to understand that I would never give such a pledge for the
-following reasons: First, it would handicap and circumscribe my
-usefulness. I wanted the utmost freedom of action to avail myself of
-every opportunity to do the greatest good in China. If necessary, I
-might be obliged to create new conditions, if I found old ones were not
-favorable to any plan I might have for promoting her highest welfare.</p>
-
-<p>In the second place, the calling of a missionary is not the only sphere
-in life where one can do the most good in China or elsewhere. In such a
-vast empire, there can be hardly any limit put upon one’s ambition to do
-good, if one is possessed of the Christ-spirit; on the other hand, if
-one has not such a spirit, no pledge in the world could melt his
-ice-bound soul.</p>
-
-<p>In the third place, a pledge of that character would prevent me from
-taking advantage of any<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_036" id="page_036"></a>{36}</span> circumstance or event that might arise in the
-life of a nation like China, to do her a great service.</p>
-
-<p>“For these reasons,” I said, “I must decline to give the pledge and at
-the same time decline to accept your kind offer to help me. I thank you,
-gentlemen, very much, for your good wishes.”</p>
-
-<p>Both Brown and Hammond afterwards agreed that I took the right view on
-the subject and sustained me in my position. To be sure, I was poor, but
-I would not allow my poverty to gain the upper hand and compel me to
-barter away my inward convictions of duty for a temporary mess of
-pottage.</p>
-
-<p>During the summer of 1850, it seems that Brown who had been making a
-visit in the South to see his sister, while there had occasion to call
-on some of the members of “The Ladies’ Association” in Savannah, Ga., to
-whom he mentioned my case. He returned home in the nick of time, just
-after I had the interview with the board of trustees of the academy. I
-told him of the outcome, when, as stated above, he approved of my
-position, and told me what he had done. He said that the members of the
-association agreed to help me in college. On<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_037" id="page_037"></a>{37}</span> the strength of that I
-gathered fresh courage, and went down to New Haven to pass my
-examination for entrance. How I got in, I do not know, as I had had only
-fifteen months of Latin and twelve months of Greek, and ten months of
-mathematics. My preparation had been interrupted because the academy had
-been broken up by the Palmer &amp; New London R.R. that was being built
-close by. As compared with the college preparations of nine-tenths of my
-class-mates, I was far behind. However, I passed without condition. But
-I was convinced I was not sufficiently prepared, as my recitations in
-the class-room clearly proved. Between the struggle of how to make ends
-meet financially and how to keep up with the class in my studies, I had
-a pretty tough time of it. I used to sweat over my studies till twelve
-o’clock every night the whole Freshman year. I took little or no
-exercise and my health and strength began to fail and I was obliged to
-ask for a leave of absence of a week. I went to East Windsor to get
-rested and came back refreshed.</p>
-
-<p>In the Sophomore year, from my utter aversion to mathematics, especially
-to differential and integral calculus, which I abhorred and detested,
-and which did me little or no good in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_038" id="page_038"></a>{38}</span> the way of mental discipline, I
-used to fizzle and flunk so often that I really thought I was going to
-be dropped from the class, or dismissed from college. But for some
-unexplained reasons I was saved from such a catastrophe, and I squeezed
-through the second year in college with so low a mark that I was afraid
-to ask my division tutor, who happened to be Tutor Blodget, who had me
-in Greek, about it. The only redeeming feature that saved me as a
-student in the class of 1854, was the fortunate circumstance that I
-happened to be a successful competitor on two occasions in English
-composition in my division. I was awarded the first prize in the second
-term, and the first prize in the third term of the year. These prizes
-gave me quite an éclat in the college as well as in the outside world,
-but I was not at all elated over them on account of my poor scholarship
-which I felt keenly through the whole college course.</p>
-
-<p>Before the close of my second year, I succeeded in securing the
-stewardship of a boarding club consisting of sophomores and juniors.
-There were altogether twenty members. I did all the marketing and served
-at the table. In this way, I earned my board through the latter half of
-my college course. In money matters, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_039" id="page_039"></a>{39}</span> was supplied with remittances
-from “The Ladies’ Association” in Savannah, and also contributions from
-the Olyphant Brothers of New York. In addition to these sources of
-supply, I was paid for being an assistant librarian to the “Brothers in
-Unity,” which was one of the two college debating societies that owned a
-library, and of which I was a member.</p>
-
-<p>In my senior year I was again elected librarian to the same Society and
-got $30.00. These combined sums were large enough to meet all my cash
-bills, since my wants had to be finely trimmed to suit the cloth. If
-most of the country parsons of that period could get along with a salary
-of $200 or $300 a year (supplemented, of course, with an annual donation
-party, which sometimes carried away more than it donated), having as a
-general thing a large family to look after, I certainly ought to have
-been able to get through college with gifts of nearly a like amount,
-supplemented with donations of shirts and stockings from ladies who took
-an interest in my education.</p>
-
-<p>The class of 1854, to which I had the honor and the good fortune to
-belong, graduated ninety-eight all told. Being the first Chinaman who
-had ever been known to go through a first-class<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_040" id="page_040"></a>{40}</span> American college, I
-naturally attracted considerable attention; and from the fact that I was
-librarian for one of the college debating societies (Linonia was the
-other) for two years, I was known by members of the three classes above,
-and members of the three classes below me. This fact had contributed
-toward familiarizing me with the college world at large, and my
-nationality, of course, added piquancy to my popularity.</p>
-
-<p>As an undergraduate, I had already acquired a factitious reputation
-within the walls of Yale. But that was ephemeral and soon passed out of
-existence after graduation.</p>
-
-<p>All through my college course, especially in the closing year, the
-lamentable condition of China was before my mind constantly and weighed
-on my spirits. In my despondency, I often wished I had never been
-educated, as education had unmistakably enlarged my mental and moral
-horizon, and revealed to me responsibilities which the sealed eye of
-ignorance can never see, and sufferings and wrongs of humanity to which
-an uncultivated and callous nature can never be made sensitive. The more
-one knows, the more he suffers and is consequently less happy; the less
-one knows, the less he suffers,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_041" id="page_041"></a>{41}</span> and hence is more happy. But this is a
-low view of life, a cowardly feeling and unworthy of a being bearing the
-impress of divinity. I had started out to get an education. By dint of
-hard work and self-denial I had finally secured the coveted prize and
-although it might not be so complete and symmetrical a thing as could be
-desired, yet I had come right up to the conventional standard and idea
-of a liberal education. I could, therefore, call myself an educated man
-and, as such, it behooved me to ask, “What am I going to do with my
-education?” Before the close of my last year in college I had already
-sketched out what I should do. I was determined that the rising
-generation of China should enjoy the same educational advantages that I
-had enjoyed; that through western education China might be regenerated,
-become enlightened and powerful. To accomplish that object became the
-guiding star of my ambition. Towards such a goal, I directed all my
-mental resources and energy. Through thick and thin, and the
-vicissitudes of a checkered life from 1854 to 1872, I labored and waited
-for its consummation.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_042" id="page_042"></a>{42}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /><br />
-RETURN TO CHINA</h2>
-
-<p>In entering upon my life’s work which to me was so full of meaning and
-earnestness, the first episode was a voyage back to the old country,
-which I had not seen for nearly ten years, but which had never escaped
-my mind’s eye nor my heart’s yearning for her welfare. I wanted very
-much to stay a few years longer in order to take a scientific course. I
-had taken up surveying in the Sheffield Scientific School just as that
-department was starting into existence under Professor Norton. Had I had
-the means to prosecute a practical profession, that might have helped to
-shorten and facilitate the way to the goal I had in view; but as I was
-poor and my friends thought that a longer stay in this country might
-keep me here for good, and China would lose me altogether, I was for
-this and other reasons induced to return. The scientific course was
-accordingly abandoned. The persons who were most interested in my return
-to China were Pelatiah Perit of Messrs. Goodhue &amp; Co., merchants<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_043" id="page_043"></a>{43}</span> in the
-China trade, and the Olyphant Brothers, who had taken such a lively
-interest eight years before in helping me to come over in their ship,
-the “Huntress.” These gentlemen had no other motive in desiring me to
-return to China than that of hoping to see me useful in Christianizing
-the Chinese, which was in harmony with their well-known broad and
-benevolent characters.</p>
-
-<p>On the 13th of November, 1854, the Rev. William Allen Macy, who went out
-to Hong Kong to take the place of the Rev. Dr. Brown, as teacher in the
-Morrison Education Society School in 1845, went back to China as a
-missionary under the American Board, and we were fellow-passengers on
-board the sailing clipper ship “Eureka,” under Captain Whipple, of
-Messrs. Chamber, Heisser &amp; Co., of New York.</p>
-
-<p>Winter is the worst season of the year to go on an eastern voyage in a
-sailing vessel, via the Cape of Good Hope. The northeast trade winds
-prevail then and one is sure to have head winds all the way. The
-“Eureka,” in which Macy and myself were the only passengers, took that
-route to Hong Kong. We embarked on board of her as she rode in midstream
-of the East River. The day was bleak and bitingly cold. No
-handkerchiefs<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_044" id="page_044"></a>{44}</span> were fluttering in the air, waving a good voyage; no
-sound from the shore cheered us as the anchor was weighed, and as the
-tug towed us out as far as Sandy Hook. There we were left to our own
-resources. The sails were not furled to their full extent, but were
-reefed for tacking, as the wind was nearly dead ahead and quite strong.
-We found the “Eureka” to be empty of cargo, and empty even of ballast of
-any kind; for that reason she acted like a sailor who had just had his
-nip before he went out to sea. She tossed up and down and twisted from
-right to left, just as though she had a little too much to keep her
-balance. It was in such a fashion that she reeled her way from Sandy
-Hook to Hong Kong&mdash;a distance of nearly 13,000 nautical miles, which
-took her 154 days to accomplish. It was decidedly the most uninteresting
-and wearisome voyage I ever took in my life. The skipper was a
-Philadelphian. He had the unfortunate habit of stuttering badly, which
-tended to irritate a temper naturally quick and fiery. He was certainly
-a ludicrous object to look at. It was particularly in the morning that
-he might be seen pacing the quarter deck, scanning the sky. This, by the
-spectator, was deemed necessary for the skipper to work himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_045" id="page_045"></a>{45}</span> up to
-the right pitch, preliminary to his pantomimic performances in his
-battle with the head wind. All at once, he halted, stared at the quarter
-of the sky from whence the malicious head wind came. With a face all
-bloated and reddened by intense excitement, his eyes almost standing out
-of their sockets, and all ablaze with uncontrollable rage, with arms
-uplifted, he would clutch his hair as if plucking it out by the roots,
-gnash his teeth, and simultaneously he would jump up and down, stamping
-on the deck, and swear at the Almighty for sending him head winds. The
-air for the moment was split with his revolting imprecations and
-blasphemous oaths that were ejaculated through the laborious process of
-stammering and stuttering, which made him a most pitiable object to
-behold. In the early part of the voyage it was a painful sight to see
-him working himself up to that pitch of contortion and paroxysm of rage
-which made him appear more like an insane than a sane man, but as these
-exhibitions were of daily occurrence for the greater part of the voyage,
-we came to regard him as no longer deserving of sympathy and pity, but
-rather with contempt. After his passion had spent its force, and he
-subsided into his calmer and normal mood, he would drop<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_046" id="page_046"></a>{46}</span> limply into a
-cane chair, where he would sit for hours all by himself. For the sake of
-diversion, he would rub his hands together, and soliloquize quietly to
-himself, an occasional smile breaking over his face, which made him look
-like an innocent idiot. Before the voyage was half through, the skipper
-had made such a fool of himself through his silly and insane conduct
-about the wind, that he became the laughing stock of the whole crew,
-who, of course, did not dare to show any outward signs of
-insubordination. The sailing of the vessel was entirely in the hands of
-the first mate, who was literally a sea-tyrant. The crew was composed of
-Swedes and Norwegians. If it had been made up of Americans, the inhuman
-treatment by the officers might have driven them to desperate
-extremities, because the men were over-worked night and day in incessant
-tacking. The only time that they found a resting spell was when the ship
-was becalmed in the tropics when not a breath of wind was to be had for
-several days at a time. Referring to my diary kept in that memorable
-voyage,&mdash;it took us nearly two weeks to beat up the Macassar straits.
-This event tried our patience sorely. After it was passed, the skipper
-made the remark within the hearing of the Rev. Macy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_047" id="page_047"></a>{47}</span> that the reason he
-had bad luck was because he had a Jonah on board. My friend Macy took
-the remark in a good-natured way and gave me a significant smile. We
-were just then discussing the feat of going through the Macassar straits
-and I remarked in a tone just loud enough to be heard by the old skipper
-that if I had charge of the vessel, I could take her through in less
-than ten days. This was meant as a direct reflection on the poor
-seamanship of the old fellow (for he really was a miserable sailor), as
-well as to serve as a retaliation for what he said a few minutes before,
-that there was a Jonah on board.</p>
-
-<p>In the dead of winter, the passage to the East should have been taken
-around Cape Horn instead of the Cape of Good Hope, in which case we
-would no doubt have had strong and fair wind all the way from New York
-to Hong Kong, which would not only have shortened the voyage but also
-saved the captain a world of swearing and an incalculable amount of wear
-and tear on his nervous system. But as a passenger only, I had no idea
-of the financial motive back of the move to send the ship off perfectly
-empty and unballasted, right in the teeth of the northeast monsoon. I
-would have been glad to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_048" id="page_048"></a>{48}</span> go around Cape Horn, as that would have added a
-new route to my journeying around the world, and furnished me with new
-incidents as well.</p>
-
-<p>As we approached Hong Kong, a Chinese pilot boarded us. The captain
-wanted me to ask him whether there were any dangerous rocks and shoals
-nearby. I could not for the life of me recall my Chinese in order to
-interpret for him; the pilot himself understood English, and he was the
-first Chinese teacher to give me the terms in Chinese for dangerous
-rocks and shoals. So the skipper and Macy, and a few other persons who
-were present at the time, had the laugh on me, who, being a Chinese, yet
-was not able to speak the language.</p>
-
-<p>My first thought upon landing was to walk up to the office of the “China
-Mail,” to pay my respects to Andrew Shortrede, the proprietor and editor
-of the paper, and the friend who supported me for over a year, while I
-was in Monson Academy. After seeing him and accepting his hospitality by
-way of an invitation to take up my quarters in his house, I lost no time
-in hastening over to Macao to see my aged and beloved mother, who, I
-knew, yearned to see her long-absent boy. Our meeting was arranged a day
-beforehand. I was in citizen’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_049" id="page_049"></a>{49}</span> dress and could not conveniently change
-the same for my Chinese costume. I had also allowed a pair of mustaches
-to grow, which, according to Chinese custom, was not becoming for an
-unmarried young man to do. We met with tears of joy, gratitude and
-thanksgiving. Our hearts were too full even to speak at first. We gave
-way to our emotions. As soon as we were fairly composed, she began to
-stroke me all over, as expressive of her maternal endearment which had
-been held in patient suspense for at least ten years. As we sat close to
-each other, I gave her a brief recital of my life in America, for I knew
-she would be deeply interested in the account. I told her that I had
-just finished a long and wearisome voyage of five months’ duration, but
-had met with no danger of any kind; that during my eight years of
-sojourn in the United States, I was very kindly treated by the good
-people everywhere; that I had had good health and never been seriously
-sick, and that my chief object during the eight years was to study and
-prepare myself for my life work in China. I explained to her that I had
-to go through a preparatory school before entering college; that the
-college I entered was Yale&mdash;one of the leading colleges of the United
-States, and that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_050" id="page_050"></a>{50}</span> course was four years, which accounted for my long
-stay and delayed my return to China. I told her that at the end of four
-years I had graduated with the degree of A.B.,&mdash;analogous to the Chinese
-title of Siu Tsai, which is interpreted “Elegant Talent;” that it was
-inscribed on a parchment of sheep skin and that to graduate from Yale
-College was considered a great honor, even to a native American, and
-much more so to a Chinese. She asked me näively how much money it
-conferred. I said it did not confer any money at once, but it enabled
-one to make money quicker and easier than one can who has not been
-educated; that it gave one greater influence and power among men and if
-he built on his college education, he would be more likely to become the
-leader of men, especially if he had a well-established character. I told
-her my college education was worth more to me than money, and that I was
-confident of making plenty of money.</p>
-
-<p>“Knowledge,” I said, “is power, and power is greater than riches. I am
-the first Chinese to graduate from Yale College, and that being the
-case, you have the honor of being the first and only mother out of the
-countless millions of mothers in China at this time, who can claim the
-honor of having a son who is the first Chinese<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_051" id="page_051"></a>{51}</span> graduate of a
-first-class American college. Such an honor is a rare thing to possess.”
-I also assured her that as long as I lived all her comforts and wants
-would be scrupulously and sedulously looked after, and that nothing
-would be neglected to make her contented and happy. This interview
-seemed to give her great comfort and satisfaction. She seemed very happy
-over it. After it was ended, she looked at me with a significant smile
-and said, “I see you have already raised your mustaches. You know you
-have a brother who is much older than you are; he hasn’t grown his
-mustaches yet. You must have yours off.” I promptly obeyed her mandate,
-and as I entered the room with a clean face, she smiled with intense
-satisfaction, evidently thinking that with all my foreign education, I
-had not lost my early training of being obedient to my mother. And if
-she could only have read my heart, she would have found how every throb
-palpitated with the most tender love for her. During the remaining years
-of her life, I had the rare privilege of seeing her often and ministered
-to her every comfort that it was in my power to bestow. She passed away
-in 1858, at the age of sixty-four, twenty-four years after the death of
-my father. I was in Shanghai at<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_052" id="page_052"></a>{52}</span> the time of her death. I returned to my
-native village in time to attend her funeral.</p>
-
-<p>In the summer of 1855, I took up my residence in Canton, with the Rev.
-Mr. Vrooman, a missionary under the American Board. His headquarters
-were in Ham Ha Lan, in the vicinity of the government execution ground,
-which is in the southwestern outskirts of the city, close to the bank of
-the Pearl River. While there, I began my Chinese studies and commenced
-to regain the dialect of Canton, which I had forgotten during my stay in
-the United States. In less than six months, the language came back to me
-readily, although I was still a little rusty in it. I was also making
-slow progress in recovering the written language, in which I was not
-well-grounded before leaving China, in 1846. I had studied it only four
-years, which was considered a short time in which to master the written
-language. There is a greater difference between the written and the
-spoken language of China than there is between the written and spoken
-English language. The Chinese written language is stilted and full of
-conventional forms. It is understood throughout the whole empire, but
-differently pronounced in different provinces and localities. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_053" id="page_053"></a>{53}</span>
-spoken language is cut up into endless dialects and in certain provinces
-like Fuhkien, Anhui and Kiangsu, the people are as foreigners to each
-other in the matter of dialects. Such are the peculiar characteristics
-of the ideographic and spoken languages of China.</p>
-
-<p>During the six months of my residence in Canton, while trying to recover
-both the written and spoken languages, Kwang Tung province was thrown
-into a somewhat disorganized condition. The people of Canton attempted
-to raise a provincial insurrection or rebellion entirely distinct from
-the Taiping rebellion which was being carried on in the interior of
-China with marked success. To suppress and nip it in the bud, drastic
-measures were resorted to by Viceroy Yeh Ming Hsin, who, in the summer
-of 1855, decapitated seventy-five thousand people, most of whom, I was
-told, were innocent. My residence was within half a mile of the
-execution ground, as stated above, and one day, out of curiosity, I
-ventured to walk over to the place. But, oh! what a sight. The ground
-was perfectly drenched with human blood. On both sides of the driveway
-were to be seen headless human trunks, piled up in heaps, waiting to be
-taken away for burial. But no provision<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_054" id="page_054"></a>{54}</span> had been made to facilitate
-their removal.</p>
-
-<p>The execution was carried on on a larger scale than had been expected,
-and no provision had been made to find a place large enough to bury all
-the bodies. There they were, left exposed to a burning sun. The
-temperature stood from morning to night in midsummer steadily at 90°
-Fahrenheit, and sometimes higher. The atmosphere within a radius of two
-thousand yards of the execution ground was heavily charged with the
-poisonous and pestilential vapor that was reeking from the ground
-already over-saturated with blood and from the heaps of corpses which
-had been left behind for at least two days, and which showed signs of
-rapid decomposition. It was a wonder to me that no virulent epidemic had
-sprung up from such an infectious spot to decimate the compact
-population of the city of Canton. It was a fortunate circumstance that
-at last a deep and extensive ravine, located in the far-off outskirts of
-the western part of the city, was found, which was at once converted
-into a sepulchral receptacle into which this vast human hecatomb was
-dumped. It was said that no earth was needed to be thrown over these
-corpses to cover them up; the work was accomplished by countless swarms
-of worms of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_055" id="page_055"></a>{55}</span> reddish hue and of an appearance that was perfectly
-hideous and revolting.</p>
-
-<p>I was told that during the months of June, July and August, of 1855,
-seventy-five thousand people had been decapitated; that more than half
-of that number were declared to be innocent of the charge of rebellion,
-but that the accusation was made as a pretext to exact money from them.
-This wholesale slaughter, unparalleled in the annals of modern
-civilization, eclipsing even the enormities and blood-thirstiness of
-Caligula and Nero, or even the French Revolution, was perpetrated by Yeh
-Ming Hsin, who was appointed viceroy of Kwang Tung and Kwangsi in 1854.</p>
-
-<p>Yeh Ming Hsin was a native of Han-Yang. Han-Yang is a part of the port
-of Hankau, and was destroyed with it when the Taiping rebels took
-possession of it. It was said that Yeh Ming Hsin had immense estates in
-Han-Yang, which were completely destroyed by fire. This circumstance
-embittered him towards the Taiping rebels and as the Taiping leaders
-hailed from Kwang Tung and Kwangsi, he naturally transferred his hatred
-to the people of those two provinces. It was in the lofty position of a
-viceroy that he found his opportunity to wreak<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_056" id="page_056"></a>{56}</span> his private and personal
-vengeance upon the Canton people. This accounts for his indiscriminate
-slaughter of them, and for the fact that he did not deign to give them
-even the semblance of a trial, but hurried them from life to death like
-packs of cattle to the shambles.</p>
-
-<p>But this human monster did not dream that his day of reckoning was fast
-approaching. Several years after this appalling sacrifice of human life,
-in 1855, he got into trouble with the British government. He was
-captured by the British forces and banished to some obscure and remote
-corner in India where he led a most ignominious life, hated by the whole
-Chinese nation, and despised by the world at large.</p>
-
-<p>On my return to headquarters, after my visit to the execution ground, I
-felt faint-hearted and depressed in spirit. I had no appetite for food,
-and when night came, I was too nervous for sleep. The scene I had looked
-upon during the day had stirred me up. I thought then that the Taiping
-rebels had ample grounds to justify their attempt to overthrow the
-Manchu régime. My sympathies were thoroughly enlisted in their favor and
-I thought seriously of making preparations to join the Taiping rebels,
-but upon a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_057" id="page_057"></a>{57}</span> calmer reflection, I fell back on the original plan of doing
-my best to recover the Chinese language as fast as I possibly could and
-of following the logical course of things, in order to accomplish the
-object I had at heart.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_058" id="page_058"></a>{58}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br /><br />
-EFFORT TO FIND A POSITION</h2>
-
-<p>Having at last succeeded in mastering the spoken language sufficiently
-to speak it quite fluently, I at once set to work to find a position in
-which I could not only support myself and mother, but also form a plan
-for working out my ideas of reform in China.</p>
-
-<p>Doctor Peter Parker, who had been a medical missionary under the
-American Board for many years in Canton, was at that time made United
-States Commissioner as a temporary expedient, to take the place of an
-accredited minister plenipotentiary&mdash;a diplomatic appointment not yet
-come into existence, because the question of a foreign minister resident
-in Peking was still under negotiation, and had not been fully settled as
-a permanent diplomatic arrangement between the Peking government and the
-Treaty Powers. Dr. Parker was given the appointment of commissioner on
-account of his long residence in China and his ability to speak the
-Chinese language, but not on account of any special<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_059" id="page_059"></a>{59}</span> training as a
-diplomat, nor for legal knowledge. It was through Mr. M. N. Hitchcock,
-an American merchant of the firm of Messrs. King &amp; Co., and a mutual
-friend of Dr. Parker and myself, that I became the Doctor’s private
-secretary. I knew Dr. Parker while I was at Mrs. Gutzlaff’s School, and
-he doubtless knew I had recently graduated from Yale, which was his Alma
-Mater also. His headquarters were in Canton, but he spent his summers in
-Macao. I was with him only three months. My salary was $15 a month (not
-large enough to spoil me at any rate). He had very little for me to do,
-but I thought that by being identified with him, I might possibly come
-in contact with Chinese officials. However, this was far from being the
-case. Seeing that I could neither learn anything from him, nor enlarge
-my acquaintance with the Chinese officials, I gave up my position as his
-secretary and went over to Hong Kong to try to study law. Through my old
-friend, Andrew Shortrede, who generously extended to me the hospitality
-of his house, I succeeded in securing the position of the
-interpretership in the Hong Kong Supreme Court. The situation paid me
-$75 a month. Having this to fall back upon, I felt encouraged to go
-ahead in my effort to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_060" id="page_060"></a>{60}</span> study law. Accordingly, I was advised to
-apprentice myself to an attorney or solicitor-at-law. In the English
-court of practice, it seems that there are two distinct classes of
-lawyers&mdash;attorneys or solicitors, and barristers. The first prepares in
-writing all evidences, facts, and proofs of a case, hands them to the
-barrister or counsel, who argues the case in court according to law.</p>
-
-<p>I apprenticed myself to an attorney, who was recommended to me by my old
-patron and friend, Shortrede. I was not aware that by going into the
-British Colony in Hong Kong to become an attorney, I was stepping on the
-toes of the British legal fraternity, nor that by apprenticing myself to
-an attorney instead of to the new attorney-general of the Colony, who,
-without my knowledge, wanted me himself, I had committed another
-mistake, which eventually necessitated my leaving Hong Kong altogether.</p>
-
-<p>First of all, all the attorneys banded themselves together against me,
-because, as they openly stated in all the local papers except the “China
-Mail,” if I were allowed to practice my profession, they might as well
-pack up and go back to England, for as I had a complete knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_061" id="page_061"></a>{61}</span> of
-both English and Chinese I would eventually monopolize all the Chinese
-legal business. So they made it too hot for me to continue in my
-studies.</p>
-
-<p>In the next place, I was not aware that the attorney-general wanted me
-to apprentice myself to him, for he did all he could in his capacity as
-attorney-general of the Colony to use his influence to open the way for
-me to become an attorney, by draughting a special colonial ordinance to
-admit Chinese to practice in the Hong Kong Colony as soon as I could
-pass my examinations. This ordinance was sent to the British government
-to be sanctioned by Parliament before it became valid and a colonial
-law. It was sanctioned and thus became a colonial ordinance.</p>
-
-<p>In the meanwhile, Anstey, the attorney-general, found out that I had
-already apprenticed myself to Parson, the attorney. From that time forth
-I had no peace. I was between two fires&mdash;the batteries operated by the
-attorneys opened on me with redoubled energy, and the new battery,
-operated by the attorney-general, opened its fire. He found fault with
-my interpreting, which he had never done previously. Mr. Parson saw how
-things stood. He himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_062" id="page_062"></a>{62}</span> was also under a hot fire from both sides. So
-in order to save himself, he told me plainly and candidly that he had to
-give me up and made the article of apprenticeship between us null and
-void. I, on my part, had to give up my position as interpreter in the
-Supreme Court. Parson, himself, not long after I had abandoned my
-apprenticeship and my position as interpreter, for reasons satisfactory
-to himself, gave up his business in Hong Kong and returned to England.
-So master and pupil left their posts at pretty nearly the same time.</p>
-
-<p>A retrospective view of my short experience in Hong Kong convinced me
-that it was after all the best thing that I did not succeed in becoming
-a lawyer in Hong Kong, as the theatre of action there would have been
-too restricted and circumscribed. I could not have come in touch with
-the leading minds of China, had I been bound up in that rocky and barren
-Colony. Doubtless I might have made a fortune if I had succeeded in my
-legal profession, but as circumstances forced me to leave the Colony, my
-mind was directed northward to Shanghai, and in August, 1856, I left
-Hong Kong in the tea clipper, “Florence,” under Captain Dumaresque, of
-Boston. He was altogether a different type<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_063" id="page_063"></a>{63}</span> of man from the captain of
-the “Eureka” which brought me out in 1855. He was kind, intelligent and
-gentlemanly. When he found out who I was, he offered me a free passage
-from Hong Kong to Shanghai. He was, in fact, the sole owner of the
-vessel, which was named after his daughter, Florence. The passage was a
-short one&mdash;lasting only seven days&mdash;but before it was over, we became
-great friends.</p>
-
-<p>Not long after my arrival in Shanghai, I found a situation in the
-Imperial Customs Translating Department, at a salary of Tls. 75 a month,
-equivalent to $100 Mexican. For want of a Chinese silver currency the
-Mexican dollar was adopted. This was one point better than the
-interpretership in the Hong Kong Supreme Court. The duties were not
-arduous and trying. In fact, they were too simple and easy to suit my
-taste and ambition. I had plenty of time to read. Before three months of
-trial in my new situation, I found that things were not as they should
-be, and if I wished to keep a clean and clear record and an untarnished
-character, I could not remain long in the service. Between the
-interpreters who had been in the service many years and the Chinese
-shippers there existed a regular system of graft. After learning this,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_064" id="page_064"></a>{64}</span>
-and not wishing to be implicated with the others in the division of the
-spoils in any way or shape, I made up my mind to resign. So one day I
-called upon the Chief Commissioner of Customs, ostensibly to find out
-what my future prospects were in connection with the Customs
-Service&mdash;whether or not there were any prospects of my being promoted to
-the position of a commissioner. I was told that no such prospects were
-held out to me or to any other Chinese interpreter. I, therefore, at
-once decided to throw up my position. So I sent in my resignation, which
-was at first not accepted. A few days after my first interview, Lay, the
-chief commissioner, strenuously tried to persuade me to change my mind,
-and offered as an inducement to raise my salary to Tls. 200 a month,
-evidently thinking that I was only bluffing in order to get higher
-wages. It did not occur to him that there was at least one Chinaman who
-valued a clean reputation and an honest character more than money; that
-being an educated man, I saw no reason why I should not be given the
-same chances to rise in the service of the Chinese government as an
-Englishman, nor why my individuality should not be recognized and
-respected in every walk of life. He little thought that I had
-aspirations<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_065" id="page_065"></a>{65}</span> even higher than his, and that I did not care to associate
-myself with a pack of Custom-house interpreters and inspectors, who were
-known to take bribes; that a man who expects others to respect him, must
-first respect himself. Such were my promptings. I did not state the real
-cause of my quitting the service, but at the end of four months’ trial I
-left the service in order to try my fortune in new fields more
-congenial.</p>
-
-<p>My friends at the time looked upon me as a crank in throwing up a
-position yielding me Tls. 200 a month for something uncertain and
-untried. This in their estimation was the height of folly. They little
-realized what I was driving at. I had a clean record and I meant to keep
-it clean. I was perfectly aware that in less than a year since my return
-to China, I had made three shifts. I myself began to think I was too
-mercurial to accomplish anything substantial, or that I was too dreamy
-to be practical or too proud to succeed in life. But in a strenuous life
-one needs to be a dreamer in order to accomplish possibilities. We are
-not called into being simply to drudge for an animal existence. I had
-had to work hard for my education, and I felt that I ought to make the
-most of what little<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_066" id="page_066"></a>{66}</span> I had, not so much to benefit myself individually
-as to make it a blessing common to my race. By these shifts and changes
-I was only trying to find my true bearing, and how I could make myself a
-blessing to China.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_067" id="page_067"></a>{67}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br /><br />
-EXPERIENCES IN BUSINESS</h2>
-
-<p>The next turn I took, after leaving the Imperial Customs, was clerk in
-an English house&mdash;tea and silk merchants. During the few months that I
-was with them, I gained quite an insight into mercantile business, and
-the methods of conducting it, which proved to be profitable knowledge
-and experience to me later on. Six months after I had entered upon my
-new sphere as a make-shift, the firm dissolved partnership, which once
-more threw me out of a position, and I was again cast upon the sea of
-uncertainty. But during my connection with the firm, two little
-incidents occurred which I must not fail to relate.</p>
-
-<p>One Thursday evening, as I was returning home from a prayer meeting held
-in the Union Chapel in Shanghai, I saw ahead of me on Szechuen Road in
-front of the Episcopal church, a string of men; each had a Chinese
-lantern swinging in the air over his head, and they were singing and
-shouting as they zigzagged<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_068" id="page_068"></a>{68}</span> along the road, evidently having a jolly,
-good time, while Chinese on both sides of the road were seen dodging and
-scampering about in great fright in all directions, and acting as though
-they were chased by the Old Nick himself. I was at a distance of about
-one hundred yards from the scene. I took in the situation at once. My
-servant, who held a lantern ahead of me, to light the way, was so
-frightened that he began to come back towards me. I told him not to be
-afraid, but walk right straight ahead. Pretty soon we confronted three
-or four of the fellows, half tipsy. One of them snatched the lantern
-from my servant and another, staggering about, tried to give me a kick.
-I walked along coolly and unconcerned till I reached the last batch of
-two or three fellows. I found these quite sober and in their senses and
-they were lingering behind evidently to enjoy the fun and watch the
-crowd in their hilarious antics. I stopped and parleyed with them, and
-told them who I was. I asked them for the names of the fellows who
-snatched my boy’s lantern and of the fellow who tried to kick me. They
-declined at first, but finally with the promise that I would not give
-them any trouble, they gave me the name of one of the fellows, his
-position on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_069" id="page_069"></a>{69}</span> vessel, and the name of the vessel he belonged to. It
-turned out that the man was the first mate of the ship “Eureka,” the
-very vessel that brought me out to China, in 1855, and which happened to
-be consigned to the firm I was working for. The next morning, I wrote a
-note to the captain, asking him to hand the note to his first officer.
-The captain, on receiving the note, was quite excited, and handed it to
-the first mate, who immediately came ashore and apologized. I made it
-very pleasant for him and told him that Americans in China were held in
-high esteem by the people, and every American landing in China should be
-jealous of the high estimation in which they were held and not do
-anything to compromise it. My motive in writing the note was merely to
-get him on shore and give him this advice. He was evidently pleased with
-my friendly attitude and extended his hand for a shake to thank me for
-the advice. He invited me to go on board with him to take a glass of
-wine and be good friends. I thanked him for his offer, but declined it,
-and we parted in an amicable way.</p>
-
-<p>My second incident, which happened a couple of months after the first,
-did not have such a peaceful ending.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_070" id="page_070"></a>{70}</span></p>
-
-<p>After the partnership of the firm, in whose employ I was, dissolved, an
-auction sale of the furniture of the firm took place. In the room where
-the auction was proceeding, I happened to be standing in a mixed crowd
-of Chinese and foreigners. A stalwart six-footer of a Scotchman happened
-to be standing behind me. He was not altogether a stranger to me, for I
-had met him in the streets several times. He began to tie a bunch of
-cotton balls to my queue, simply for a lark. But I caught him at it and
-in a pleasant way held it up and asked him to untie it. He folded up his
-arms and drew himself straight up with a look of the utmost disdain and
-scorn. I at once took in the situation, and as my countenance sobered, I
-reiterated my demand to have the appendage taken off. All of a sudden,
-he thrust his fist against my mouth, without drawing any blood, however.
-Although he stood head and shoulders above me in height, yet I was not
-at all abashed or intimidated by his burly and contemptuous appearance.
-My dander was up and oblivious to all thoughts of our comparative size
-and strength, I struck him back in the identical place where he punched
-me, but my blow was a stinger and it went with lightning rapidity to the
-spot,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_071" id="page_071"></a>{71}</span> without giving him time to think. It drew blood in great
-profusion from lip and nose. He caught me by the wrist with both his
-hands. As he held my right wrist in his powerful grasp, for he was an
-athlete and a sportsman, I was just on the point of raising my right
-foot for a kick, which was aimed at a vital point, when the head partner
-of the firm, who happened to be near, suddenly stepped in between and
-separated us. I then stood off to one side, facing my antagonist, who
-was moving off into the crowd. As I moved away, I was asked by a voice
-from the crowd:</p>
-
-<p>“Do you want to fight?”</p>
-
-<p>I said, “No, I was only defending myself. Your friend insulted me and
-added injury to insult. I took him for a gentleman, but he has proved
-himself a blackguard.”</p>
-
-<p>With this stinging remark, which was heard all over the room, I retired
-from the scene into an adjoining room, leaving the crowd to comment on
-the incident. The British Consul, who happened to be present on the
-occasion, made a casual remark on the merits of the case and said, as I
-was told afterwards by a friend, that “The young man was a little too
-fiery; if he had not taken the law into his own hands, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_072" id="page_072"></a>{72}</span> could have
-brought suit for assault and battery in the consular court, but since he
-has already retaliated and his last remark before the crowd has
-inflicted a deeper cut to his antagonist than the blow itself, he has
-lost the advantage of a suit.”</p>
-
-<p>The Scotchman, after the incident, did not appear in public for a whole
-week. I was told he had shut himself up in his room to give his wound
-time to heal, but the reason he did not care to show himself was more on
-account of being whipped by a little Chinaman in a public manner; for
-the affair, unpleasant and unfortunate as it was, created quite a
-sensation in the settlement. It was the chief topic of conversation for
-a short time among foreigners, while among the Chinese I was looked upon
-with great respect, for since the foreign settlement on the
-extra-territorial basis was established close to the city of Shanghai,
-no Chinese within its jurisdiction had ever been known to have the
-courage and pluck to defend his rights, point blank, when they had been
-violated or trampled upon by a foreigner. Their meek and mild
-disposition had allowed personal insults and affronts to pass unresented
-and unchallenged, which naturally had the tendency to encourage
-arrogance and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_073" id="page_073"></a>{73}</span> insolence on the part of ignorant foreigners. The time
-will soon come, however, when the people of China will be so educated
-and enlightened as to know what their rights are, public and private,
-and to have the moral courage to assert and defend them whenever they
-are invaded. The triumph of Japan over Russia in the recent war has
-opened the eyes of the Chinese world. It will never tolerate injustice
-in any way or shape, much less will it put up with foreign aggression
-and aggrandizement any longer. They see now in what plight their
-national ignorance, conceit and conservatism, in which they had been
-fossilized, had placed them. They were on the verge of being partitioned
-by the European Powers and were saved from that catastrophe only by the
-timely intervention of the United States government. What the future
-will bring forth, since the Emperor Kwangsu and Dowager Empress Chi Hsi
-have both passed away, no one can predict.</p>
-
-<p>The breaking up of the firm by which I was employed, once more, as
-stated before, and for the fourth time, threw me out of a regular
-business. But I was not at all disconcerted or discouraged, for I had no
-idea of following a mercantile life as a permanent calling. Within<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_074" id="page_074"></a>{74}</span> the
-past two years, my knowledge of the Chinese language had decidedly
-improved. I was not in hot haste to seek for a new position. I
-immediately took to translating as a means of bridging over the breaks
-of a desultory life. This independent avocation, though not a lucrative
-one, nevertheless led the way to a wider acquaintance with the educated
-and mercantile classes of the Chinese; to widen my acquaintance was my
-chief concern. My translating business brought me in contact with the
-comprador of one of the leading houses in Shanghai. The senior partner
-of this house died in 1857. He was well-known and thought much of by
-both the Chinese and the foreign mercantile body. To attest their high
-regard for his memory, the prominent Chinese merchants drew up an
-elaborate and eulogistic epitaph on the occasion of his death. The
-surviving members of the firm selected two translators to translate the
-epitaph. One was the interpreter in the British Consulate General, a
-brother to the author of “The Chinese and their Rebellions,” and the
-other was (through the influence of the comprador) myself. To my great
-surprise, my translation was given the preference and accepted by the
-manager of the firm. The Chinese committee were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_075" id="page_075"></a>{75}</span> quite elated that one
-of their countrymen knew enough English to bring out the inner sense of
-their epitaph. It was adopted and engraved on the monument. My name
-began to be known among the Chinese, not as a fighter this time, but as
-a Chinese student educated in America.</p>
-
-<p>Soon after this performance, another event unexpectedly came up in which
-I was again called upon to act; that was the inundation of the Yellow
-River, which had converted the northern part of Kiangsu province into a
-sea, and made homeless and destitute thousands of people of that
-locality. A large body of refugees had wandered to and flocked near
-Shanghai. A Chinese deputation, consisting of the leading merchants and
-gentry, who knew or had heard of me, called and asked me to draw up a
-circular appealing to the foreign community for aid and contributions to
-relieve the widespread suffering among the refugees. Several copies were
-immediately put into circulation and in less than a week, no less than
-$20,000 were subscribed and paid. The Chinese Committee were greatly
-elated over their success and their joy was unbounded. To give a
-finishing touch to this stroke of business, I wrote in the name of the
-committee a letter of acknowledgment and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_076" id="page_076"></a>{76}</span> thanks to the foreign
-community for the prompt and generous contribution it had made. This was
-published in the Shanghai local papers&mdash;“The Shanghai Mail” and “Friend
-of China”&mdash;so that inside of three months after I had started my
-translating business, I had become widely known among the Chinese as the
-Chinese student educated in America. I was indebted to Tsang Kee Foo,
-the comprador, for being in this line of business, and for the fact that
-I was becoming known in Shanghai. He was a well-educated Chinese&mdash;a man
-highly respected and trusted for his probity and intelligence. His long
-connection with the firm and his literary taste had gathered around him
-some of the finest Chinese scholars from all parts of China, while his
-business transactions brought him in touch with the leading Chinese
-capitalists and business men in Shanghai and elsewhere. It was through
-him that both the epitaph and the circular mentioned above were written;
-and it was Tsang Kee Foo who introduced me to the celebrated Chinese
-mathematician, Li Jen Shu, who years afterwards brought me to the notice
-of Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan&mdash;the distinguished general and statesman, who,
-as will be seen hereafter, took up and promoted the Chinese Education<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_077" id="page_077"></a>{77}</span>
-Scheme. In the great web of human affairs, it is almost impossible to
-know who among our friends and acquaintances may prove to be the right
-clue to unravel the skein of our destiny. Tsang Kee Foo introduced me to
-Li Jen Shu, the latter introduced me to Tsang Kwoh Fan, who finally
-through the Chinese Education Scheme grafted Western education to the
-Oriental culture, a union destined to weld together the different races
-of the world into one brotherhood.</p>
-
-<p>My friend Tsang Kee Foo afterwards introduced me to the head or manager
-of Messrs. Dent &amp; Co., who kindly offered me a position in his firm as
-comprador in Nagasaki, Japan, soon after that country was opened to
-foreign trade. I declined the situation, frankly and plainly stating my
-reason, which was that the compradorship, though lucrative, is
-associated with all that is menial, and that as a graduate of Yale, one
-of the leading colleges in America, I could not think of bringing
-discredit to my Alma Mater, for which I entertained the most profound
-respect and reverence, and was jealous of her proud fame. What would the
-college and my class-mates think of me, if they should hear that I was a
-comprador&mdash;the head servant of servants in an English establishment? I
-said<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_078" id="page_078"></a>{78}</span> there were cases when a man from stress of circumstances may be
-compelled to play the part of a menial for a shift, but I was not yet
-reduced to that strait, though I was poor financially. I told him I
-would prefer to travel for the firm as its agent in the interior and
-correspond directly with the head of the firm. In that case, I would not
-sacrifice my manhood for the sake of making money in a position which is
-commonly held to be servile. I would much prefer to pack tea and buy
-silk as an agent&mdash;either on a salary or on commission. Such was my
-ground for declining. I, however, thanked him for the offer. This
-interview took place in the presence of my friend, Tsang Kee Foo, who
-without knowing the details of the conversation, knew enough of the
-English language to follow the general tenor of the talk. I then retired
-and left the manager and my friend to talk over the result. Tsang
-afterwards told me that Webb said, “Yung Wing is poor but proud. Poverty
-and pride usually go together, hand in hand.” A few days afterwards
-Tsang informed me that Webb had decided to send me to the tea districts
-to see and learn the business of packing tea.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_079" id="page_079"></a>{79}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br /><br />
-MY FIRST TRIP TO THE TEA DISTRICTS</h2>
-
-<p>On the 11th of March, 1859, I found myself on board of a Woo-Sik-Kwei, a
-Chinese boat built in Woo-Sik, a city situated on the borders of the
-Grand Canal, within a short distance of the famous city of Suchau&mdash;a
-rival of the city of Hangchau, for wealth, population, silk manufacture,
-and luxury. The word “Kwei” means “fast.” Therefore, Woo-Sik-Kwei means
-fast boats of Woo-Sik. These passenger boats which plied between the
-principal cities and marts situated near the waters of the canal and
-lake system in southern Kianksu, were usually built of various sizes and
-nicely fitted up for the comfort and convenience of the public. Those
-intended for officials, and the wealthy classes, were built on a larger
-scale and fitted up in a more pretentious style. They were all
-flat-bottom boats. They sailed fairly well before the wind, but against
-it, they were either tracked<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_080" id="page_080"></a>{80}</span> by lines from the mast to the trackers on
-shore, or by sculling, at which the Chinese are adepts. They can give a
-boat a great speed by a pair of sculls resting on steel pivots that are
-fastened at the stern, one on each side, about the middle of the scull,
-with four men on each scull; the blades are made to play in the water
-astern, right and left, which pushes and sends the boat forward at a
-surprisingly rapid rate. But in recent years, steam has made its way
-into China and steam launches have superseded these native craft which
-are fast disappearing from the smooth waters of Kiangsu province&mdash;very
-much as the fast sailing ships, known as Baltimore Clippers, that in the
-fifties and sixties were engaged in the East India and China trade, have
-been gradually swept from the ocean by steam.</p>
-
-<p>At the end of three days, I was landed in the historic city of Hangchau,
-which is the capital of Chêhkiang. It is situated on a plain of uneven
-ground, with hills in the southwest and west, and northeast. It covers
-an area of about three or four square miles. It is of a rectangular
-shape. Its length is from north to south; its breadth, from east to
-west. On the west, lies the Si-Hoo or West Lake, a beautiful sheet of
-limpid water with a gravelly or sandy bottom, stretching<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_081" id="page_081"></a>{81}</span> from the foot
-of the city wall to the foot of the mountains which appear in the
-distance in the rear, rising into the clouds like lofty bulwarks
-guarding the city on the north.</p>
-
-<p>The Tsientang River, about two miles distant, flanks the city on the
-east. It takes its rise from the high mountain range of Hwui Chow in the
-southeast and follows a somewhat irregular course to the bay of the same
-name, and rushes down the rocky declivities like a foaming steed and
-empties itself into the bay about forty miles east of the city. This is
-one of the rivers that have periodical bores in which the tidal waters
-in their entrance to the bay create a noise like thunder, and the waves
-rise to the height of eight or ten feet.</p>
-
-<p>Hangchau, aside from her historic fame as having been the seat of the
-government of the Sung Dynasty of the 12th and 13th centuries, has
-always maintained a wide reputation for fine buildings, public and
-private, such as temples, pagodas, mosques and bridges, which go to lend
-enchantment to the magnificent natural scenery with which she is
-singularly endowed. But latterly, age and the degeneration of the times
-have done their work of mischief. Her past glory is fast sinking into
-obscurity; she will never<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_082" id="page_082"></a>{82}</span> recover her former prestige, unless a new
-power arises to make her once more the capital of a regenerated
-government.</p>
-
-<p>On the 15th of March, I left Hangchau to ascend the Tsientang River, at
-a station called Kang Kow, or mouth of the river, about two miles east
-of the city, where boats were waiting for us. Several hundreds of these
-boats of a peculiar and unique type were riding near the estuary of the
-river. These boats are called Urh Woo, named after the district where
-they were built. They vary from fifty to one hundred feet in length,
-from stem to stern, and are ten or fifteen feet broad, and draw not more
-than two or three feet of water when fully loaded. They are all
-flat-bottom boats, built of the most limber and flexible material that
-can be found, as they are expected to meet strong currents and run
-against rocks, both in their ascent and descent, on account of the
-irregularity and rocky bottom of the river. These boats, when completely
-equipped and covered with bamboo matting, look like huge cylinders, and
-are shaped like cigars. The interior from stem to stern is divided into
-separate compartments, or rooms, in which bunks are built to accommodate
-passengers. These compartments and bunks are removed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_083" id="page_083"></a>{83}</span> when room is
-needed for cargoes. These boats ply between Hangchau and Sheong Shan and
-do all the interior transportation by water between these entrepôts in
-Chêhkiang and Kiangsi. Sheong Shan is the important station of
-Chêhkiang, and Yuh-Shan is that of Kiangsi. The distance between the two
-entrepôts is about fifty lis, or about sixteen English miles, connected
-by one of the finest macadamized roads in China. The road is about
-thirty feet wide, paved with slabs of granite and flanked with
-greenish-colored cobbles. A fine stone arch which was erected as a
-land-mark of the boundary line separating Chêhkiang and Kiangsi
-provinces, spans the whole width of the road. On both sides of the
-key-stone of the arch are carved four fine Chinese characters, painted
-in bright blue, viz., Leang Hsing Tung Chu:</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<a href="images/i_092_lg.png">
-<img src="images/i_092.png" width="175"
-alt="[Image unavailable: Chinese characters.]" /></a>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">This is one of the most notable arch-ways through which the
-inter-provincial trade has been carried on for ages past. At the time
-when I crossed from Sheong Shan to Yuh-Shan, the river ports of Hankau,
-Kiukiang, Wuhu and Chinkiang were not opened to foreign trade<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_084" id="page_084"></a>{84}</span> and
-steam-boats had not come in to play their part in the carrying trade of
-the interior of China. This magnificent thoroughfare was crowded with
-thousands of porters bearing merchandise of all kinds to and
-fro&mdash;exports and imports for distribution. It certainly presented an
-interesting sight to the traveller, as well as a profound topic of
-contemplation to a Chinese patriot.</p>
-
-<p>The opening of the Yangtze River, which is navigable as far as Kingchau,
-on the borders of Szechwan province, commanding the trade of at least
-six or seven provinces along its whole course of nearly three thousand
-miles to the ocean, presents a spectacle of unbounded possibilities for
-the amelioration of nearly a third of the human race, if only the
-grasping ambition of the West will let the territorial integrity and the
-independent sovereignty of China remain intact. Give the people of China
-a fair chance to work out the problems of their own salvation, as for
-instance the solution of the labor question, which has been so radically
-disorganized and broken up by steam, electricity and machinery. This has
-virtually taken the breath and bread away from nine-tenths of the people
-of China, and therefore this immovable mass of population<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_085" id="page_085"></a>{85}</span> should be
-given ample time to recover from its demoralization.</p>
-
-<p>To go back to my starting point at Kang Kow, the entrance to the river,
-two miles east of Hangchau, we set sail, with a fair wind, at five
-o’clock in the morning of the 15th of March, and in the evening at ten
-o’clock we anchored at a place named the “Seven Dragons,” after having
-made about one hundred miles during the day. The eastern shore in this
-part of the Tsientang River is evidently of red sandstone formation, for
-we could see part of the strata submerged in the water, and excavations
-of the stone may be seen strewn about on the shore. In fact, red
-sandstone buildings may be seen scattered about here and there. But the
-mountain about the Seven Dragons is picturesque and romantic.</p>
-
-<p>Early the next day, we again started, but the rain poured down in
-torrents. We kept on till we reached the town of Lan Chi and came to
-anchor in the evening, after having made about forty miles. This is the
-favorite entrepôt where the Hupeh and Hunan congou teas were brought all
-the way from the tea districts of these provinces, to be housed and
-transhipped to Shanghai via Hangchau. Lan Chi is an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_086" id="page_086"></a>{86}</span> entrepôt of only
-one street, but its entire length is six miles. It is famous for its
-nice hams, which are known all over China. On account of the incessant
-rain, we stopped half a day at Lan Chi. In the afternoon the sky began
-to clear and at twelve o’clock in the night we again started and reached
-the walled city of Ku Chow, which was besieged by the Taiping rebels in
-March, 1858, just a year before; after four months’ duration the siege
-was raised and no great damage was done. We put up in an inn for the
-night. Ku Chow is a departmental city of Chêhkiang and is about thirty
-miles distant from Sheong Shan, already mentioned in connection with
-Yuh-Shan. We were delayed by the Custom House officials, as well as on
-account of the scarcity of porters and chair-bearers to take us over to
-Sheong Shan. We arrived at Yuh-Shan from Sheong Shan by chair in the
-evening. We put up in an inn for the night, having first engaged fishing
-boats to take us to the city of Kwangshun, thirty miles from Yuh-Shan,
-the next morning. After reaching Yuh-Shan, we were in Kiangsi territory,
-and our route now lay in a west by north direction, down stream towards
-the Po Yang Lake, whose southern margin we passed, and reached Nan
-Cheong,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_087" id="page_087"></a>{87}</span> the capital of Kiangsi province. The city presented a fine
-outward appearance. We did not stop long enough to go through the city
-and see its actual condition since its evacuation by the rebels.</p>
-
-<p>Our route from Nan Cheong was changed in a west by south direction,
-making the great entrepôt of Siang Tan our final goal. In this route, we
-passed quite a number of large cities that had nothing of special
-importance, either commercially or historically, to relate. We passed
-Cheong Sha, the capital of Hunan, in the night. We arrived at Siang Tan
-on the morning of the 15th of April. Siang Tan is one of the noted
-entrepôts in the interior of China and used to be the great distributing
-center of imports when foreign trade was confined to the single port of
-Canton. It was also the emporium where the tea and silk goods of China
-were centered and housed, to be carried down to Canton for exportation
-to foreign countries. The overland transport trade between Siang Tan and
-Canton was immense. It gave employment to at least one hundred thousand
-porters, carrying merchandise over the Nan Fung pass, between the two
-cities, and supported a large population along both sides of the
-thoroughfare.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_088" id="page_088"></a>{88}</span> Steam, wars and treaties of very recent dates have not
-only broken up this system of labor and changed the complexion of the
-whole labor question throughout China, but will also alter the
-economical, industrial and political conditions of the Chinese Empire
-during the coming years of her history.</p>
-
-<p>At Siang Tan, our whole party, composed of tea-men, was broken up and
-each batch began its journey to the district assigned it, to begin the
-work of purchasing raw tea and preparing it to be packed for shipment in
-Shanghai.</p>
-
-<p>I stayed in Siang Tan about ten days and then made preparations for a
-trip up to the department of Kingchau in Hupeh province, to look into
-the yellow silk produced in a district called Ho-Yung.</p>
-
-<p>We left Siang Tan on the 26th of April, and proceeded northward to our
-place of destination. Next morning at eight o’clock we reached Cheong
-Sha, the capital of Hunan province. As the day was wet and gloomy, we
-stopped and tried to make the best of it by going inside of the city to
-see whether there was anything worth seeing, but like all Chinese
-cities, it presented the same monotonous appearance of age and filth,
-the same unchangeable style of architecture<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_089" id="page_089"></a>{89}</span> and narrow streets. Early
-next morning, we resumed our boat journey, crossed the Tung Ting Lake
-and the great river Yangtze till we entered the mouth of the King Ho
-which carried us to Ho Yung. On this trip to hunt after the yellow
-silk&mdash;not the golden fleece&mdash;we were thirteen days from Siang Tan. The
-country on both banks of the King Ho seemed quiet and peaceful and
-people were engaged in agricultural pursuits. We saw many buffaloes and
-donkeys, and large patches of wheat, interspersed with beans. A novel
-sight presented itself which I have never met with elsewhere in China. A
-couple of country lassies were riding on a donkey, and were evidently in
-a happy mood, laughing and talking as they rode by. Arriving in Ho Yung,
-we had some difficulty in finding an inn, but finally succeeded in
-securing quarters in a silk hong. No sooner were we safely quartered,
-than a couple of native constables called to know who we were; our names
-and business were taken down. Our host, the proprietor of the hong, who
-knew the reason of our coming, explained things to the satisfaction of
-the men, who went away perfectly satisfied that we were honest traders
-and no rebel spies. We were left to transact our business<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_090" id="page_090"></a>{90}</span> unmolested.
-As soon as our object was known, numerous samples of yellow silk were
-brought for our inspection. We selected quite a number of samples, which
-altogether weighed about sixty-five pounds, and had them packed to be
-taken to Shanghai.</p>
-
-<p>At the end of a fortnight, we concluded to take our journey back.
-Accordingly, on the 26th of May we bade Ho Yung farewell, and started
-for the tea district of Nih Kia Shi, in the department of Cheong Sha,
-via Hankau. We arrived at Hankau on the 5th of June, and put up in a
-native inn. The weather was hot and muggy, and our quarters were narrow
-and cut off from fresh air. Three days after our arrival, three deputies
-visited us to find out who we were. It did not take long to convince
-them that we were not rebel spies. We showed them the package of yellow
-silk, which bore marks of a war-tax which we had to pay on it, all along
-the route from Ho Yung to Hankau. We were left unmolested.</p>
-
-<p>The port of Hankau had not been opened for foreign trade, though it was
-well understood that it was to be opened very soon. Before its capture
-by the Taiping rebels, or rather before the Taiping rebels had made
-their appearance<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_091" id="page_091"></a>{91}</span> on the stage of action, Hankau was the most important
-entrepôt in China. When the Taiping rebels captured Woochang in 1856,
-Hankau and Han Yang fell at the same time, and the port was destroyed by
-fire and was reduced to ashes. At the time of my visit, the whole place
-was rebuilt and trade began to revive. But the buildings were temporary
-shifts. Now the character of the place is completely changed and the
-foreign residences and warehouses along the water’s edge have given it
-altogether a European aspect, so that the Hankau of today may be
-regarded as the Chicago or St. Louis of China, and in no distant day she
-is destined to surpass both in trade, population and wealth. I was in
-Hankau a few days before I crossed the Yangtze-Kiang to the black tea
-district of Nih Kia Shi.</p>
-
-<p>We left Hankau on the 30th of June and went over to the tea packing
-houses in Nih Kia Shi and Yang Liu Tung on the 4th of July. I was in
-those two places over a month and gained a complete knowledge of the
-whole process of preparing the black tea for the foreign market. The
-process is very simple and can be easily learned. I do not know through
-what preparations the Indian and Assam teas have to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_092" id="page_092"></a>{92}</span> go, where machinery
-is used, but they cannot be very elaborate. Undoubtedly, since the
-fifties, manual labor, the old standby in preparing teas for foreign
-consumption, has been much improved with a view of retaining a large
-percentage of the tea trade in China. The reason why a large percentage
-of the tea business has passed away from China to India is not because
-machinery is used in the one case and manual labor is retained in the
-other, but chiefly on account of the quality of the tea that is raised
-in the different soil of the two countries. The Indian or Assam tea is
-much stronger (in proportion to the same quantity) than the Chinese tea.
-The Indian tea is 2-1 to Chinese tea, in point of strength, whereas the
-Chinese tea is 2-1 to the Indian tea in point of delicacy and flavor.
-The Indian is rank and strong, but the Chinese tea is superior in the
-quality of its fine aroma. The higher class of tea-drinkers in America,
-Europe and Russia prefer China tea to Indian, whereas the laboring and
-common class in those countries take to Indian and Assam, from the fact
-that they are stronger and cheaper.</p>
-
-<p>In the latter part of August I decided to return to Shanghai, not by way
-of Siang Tan,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_093" id="page_093"></a>{93}</span> but via Hankau, down the Yangtze River to Kiu Kang and
-across the Poh Yang Lake. I arrived at Hankau again the second time on
-the 29th of August, having left there two months previous, in July. This
-time I came in a Hunan junk loaded with tea for Shanghai. At Ho Kow, the
-southern shore of the Poh Yang Lake, I had to follow the same route I
-took in March, and on the 21st of September I landed at Hangchau and
-from there I took a Woo-Sik-Kwei for Shanghai, where I arrived in the
-night of the 30th of September, the time consumed on this journey having
-been seven months&mdash;from March to October. It was my first journey into
-the interior of China, and it gave me a chance to gain an insight into
-the actual condition of the people, while a drastic rebellion was going
-on in their midst. The zone of the country through which I had passed
-had been visited by the rebels and the imperialists, but was, to all
-outward appearance, peaceful and quiet. To what extent the people had
-suffered both from rebel and imperialist devastations in those sections
-of the country, no one can tell. But there was one significant fact that
-struck me forcibly and that was the sparseness of population, which was
-at variance with my preconceived notions regarding<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_094" id="page_094"></a>{94}</span> the density of
-population in China which I had gathered from books and accounts of
-travelers. This was particularly noticeable through that section of
-Chêhkiang, Kiangsi, Hunan and Hupeh, which I visited. The time of the
-year, when crops of all kinds needed to be planted, should have brought
-out the peasantry into the open fields with oxen, mules, donkeys,
-buffaloes and horses, as indispensable accessories to farm life. But
-comparatively few farmers were met with.</p>
-
-<p>Shortly after my arrival from the interior, in October, an English
-friend of mine requested me to go to Shau Hing to buy raw silk for him.
-Shau Hing is a city located in a silk district about twenty miles
-southwest of Hangchau, and noted for its fine quality of silk. I was
-about two months in this business, when I was taken down with fever and
-ague and was compelled to give it up. Shau Hing, like most Chinese
-cities, was filthy and unhealthy and the water that flowed through it
-was as black as ink. The city was built in the lowest depression of a
-valley, and the outlet of the river was so blocked that there was hardly
-any current to carry off the filth that had been accumulating for ages.
-Hence the city was literally located in a cesspool<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_095" id="page_095"></a>{95}</span>&mdash;a breeding place
-for fever and ague, and epidemics of all kinds. But I soon recovered
-from the attack of the fever and ague and as soon as I could stand on my
-legs again, I immediately left the malarial atmosphere, and was, in a
-short time, breathing fresher and purer air.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_096" id="page_096"></a>{96}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br /><br />
-MY VISIT TO THE TAIPINGS</h2>
-
-<p>In the fall of 1859 a small party of two missionaries, accompanied by
-Tsang Laisun, planned a trip to visit the Taiping rebels in Nanking. I
-was asked to join them, and I decided to do so. My object in going was
-to find out for my own satisfaction the character of the Taipings;
-whether or not they were the men fitted to set up a new government in
-the place of the Manchu Dynasty. Accordingly, on the 6th of November,
-1859, we left Shanghai in a Woo-Sik-Kwei boat, with a stiff northeast
-breeze in our favor, though we had to stem an ebb tide for an hour. The
-weather was fine and the whole party was in fine spirits. We happened to
-have an American flag on board, and on the spur of the moment, it was
-flung to the breeze, but on a sober second thought, we had it hauled
-down so as not to attract undue attention and have it become the means
-of thwarting the purpose of our journey. Instead of taking the
-Sung-Kiang route which was the highway<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_097" id="page_097"></a>{97}</span> to Suchau, we turned off into
-another one in order to avoid the possibility of being hauled up by the
-imperialists and sent back to Shanghai, as we were told that an imperial
-fleet of Chinese gun-boats was at anchor at Sung Kiang. We found the
-surrounding country within a radius of thirty miles of Shanghai to be
-very quiet and saw no signs of political disturbance. The farmers were
-busily engaged in gathering in their rice crops.</p>
-
-<p>It might be well to mention here that during my sojourn in the interior,
-the Taiping rebels had captured the city of Suchau, and there was some
-apprehension on the part of foreigners in the settlement that they might
-swoop down to take possession of the city of Shanghai, as well as the
-foreign settlement. That was the reason the Sung Kiang River was
-picketed by Chinese gun-boats, and the foreign pickets were extended
-miles beyond the boundary line of the foreign concession.</p>
-
-<p>We reached Suchau on the morning of the 9th of November without meeting
-with any difficulty or obstacles all the way, nor were we challenged
-either by the imperialists or rebels, which went to show how loosely and
-negligently even in time of war, things were conducted in China.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_098" id="page_098"></a>{98}</span> On
-arriving at the Lau Gate of the city, we had to wait at the station
-where tickets were issued to those who went into the city and taken from
-those who left, for Suchau was then under martial law. As we wished to
-go into the city to see the commandant, in order to get letters of
-introduction from him to the chiefs of other cities along our route to
-Nanking, we had to send two of our party to headquarters to find out
-whether we were permitted to enter. At the station, close to the Lau
-Gate, we waited over an hour. Finally our party appeared accompanied by
-the same messenger who had been deputed by the head of the police to
-accompany them to the commandant’s office. Permission was given us, and
-all four went in. The civil officer was absent, but we were introduced
-to the military commandant, Liu. He was a tall man, dressed in red. His
-affected hauteur at the start was too thin to disguise his want of a
-solid character. He became very inquisitive and asked the object of our
-journey to Nanking. He treated us very kindly, however, and gave us a
-letter of introduction to the commandant in Tan Yang, and furnished us
-with passports all the way through the cities of Woo Sik and Cheong
-Chow. In the audience hall of Commandant Liu, we were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_099" id="page_099"></a>{99}</span> introduced to
-four foreigners&mdash;two Americans, one Englishman, and a French noble. One
-of the Americans said he was a doctor, the Englishman was supposed to be
-a military officer, and the Frenchman, as stated above, claimed to be a
-nobleman. Doubtless they were all adventurers. Each had his own ax to
-grind. One of the Americans had a rifle and cartridges for sale. He
-asked quite an exorbitant price for them and they were summarily
-rejected. The Frenchman said he had lost a fortune and had come out to
-China to make it up. Our missionary companions were much pleased after
-being entertained by Liu in hearing him recite the doxology, which he
-did glibly. Towards evening, when we returned to our boat, he sent us a
-number of chickens and a goat to boot. We were thus amply provisioned to
-prosecute our journey to Tan Yang. We left Suchau on the morning of the
-11th of November. On our arrival at Woo Sik, our passports were examined
-and we were very courteously treated by the rebels. We were invited to
-dinner by the chief in command. After that he sent us fruits and nuts,
-and came on board himself to see us off. We held quite a long
-conversation with him, which ended in his repeating the doxology.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_100" id="page_100"></a>{100}</span></p>
-
-<p>November 12th we left Woo Sik and started for Cheong Chow. From Suchau
-onward we were on the Grand Canal. The road on the bank of the canal was
-in good condition. Most of the people we saw and met were rebels,
-traveling between Tan Yang and Suchau, and but few boats were seen
-passing each other. All the country surrounding the canal between those
-cities seemed to have been abandoned by the peasantry and the cultivated
-fields were covered with rank grass and weeds, instead of flourishing
-crops. A traveler, not knowing the circumstances, would naturally lay
-the blame wholly upon the Taiping rebels, but the imperialists in their
-conflicts with the rebels, were as culpable as their enemies. The rebels
-whom we met on the public road were generally very civil and tried in
-every way to protect the people in order to gain their confidence.
-Incendiarism, pillage, robbery and ill-treatment of the people by the
-rebels, were punished by death. We reached Cheong Chow in the night. We
-found nearly all the houses along the road between Woo Sik and Cheong
-Chow to be completely deserted and emptied of all their inmates. There
-were occasionally a few of the inhabitants to be seen standing on the
-bank with small baskets,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_101" id="page_101"></a>{101}</span> peddling eggs, oranges and cakes, vegetables
-and pork. They were principally old people, with countenances showing
-their suffering and despair. On November 13, at six o’clock in the
-morning, we resumed our journey to Tan Yang. As we drew near Tan Yang,
-the people seemed to have regained their confidence and the fields
-seemed to be cultivated. The conduct of the rebels towards them was
-considerate and commendable. During the morning we saw a force of one
-thousand men marching towards Tan Yang. We did not quite reach Tan Yang
-and came to anchor for the night in plain sight of it.</p>
-
-<p>Early next morning, we went into the city to see the Commandant Liu, to
-present to him the letter we received in Suchau, but he was absent from
-the city. The man next to Liu, a civilian, came out to meet us. He was
-very affable and treated us kindly and with great civility. One of our
-party referred to the religious character of the Taipings.</p>
-
-<p>Chin then gave us his views of Christianity, as taught by Hung Siu
-Chune&mdash;the leader of the rebellion. He said:</p>
-
-<p>“We worship God the Heavenly Father, with whom Jesus and the Holy Spirit
-constitute the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_102" id="page_102"></a>{102}</span> true God; that Shang Ti is the True Spirit.”</p>
-
-<p>He then repeated the doxology. He said the rebels had two
-doxologies&mdash;the old and the new; they had discarded the new and adopted
-the old. He said, the Tien Wong&mdash;the Celestial Emperor&mdash;was taken up to
-Heaven and received orders from the Heavenly Father to come and
-exterminate all evil and rectify all wrong; to destroy idolatry and evil
-spirits, and finally to teach the people the knowledge of God. He did
-not know whether the Tien Wong was translated to Heaven bodily or in
-spirit, or both. He said the Tien Wong himself explained that he could
-not hold the same footing with God himself; that the homage paid to God
-was an act of religious worship, but that rendered to the Tien Wong was
-merely an act of court etiquette, which ministers and officers always
-paid to their sovereigns in every dynasty, and could not be construed as
-acts of worship. He also said that Tien Wong was a younger brother of
-Christ, but that it did not follow that he was born of the same mother.
-Tien Wong, he claimed, was a younger brother of Christ in the sense that
-he was especially appointed by God to instruct the people. Christ was
-also appointed by God to reform and redeem the world. With regard to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_103" id="page_103"></a>{103}</span>
-the three cups of tea,&mdash;he said that they were intended as a
-thank-offering, and were not propitiatory in their character.</p>
-
-<p>“Whenever we drink a cup of tea, we offer thanksgiving to the Heavenly
-Father. The three cups of tea have no reference to the Trinity whatever.
-One cup answers the same purpose. The number three was purposely chosen,
-because it is the favorite number with the Chinese,&mdash;it is even
-mentioned in the Chinese classics.”</p>
-
-<p>As for redemption, he said,&mdash;“No sacrificial offering can take away our
-sins; the power of redemption is in Christ; he redeems us and it is our
-duty to repent of our sins. Even the Tien Wong is very circumspect and
-is afraid to sin against God.”</p>
-
-<p>In the matter of the soldiery keeping aloof from the people in time of
-war, he said,&mdash;“It has been an immemorial custom, adopted by almost
-every dynasty, that the people should go to the country, and the
-soldiers be quartered in the city. When a city is captured or taken, it
-is easy to subjugate the surrounding country.”</p>
-
-<p>The places we saw in ruins, both at Suchau and all the way up the canal,
-were partly destroyed by Cheong Yuh Leang’s troops in their retreat,
-partly by local predatory parties for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_104" id="page_104"></a>{104}</span> sake of plunder, and partly
-by the Taipings themselves. When Chung Wong was in Suchau, he did all he
-could to suppress incendiarism by offering rewards of both money and
-rank to those who took an active part in suppressing it. He issued three
-orders: 1. That soldiers were not allowed to kill or slaughter the
-inhabitants. 2. They were prohibited from slaughtering cattle. 3. They
-were prohibited from setting fire to houses. A violation of any of these
-orders was attended with capital punishment. When he came down to Woo
-Sik, he had a country elder decapitated for allowing local bandits to
-burn down the houses of the people. This was the information we gathered
-from our conversation with Chin. He also said that Ying Wong and Chung
-Wong were both talented men&mdash;not only in military but also in civil
-affairs.</p>
-
-<p>He gave us a long account of the capture of different places by the
-rebels, and how they had been defeated before Nanking, when that city
-was laid siege to by the imperialists in the early part of 1860. He also
-showed us a letter by a chief at Hwui Chow regarding the utter defeat
-and rout of Tsang Kwoh Fan, who was hemmed in by an immense force of the
-rebels. Tsang<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_105" id="page_105"></a>{105}</span> was supposed to have been killed in the great battle. He
-said that Cheong Yuh Leang, the imperialist general, who laid siege to
-Nanking, after his defeat went to Hangchau for medical treatment for
-hemorrhage of the lungs; that all the country along the canal, north of
-the Yangtze, was in the hands of the rebels, and that Princes Chung and
-Ying were marching up the river to take possession of Hupeh, and that
-Shih Ta Kai, another chief, was assigned the conquest of Yun Nan, Kwai
-Chow and Sze Chune provinces. At that time Chin Kiang was being besieged
-by the rebels, and Chi Wong was in command of an army of observation in
-Kiang Nan. Such was the rambling statement given us by Chin regarding
-the disposition of the rebel forces under different chiefs or princes.</p>
-
-<p>After dining with him in the evening, we repaired to our boat for the
-night. The next morning, November 15th, we again went into the city and
-called upon Liu, but, failing to see him, we again called upon Chin to
-arrange for the conveyance of our luggage and ourselves from Tan Yang to
-Nanking. The aide told us to send all our things to Chin’s office and
-that our boat, if left in Tan Yang until our return, would be well cared
-for and protected during our<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_106" id="page_106"></a>{106}</span> absence. So next morning, the 16th of
-November, we started on foot and walked fifteen miles from Tan Yang to a
-village called Po Ying, about six miles from the city of Ku Yung, where
-we halted to pass the night. We had some difficulty in securing a
-resting place. The people were poor and had no confidence in strangers.
-We, however, after some coaxing, were supplied with straws spread out on
-the ground, and the next morning we gave the old women a dollar. We had
-boiled rice gruel, cold chicken and crackers for our breakfast. When we
-reached Ku Yung about nine o’clock on the 17th of November, we found
-that every gate of the city was closed against us, as well as all
-others, because a rumor was afloat that the rebels before Chin Kiang
-were defeated, and that they were flocking towards Ku Yung for shelter.
-So we concluded to continue on our journey towards Nanking, though our
-missionary friends came near deciding to return to Tan Yang and wend our
-way back to Shanghai. We proceeded not far from Ku Yung, when we finally
-succeeded in getting chairs and mules to prosecute our journey.</p>
-
-<p>On the 18th of November, after a trying and wearisome journey, we
-reached Nanking. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_107" id="page_107"></a>{107}</span> was the first one to reach the South Gate, waiting
-for the rest of the party to come up before entering. We were reported
-inside of the gate and messengers accompanied us to the headquarters of
-the Rev. Mr. Roberts, close by the headquarters of Hung Jin, styled
-Prince Kan.</p>
-
-<p>After our preliminary introduction to the Rev. Mr. Roberts, I excused
-myself, and leaving the rest of the party to continue their conversation
-with him, retired to my quarters to clean up and get rested from the
-long and tedious journey. In fact, I had little or nothing to say while
-in Mr. Roberts’ presence, nor did I attempt to make myself known to him.
-I had seen him often in Macao when in Mrs. Gutzlaff’s school, twenty or
-more years before, and I had recognized him at once as soon as I set my
-eyes on him. He certainly appeared old to me, being dressed in his
-yellow satin robe of state and moving leisurely in his clumsy Chinese
-shoes. Exactly in what capacity he was acting in Nanking, I was at a
-loss to know; whether still as a religious adviser to Hung Siu Chune, or
-playing the part of secretary of state for the Taiping Dynasty, no one
-seemed able to tell.</p>
-
-<p>The next day (the 19th of November) I was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_108" id="page_108"></a>{108}</span> invited to call on Kan Wong.
-He was a nephew of Hung Siu Chune, the rebel chief who was styled Tien
-Wong or the Celestial Sovereign. Before Hung Jin came to Nanking, I had
-made his acquaintance, in 1856, at Hong Kong. He was then connected with
-the London Mission Association as a native preacher and was under Dr.
-James Legge, the distinguished translator of the Chinese classics. I saw
-considerable of him while in Hong Kong and even then he had expressed a
-wish that he might see me some day in Nanking. He was then called Hung
-Jin, but since he had joined his uncle in Nanking, he was raised to the
-position of a prince. Kan means “Protecting,” and Kan Wong signifies
-“Protecting Prince.” He greeted me very cordially and evidently was glad
-to see me. After the usual exchange of conventionalities, he wanted to
-know what I thought of the Taipings; whether I thought well enough of
-their cause to identify myself with it. In reply, I said I had no
-intention of casting my lot with them, but came simply to see him and
-pay my respects. At the same time, I wanted to find out for my own
-satisfaction the actual condition of things in Nanking. I said the
-journey from Suchau to Nanking had suggested<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_109" id="page_109"></a>{109}</span> several things to me,
-which I thought might be of interest to him. They were as follows:</p>
-
-<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary=""
-style="margin-left:3.5%;">
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">1.</td><td align="left">To organize an army on scientific principles.</td></tr>
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">2.</td><td align="left">To establish a military school for the training of competent military officers.</td></tr>
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">3.</td><td align="left">To establish a naval school for a navy.</td></tr>
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">4.</td><td align="left">To organize a civil government with able and experienced men to act as advisers in the different departments of administration.</td></tr>
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">5.</td><td align="left">To establish a banking system, and to determine on a standard of weight and measure.</td></tr>
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">6.</td><td align="left">To establish an educational system of graded schools for the people, making the Bible one of the text books.</td></tr>
-<tr valign="top"><td align="left">7.</td><td align="left">To organize a system of industrial schools.</td></tr>
-</table>
-
-<p>These were the topics that suggested themselves to me during the
-journey. If the Taiping government would be willing, I said, to adopt
-these measures and set to work to make suitable appropriations for them,
-I would be perfectly willing to offer my services to help carry them
-out. It was in that capacity that I felt I could<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_110" id="page_110"></a>{110}</span> be of the most service
-to the Taiping cause. In any other, I would simply be an encumbrance and
-a hindrance to them.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the outcome of my first interview. Two days later, I was again
-invited to call. In the second interview, we discussed the merits and
-the importance of the seven proposals stated in our first interview. Kan
-Wong, who had seen more of the outside world than the other princes or
-leaders, and even more than Hung Siu Chune himself, knew wherein lay the
-secret of the strength and power of the British government and other
-European powers, and fully appreciated the paramount importance and
-bearing of these proposals. But he was alone and had no one to back him
-in advocating them. The other princes, or leaders, were absent from the
-city, carrying on their campaign against the imperialists. He said he
-was well aware of the importance of these measures, but nothing could be
-done until they returned, as it required the consent of the majority to
-any measure before it could be carried out.</p>
-
-<p>A few days after this a small parcel was presented to me as coming from
-Kan Wong. On opening it, I found to my great surprise a wooden seal
-about four inches long and an inch wide,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_111" id="page_111"></a>{111}</span> having my name carved with the
-title of “E,”</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter">
-<a href="images/i_120_lg.png">
-<img src="images/i_120.png" width="30" alt="[Image unavailable: Chinese character.]" /></a>
-</div>
-
-<p class="nind">which means “Righteousness,” and designates the fourth official rank
-under that of a prince, which is the first. My title was written out on
-a piece of yellow satin stamped with the official seal of the Kan Wong.
-I was placed in a quandary and was at a loss to know its
-purport,&mdash;whether it was intended to detain me in Nanking for good or to
-commit me irretrievably to the Taiping cause, <i>nolens volens</i>. At all
-events, I had not been consulted in the matter and Kan Wong had
-evidently acted on his own responsibility and taken it for granted that
-by conferring on me such a high rank as the fourth in the official scale
-of the Taipings, I might be induced to accept and thus identify myself
-with the Taiping cause&mdash;of the final success of which I had strong
-doubts, judging from the conduct, character and policy of the leading
-men connected with it. I talked the matter over with my associates, and
-came to the decision that I must forthwith return the seal and decline
-the tempting bauble. I went in person to thank Kan Wong for this
-distinguished mark of his high consideration, and told him that at any
-time<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_112" id="page_112"></a>{112}</span> when the leaders of the Taipings decided to carry out either one
-or all of my suggestions, made in my first interview with him, I should
-be most happy to serve them, if my services were needed to help in the
-matter. I then asked him as a special favor for a passport that would
-guarantee me a safe conduct in traveling through the territory under the
-jurisdiction of the Taipings, whether on business or pleasure. The
-passport was issued to me the next day, on the 24th of December, and we
-were furnished with proper conveyances and provisions to take us back to
-the city of Tan Yang, where our boat lay under the protection of Chin,
-second in command of the city, waiting our return from Nanking. We
-started on our return trip for Shanghai on the 27th of December by the
-same route as we came, and arrived safely in Tan Yang in the early part
-of January, 1861.</p>
-
-<p>On my way back to Shanghai, I had ample time to form an estimate of the
-Taiping Rebellion&mdash;its origin, character and significance.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_113" id="page_113"></a>{113}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br /><br />
-REFLECTIONS ON THE TAIPING REBELLION</h2>
-
-<p>Rebellions and revolutions in China are not new and rare historic
-occurrences. There have been at least twenty-four dynasties and as many
-attendant rebellions or revolutions. But with the exception of the
-Feudatory period, revolutions in China (since the consolidation of the
-three Kingdoms into one Empire under the Emperor Chin) meant only a
-change of hands in the government, without a change either of its form,
-or principles. Hence the history of China for at least two thousand
-years, like her civilization, bears the national impress of a monotonous
-dead level&mdash;jejune in character, wanting in versatility of genius, and
-almost devoid of historic inspiration.</p>
-
-<p>The Taiping Rebellion differs from its predecessors in that in its
-embryo stage it had taken onto itself the religious element, which
-became the vital force that carried it from the defiles and wilds of
-Kwangsi province in the southwest to the city of Nanking in the
-northeast, and made it for a period of fifteen years a constantly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_114" id="page_114"></a>{114}</span>
-impending danger to the Manchu Dynasty, whose corruption, weakness and
-maladministration were the main causes that evoked the existence of this
-great rebellion.</p>
-
-<p>The religious element that gave it life and character was a foreign
-product, introduced into China by the early Protestant missionaries, of
-whom Dr. Robert Morrison was the first English pioneer sent out by the
-London Mission, followed a decade later by the Rev. Icabod J. Roberts,
-an American missionary. These two missionaries may properly claim the
-credit, if there is any, of having contributed (each in his particular
-sphere) in imparting to Hung Siu Chune a knowledge of Christianity. Dr.
-Morrison, on his part, had translated the Bible into Chinese, and the
-Emperor Khang Hsi’s dictionary into English; both these achievements
-gave the missionary work in China a basis to go upon in prosecuting the
-work of revising and of bringing the Bible to the Chinese standard of
-literary taste, so as to commend it to the literary classes, and in
-making further improvements in perfecting the Chinese-English
-dictionary, which was subsequently done by such men as Dr. Medhurst,
-Bishop Boone, Dr. Legge, E. C. Bridgeman, and S. Wells Williams.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_115" id="page_115"></a>{115}</span></p>
-
-<p>Besides these works of translation, which undoubtedly called for further
-revision and improvement, Dr. Morrison also gave China a native
-convert&mdash;Leang Ahfah&mdash;who became afterwards a noted preacher and the
-author of some religious tracts.</p>
-
-<p>Hung Siu Chune, in his quest after religious knowledge and truths, got
-hold of a copy of Dr. Morrison’s Bible and the tracts of Leang Ahfah. He
-read and studied them, but he stood in need of a teacher to explain to
-him many points in the Bible, which appeared to him mysterious and
-obscure. He finally made the acquaintance of the Rev. Mr. Icabod J.
-Roberts, an American missionary from Missouri, who happened to make his
-headquarters in Canton. Hung Siu Chune called upon him often, till their
-acquaintance ripened into a close and lasting friendship, which was kept
-up till Hung Siu Chune succeeded in taking Nanking, when Mr. Roberts was
-invited to reside there in the double capacity of a religious teacher
-and a state adviser. This was undoubtedly done in recognition of Mr.
-Roberts’ services as Hung’s teacher and friend while in Canton. No one
-knew what had become of Mr. Roberts when Nanking fell and reverted to
-the imperialists in 1864.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_116" id="page_116"></a>{116}</span></p>
-
-<p>It was about this time, when he was sedulously seeking Mr. Roberts’
-religious instructions at Canton, that Hung failed to pass his first
-competitive examination as a candidate to compete for official
-appointment, and he decided to devote himself exclusively to the work of
-preaching the Gospel to his own people, the Hakkas of Kwang Tung and
-Kwangsi. But as a colporter and native preacher, Hung had not reached
-the climax of his religious experience before taking up his stand as the
-leader of his people in open rebellion against the Manchu Dynasty.</p>
-
-<p>We must go back to the time when, as a candidate for the literary
-competitive examinations, he was disappointed. This threw him into a
-fever, and when he was tossing about in delirium, he was supposed to
-have been translated to Heaven, where he was commanded by the Almighty
-to fill and execute the divine mission of his life, which was to destroy
-idolatry, to rectify all wrong, to teach the people a knowledge of the
-true God, and to preach redemption through Christ. In view of such a
-mission, and being called to the presence of God, he at once assumed
-himself to be the son of God, co-equal with Christ, whom he called his
-elder brother.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_117" id="page_117"></a>{117}</span></p>
-
-<p>It was in such a state of mental hallucination that Hung Siu Chune
-appeared before his little congregation of Hakkas&mdash;migrating
-strangers&mdash;in the defiles and wilds of Kwangsi. Their novel and strange
-conduct as worshippers of Shangti&mdash;the Supreme Ruler&mdash;their daily
-religious exercises, their prayers, and their chanting of the doxology
-as taught and enjoined by him, had attracted a widespread attention
-throughout all the surrounding region of Kwangsi. Every day fresh
-accessions of new comers flocked to their fold and swelled their ranks,
-till their numerical force grew so that the local mandarins were baffled
-and at their wits’ end to know what to do with these believers of
-Christianity. Such, in brief, was the origin, growth and character of
-the Christian element working among the simple and rustic mountaineers
-of Kwangsi and Kwang Tung.</p>
-
-<p>It is true that their knowledge of Christianity, as sifted through the
-medium of the early missionaries from the West, and the native converts
-and colporters, was at best crude and elementary, but still they were
-truths of great power, potential enough to turn simple men and
-religiously-inclined women into heroes and heroines who faced dangers
-and death with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_118" id="page_118"></a>{118}</span> utmost indifference, as was seen subsequently, when
-the government had decided to take the bull by the horns and resorted to
-persecution as the final means to break up this religious, fanatical
-community. In their conflicts with the imperial forces, they had neither
-guns nor ammunition, but fought with broomsticks, flails and pitchforks.
-With these rustic and farming implements they drove the imperialist
-hordes before them as chaff and stubble before a hurricane. Such was
-their pent-up religious enthusiasm and burning ardor.</p>
-
-<p>Now this religious persecution was the side issue that had changed the
-resistance of Hung Siu Chune and his followers, in their religious
-capacity, into the character of a political rebellion. It is difficult
-to say whether or not, if persecution had not been resorted to, Hung Siu
-Chune and his followers would have remained peaceably in the heart of
-China and developed a religious community. We are inclined to think,
-however, that even if there had been no persecution, a rebellion would
-have taken place, from the very nature of the political situation.</p>
-
-<p>Neither Christianity nor religious persecution was the immediate and
-logical cause of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_119" id="page_119"></a>{119}</span> rebellion of 1850. They might be taken as
-incidents or occasions that brought it about, but they were not the real
-causes of its existence. These may be found deeply seated in the vitals
-of the political constitution of the government. Foremost among them was
-the corruption of the administrative government. The whole official
-organization, from head to foot, was honeycombed and tainted by a system
-of bribery, which passed under the polite and generic term of
-“presents,” similar in character to what is now known as “graft.” Next
-comes the exploitation of the people by the officials, who found an
-inexhaustible field to build up their fortunes. Finally comes the
-inevitable and logical corollary to official bribery and exploitation,
-namely, that the whole administrative government was founded on a
-gigantic system of fraud and falsehood.</p>
-
-<p>This rebellion rose in the arena of China with an enigmatic character
-like that of the Sphinx, somewhat puzzling at the start. The Christian
-world throughout the whole West, on learning of its Christian
-tendencies, such as the worship of the true and living God; Christ the
-Savior of the world; the Holy Spirit, the purifier of the soul; the
-destruction of temples and idols that was found wherever their
-victorious arms<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_120" id="page_120"></a>{120}</span> carried them; the uncompromising prohibition of the
-opium habit; the observance of a Sabbath; the offering of prayers before
-and after meals; the invocation of divine aid before a battle&mdash;all these
-cardinal points of a Christian faith created a world-wide impression
-that China, through the instrumentality of the Taipings, was to be
-evangelized; that the Manchu Dynasty was to be swept out of existence,
-and a “Celestial Empire of Universal Peace,” as it was named by Hung Siu
-Chune, was going to be established, and thus China, by this wonderful
-intervention of a wise Providence, would be brought within the pale of
-Christian nations. But Christendom was a little too credulous and
-impulsive in the belief. It did not stop to have the Christianity of the
-Taipings pass through the crucible of a searching analysis.</p>
-
-<p>Their first victory over their persecutors undoubtedly gave Hung Siu
-Chune and his associates the first intimation of a possible overturning
-of the Manchu Dynasty and the establishment of a new one, which he named
-in his religious ecstasy “The Celestial Empire of Universal Peace.” To
-the accomplishment of this great object, they bent the full force of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_121" id="page_121"></a>{121}</span>
-their iconoclastic enthusiasm and religious zeal.</p>
-
-<p>En route from Kwang Si, their starting point, to Nanking, victory had
-perched on their standard all the way. They had despatched a division of
-their army to Peking, and, on its way to the northern capitol, it had
-met with a repulse and defeat at Tientsin from whence they had turned
-back to Nanking. In their victorious march through Hunan, Hupeh, Kiang
-Si and part of An Hwui, their depleted forces were replenished and
-reinforced by fresh and new accessions gathered from the people of those
-provinces. They were the riffraff and scum of their populations. This
-rabble element added no new strength to their fighting force, but proved
-to be an encumbrance and caused decided weakness. They knew no
-discipline, and had no restraining religious power to keep them from
-pillage, plunder and indiscriminate destruction. It was through such new
-accessions that the Taiping cause lost its prestige, and was defeated
-before Tientsin and forced to retreat to Nanking. After their defeat in
-the North, they began to decline in their religious character and their
-bravery. Their degeneracy was accelerated by the capture of Yang Chow,
-Suchau, and Hangchau, cities noted in Chinese history for their great
-wealth<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_122" id="page_122"></a>{122}</span> as well as for their beautiful women. The capture of these
-centers of a materialistic civilization poured into their laps untold
-wealth and luxury which tended to hasten their downfall.</p>
-
-<p>The Taiping Rebellion, after fifteen years of incessant and desultory
-fighting, collapsed and passed into oblivion, without leaving any traces
-of its career worthy of historical commemoration beyond the fact that it
-was the outburst of a religious fanaticism which held the Christian
-world in doubt and bewilderment, by reason of its Christian origin. It
-left no trace of its Christian element behind either in Nanking, where
-it sojourned for nearly ten years, or in Kwang Si, where it had its
-birth. In China, neither new political ideas nor political theories or
-principles were discovered which would have constituted the basal facts
-of a new form of government. So that neither in the religious nor yet in
-the political world was mankind in China or out of China benefited by
-that movement. The only good that resulted from the Taiping Rebellion
-was that God made use of it as a dynamic power to break up the stagnancy
-of a great nation and wake up its consciousness for a new national life,
-as subsequent events in 1894, 1895, 1898, 1900, 1901, and 1904-5 fully
-demonstrated.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_123" id="page_123"></a>{123}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br /><br />
-EXPEDITION TO THE TAIPING TEA DISTRICT</h2>
-
-<p>My Nanking visit was utterly barren of any substantial hope of promoting
-any scheme of educational or political reform for the general welfare of
-China or for the advancement of my personal interest. When I was
-thoroughly convinced that neither the reformation nor the regeneration
-of China was to come from the Taipings, I at once turned my thoughts to
-the idea of making a big fortune as my first duty, and as the first
-element in the successful carrying out of other plans for the future.</p>
-
-<p>One day, while sauntering about in the tea garden inside the city of
-Shanghai, I came across a few tea-merchants regaling themselves with
-that beverage in a booth by themselves, evidently having a very social
-time. They beckoned to me to join their party. In the course of the
-conversation, we happened to touch on my late journey through the tea
-districts of Hunan, Hupeh and Kiang Si and also my trip to Nanking.
-Passing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_124" id="page_124"></a>{124}</span> from one topic of conversation to another, we lighted upon the
-subject of the green tea district of Taiping in An Hwui province. It was
-stated that an immense quantity of green tea could be found there, all
-packed and boxed ready for shipment, and that the rebels were in
-possession of the goods, and that whoever had the hardihood and courage
-to risk his life to gain possession of it would become a millionaire. I
-listened to the account with deep and absorbing interest, taking in
-everything that was said on the subject. It was stated that there were
-over 1,000,000 chests of tea there. Finally the party broke up, and I
-wended my way to my quarters completely absorbed in deep thought. I
-reasoned with myself that this was a chance for me to make a fortune,
-but wondered who would be foolhardy enough to furnish the capital,
-thinking that no business man of practical experience would risk his
-money in such a wild goose adventure, surrounded as it was with more
-than ordinary dangers and difficulties, in a country where highway
-robbery, lawlessness and murder were of daily occurrence. But with the
-glamor of a big fortune confronting me, all privations, dangers and
-risks of life seemed small and faded into airy nothing.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_125" id="page_125"></a>{125}</span></p>
-
-<p>My friend, Tsang Mew, who had been instrumental in having me sent
-traveling into the interior a year before, was a man of great business
-experience. He had a long head and a large circle of business
-acquaintances, besides being my warm friend, so I concluded to go to him
-and talk over the whole matter, as I knew he would not hesitate to give
-me his best advice. I laid the whole subject before him. He said he
-would consider the matter fully and in a few days let me know what he
-had decided to do about it. After a few days, he told me that he had had
-several consultations with the head of the firm, of which he was
-comprador, and between them the company had decided to take up my
-project.</p>
-
-<p>The plan of operation as mapped out by me was as follows: I was to go to
-the district of Taiping by the shortest and safest route possible, to
-find out whether the quantity of tea did exist; whether it was safe to
-have treasure taken up there to pay the rebels for the tea; and whether
-it was possible to have the tea supply taken down by native boats to be
-transhipped by steamer to Shanghai. This might be called the preliminary
-expedition. Then, I was to determine which of the two routes would be
-the more feasible,&mdash;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_126" id="page_126"></a>{126}</span>there being two, one by way of Wuhu, a treaty port,
-and another by way of Ta Tung, not a treaty port, a hundred miles above
-Wuhu. Wuhu and the whole country leading to Taiping, including the
-district itself, was under the jurisdiction of the rebels, whereas Ta
-Tung was still in possession of the imperialists. From Wuhu to Taiping
-by river the distance was about two hundred and fifty miles, whereas, by
-way of Ta Tung, the way, though shorter, was mostly overland, which made
-transportation more difficult and expensive, besides having to pay the
-imperialists a heavy war-tax at Ta Tung, while duty and war-tax were
-entirely free at Wuhu.</p>
-
-<p>In this expedition of inspection, I chose Wuhu as the basis of my
-operation. I started with four Chinese tea-men, natives of Taiping who
-had fled to Shanghai as refugees when the whole district was changed
-into a theatre of bloody conflicts between the imperialist and rebel
-forces for two years. On the way up the Wuhu River, we passed three
-cities mostly deserted by their inhabitants, but occupied by rebels.
-Paddy fields on both sides of the river were mostly left uncultivated
-and deserted, overrun with rank weeds and tall grass. As we ascended
-towards<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_127" id="page_127"></a>{127}</span> Taiping, the whole region presented a heartrending and
-depressing scene of wild waste and devastation. Whole villages were
-depopulated and left in a dilapidated condition. Out of a population of
-500,000 only a few dozen people were seen wandering about in a listless,
-hopeless condition, very much emaciated and looking like walking
-skeletons.</p>
-
-<p>After a week’s journey we reached the village of San Kow, where we were
-met and welcomed by three tea-men who had been in Shanghai about four
-years previous. It seemed that they had succeeded in weathering the
-storm which had swept away the bulk of the population and left them
-among the surviving few. They were mighty glad to see us, and our
-appearance in the village seemed to be a God-send. Among the houses that
-were left intact, I selected the best of them to be my headquarters for
-the transaction of the tea business. The old tea-men were brought in to
-co-operate in the business and they showed us where the tea was stored.
-I was told that in San Kow there were at least five hundred thousand
-boxes, but in the whole district of Taiping there were at least a
-million and a half boxes, about sixty pounds of tea to a box.</p>
-
-<p>At the end of another week, I returned to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_128" id="page_128"></a>{128}</span> Wuhu and reported all
-particulars. I had found that the way up from Wuhu by river to Taiping
-was perfectly safe and I did not anticipate any danger to life or
-treasure. I had seen a large quantity of the green tea myself and found
-out that all that was needed was to ship as much treasure as it was safe
-to have housed in Wuhu, and from there to have it transferred in country
-tea-boats, well escorted by men in case of any emergency. I also sent
-samples of the different kinds of green tea to Shanghai to be inspected
-and listed. These proved to be satisfactory, and the order came back to
-buy as much of the stock as could be bought.</p>
-
-<p>I was appointed the head of all succeeding expeditions to escort
-treasure up the river to San Kow and cargoes of tea from there to Wuhu.
-In one of these expeditions, I had a staff of six Europeans and an equal
-number of Chinese tea-men. We had eight boxes of treasure containing
-altogether Tls. 40,000. A tael, in the sixties, according to the
-exchange of that period, was equal to $1.33, making the total amount in
-Mexican dollars to be a little over $53,000. We had a fleet of eight
-tea-boats, four large ones and four smaller ones. The treasure was
-divided into two equal parts and was placed in the two<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_129" id="page_129"></a>{129}</span> largest and
-staunchest boats. The men were also divided into two squads, three
-Europeans and three Chinese in one large boat and an equal number in the
-other. We were well provided with firearms, revolvers and cutlasses.
-Besides the six Europeans, we had about forty men including the boatmen,
-but neither the six tea-men nor the boatmen could be relied upon to show
-fight in case of emergency. The only reliable men I had to fall back
-upon, in case of emergency, were the Europeans; even in these I was not
-sure I could place implicit confidence, for they were principally
-runaway sailors of an adventurous character picked up in Shanghai by the
-company and sent up to Wuhu to escort the treasure up to the interior.
-Among them was an Englishman who professed to be a veterinary doctor. He
-was over six feet tall in his stocking feet, a man of fine personal
-appearance, but he did not prove himself to be of very stout heart, as
-may be seen presently. Thus prepared and equipped, we left Wuhu in fine
-spirits. We proceeded on our journey a little beyond the city of King
-Yuen, which is about half the way to San Kow. We could have gone a
-little beyond King Yuen, but thinking it might be safer to be near the
-city, where the rebel chief had seen my<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_130" id="page_130"></a>{130}</span> passport, obtained in Nanking,
-and knew that I had influential people in Nanking, we concluded to pass
-the night in a safe secluded little cove in the bend of the river just
-large enough for our little boats to moor close to each other, taking
-due precaution to place the two largest ones in the center, flanked by
-the other boats on the right and left of them; the smaller boats
-occupied the extreme ends of the line.</p>
-
-<p>Before retiring, I had ordered all our firearms to be examined and
-loaded and properly distributed. Watchmen were stationed in each boat to
-keep watch all night, for which they were to be paid extra. The
-precautionary steps having thus been taken, we all retired for the
-night. An old tea-man and myself were the only ones who lay wide awake
-while the rest gave unmistakable signs of deep sleep. I felt somewhat
-nervous and could not sleep. The new moon had peeked in upon us
-occasionally with her cold smile, as heavy and dark clouds were scudding
-across her path. Soon she was shut in and disappeared, and all was
-shrouded in pitch darkness. The night was nearly half spent, when my
-ears caught the distant sound of whooping and yelling which seemed to
-increase in volume. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_131" id="page_131"></a>{131}</span> immediately started up to dress myself and
-quietly woke up the Europeans and Chinese in both boats. As the yelling
-and whooping drew nearer and nearer it seemed to come from a thousand
-throats, filling the midnight air with unearthly sounds. In another
-instant countless torch lights were seen dancing and whirling in the
-dismal darkness right on the opposite bank. Fortunately the river was
-between this marauding band and us, while pitch darkness concealed our
-boats from their sight. In view of such impending danger, we held a
-council of war. None of us were disposed to fight and endanger our lives
-in a conflict in which the odds were fearfully against us, there being
-about a thousand to one. But the English veterinary doctor was the
-foremost and most strenuous of the Europeans to advocate passive
-surrender. His countenance actually turned pale and he trembled all
-over, whether from fear or the chilly atmosphere of the night I could
-not tell. Having heard from each one what he had to say, I could do
-nothing but step forward and speak to them, which I did in this wise:
-“Well, boys, you have all decided not to fight in case we are attacked,
-but to surrender our treasure. The ground for taking such a step is that
-we are sure<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_132" id="page_132"></a>{132}</span> to be outnumbered by a rebel host. So that in such a
-dilemma discretion is the better part of valor, and Tls. 40,000 are not
-worth sacrificing our lives for. But by surrendering our trust without
-making an effort of some kind to save it, we would be branded as
-unmitigated cowards, and we could never expect to be trusted with any
-responsible commission again. Now, I will tell you what I propose to do.
-If the rebel horde should come over and attempt to seize our treasure, I
-will spring forward with my yellow silk passport, and demand to see
-their chief, while you fellows with your guns and arms must stand by the
-treasure. Do not fire and start the fight. By parleying with them, it
-will for the moment check their determination to plunder, and they will
-have a chance to find out who we are, and where I obtained the passport;
-and, even if they should carry off the treasure, I shall tell their
-chief that I will surely report the whole proceeding in Nanking and
-recover every cent of our loss.”</p>
-
-<p>These remarks seemed to revive the spirit and courage of the men, after
-which we all sat on the forward decks of our boats anxiously waiting for
-what the next moment would bring forth. While in this state of
-expectancy, our hearts<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_133" id="page_133"></a>{133}</span> palpitating in an audible fashion, our eyes were
-watching intently the opposite shore. All the shouting and yelling
-seemed to have died away, and nothing could be seen but torches moving
-about slowly and leisurely in regular detachments, each detachment
-stopping occasionally and then moving on again. This was kept up for
-over two hours, while they constantly receded from us. I asked an old
-boatman the meaning of such movements and was told that the marauding
-horde was embarking in boats along the whole line of the opposite shore
-and was moving down stream. It was three o’clock in the morning, and it
-began to rain. A few of the advance boats had passed us without
-discovering where we were. They were loaded with men and floated by us
-in silence. By four o’clock the last boats followed the rest and soon
-disappeared from sight. Evidently, from the stillness that characterized
-the long line of boats as they floated down stream, the buccaneering
-horde was completely used up by their looting expedition, and at once
-abandoned themselves to sound sleep when they got on board the boats. We
-thanked our stars for such a narrow escape from such an unlooked-for
-danger. We owed our safety to the darkness of the night, the rain and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_134" id="page_134"></a>{134}</span>
-to the fact that we were on the opposite shore in a retired cove. By
-five o’clock all our anxieties and fears were laid aside and turned into
-joy and thankfulness. We resumed our journey with light hearts and
-reached San Kow two days later in peace and safety. In less than two
-weeks we sent down to Wuhu, escorted by Europeans and tea-men, the first
-installment, consisting of fifteen boatloads of tea to be transhipped by
-steamer to Shanghai. The next installment consisted of twelve boatloads.
-I escorted that down the river in person. The river, in some places,
-especially in the summer, was quite shallow and a way had to be dug to
-float the boats down. In one or two instances the boatmen were very
-reluctant to jump into the water to do the work of deepening the river,
-and on one occasion I had to jump in, with the water up to my waist, in
-order to set them an example. When they caught the idea and saw me in
-the water, every man followed my example and vied with each other in
-clearing a way for the boats, for they saw I meant business and there
-was no fooling about it either.</p>
-
-<p>I was engaged in this Taiping tea business for about six months, and
-took away about sixty-five thousand boxes of tea, which was hardly a
-tenth<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_135" id="page_135"></a>{135}</span> part of the entire stock found in the district. Then I was taken
-down with the fever and ague of the worst type. As I could get no
-medical relief at Wuhu, I was obliged to return to Shanghai, where I was
-laid up sick for nearly two months. Those two months of sickness had
-knocked all ideas of making a big fortune out of my head. I gave up the
-Taiping tea enterprise, because it called for a greater sacrifice of
-health and wear upon my nervous system than I was able to stand. The
-King Yuen midnight incident, which came near proving a disastrous one
-for me, with the marauding horde of unscrupulous cut-throats, had been
-quite a shock on my nervous system at the time and may have been the
-primal cause of my two months’ sickness; it served as a sufficient
-warning to me not to tax my nervous system by further encounters and
-disputes with the rebel chiefs, whose price on the tea we bought of them
-was being increased every day. A dispassionate and calm view of the
-enterprise convinced me that I would have to preserve my life, strength
-and energy for a higher and worthier object than any fortune I might
-make out of this Taiping tea, which, after all, was plundered property.
-I am sure that no fortune in the world could be brought in the balance
-to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_136" id="page_136"></a>{136}</span> weigh against my life, which is of inestimable value to me.</p>
-
-<p>Although I had made nothing out of the Taiping teas, yet the fearless
-spirit, the determination to succeed, and the pluck to be able to do
-what few would undertake in face of exceptional difficulties and
-hazards, that I had exhibited in the enterprise, were in themselves
-assets worth more to me than a fortune. I was well-known, both among
-foreign merchants and native business men, so that as soon as it was
-known that I had given up the Taiping tea enterprise on account of
-health, I was offered a tea agency in the port of Kew Keang for packing
-teas for another foreign firm. I accepted it as a temporary shift, but
-gave it up in less than six months and started a commission business on
-my own account. I continued this business for nearly three years and was
-doing as well as I had expected to do. It was at this time while in Kew
-Keang that I caught the first ray of hope of materializing the
-educational scheme I had been weaving during the last year of my college
-life.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_137" id="page_137"></a>{137}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br /><br />
-MY INTERVIEWS WITH TSANG KWOH FAN</h2>
-
-<p>In 1863, I was apparently prospering in my business, when, to my great
-surprise, an unexpected letter from the city of Ngan Khing, capital of
-An Whui province, was received. The writer was an old friend whose
-acquaintance I had made in Shanghai in 1857. He was a native of Ningpo,
-and was in charge of the first Chinese gunboat owned by the local
-Shanghai guild. He had apparently risen in official rank and had become
-one of Tsang Kwoh Fan’s secretaries. His name was Chang Shi Kwei. In
-this letter, Chang said he was authorized by Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan to
-invite me to come down to Ngan Khing to call, as he (the Viceroy) had
-heard of me and wished very much to see me. On the receipt of the letter
-I was in a quandary and asked myself many questions: What could such a
-distinguished man want of me? Had he got wind of my late visit to
-Nanking and of my late enterprise to the district of Taiping for the
-green tea that was held there by the rebels?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_138" id="page_138"></a>{138}</span> Tsang Kwoh Fan himself had
-been in the department of Hwui Chow fighting the rebels a year before
-and had been defeated, and he was reported to have been killed in
-battle. Could he have been told that I had been near the scene of his
-battle and had been in communication with the rebels, and did he want,
-under a polite invitation, to trap me and have my head off? But Chang,
-his secretary, was an old friend of many years’ standing. I knew his
-character well; he wouldn’t be likely to play the cat’s paw to have me
-captured. Thus deliberating from one surmise to another, I concluded not
-to accept the invitation until I had learned more of the great man’s
-purpose in sending for me.</p>
-
-<p>In reply to the letter, I wrote and said I thanked His Excellency for
-his great condescension and considered it a great privilege and honor to
-be thus invited, but on account of the tea season having set in (which
-was in February), I was obliged to attend to the orders for packing tea
-that were fast coming in; but that as soon as they were off my hands, I
-would manage to go and pay my respects to His Excellency.</p>
-
-<p>Two months after receiving the first letter, a second one came urging me
-to come to Ngan Khing as early as possible. This second letter<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_139" id="page_139"></a>{139}</span> enclosed
-a letter written by Li Sien Lan, the distinguished Chinese
-mathematician, whose acquaintance I had also made while in Shanghai. He
-was the man who assisted a Mr. Wiley, a missionary of the London Board
-of Missions, in the translation of several mathematical works into
-Chinese, among which was the Integral and Differential Calculus over
-which I well remember to have “flunked and fizzled” in my sophomore year
-in college; and, in this connection, I might as well frankly own that in
-my make-up mathematics was left out. Mr. Li Sien Lan was also an
-astronomer. In his letter, he said he had told Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan
-who I was and that I had had a foreign education; how I had raised a
-handsome subscription to help the famine refugees in 1857; that I had a
-strong desire to help China to become prosperous, powerful and strong.
-He said the viceroy had some important business for me to do, and that
-Chu and Wa, who were interested in machinery of all kinds, were also in
-Ngan Khing, having been invited there by the Viceroy. Mr. Li’s letter
-completely dispelled all doubts and misgivings on my part as to the
-viceroy’s design in wishing to see me, and gave me an insight as to his
-purpose for sending for me.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_140" id="page_140"></a>{140}</span></p>
-
-<p>As an answer to these letters, I wrote saying that in a couple of months
-I should be more at liberty to take the journey. But my second reply did
-not seem to satisfy the strong desire on the part of Tsang Kwoh Fan to
-see me. So in July, 1863, I received a third letter from Chang and a
-second one from Li. In these letters the object of the viceroy was
-clearly and frankly stated. He wanted me to give up my mercantile
-business altogether and identify myself under him in the service of the
-state government, and asked whether or not I could come down to Ngan
-Khing at once. In view of this unexpected offer, which demanded prompt
-and explicit decision, I was not slow to see what possibility there was
-of carrying out my educational scheme, having such a powerful man as
-Tsang Kwoh Fan to back it. I immediately replied that upon learning the
-wishes of His Excellency, I had taken the whole situation into
-consideration, and had concluded to go to his headquarters at Ngan
-Khing, just as soon as I had wound up my business, which would take me a
-complete month, and that I would start by August at the latest. Thus
-ended the correspondence which was really the initiatory step of my
-official career.</p>
-
-<p>Tsang Kwoh Fan was a most remarkable<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_141" id="page_141"></a>{141}</span> character in Chinese history. He
-was regarded by his contemporaries as a great scholar and a learned man.
-Soon after the Taiping Rebellion broke out and began to assume vast
-proportions, carrying before it province after province, Tsang began to
-drill an army of his own compatriots of Hunan who had always had the
-reputation of being brave and hardy fighters. In his work of raising a
-disciplined army, he secured the co-operation of other Hunan men, who
-afterwards took a prominent part in building up a flotilla of river
-gun-boats. This played a great and efficient part as an auxiliary force
-on the Yangtze River, and contributed in no small measure to check the
-rapid and ready concentration of the rebel forces, which had spread over
-a vast area on both banks of the great Yangtze River. In the space of a
-few years the lost provinces were gradually recovered, till the
-rebellion was narrowed down within the single province of Kiang Su, of
-which Nanking, the capital of the rebellion, was the only stronghold
-left. This finally succumbed to the forces of Tsang Kwoh Fan in 1864.</p>
-
-<p>To crush and end a rebellion of such dimensions as that of the Taipings
-was no small task. Tsang Kwoh Fan was made the generalissimo<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_142" id="page_142"></a>{142}</span> of the
-imperialists. To enable him to cope successfully with the Taipings,
-Tsang was invested with almost regal power. The revenue of seven or
-eight provinces was laid at his feet for disposal, also official ranks
-and territorial appointments were at his command. So Tsang Kwoh Fan was
-literally and practically the supreme power of China at the time. But
-true to his innate greatness, he was never known to abuse the almost
-unlimited power that was placed in his hands, nor did he take advantage
-of the vast resources that were at his disposal to enrich himself or his
-family, relatives or friends. Unlike Li Hung Chang, his protégé and
-successor, who bequeathed Tls. 40,000,000 to his descendants after his
-death, Tsang died comparatively poor, and kept the escutcheon of his
-official career untarnished and left a name and character honored and
-revered for probity, patriotism and purity. He had great talents, but he
-was modest. He had a liberal mind, but he was conservative. He was a
-perfect gentleman and a nobleman of the highest type. It was such a man
-that I had the great fortune to come in contact with in the fall of
-1863.</p>
-
-<p>After winding up my business in New Keang, I took passage in a native
-boat and landed at<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_143" id="page_143"></a>{143}</span> Ngan Khing in September. There, in the military
-headquarters of Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, I was met by my friends, Chang
-Si Kwei, Li Sien Lan, Wha Yuh Ting and Chu Siuh Chune, all old friends
-from Shanghai. They were glad to see me, and told me that the viceroy
-for the past six months, after hearing them tell that as a boy I had
-gone to America to get a Western education, had manifested the utmost
-curiosity and interest to see me, which accounted for the three letters
-which Chang and Li had written urging me to come. Now, since I had
-arrived, their efforts to get me there had not been fruitless, and they
-certainly claimed some credit for praising me up to the viceroy. I asked
-them if they knew what His Excellency wanted me for, aside from the
-curiosity of seeing a native of China made into a veritable Occidental.
-They all smiled significantly and told me that I would find out after
-one or two interviews. From this, I judged that they knew the object for
-which I was wanted by the Viceroy, and perhaps, they were at the bottom
-of the whole secret.</p>
-
-<p>The next day I was to make my début, and called. My card was sent in,
-and without a moment’s delay or waiting in the ante-room,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_144" id="page_144"></a>{144}</span> I was ushered
-into the presence of the great man of China. After the usual ceremonies
-of greeting, I was pointed to a seat right in front of him. For a few
-minutes he sat in silence, smiling all the while as though he were much
-pleased to see me, but at the same time his keen eyes scanned me over
-from head to foot to see if he could discover anything strange in my
-outward appearance. Finally, he took a steady look into my eyes which
-seemed to attract his special attention. I must confess I felt quite
-uneasy all the while, though I was not abashed. Then came his first
-question.</p>
-
-<p>“How long were you abroad?”</p>
-
-<p>“I was absent from China eight years in pursuit of a Western education.”</p>
-
-<p>“Would you like to be a soldier in charge of a company?”</p>
-
-<p>“I should be pleased to head one if I had been fitted for it. I have
-never studied military science.”</p>
-
-<p>“I should judge from your looks, you would make a fine soldier, for I
-can see from your eyes that you are brave and can command.”</p>
-
-<p>“I thank Your Excellency for the compliment. I may have the courage of a
-soldier, but I certainly lack military training and experience, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_145" id="page_145"></a>{145}</span> on
-that account I may not be able to meet Your Excellency’s expectations.”</p>
-
-<p>When the question of being a soldier was suggested, I thought he really
-meant to have me enrolled as an officer in his army against the rebels;
-but in this I was mistaken, as my Shanghai friends told me afterwards.
-He simply put it forward to find out whether my mind was at all
-martially inclined. But when he found by my response that the bent of my
-thought was something else, he dropped the military subject and asked me
-my age and whether or not I was married. The last question closed my
-first introductory interview, which had lasted only about half an hour.
-He began to sip his tea and I did likewise, which according to Chinese
-official etiquette means that the interview is ended and the guest is at
-liberty to take his departure.</p>
-
-<p>I returned to my room, and my Shanghai friends soon flocked around me to
-know what had passed between the viceroy and myself. I told them
-everything, and they were highly delighted.</p>
-
-<p>Tsang Kwoh Fan, as he appeared in 1863, was over sixty years of age, in
-the very prime of life. He was five feet, eight or nine inches tall,
-strongly built and well-knitted together and in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_146" id="page_146"></a>{146}</span> fine proportion. He had
-a broad chest and square shoulders surmounted by a large symmetrical
-head. He had a broad and high forehead; his eyes were set on a straight
-line under triangular-shaped eyelids, free from that obliquity so
-characteristic of the Mongolian type of countenance usually accompanied
-by high cheek bones, which is another feature peculiar to the Chinese
-physiognomy. His face was straight and somewhat hairy. He allowed his
-side whiskers their full growth; they hung down with his full beard
-which swept across a broad chest and added dignity to a commanding
-appearance. His eyes though not large were keen and penetrating. They
-were of a clear hazel color. His mouth was large but well compressed
-with thin lips which showed a strong will and a high purpose. Such was
-Tsang Kwoh Fan’s external appearance, when I first met him at Ngan
-Khing.</p>
-
-<p>Regarding his character, he was undoubtedly one of the most remarkable
-men of his age and time. As a military general, he might be called a
-self-made man; by dint of his indomitable persistence and perseverance,
-he rose from his high scholarship as a Hanlin (Chinese LL.D.) to be a
-generalissimo of all the imperial forces that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_147" id="page_147"></a>{147}</span> were levied against the
-Taiping rebels, and in less than a decade after he headed his Hunan raw
-recruits, he succeeded in reducing the wide devastations of the
-rebellion that covered a territorial area of three of the richest
-provinces of China to the single one of Kiang Nan, till finally, by the
-constriction of his forces, he succeeded in crushing the life out of the
-rebellion by the fall and capture of Nanking. The Taiping Rebellion was
-of fifteen years’ duration, from 1850 to 1865. It was no small task to
-bring it to its extinction. Its rise and progress had cost the Empire
-untold treasures, while 25,000,000 human lives were immolated in that
-political hecatomb. The close of the great rebellion gave the people a
-breathing respite. The Dowager Empress had special reasons to be
-grateful to the genius of Tsang Kwoh Fan, who was instrumental in
-restoring peace and order to the Manchu Dynasty. She was not slow,
-however, to recognize Tsang Kwoh Fan’s merits and moral worth and
-created him a duke. But Tsang’s greatness was not to be measured by any
-degree of conventional nobility; it did not consist in his victories
-over the rebels, much less in his re-capture of Nanking. It rose from
-his great virtues: his pure, unselfish patriotism, his deep and
-far-sighted statesmanship, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_148" id="page_148"></a>{148}</span> the purity of his official career. He is
-known in history as “the man of rectitude.” This was his posthumous
-title conferred on him by imperial decree.</p>
-
-<p>To resume the thread of my story, I was nearly two weeks in the
-viceroy’s headquarters, occupying a suite of rooms in the same building
-assigned to my Shanghai friends&mdash;Li, Chang, Wha and Chu. There were
-living in his military headquarters at least two hundred officials,
-gathered there from all parts of the Empire, for various objects and
-purposes. Besides his secretaries, who numbered no less than a hundred,
-there were expectant officials, learned scholars, lawyers,
-mathematicians, astronomers and machinists; in short, the picked and
-noted men of China were all drawn there by the magnetic force of his
-character and great name. He always had a great admiration for men of
-distinguished learning and talents, and loved to associate and mingle
-with them. During the two weeks of my sojourn there, I had ample
-opportunity to call upon my Shanghai friends, and in that way
-incidentally found out what the object of the Viceroy was in urging me
-to be enrolled in the government service. It seemed that my friends had
-had frequent interviews with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_149" id="page_149"></a>{149}</span> Viceroy in regard to having a foreign
-machine shop established in China, but it had not been determined what
-kind of a machine shop should be established. One evening they gave me a
-dinner, at which time the subject of the machine shop was brought up and
-it became the chief topic. After each man had expressed his views on the
-subject excepting myself, they wanted to know what my views were,
-intimating that in all likelihood in my next interview with the Viceroy
-he would bring up the subject. I said that as I was not an expert in the
-matter, my opinions or suggestions might not be worth much, but
-nevertheless from my personal observation in the United States and from
-a common-sense point of view, I would say that a machine shop in the
-present state of China should be of a general and fundamental character
-and not one for specific purposes. In other words, I told them they
-ought to have a machine shop that would be able to create or reproduce
-other machine shops of the same character as itself; each and all of
-these should be able to turn out specific machinery for the manufacture
-of specific things. In plain words, they would have to have general and
-fundamental machinery in order to turn out specific machinery. A machine
-shop consisting<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_150" id="page_150"></a>{150}</span> of lathes of different kinds and sizes, planers and
-drills would be able to turn out machinery for making guns, engines,
-agricultural implements, clocks, etc. In a large country like China, I
-told them, they would need many primary or fundamental machine shops,
-but that after they had one (and a first-class one at that) they could
-make it the mother shop for reproducing others&mdash;perhaps better and more
-improved. If they had a number of them, it would enable them to have the
-shops co-operate with each other in case of need. It would be cheaper to
-have them reproduced and multiplied in China, I said, where labor and
-material were cheaper, than in Europe and America. Such was my crude
-idea of the subject. After I had finished, they were apparently much
-pleased and interested, and expressed the hope that I would state the
-same views to the Viceroy if he should ask me about the subject.</p>
-
-<p>Several days after the dinner and conversation, the Viceroy did send for
-me. In this interview he asked me what in my opinion was the best thing
-to do for China at that time. The question came with such a force of
-meaning, that if I had not been forwarned by my friends a few evenings
-before, or if their hearts had not been set on the introduction of a
-machine shop, and they had not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_151" id="page_151"></a>{151}</span> practically won the Viceroy over to
-their pet scheme, I might have been strongly tempted to launch forth
-upon my educational scheme as a reply to the question as to what was the
-best thing to do for China. But in such an event, being a stranger to
-the Viceroy, having been brought to his notice simply through the
-influence of my friends, I would have run a greater risk of jeopardizing
-my pet scheme of education than if I were left to act independently. My
-obligations to them were great, and I therefore decided that my
-constancy and fidelity to their friendship should be correspondingly
-great. So, instead of finding myself embarrassed in answering such a
-large and important question, I had a preconceived answer to give, which
-seemed to dove-tail into his views already crystallized into definite
-form, and which was ready to be carried out at once. So my educational
-scheme was put in the background, and the machine shop was allowed to
-take precedence. I repeated in substance what I had said to my friends
-previously in regard to establishing a mother machine shop, capable of
-reproducing other machine shops of like character, etc. I especially
-mentioned the manufacture of rifles, which, I said, required for the
-manufacture of their component parts separate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_152" id="page_152"></a>{152}</span> machinery, but that the
-machine shop I would recommend was not one adapted for making the
-rifles, but adapted to turn out specific machinery for the making of
-rifles, cannons, cartridges, or anything else.</p>
-
-<p>“Well,” said he, “this is a subject quite beyond my knowledge. It would
-be well for you to discuss the matter with Wha and Chu, who are more
-familiar with it than I am and we will then decide what is best to be
-done.”</p>
-
-<p>This ended my interview with the Viceroy. After I left him, I met my
-friends, who were anxious to know the result of the interview. I told
-them of the outcome. They were highly elated over it. In our last
-conference it was decided that the matter of the character of the
-machine shop was to be left entirely to my discretion and judgment,
-after consulting a professional mechanical engineer. At the end of
-another two weeks, Wha was authorized to tell me that the Viceroy, after
-having seen all the four men, had decided to empower me to go abroad and
-make purchases of such machinery as in the opinion of a professional
-engineer would be the best and the right machinery for China to adopt.
-It was also left entirely to me to decide where the machinery should be
-purchased,&mdash;either in England,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_153" id="page_153"></a>{153}</span> France or the United States of America.</p>
-
-<p>The location of the machine shop was to be at a place called Kow Chang
-Meu, about four miles northwest of the city of Shanghai. The Kow Chang
-Meu machine shop was afterwards known as the Kiang Nan Arsenal, an
-establishment that covers several acres of ground and embraces under its
-roof all the leading branches of mechanical work. Millions have been
-invested in it since I brought the first machinery from Fitchburg,
-Mass., in order to make it one of the greatest arsenals east of the Cape
-of Good Hope. It may properly be regarded as a lasting monument to
-commemorate Tsang Kwoh Fan’s broadmindedness as well as far-sightedness
-in establishing Western machinery in China.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_154" id="page_154"></a>{154}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br /><br />
-MY MISSION TO AMERICA TO BUY MACHINERY</h2>
-
-<p>A week after my last interview with the Viceroy and after I had been
-told that I was to be entrusted with the execution of the order, my
-commission was made out and issued to me. In addition to the commission,
-the fifth official rank was conferred on me. It was a nominal civil
-rank, with the privilege of wearing the blue feather, as was customary
-only in war time and limited to those connected with the military
-service, but discarded in the civil service, where the peacock’s feather
-is conferred only by imperial sanction. Two official despatches were
-also made out, directing me where to receive the Tls. 68,000, the entire
-amount for the purchase of the machinery. One-half of the amount was to
-be paid by the Taotai of Shanghai, and the other half by the Treasurer
-of Canton. After all the preliminary preparations had been completed, I
-bade farewell to the Viceroy and my Shanghai friends and started on my
-journey.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_155" id="page_155"></a>{155}</span></p>
-
-<p>On my arrival in Shanghai in October, 1863, I had the good fortune to
-meet Mr. John Haskins, an American mechanical engineer, who came out to
-China with machinery for Messrs. Russell &amp; Co. He had finished his
-business with that firm and was expecting soon to return to the States
-with his family&mdash;a wife and a little daughter. He was just the man I
-wanted. It did not take us long to get acquainted and as the time was
-short, we soon came to an understanding. We took the overland route from
-Hong Kong to London, via the Isthmus of Suez. Haskins and his family
-took passage on the French Messagerie Imperial line, while I engaged
-mine on board of one of the Peninsular &amp; Oriental steamers. In my route
-to London, I touched at Singapore, crossed the Indian Ocean, and landed
-at Ceylon, where I changed steamers for Bengal up the Red Sea and landed
-at Cairo, where I had to cross the Isthmus by rail. The Suez Canal was
-not finished; the work of excavating was still going on. Arriving at
-Alexandria, I took passage from there to Marseilles, the southern port
-of France, while Haskins and his family took a steamer direct for
-Southampton. From Marseilles I went to Paris by rail. I was there about
-ten days, long enough<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_156" id="page_156"></a>{156}</span> to give me a general idea of the city, its public
-buildings, churches, gardens, and of Parisian gaiety. I crossed the
-English channel from Calais to Dover and went thence by rail to
-London&mdash;the first time in my life to touch English soil, and my first
-visit to the famous metropolis. While in London, I visited Whitworth’s
-machine shop, and had the pleasure of renewing my acquaintance with
-Thomas Christy, whom I knew in China in the ’50’s. I was about a month
-in England, and then crossed the Atlantic in one of the Cunard steamers
-and landed in New York in the early spring of 1864, just ten years after
-my graduation from Yale and in ample time to be present at the decennial
-meeting of my class in July. Haskins and his family had preceded me in
-another steamer for New York, in order that he might get to work on the
-drawings and specifications of the shop and machinery and get them
-completed as soon as possble. In 1864, the last year of the great Civil
-War, nearly all the machine shops in the country, especially in New
-England, were preoccupied and busy in executing government orders, and
-it was very difficult to have my machinery taken up. Finally Haskins
-succeeded in getting the Putnam Machine Co., Fitchburg, Mass., to fill
-the order.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_157" id="page_157"></a>{157}</span></p>
-
-<p>While Haskins was given sole charge of superintending the execution of
-the order, which required at least six months before the machinery could
-be completed for shipment to China, I took advantage of the interim to
-run down to New Haven and attend the decennial meeting of my class. It
-was to me a joyous event and I congratulated myself that I had the good
-luck to be present at our first re-union. Of course, the event that
-brought me back to the country was altogether unpretentious and had
-attracted little or no public attention at the time, because the whole
-country was completely engrossed in the last year of the great Civil
-War, yet I personally regarded my commission as an inevitable and
-preliminary step that would ultimately lead to the realization of my
-educational scheme, which had never for a moment escaped my mind. But at
-the meeting of my class, this subject of my life plan was not brought
-up. We had a most enjoyable time and parted with nearly the same
-fraternal feeling that characterized our parting at graduation. After
-the decennial meeting, I returned to Fitchburg and told Haskins that I
-was going down to Washington to offer my services to the government as a
-volunteer for the short period of six months, and that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_158" id="page_158"></a>{158}</span> in case anything
-happened to me during the six months so that I could not come back to
-attend to the shipping of the machinery to Shanghai, he should attend to
-it. I left him all the papers&mdash;the cost and description of the
-machinery, the bills of lading, insurance, and freight, and directed him
-to send everything to the Viceroy’s agent in Shanghai. This
-precautionary step having been taken, I slipped down to Washington.</p>
-
-<p>Brigadier-General Barnes of Springfield, Mass., happened to be the
-general in charge of the Volunteer Department. His headquarters were at
-Willard’s Hotel. I called on him and made known to him my object, that I
-felt as a naturalized citizen of the United States, it was my bounden
-duty to offer my services as a volunteer courier to carry despatches
-between Washington and the nearest Federal camp for at least six months,
-simply to show my loyalty and patriotism to my adopted country, and that
-I would furnish my own equipments. He said that he remembered me well,
-having met me in the Yale Library in New Haven, in 1853, on a visit to
-his son, William Barnes, who was in the college at the time I was, and
-who afterwards became a prominent lawyer in San Francisco.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_159" id="page_159"></a>{159}</span> General
-Barnes asked what business I was engaged in. I told him that since my
-graduation in 1854 I had been in China and had recently returned with an
-order to purchase machinery for a machine shop ordered by Viceroy and
-Generalissimo Tsang Kwoh Fan. I told him the machinery was being made to
-order in Fitchburg, Mass., under the supervision of an American
-mechanical engineer, and as it would take at least six months before the
-same could be completed, I was anxious to offer my services to the
-government in the meantime as an evidence of my loyalty and patriotism
-to my adopted country. He was quite interested and pleased with what I
-said.</p>
-
-<p>“Well, my young friend,” said he, “I thank you very much for your offer,
-but since you are charged with a responsible trust to execute for the
-Chinese government, you had better return to Fitchburg to attend to it.
-We have plenty of men to serve, both as couriers and as fighting men to
-go to the front.” Against this peremptory decision, I could urge nothing
-further, but I felt that I had at least fulfilled my duty to my adopted
-country.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_160" id="page_160"></a>{160}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br /><br />
-MY SECOND RETURN TO CHINA</h2>
-
-<p>The machinery was not finished till the early spring of 1865. It was
-shipped direct from New York to Shanghai, China; while it was doubling
-the Cape of Good Hope on its way to the East, I took passage in another
-direction, back to China. I wanted to encircle the globe once in my
-life, and this was my opportunity. I could say after that, that I had
-circumnavigated the globe. So I planned to go back by way of San
-Francisco. In order to do that, I had to take into consideration the
-fact that the Union Pacific from Chicago to San Francisco via Omaha was
-not completed, nor was any steamship line subsidized by the United
-States government to cross the Pacific from San Francisco to any
-seaport, either in Japan or China at the time. On that account I was
-obliged to take a circuitous route, by taking a coast steamer from New
-York to Panama, cross the Isthmus, and from there take passage in
-another coast steamer up the Mexican coast to San Francisco, Cal.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_161" id="page_161"></a>{161}</span></p>
-
-<p>At San Francisco, I was detained two weeks where I had to wait for a
-vessel to bridge me over the broad Pacific, either to Yokohama or
-Shanghai. At that time, as there was no other vessel advertised to sail
-for the East, I was compelled to take passage on board the “Ida de
-Rogers,” a Nantucket bark. There were six passengers, including myself.
-We had to pay $500 each for passage from San Francisco to Yokohama. The
-crew consisted of the captain, who had with him his wife, and a little
-boy six years old, a mate, three sailors and a cook, a Chinese boy. The
-“Ida de Rogers” was owned by Captain Norton who hailed from Nantucket.
-She was about one hundred and fifty feet long&mdash;an old tub at that. She
-carried no cargo and little or no ballast, except bilge-water, which may
-have come from Nantucket, for aught I know. The skipper, true to the
-point of the country where they produce crops of seamen of microscopic
-ideas, was found to be not at all deficient in his close calculations of
-how to shave closely in every bargain and, in fact, in everything in
-life. In this instance, we had ample opportunity to find out under whom
-we were sailing. Before we were fairly out of the “Golden Gate,” we were
-treated every day with salted mackerel, which I took to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_162" id="page_162"></a>{162}</span> be the daily
-and fashionable dish of Nantucket. The cook we had made matters worse,
-as he did not seem to know his business and was no doubt picked up in
-San Francisco just to fill the vacancy. The mackerel was cooked and
-brought on the table without being freshened, and the Indian meal cakes
-that were served with it, were but half baked, so that day after day we
-practically all left the table disgusted and half starved. Not only was
-the food bad and unhealthy, but the skipper’s family was of a very low
-type. The skipper himself was a most profane man, and although I never
-heard the wife swear, yet she seemed to enjoy her husband’s oaths. Their
-little boy who was not more than six years old, seemed to have surpassed
-the father in profanity. It may be said that the young scamp had
-mastered his shorter and longer catechism of profanity completely, for
-he was not wanting in expressions of the most disgusting and repulsive
-kind, as taught him by his sire, yet his parents sat listening to him
-with evident satisfaction, glancing around at the passengers to catch
-their approval. One of the passengers, an Englishman, who stood near
-listening and smoking his pipe, only remarked ironically, “You have a
-smart boy there.” At this the skipper<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_163" id="page_163"></a>{163}</span> nodded, while the mother seemed
-to gloat over her young hopeful. Such a scene was of daily occurrence,
-and one that we could not escape, since we were cooped up in such narrow
-quarters on account of the smallness of the vessel. There was not even a
-five-foot deck where one could stretch his legs. We were most of the
-time shut up in the dining room, as it was the coolest spot we could
-find. Before our voyage was half over, we had occasion to land at one of
-the most northerly islands of the Hawaiian group for fresh water and
-provisions. While the vessel was being victualed, all the passengers
-landed and went out to the country to take a stroll, which was a great
-relief. We were gone nearly all day. We all re-embarked early in the
-evening. It seemed that the captain had filled the forward hold with
-chickens and young turkeys. We congratulated ourselves that the skipper
-after all had swung round to show a generous streak, which had only
-needed an opportunity to show itself, and that for the rest of the
-voyage he was no doubt going to feed us on fresh chickens and turkeys to
-make up for the salted mackerel, which might have given us the scurvy
-had we continued on the same diet. For the first day or so, after we
-resumed our voyage, we had chicken<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_164" id="page_164"></a>{164}</span> and fish for our breakfast and
-dinners, but that was the last we saw of the fresh provisions. We saw no
-turkey on the table. On making inquiry, the cook told us that both the
-chickens and the turkeys were bought, not for our table, but for
-speculation, to be sold on arrival in Yokohama. Unfortunately for the
-skipper, the chickens and turkeys for want of proper food and fresh air,
-had died a few days before our arrival at the port.</p>
-
-<p>Immediately upon reaching Yokohama, I took passage in a P. &amp; O. steamer
-for Shanghai.</p>
-
-<p>On my arrival there, I found the machinery had all arrived a month
-before; it had all been delivered in good condition and perfect working
-order. I had been absent from China a little over a year. During that
-time Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, with the co-operation of his brother, Tsang
-Kwoh Chuen, succeeded in the capture of Nanking, which put an end to the
-great Taiping Rebellion of 1850.</p>
-
-<p>On my arrival in Shanghai, I found that the Viceroy had gone up to Chu
-Chow, the most northerly department of Kiangsu province, close to the
-border line of Shan Tung, and situated on the canal. He made that his
-headquarters in superintending the subjugation of the Nienfi or Anwhui
-rebels, against whom Li Hung Chang<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_165" id="page_165"></a>{165}</span> had been appointed as his lieutenant
-in the field. I was requested to go up to Chu Chow to make a report in
-person regarding the purchase of the machinery.</p>
-
-<p>On my journey to Chu Chow, I was accompanied by my old friend Wha Yuh
-Ting part of the way. We went by the Grand Canal from Sinu-Mew at the
-Yangtze up as far as Yang Chow, the great entrepôt for the Government
-Salt Monopoly. There we took mule carts overland to Chu Chow. We were
-three days on our journey. Chu Chow is a departmental city and here, as
-stated before, Viceroy Tsang made his quarters. I was there three days.
-The Viceroy complimented me highly for what I had done. He made my late
-commission to the States to purchase machinery the subject of a special
-memorial to the government. Such a special memorial on any political
-event invariably gives it political prominence and weight, and in order
-to lift me at once from a position of no importance to a territorial
-civil appointment of the bona fide fifth rank, was a step seldom asked
-for or conceded. He made out my case to be an exceptional one, and the
-following is the language he used in his memorial:</p>
-
-<p>“Yung Wing is a foreign educated Chinese.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_166" id="page_166"></a>{166}</span> He has mastered the English
-language. In his journey over thousands of miles of ocean to the extreme
-ends of the earth to fulfill the commission I entrusted to him, he was
-utterly oblivious to difficulties and dangers that lay in his way. In
-this respect even the missions of the Ancients present no parallel equal
-to his. Therefore, I would recommend that he be promoted to the
-expectancy of one of the Kiangsu subprefects, and he is entitled to fill
-the first vacancy presenting itself, in recognition of his valuable
-services.”</p>
-
-<p>His secretary, who drew up the memorial at his dictation, gave me a copy
-of the memorial before I left Chu Chow for Shanghai, and congratulated
-me on the great honor the Viceroy had conferred on me. I thanked the
-Viceroy before bidding him good-bye, and expressed the hope that my
-actions in the future would justify his high opinion of me.</p>
-
-<p>In less than two months after leaving him, an official document from the
-Viceroy reached me in Shanghai, and in October, 1865, I was a
-full-fledged mandarin of the fifth rank. While waiting as an expectant
-subprefect, I was retained by the provincial authorities as a government
-interpreter and translator. My salary was $250<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_167" id="page_167"></a>{167}</span> per month. No other
-expectant official of the province&mdash;not even an expectant Taotai (an
-official of the fourth rank)&mdash;could command such a salary.</p>
-
-<p>Ting Yih Chang was at the time Taotai of Shanghai. He and I became great
-friends. He rose rapidly in official rank and became successively salt
-commissioner, provincial treasurer and Taotai or governor of Kiang Nan.
-Through him, I also rose in official rank and was decorated with the
-peacock’s feather. While Ting Yih Chang was salt commissioner, I
-accompanied him to Yang Chow and was engaged in translating Colton’s
-geography into Chinese, for about six months. I then returned to
-Shanghai to resume my position as government interpreter and translator.
-I had plenty of time on my hands. I took to translating “Parsons on
-Contracts,” which I thought might be useful to the Chinese. In this work
-I was fortunate in securing the services of a Chinese scholar to help
-me. I found him well versed in mathematics and in all Chinese official
-business, besides being a fine Chinese scholar and writer. He finally
-persuaded me not to continue the translation, as there was some doubt as
-to whether such a work, even when finished, would be in demand, because
-the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_168" id="page_168"></a>{168}</span> Chinese courts are seldom troubled with litigations on contracts,
-and in all cases of violation of contracts, the Chinese code is used.</p>
-
-<p>In 1867, Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, with Li Hung Chang’s co-operation,
-succeeded in ending the Nienfi rebellion, and came to Nanking to fill
-his viceroyalty of the two Kiangs.</p>
-
-<p>Before taking up his position as viceroy of the Kiangs permanently, he
-took a tour of inspection through his jurisdiction and one of the
-important places he visited was Shanghai and the Kiang Nan Arsenal&mdash;an
-establishment of his own creation. He went through the arsenal with
-undisguised interest. I pointed out to him the machinery which I bought
-for him in America. He stood and watched its automatic movement with
-unabated delight, for this was the first time he had seen machinery, and
-how it worked. It was during this visit that I succeeded in persuading
-him to have a mechanical school annexed to the arsenal, in which Chinese
-youths might be taught the theory as well as the practice of mechanical
-engineering, and thus enable China in time to dispense with the
-employment of foreign mechanical engineers and machinists, and to be
-perfectly independent. This at once appealed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_169" id="page_169"></a>{169}</span> to the practical turn of
-the Chinese mind, and the school was finally added to the arsenal. They
-are doubtless turning out at the present time both mechanical engineers
-and machinists of all descriptions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_170" id="page_170"></a>{170}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI<br /><br />
-PROPOSAL OF MY EDUCATIONAL SCHEME</h2>
-
-<p>Having scored in a small way this educational victory, by inducing the
-Viceroy to establish a mechanical training school as a corollary to the
-arsenal, I felt quite worked up and encouraged concerning my educational
-scheme which had been lying dormant in my mind for the past fifteen
-years, awaiting an opportunity to be brought forward.</p>
-
-<p>Besides Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, whom I counted upon to back me in
-furthering the scheme, Ting Yih Chang, an old friend of mine, had become
-an important factor to be reckoned with in Chinese politics. He was a
-man of progressive tendencies and was alive to all practical measures of
-reform. He had been appointed governor of Kiangsu province, and after
-his accession to his new office, I had many interviews with him
-regarding my educational scheme, in which he was intensely interested.
-He told me that he was in correspondence with Wen<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_171" id="page_171"></a>{171}</span> Seang, the prime
-minister of China, who was a Manchu, and that if I were to put my scheme
-in writing, he would forward it to Peking, and ask Wen Seang to use his
-influence to memorialize the government for its adoption. Such an
-unexpected piece of information came like a clap of thunder and fairly
-lifted me off my feet. I immediately left Suchau for Shanghai. With the
-help of my Nanking friend, who had helped me in the work of translating
-“Parsons on Contracts,” I drew up four proposals to be presented to
-Governor Ting, to be forwarded by him to Minister Wen Seang, at Peking.
-They were as follows:</p>
-
-<h3>FIRST PROPOSAL</h3>
-
-<p>The first proposal contemplated the organization of a Steamship Company
-on a joint stock basis. No foreigner was to be allowed to be a
-stockholder in the company. It was to be a purely Chinese company,
-managed and worked by Chinese exclusively.</p>
-
-<p>To insure its stability and success, an annual government subsidy was to
-be made in the shape of a certain percentage of the tribute rice carried
-to Peking from Shanghai and Chinkiang,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_172" id="page_172"></a>{172}</span> and elsewhere, where tribute
-rice is paid over to the government in lieu of taxes in money. This
-tribute rice heretofore had been taken to Peking by flat-bottom boats,
-via the Grand Canal. Thousands of these boats were built expressly for
-this rice transportation, which supported a large population all along
-the whole route of the Grand Canal.</p>
-
-<p>On account of the great evils arising from this mode of transportation,
-such as the great length of time it took to take the rice to Peking, the
-great percentage of loss from theft, and from fermentation, which made
-the rice unfit for food, part of the tribute rice was carried by sea in
-Ningpo junks as far as Tiensin, and from thence transhipped again in
-flat-bottom boats to Peking. But even the Ningpo junk system was
-attended with great loss of time and much damage, almost as great as by
-flat-bottom scows. My proposition was to use steam to do the work,
-supplanting both the flat-bottomed scows and the Ningpo junk system, so
-that the millions who were dependent on rice for subsistence might find
-it possible to get good and sound rice. This is one of the great
-benefits and blessings which the China Merchant Steamship Co. has
-conferred upon China.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_173" id="page_173"></a>{173}</span></p>
-
-<h3>SECOND PROPOSAL</h3>
-
-<p>The second proposition was for the government to send picked Chinese
-youths abroad to be thoroughly educated for the public service. The
-scheme contemplated the education of one hundred and twenty students as
-an experiment. These one hundred and twenty students were to be divided
-into four installments of thirty students each, one installment to be
-sent out each year. They were to have fifteen years to finish their
-education. Their average age was to be from twelve to fourteen years. If
-the first and second installments proved to be a success, the scheme was
-to be continued indefinitely. Chinese teachers were to be provided to
-keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in the United States. Over the
-whole enterprise two commissioners were to be appointed, and the
-government was to appropriate a certain percentage of the Shanghai
-customs to maintain the mission.</p>
-
-<h3>THIRD PROPOSAL</h3>
-
-<p>The third proposition was to induce the government to open the mineral
-resources of the country and thus in an indirect way lead to the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_174" id="page_174"></a>{174}</span>
-necessity of introducing railroads to transport the mineral products
-from the interior to the ports.</p>
-
-<p>I did not expect this proposition to be adopted and carried out, because
-China at that time had no mining engineers who could be depended upon to
-develop the mines, nor were the people free from the Fung Shui
-superstition.<a name="FNanchor_A_1" id="FNanchor_A_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a> I had no faith whatever in the success of this
-proposition, but simply put it in writing to show how ambitious I was to
-have the government wake up to the possibilities of the development of
-its vast resources.</p>
-
-<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A_1" id="Footnote_A_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_1"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> The doctrine held by the Chinese in relation to the spirits
-or genii that rule over winds and waters, especially running streams and
-subterranean waters. This doctrine is universal and inveterate among the
-Chinese, and in a great measure prompts their hostility to railroads and
-telegraphs, since they believe that such structures anger the spirits of
-the air and waters and consequently cause floods and
-typhoons.&mdash;<i>Standard Dictionary</i>.</p></div>
-
-<h3>FOURTH PROPOSAL</h3>
-
-<p>The encroachment of foreign powers upon the independent sovereignty of
-China has always been watched by me with the most intense interest. No
-one who is at all acquainted with Roman Catholicism can fail to be
-impressed with the unwarranted pretensions and assumptions of the Romish
-church in China. She claims civil jurisdiction<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_175" id="page_175"></a>{175}</span> over her proselytes, and
-takes civil and criminal cases out of Chinese courts. In order to put a
-stop to such insidious and crafty workings to gain temporal power in
-China, I put forth this proposition: to prohibit missionaries of any
-religious sect or denomination from exercising any kind of jurisdiction
-over their converts, in either civil or criminal cases. These four
-propositions were carefully drawn up, and were presented to Governor
-Ting for transmission to Peking.</p>
-
-<p>&nbsp;</p>
-
-<p>Of the four proposals, the first, third and fourth were put in to
-chaperone the second, in which my whole heart was enlisted, and which
-above all others was the one I wanted to be taken up; but not to give it
-too prominent a place, at the suggestion of my Chinese teacher, it was
-assigned a second place in the order of the arrangement. Governor Ting
-recognized this, and accordingly wrote to Prime Minister Wen Seang and
-forwarded the proposals to Peking. Two months later, a letter from Ting,
-at Suchau, his headquarters, gave me to understand that news from Peking
-had reached him that Wen Seang’s mother had died, and he was obliged,
-according to Chinese laws and customs, to retire from office<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_176" id="page_176"></a>{176}</span> and go
-into mourning for a period of twenty-seven months, equivalent to three
-years, and to abstain altogether from public affairs of all kinds. This
-news threw a cold blanket over my educational scheme for the time being.
-No sooner had one misfortune happened than another took its place, worst
-than the first&mdash;Wen Seang himself, three months afterwards, was
-overtaken by death during his retirement. This announcement appeared in
-the Peking “Gazette,” which I saw, besides being officially informed of
-it by Governor Ting. No one who had a pet scheme to promote or a hobby
-to ride could feel more blue than I did, when the cup of joy held so
-near to his lips was dashed from him. I was not entirely disheartened by
-such circumstances, but had an abiding faith that my educational scheme
-would in the end come out all right. There was an interval of at least
-three years of suspense and waiting between 1868 and 1870. I kept
-pegging at Governor Ting, urging him to keep the subject constantly
-before Viceroy Tsang’s mind. But like the fate of all measures of
-reform, it had to abide its time and opportunity.</p>
-
-<p>The time and the opportunity for my educational scheme to materialize
-finally came. Contrary to all human expectations, the opportunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_177" id="page_177"></a>{177}</span>
-appeared in the guise of the Tientsin Massacre. No more did Samson, when
-he slew the Timnath lion, expect to extract honey from its carcass than
-did I expect to extract from the slaughter of the French nuns and
-Sisters of Charity the educational scheme that was destined to make a
-new China of the old, and to work out an Oriental civilization on an
-Occidental basis.</p>
-
-<p>The Tientsin Massacre took place early in 1870. It arose from the gross
-ignorance and superstition of the Tientsin populace regarding the work
-of the nuns and Sisters of Charity, part of whose religious duty it was
-to rescue foundlings and castaway orphans, who were gathered into
-hospitals, cared for and educated for the services of the Roman Catholic
-church. This beneficent work was misunderstood and misconstrued by the
-ignorant masses, who really believed in the rumors and stories that the
-infants and children thus gathered in were taken into the hospitals and
-churches to have their eyes gouged out for medical and religious
-purposes. Such diabolical reports soon spread like wild-fire till
-popular excitement was worked up to its highest pitch of frenzy, and the
-infuriated mob, regardless of death and fearless of law, plunged
-headlong into the Tientsin Massacre. In that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_178" id="page_178"></a>{178}</span> massacre a Protestant
-church was burned and destroyed, as was also a Roman Catholic church and
-hospital; several nuns or Sisters of Charity were killed.</p>
-
-<p>At the time of this occurrence, Chung Hou was viceroy of the
-Metropolitan province. He had been ambassador to Russia previously, but
-in this unfortunate affair, according to Chinese law, he was held
-responsible, was degraded from office and banished. The whole imbroglio
-was finally settled and patched up by the payment of an indemnity to the
-relatives and friends of the victims of the massacre and the rebuilding
-of the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches, another Catholic
-hospital, besides a suitable official apology made by the government for
-the incident. Had the French government not been handicapped by the
-impending German War which threatened her at the time, France would
-certainly have made the Tientsin Massacre a <i>casus belli</i>, and another
-slice of the Chinese Empire would have been annexed to the French
-possessions in Asia. As it was, Tonquin, a tributary state of China, was
-afterwards unscrupulously wrenched from her.</p>
-
-<p>In the settlement of the massacre, the Imperial commissioners appointed
-were: Viceroy Tsang<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_179" id="page_179"></a>{179}</span> Kwoh Fan, Mow Chung Hsi, Liu * * * and Ting Yih
-Chang, Governor of Kiang Su. Li Hung Chang was still in the field
-finishing up the Nienfi rebellion, otherwise he, too, would have been
-appointed to take part in the proceedings of the settlement. I was
-telegraphed for by my friend, Ting Yih Chang, to be present to act as
-interpreter on the occasion, but the telegram did not reach me in time
-for me to accompany him to Tientsin; but I reached Tientsin in time to
-witness the last proceedings. The High Commissioners, after the
-settlement with the French, for some reason or other, did not disband,
-but remained in Tientsin for several days. They evidently had other
-matters of State connected with Chung Hou’s degradation and banishment
-to consider.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_180" id="page_180"></a>{180}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII<br /><br />
-THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL MISSION</h2>
-
-<p>Taking advantage of their presence, I seized the opportunity to press my
-educational scheme upon the attention of Ting Yih Chang and urged him to
-present the subject to the Board of Commissioners of which Tsang Kwoh
-Fan was president. I knew Ting sympathized with me in the scheme, and I
-knew, too, that Tsang Kwoh Fan had been well informed of it three years
-before through Governor Ting. Governor Ting took up the matter in dead
-earnest and held many private interviews with Tsang Kwoh Fan as well as
-with the other members of the Commission. One evening, returning to his
-headquarters very late, he came to my room and awakened me and told me
-that Viceroy Tsang and the other Commissioners had unanimously decided
-to sign their names conjointly in a memorial to the government to adopt
-my four propositions. This piece of news was too much to allow me to
-sleep any more that night; while<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_181" id="page_181"></a>{181}</span> lying on my bed, as wakeful as an owl,
-I felt as though I were treading on clouds and walking in air. Two days
-after this stirring piece of news, the memorial was jointly signed with
-Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan’s name heading the list, and was on its way to
-Peking by pony express. Meanwhile, before the Board of Commissioners
-disbanded and Viceroy Tsang took his departure for Nanking, it was
-decided that Chin Lan Pin, a member of the Hanlin College, who had
-served twenty years as a clerk in the Board of Punishment, should be
-recommended by Ting to co-operate with me in charge of the Chinese
-Educational Commission. The ground upon which Chin Lan Pin was
-recommended as a co-commissioner was that he was a Han Lin and a
-regularly educated Chinese, and the enterprise would not be so likely to
-meet with the opposition it might have if I were to attempt to carry it
-out alone, because the scheme in principle and significance was against
-the Chinese theory of national education, and it would not have taken
-much to create a reaction to defeat the plan on account of the intense
-conservatism of the government. The wisdom and the shrewd policy of such
-a move appealed to me at once, and I accepted the suggestion with
-pleasure and alacrity.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_182" id="page_182"></a>{182}</span> So Chin Lan Pin was written to and came to
-Tientsin. The next day, after a farewell dinner had been accorded to the
-Board of Commissioners before it broke up, Governor Ting introduced me
-to Chin Lan Pin, whom I had never met before and who was to be my
-associate in the educational scheme. He evidently was pleased to quit
-Peking, where he had been cooped up in the Board of Punishment for
-twenty years as a clerk. He had never filled a government position in
-any other capacity in his life, nor did he show any practical experience
-in the world of business and hard facts. In his habits he was very
-retiring, but very scholarly. In disposition he was kindly and pleasant,
-but very timid and afraid of responsibilities of even a feather’s
-weight.</p>
-
-<p>In the winter of 1870, Tsang Kwoh Fan, after having settled the Tientsin
-imbroglio, returned to Nanking, his headquarters as the viceroy of the
-two Kiangs. There he received the imperial rescript sanctioning his
-joint memorial on the four proposals submitted through Ting Yih Chang
-for adoption by the government. He notified me on the subject. It was a
-glorious piece of news, and the Chinese educational project thus became
-a veritable historical fact, marking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_183" id="page_183"></a>{183}</span> a new era in the annals of China.
-Tsang invited me to repair to Nanking, and during that visit the most
-important points connected with the mission were settled, viz.: the
-establishment of a preparatory school; the number of students to be
-selected to be sent abroad; where the money was to come from to support
-the students while there; the number of years they were to be allowed to
-remain there for their education.</p>
-
-<p>The educational commission was to consist of two commissioners, Chin Lan
-Pin and myself. Chin Lan Pin’s duty was to see that the students should
-keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in America; my duty was to look
-after their foreign education and to find suitable homes for them. Chin
-Lan Pin and myself were to look after their expenses conjointly. Two
-Chinese teachers were provided to keep up their studies in Chinese, and
-an interpreter was provided for the Commission. Yeh Shu Tung and Yung
-Yune Foo were the Chinese teachers and Tsang Lai Sun was the
-interpreter. Such was the composition of the Chinese Educational
-Commission.</p>
-
-<p>As to the character and selection of the students: the whole number to
-be sent abroad for education was one hundred and twenty; they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_184" id="page_184"></a>{184}</span> were to
-be divided into four installments of thirty members each, one
-installment to be sent each year for four successive years at about the
-same time. The candidates to be selected were not to be younger than
-twelve or older than fifteen years of age. They were to show respectable
-parentage or responsible and respectable guardians. They were required
-to pass a medical examination, and an examination in their Chinese
-studies according to regulation&mdash;reading and writing in Chinese&mdash;also to
-pass an English examination if a candidate had been in an English
-school. All successful candidates were required to repair every day to
-the preparatory school, where teachers were provided to continue with
-their Chinese studies, and to begin the study of English or to continue
-with their English studies, for at least one year before they were to
-embark for the United States.</p>
-
-<p>Parents and guardians were required to sign a paper which stated that
-without recourse, they were perfectly willing to let their sons or
-protégés go abroad to be educated for a period of fifteen years, from
-the time they began their studies in the United States until they had
-finished, and that during the fifteen years, the government was not to
-be responsible for death<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_185" id="page_185"></a>{185}</span> or for any accident that might happen to any
-student.</p>
-
-<p>The government guaranteed to pay all their expenses while they were
-being educated. It was to provide every installment with a Chinese
-teacher to accompany it to the United States, and to give each
-installment of students a suitable outfit. Such were the requirements
-and the organization of the student corps.</p>
-
-<p>Immediately upon my return to Shanghai from Nanking after my long
-interview with the Viceroy, my first step was to have a preparatory
-school established in Shanghai for the accommodation of at least thirty
-students, which was the full complement for the first installment. Liu
-Kai Sing, who was with the Viceroy for a number of years as his first
-secretary in the Department on Memorials, was appointed superintendent
-of the preparatory school in Shanghai. In him, I found an able coadjutor
-as well as a staunch friend who took a deep interest in the educational
-scheme. He it was who prepared all the four installments of students to
-come to this country.</p>
-
-<p>Thus the China end of the scheme was set afloat in the summer of 1871.
-To make up the full complement of the first installment of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_186" id="page_186"></a>{186}</span> students, I
-had to take a trip down to Hong Kong to visit the English government
-schools to select from them a few bright candidates who had had some
-instruction both in English and Chinese studies. As the people in the
-northern part of China did not know that such an educational scheme had
-been projected by the government, there being no Chinese newspapers
-published at that time to spread the news among the people, we had, at
-first, few applications for entrance into the preparatory school. All
-the applications came from the Canton people, especially from the
-district of Heang Shan. This accounts for the fact that nine-tenths of
-the one hundred and twenty government students were from the south.</p>
-
-<p>In the winter of 1871, a few months after the preparatory school had
-begun operations, China suffered an irreparable loss by the death of
-Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, who died in Nanking at the ripe age of
-seventy-one years. Had his life been spared even a year longer, he would
-have seen the first installment of thirty students started for the
-United States,&mdash;the first fruit of his own planting. But founders of all
-great and good works are not permitted by the nature and order of things
-to live beyond their ordained limitations<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_187" id="page_187"></a>{187}</span> to witness the successful
-developments of their own labor in this world; but the consequences of
-human action and human character, when once their die is cast, will
-reach to eternity. Sufficient for Tsang Kwoh Fan that he had completed
-his share in the educational line well. He did a great and glorious work
-for China and posterity, and those who were privileged to reap the
-benefit of his labor will find ample reason to bless him as China’s
-great benefactor. Tsang, as a statesman, a patriot, and as a man,
-towered above his contemporaries even as Mount Everest rises above the
-surrounding heights of the Himalaya range, forever resting in
-undisturbed calmness and crowned with the purity of everlasting snow.
-Before he breathed his last, I was told that it was his wish that his
-successor and protégé, Li Hung Chang, be requested to take up his mantle
-and carry on the work of the Chinese Educational Commission.</p>
-
-<p>Li Hung Chang was of an altogether different make-up from his
-distinguished predecessor and patron. He was of an excitable and nervous
-temperament, capricious and impulsive, susceptible to flattery and
-praise, or, as the Chinese laconically put it, he was fond of wearing
-tall hats. His outward manners were brusque, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_188" id="page_188"></a>{188}</span> he was inwardly
-kind-hearted. As a statesman he was far inferior to Tsang; as a patriot
-and politician, his character could not stand a moment before the
-searchlight of cold and impartial history. It was under such a man that
-the Chinese Educational Commission was launched forth.</p>
-
-<p>In the latter part of the summer of 1872 the first installment of
-Chinese students, thirty in number, were ready to start on the passage
-across the Pacific to the United States. In order that they might have
-homes to go to on their arrival, it devolved upon me to precede them by
-one month, leaving Chin Lan Pin, the two Chinese teachers and their
-interpreter to come on a mail later. After reaching New York by the
-Baltimore and Ohio, via Washington, I went as far as New Haven on my way
-to Springfield, Mass., where I intended to meet the students and other
-members of the commission on their way to the East by the Boston and
-Albany Railroad. At New Haven, the first person I called upon to
-announce my mission was Prof. James Hadley. He was indeed glad to see
-me, and was delighted to know that I had come back with such a mission
-in my hands. After making my wants known to him, he immediately
-recommended me to call<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_189" id="page_189"></a>{189}</span> upon Mr. B. G. Northrop, which I did. Mr.
-Northrop was then Commissioner of Education for Connecticut. I told him
-my business and asked his advice. He strongly recommended me to
-distribute and locate the students in New England families, either by
-twos or fours to each family, where they could be cared for and at the
-same time instructed, till they were able to join classes in graded
-schools. This advice I followed at once. I went on to Springfield,
-Mass., which city I considered was the most central point from which to
-distribute the students in New England; for this reason I chose
-Springfield for my headquarters. This enabled me to be very near my
-friends, Dr. A. S. McClean and his worthy wife, both of whom had been my
-steadfast friends since 1854.</p>
-
-<p>But through the advice of Dr. B. G. Northrop and other friends, I made
-my permanent headquarters in the city of Hartford, Conn., and for nearly
-two years our headquarters were located on Sumner Street. I did not
-abandon Springfield, but made it the center of distribution and location
-of the students as long as they continued to come over, which was for
-three successive years, ending in 1875.</p>
-
-<p>In 1874, Li Hung Chang, at the recommendation<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_190" id="page_190"></a>{190}</span> of the commission,
-authorized me to put up a handsome, substantial building on Collins
-Street as the permanent headquarters of the Chinese Educational
-Commission in the United States. In January, 1875, we moved into our new
-headquarters, which was a large, double three-story house spacious
-enough to accommodate the Commissioners, teachers and seventy-five
-students at one time. It was provided with a school-room where Chinese
-was exclusively taught; a dining room, a double kitchen, dormitories and
-bath rooms. The motive which led me to build permanent headquarters of
-our own was to have the educational mission as deeply rooted in the
-United States as possible, so as not to give the Chinese government any
-chance of retrograding in this movement. Such was my proposal, but that
-was not God’s disposal as subsequent events plainly proved.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_191" id="page_191"></a>{191}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII<br /><br />
-INVESTIGATION OF THE COOLIE TRAFFIC IN PERU</h2>
-
-<p>In the spring of 1873, I returned to China on a flying visit for the
-sole purpose of introducing the Gatling gun&mdash;a comparatively new weapon
-of warfare of a most destructive character. I had some difficulty in
-persuading the Gatling Company to give me the sole agency of the gun in
-China, because they did not know who I was, and were unacquainted with
-my practical business experience. In fact, they did not know how
-successfully I had carried on the Taiping Green Tea Expedition in
-1860-1, in the face of dangers and privations which few men dared to
-face. However, I prevailed on the president of the company, Dr. Gatling
-himself, the inventor of the gun, to entrust me with the agency. Exactly
-a month after my arrival in Tientsin, I cabled the company an order for
-a battery of fifty guns, which amounted altogether to something over
-$100,000, a pretty big order for a man who it was thought could not do
-anything. This order<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_192" id="page_192"></a>{192}</span> was followed by subsequent orders. I was anxious
-that China should have the latest modern guns as well as the latest
-modern educated men. The Gatling Company was satisfied with my work and
-had a different opinion of me afterwards.</p>
-
-<p>While I was in Tientsin, attending to the gun business, the Viceroy told
-me that the Peruvian commissioner was there waiting to make a treaty
-with China regarding the further importation of coolie labor into Peru.
-He wanted me to call on the commissioner and talk with him on the
-subject, which I did. In his conversation, he pictured to me in rosy
-colors how well the Chinese were treated in Peru; how they were
-prospering and doing well there, and said that the Chinese government
-ought to conclude a treaty with Peru to encourage the poorer class of
-Chinese to emigrate to that country, which offered a fine chance for
-them to better themselves. I told him that I knew something about the
-coolie traffic as it was carried on in Macao; how the country people
-were inveigled and kidnapped, put into barracoons and kept there by
-force till they were shipped on board, where they were made to sign
-labor contracts either for Cuba or Peru. On landing at their
-destination,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_193" id="page_193"></a>{193}</span> they were then sold to the highest bidder, and made to
-sign another contract with their new masters, who took special care to
-have the contract renewed at the end of every term, practically making
-slaves of them for life. Then I told him something about the horrors of
-the middle passage between Macao and Cuba or Peru; how whole cargoes of
-them revolted in mid-ocean, and either committed wholesale suicide by
-jumping into the ocean, or else overpowered the captain and the crew,
-killed them and threw them overboard, and then took their chances in the
-drifting of the vessel.</p>
-
-<p>Such were some of the facts and horrors of the coolie traffic I pictured
-to the Peruvian Commissioner. I told him plainly that he must not expect
-me to help him in this diabolical business. On the contrary, I told him
-I would dissuade the Viceroy from entering into a treaty with Peru to
-carry on such inhuman traffic. How the Peruvian’s countenance changed
-when he heard me deliver my mind on the subject! Disappointment,
-displeasure and anger were visible in his countenance. I bade him good
-morning, for I was myself somewhat excited as I narrated what I had seen
-in Macao and what I had read in the papers about the coolie traffic.
-Indeed, one of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_194" id="page_194"></a>{194}</span> the first scenes I had seen on my arrival in Macao in
-1855 was a string of poor Chinese coolies tied to each other by their
-cues and led into one of the barracoons like abject slaves. Once, while
-in Canton, I had succeeded in having two or three kidnappers arrested,
-and had them put into wooden collars weighing forty pounds, which the
-culprits had to carry night and day for a couple of months as a
-punishment for their kidnapping.</p>
-
-<p>Returning to the Viceroy, I told him I had made the call, and narrated
-my interview. The Viceroy, to make my visit short, then said, “You have
-come back just in time to save me from cabling you. I wish you to return
-to Hartford as quickly as possible and make preparations to proceed to
-Peru at once, to look into the condition of the Chinese coolies there.”</p>
-
-<p>On my return to Hartford, I found that Chin Lan Pin had also been
-instructed by the government to look after the condition of the Chinese
-coolies in Cuba. These collateral or side missions were ordered at Li
-Hung Chang’s suggestion. I started on my mission before Chin Lan Pin
-did. My friend, the Rev. J. H. Twichell, and Dr. E. W. Kellogg, who
-afterwards became my brother-in-law, accompanied me on my trip. I
-finished my work inside of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_195" id="page_195"></a>{195}</span> three months, and had my report completed
-before Chin started on his journey to Cuba. On his return, both of our
-reports were forwarded to Viceroy Li, who was in charge of all foreign
-diplomatic affairs.</p>
-
-<p>My report was accompanied with two dozen photographs of Chinese coolies,
-showing how their backs had been lacerated and torn, scarred and
-disfigured by the lash. I had these photographs taken in the night,
-unknown to anyone except the victims themselves, who were, at my
-request, collected and assembled together for the purpose. I knew that
-these photographs would tell a tale of cruelty and inhumanity
-perpetrated by the owners of haciendas, which would be beyond cavil and
-dispute.</p>
-
-<p>The Peruvian Commissioner, who was sent out to China to negotiate a
-treaty with Viceroy Li Hung Chang to continue the coolie traffic to
-Peru, was still in Tientsin waiting for the arrival of my report. A
-friend of mine wrote me that he had the hardihood to deny the statements
-in my report, and said that they could not be supported by facts. I had
-written to the Viceroy beforehand that he should hold the photographs in
-reserve, and keep them in the background till the Peruvian had exhausted
-all his arguments,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_196" id="page_196"></a>{196}</span> and then produce them. My correspondent wrote me
-that the Viceroy followed my suggestion, and the photographs proved to
-be so incontrovertible and palpable that the Peruvian was taken by
-surprise and was dumbfounded. He retired completely crestfallen.</p>
-
-<p>Since our reports on the actual conditions of Chinese coolies in Cuba
-and Peru were made, no more coolies have been allowed to leave China for
-those countries. The traffic had received its death blow.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_197" id="page_197"></a>{197}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX<br /><br />
-END OF THE EDUCATIONAL MISSION</h2>
-
-<p>In the fall of 1875 the last installment of students arrived. They came
-in charge of a new commissioner, Ou Ngoh Liang, two new Chinese teachers
-and a new interpreter, Kwang Kee Cheu. These new men were appointed by
-Viceroy Li Hung Chang. I knew them in China, especially the new
-commissioner and the interpreter.</p>
-
-<p>These changes were made at the request of Chin Lan Pin, who expected
-soon to return to China on a leave of absence. He was going to take with
-him the old Chinese teacher, Yeh Shu Tung, who had rendered him great
-and signal service in his trip to Cuba on the coolie question the year
-before. Tsang Lai Sun, the old interpreter, was also requested to resign
-and returned to China. These changes I had anticipated some time before
-and they did not surprise me.</p>
-
-<p>Three months after Chin Lan Pin’s arrival in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_198" id="page_198"></a>{198}</span> Peking, word came from
-China that he and I were appointed joint Chinese ministers to
-Washington, and that Yeh Shu Tung, the old Chinese teacher, was
-appointed secretary to the Chinese Legation. This was great news to me
-to be sure, but I did not feel ecstatic over it; on the contrary, the
-more I reflected on it, the more I felt depressed. But my friends who
-congratulated me on the honor and promotion did not take in the whole
-situation as it loomed up before my mind in all its bearings. As far as
-I was concerned, I had every reason to feel grateful and honored, but
-how about my life work&mdash;the Chinese educational mission that I had in
-hand&mdash;and which needed in its present stage great watchfulness and care?
-If, as I reflected, I were to be removed to Washington, who was there
-left behind to look after the welfare of the students with the same
-interest that I had manifested? It would be like separating the father
-from his children. This would not do, so I sat down and wrote to the
-Viceroy a letter, the tenor of which ran somewhat as follows: I thanked
-him for the appointment which I considered to be a great honor for any
-man to receive from the government; and said that while I appreciated
-fully its significance, the obligations and responsibilities<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_199" id="page_199"></a>{199}</span>
-inseparably connected with the position filled me with anxious
-solicitude that my abilities and qualifications might not be equal to
-their satisfactory fulfilment. In view of such a state of mind, I much
-preferred, if I were allowed to have my preference in the matter, to
-remain in my present position as a commissioner of the Chinese mission
-in Hartford and to continue in it till the Chinese students should have
-finished their education and were ready to return to China to serve the
-State in their various capacities. In that event I should have
-discharged a duty to “Tsang the Upright,” and at the same time fulfilled
-a great duty to China. As Chin Lan Pin had been appointed minister at
-the same time, he would doubtless be able alone to meet the expectations
-of the government in his diplomatic capacity.</p>
-
-<p>The letter was written and engrossed by Yung Yune Foo, one of the old
-Chinese teachers who came over with the first installment of students at
-the same time Yeh Shu Tung came. In less than four months an answer was
-received which partially acceded to my request by making me an assistant
-or associate minister, at the same time allowing me to retain my
-position as Commissioner of Education, and in that capacity, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_200" id="page_200"></a>{200}</span>
-exercise a general supervision over the education of the students.</p>
-
-<p>Ou Ngoh Liang, the new commissioner, was a much younger man than Chin.
-He was a fair Chinese scholar, but not a member of the Hanlin College.
-He was doubtless recommended by Chin Lan Pin. He brought his family with
-him, which consisted of his second wife and two children. He was a man
-of a quiet disposition and showed no inclination to meddle with settled
-conditions or to create trouble, but took rather a philosophical view of
-things; he had the good sense to let well enough alone. He was connected
-with the mission but a short time and resigned in 1876.</p>
-
-<p>In 1876 Chin Lan Pin came as minister plenipotentiary and brought with
-him among his numerous retinue Woo Tsze Tung, a man whom I knew in
-Shanghai even in the ’50’s. He was a member of the Hanlin College, but
-for some reason or other, he was never assigned to any government
-department, nor was he ever known to hold any kind of government office.
-He showed a decided taste for chemistry, but never seemed to have made
-any progress in it, and was regarded by all his friends as a crank.</p>
-
-<p>After Ou’s resignation, Chin Lan Pin before<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_201" id="page_201"></a>{201}</span> proceeding to Washington to
-take up his official position as Chinese minister, strongly recommended
-Woo Tsze Tung to succeed Ou as commissioner, to which Viceroy Li Hung
-Chang acceded without thinking of the consequences to follow. From this
-time forth the educational mission found an enemy who was determined to
-undermine the work of Tsang Kwoh Fan and Ting Yih Cheong, to both of
-whom Woo Tsze Tung was more or less hostile. Woo was a member of the
-reactionary party, which looked upon the Chinese Educational Commission
-as a move subversive of the principles and theories of Chinese culture.
-This was told me by one of Chin’s suite who held the appointment of
-<i>chargé d’affaires</i> for Peru. The making of Woo Tsze Tung a commissioner
-plainly revealed the fact that Chin Lan Pin himself was at heart an
-uncompromising Confucian and practically represented the reactionary
-party with all its rigid and uncompromising conservatism that gnashes
-its teeth against all and every attempt put forth to reform the
-government or to improve the general condition of things in China. This
-accounts for the fact that in the early stages of the mission, I had
-many and bitter altercations with him on many things which had to be
-settled for good,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_202" id="page_202"></a>{202}</span> once and for all. Such as the <i>school</i> and <i>personal</i>
-expenses of the students; their vacation expenses; their change of
-costume; their attendance at family worship; their attendance at Sunday
-School and church services; their outdoor exercises and athletic games.
-These and other questions of a social nature came up for settlement. I
-had to stand as a kind of buffer between Chin and the students, and
-defended them in all their reasonable claims. It was in this manner that
-I must have incurred Chin’s displeasure if not his utter dislike. He had
-never been out of China in his life until he came to this country. The
-only standard by which he measured things and men (especially students)
-was purely Chinese. The gradual but marked transformation of the
-students in their behavior and conduct as they grew in knowledge and
-stature under New England influence, culture and environment produced a
-contrast to their behavior and conduct when they first set foot in New
-England that might well be strange and repugnant to the ideas and senses
-of a man like Chin Lan Pin, who all his life had been accustomed to see
-the springs of life, energy and independence, candor, ingenuity and
-open-heartedness all covered up and concealed, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_203" id="page_203"></a>{203}</span> in a great measure
-smothered and never allowed their full play. Now in New England the
-heavy weight of repression and suppression was lifted from the minds of
-these young students; they exulted in their freedom and leaped for joy.
-No wonder they took to athletic sports with alacrity and delight!</p>
-
-<p>Doubtless Chin Lan Pin when he left Hartford for good to go to
-Washington carried away with him a very poor idea of the work to which
-he was singled out and called upon to perform. He must have felt that
-his own immaculate Chinese training had been contaminated by coming in
-contact with Occidental schooling, which he looked upon with evident
-repugnance. At the same time the very work which he seemed to look upon
-with disgust had certainly served him the best turn in his life. It
-served to lift him out of his obscurity as a head clerk in the office of
-the Board of Punishment for twenty years to become a commissioner of the
-Chinese Educational Commission, and from that post to be a minister
-plenipotentiary in Washington. It was the stepping stone by which he
-climbed to political prominence. He should not have kicked away the
-ladder under him after he had reached his dizzy elevation. He did all he
-could to break<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_204" id="page_204"></a>{204}</span> up the educational scheme by recommending Woo Tsze Tung
-to be the Commissioner of Education, than whom he could not have had a
-more pliant and subservient tool for his purpose, as may be seen
-hereinafter.</p>
-
-<p>Woo Tsze Tung was installed commissioner in the fall of 1876. No sooner
-was he in office than he began to find fault with everything that had
-been done. Instead of laying those complaints before me, he
-clandestinely started a stream of misrepresentation to Peking about the
-students; how they had been mismanaged; how they had been indulged and
-petted by Commissioner Yung; how they had been allowed to enjoy more
-privileges than was good for them; how they imitated American students
-in athletics; that they played more than they studied; that they formed
-themselves into secret societies, both religious and political; that
-they ignored their teachers and would not listen to the advice of the
-new commissioner; that if they were allowed to continue to have their
-own way, they would soon lose their love of their own country, and on
-their return to China, they would be good for nothing or worse than
-nothing; that most of them went to church, attended Sunday Schools and
-had become Christians; that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_205" id="page_205"></a>{205}</span> sooner this educational enterprise was
-broken up and all the students recalled, the better it would be for
-China, etc., etc.</p>
-
-<p>Such malicious misrepresentations and other falsehoods which we knew
-nothing of, were kept up in a continuous stream from year to year by Woo
-Tsze Tung to his friends in Peking and to Viceroy Li Hung Chang. The
-Viceroy called my attention to Woo’s accusations. I wrote back in reply
-that they were malicious fabrications of a man who was known to have
-been a crank all his life; that it was a grand mistake to put such a man
-in a responsible position who had done nothing for himself or for others
-in his life; that he was only attempting to destroy the work of Tsang
-Kwoh Fan who, by projecting and fathering the educational mission, had
-the highest interest of China at heart; whereas Woo should have been
-relegated to a cell in an insane asylum or to an institution for
-imbeciles. I said further that Chin Lan Pin, who had recommended Woo to
-His Excellency as commissioner of Chinese Education, was a timid man by
-nature and trembled at the sight of the smallest responsibilities. He
-and I had not agreed in our line of policy in our diplomatic
-correspondence with the State Department nor had we agreed as
-commissioners<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_206" id="page_206"></a>{206}</span> in regard to the treatment of the Chinese students. To
-illustrate his extreme dislike of responsibilities: He was requested by
-the Governor to go to Cuba to find out the condition of the coolies in
-that island in 1873. He waited three months before he started on his
-journey. He sent Yeh Shu Tung and one of the teachers of the Mission
-accompanied by a young American lawyer and an interpreter to Cuba, which
-party did the burden of the work and thus paved the way for Chin Lan Pin
-and made the work easy for him. All he had to do was to take a trip down
-to Cuba and return, fulfilling his mission in a perfunctory way. The
-heat of the day and the burden of the labor were all borne by Yeh Shu
-Tung, but Chin Lan Pin gathered in the laurel and was made a minister
-plenipotentiary, while Yeh was given the appointment of a secretary of
-the legation. I mention these things not from any invidious motive
-towards Chin, but simply to show that often in the official and
-political world one man gets more praise and glory than he really
-deserves, while another is not rewarded according to his intrinsic
-worth. His Excellency was well aware that I had no axe to grind in
-making the foregoing statement. I further added that I much preferred
-not to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_207" id="page_207"></a>{207}</span> accept the appointment of a minister to Washington, but rather
-to remain as commissioner of education, for the sole purpose of carrying
-it through to its final success. And, one time in the heat of our
-altercation over a letter addressed to the State Department, I told Chin
-Lan Pin in plain language that I did not care a rap either for the
-appointment of an assistant minister, or for that matter, of a full
-minister, and that I was ready and would gladly resign at any moment,
-leaving him free and independent to do as he pleased.</p>
-
-<p>This letter in answer to the Viceroy’s note calling my attention to
-Woo’s accusations gave the Viceroy an insight into Woo’s antecedents, as
-well as into the impalpable character of Chin Lan Pin. Li was, of
-course, in the dark as to what the Viceroy had written to Chin Lan Pin,
-but things both in the legation and the Mission apparently moved on
-smoothly for a while, till some of the students were advanced enough in
-their studies for me to make application to the State Department for
-admittance to the Military Academy at West Point and the Naval Academy
-in Annapolis. The answer to my application was: “There is no room
-provided for Chinese students.” It was curt and disdainful.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_208" id="page_208"></a>{208}</span> It breathed
-the spirit of Kearnyism and Sandlotism with which the whole Pacific
-atmosphere was impregnated, and which had hypnotized all the departments
-of the government, especially Congress, in which Blaine figured most
-conspicuously as the champion against the Chinese on the floor of the
-Senate. He had the presidential bee buzzing in his bonnet at the time,
-and did his best to cater for the electoral votes of the Pacific coast.
-The race prejudice against the Chinese was so rampant and rank that not
-only my application for the students to gain entrance to Annapolis and
-West Point was treated with cold indifference and scornful hauteur, but
-the Burlingame Treaty of 1868 was, without the least provocation, and
-contrary to all diplomatic precedents and common decency, trampled under
-foot unceremoniously and wantonly, and set aside as though no such
-treaty had ever existed, in order to make way for those acts of
-congressional discrimination against Chinese immigration which were
-pressed for immediate enactment.</p>
-
-<p>When I wrote to the Viceroy that I had met with a rebuff in my attempt
-to have some of the students admitted to West Point and Annapolis, his
-reply at once convinced me that the fate of the Mission was sealed. He
-too fell back on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_209" id="page_209"></a>{209}</span> Burlingame Treaty of 1868 to convince me that the
-United States government had violated the treaty by shutting out our
-students from West Point and Annapolis.</p>
-
-<p>Having given a sketch of the progress of the Chinese Educational Mission
-from 1870 to 1877-8, my letter applying for their admittance into the
-Military and Naval Academies might be regarded as my last official act
-as a commissioner. My duties from 1878 onwards were chiefly confined to
-legation work.</p>
-
-<p>When the news that my application for the students to enter the Military
-and Naval Academies of the government had proved a failure, and the
-displeasure and disappointment of the Viceroy at the rebuff were known,
-Commissioner Woo once more renewed his efforts to break up the Mission.
-This time he had the secret co-operation of Chin Lan Pin.
-Misrepresentations and falsehoods manufactured out of the whole cloth
-went forth to Peking in renewed budgets in every mail, till a censor
-from the ranks of the reactionary party came forward and took advantage
-of the strong anti-Chinese prejudices in America to memorialize the
-government to break up the Mission and have all the students recalled.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_210" id="page_210"></a>{210}</span></p>
-
-<p>The government before acceding to the memorial put the question to
-Viceroy Li Hung Chang first, who, instead of standing up for the
-students, yielded to the opposition of the reactionary party and gave
-his assent to have the students recalled. Chin Lan Pin, who from his
-personal experience was supposed to know what ought to be done, was the
-next man asked to give his opinion. He decided that the students had
-been in the United States long enough, and that it was time for them to
-return to China. Woo Tsze Tung, the Commissioner, when asked for his
-opinion, came out point blank and said that they should be recalled
-without delay and should be strictly watched after their return. I was
-ruled out of the consultation altogether as being one utterly
-incompetent to give an impartial and reliable opinion on the subject.
-Thus the fate of the educational mission was sealed, and all students,
-about one hundred in all, returned to China in 1881.</p>
-
-<p>The breaking up of the Chinese Educational Commission and the recall of
-the young students in 1881, was not brought about without a strenuous
-effort on the part of some thoughtful men who had watched steadfastly
-over the development of human progress in the East and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_211" id="page_211"></a>{211}</span> West, who
-came forward in their quiet and modest ways to enter a protest against
-the revocation of the Mission. Chief among them were my lifelong friend,
-the Rev. J. H. Twichell, and Rev. John W. Lane, through whose persistent
-efforts Presidents Porter and Seelye, Samuel Clemens, T. F.
-Frelinghuysen, John Russell Young and others were enlisted and brought
-forward to stay the work of retrogression of the part of the Chinese.
-The protest was couched in the most dignified, frank and manly language
-of President Porter of Yale and read as follows:</p>
-
-<p class="c">
-<i>To The Tsung Li Yamun</i><br />
-<i>or</i><br />
-<i>Office for Foreign Affairs.</i><br />
-</p>
-
-<p>“The undersigned, who have been instructors, guardians and friends of
-the students who were sent to this country under the care of the Chinese
-Educational Commission, beg leave to represent:</p>
-
-<p>“That they exceedingly regret that these young men have been withdrawn
-from the country, and that the Educational Commission has been
-dissolved.</p>
-
-<p>“So far as we have had opportunity to observe, and can learn from the
-representations of others,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_212" id="page_212"></a>{212}</span> the young men have generally made a faithful
-use of their opportunities, and have made good progress in the studies
-assigned to them, and in the knowledge of the language, ideas, arts and
-institutions of the people of this country.</p>
-
-<p>“With scarcely a single exception, their morals have been good; their
-manners have been singularly polite and decorous, and their behavior has
-been such as to make friends for themselves and their country in the
-families, the schools, the cities and villages in which they have
-resided.</p>
-
-<p>“In these ways they have proved themselves eminently worthy of the
-confidence which has been reposed in them to represent their families
-and the great Chinese Empire in a land of strangers. Though children and
-youths, they have seemed always to understand that the honor of their
-race and their nation was committed to their keeping. As the result of
-their good conduct, many of the prejudices of ignorant and wicked men
-towards the Chinese have been removed, and more favorable sentiments
-have taken their place.</p>
-
-<p>“We deeply regret that the young men have been taken away just at the
-time when they were about to reap the most important advantages from
-their previous studies, and to gather in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_213" id="page_213"></a>{213}</span> rich harvest which their
-painful and laborious industry had been preparing for them to reap. The
-studies which most of them have pursued hitherto have been disciplinary
-and preparatory. The studies of which they have been deprived by their
-removal, would have been the bright flower and the ripened fruit of the
-roots and stems which have been slowly reared under patient watering and
-tillage. We have given to them the same knowledge and culture that we
-give to our own children and citizens.</p>
-
-<p>“As instructors and guardians of these young men, we should have
-welcomed to our schools and colleges the Commissioners of Education or
-their representatives and have explained to them our system and methods
-of instruction. In some cases, they have been invited to visit us, but
-have failed to respond to their invitations in person or by their
-deputies.</p>
-
-<p>“We would remind your honorable body that these students were originally
-received to our homes and our colleges by request of the Chinese
-government through the Secretary of State with the express desire that
-they might learn our language, our manners, our sciences and our arts.
-To remove them permanently and suddenly without formal notice or inquiry
-on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_214" id="page_214"></a>{214}</span> ground that as yet they had learned nothing useful to China when
-their education in Western institutions, arts and sciences is as yet
-incomplete, seems to us as unworthy of the great Empire for which we
-wish eminent prosperity and peace, as it is discourteous to the nation
-that extended to these young men its friendly hospitality.</p>
-
-<p>“We cannot accept as true the representation that they have derived evil
-and not good from our institutions, our principles and our manners. If
-they have neglected or forgotten their native language, we never assumed
-the duty of instructing them in it, and cannot be held responsible for
-this neglect. The Chinese government thought it wise that some of its
-own youth should be trained after our methods. We have not finished the
-work which we were expected to perform. May we not reasonably be
-displeased that the results of our work should be judged unfavorably
-before it could possibly be finished?</p>
-
-<p>“In view of these considerations, and especially in view of the injury
-and loss which have fallen upon the young men whom we have learned to
-respect and love, and the reproach which has implicitly been brought
-upon ourselves and the great nation to which we belong,&mdash;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_215" id="page_215"></a>{215}</span>we would
-respectfully urge that the reasons for this sudden decision should be
-reconsidered, and the representations which have been made concerning
-the intellectual and moral character of our education should be properly
-substantiated. We would suggest that to this end, a committee may be
-appointed of eminent Chinese citizens whose duty it shall be to examine
-into the truth of the statements unfavorable to the young men or their
-teachers, which have led to the unexpected abandonment of the
-Educational Commission and to the withdrawal of the young men from the
-United States before their education could be finished.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_216" id="page_216"></a>{216}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XX" id="CHAPTER_XX"></a>CHAPTER XX<br /><br />
-JOURNEY TO PEKING AND DEATH OF MY WIFE</h2>
-
-<p>The treatment which the students received at the hands of Chinese
-officials in the first years after their return to China as compared
-with the treatment they received in America while at school could not
-fail to make an impression upon their innermost convictions of the
-superiority of Occidental civilization over that of China&mdash;an impression
-which will always appeal to them as cogent and valid ground for radical
-reforms in China, however altered their conditions may be in their
-subsequent careers. Quite a number of the survivors of the one hundred
-students, I am happy to say, have risen to high official ranks and
-positions of great trust and responsibility. The eyes of the government
-have been opened to see the grand mistake it made in breaking up the
-Mission and having the students recalled. Within only a few years it had
-the candor and magnanimity to confess that it wished it had more of just
-such men as had been turned out<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_217" id="page_217"></a>{217}</span> by the Chinese Educational Mission in
-Hartford, Conn. This confession, though coming too late, may be taken as
-a sure sign that China is really awakening and is making the best use of
-what few partially educated men are available. And these few
-Occidentally educated men have, in their turn, encouraged and stimulated
-both the government and the people. Since the memorable events of the
-China and Japan war, and the war between Japan and Russia, several
-hundreds of Chinese students have come over to the United States to be
-educated. Thus the Chinese educational scheme which Tsang Kwoh Fan
-initiated in 1870 at Tientsin and established in Hartford, Conn., in
-1872, though rolled back for a period of twenty-five years, has been
-practically revived.</p>
-
-<p>Soon after the students’ recall and return to China in 1881, I also took
-my departure and arrived in Tientsin in the fall of that year on my way
-to Peking to report myself to the government after my term of office as
-assistant minister had expired. This was the customary step for all
-diplomatic officers of the government to take at the close of their
-terms. Chin Lan Pin preceded me by nearly a year, having returned in
-1880.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_218" id="page_218"></a>{218}</span></p>
-
-<p>While paying my visit to Li Hung Chang in Tientsin, before going up to
-Peking, he brought up the subject of the recall of the students. To my
-great astonishment he asked me why I had allowed the students to return
-to China. Not knowing exactly the significance of the inquiry, I said
-that Chin Lan Pin, who was minister, had received an imperial decree to
-break up the Mission; that His Excellency was in favor of the decree, so
-was Chin Lan Pin and so was Woo Tsze Tung. If I had stood out alone
-against carrying out the imperial mandate, would not I have been
-regarded as a rebel, guilty of treason, and lose my head for it? But he
-said that at heart he was in favor of their being kept in the States to
-continue their studies, and that I ought to have detained them. In reply
-I asked how I could have been supposed to read his heart at a distance
-of 45,000 lis, especially when it was well known that His Excellency had
-said that they might just as well be recalled. If His Excellency had
-written to me beforehand not to break up the Mission under any
-circumstances, I would then have known what to do; as it was, I could
-not have done otherwise than to see the decree carried out. “Well,” said
-he, in a somewhat angry and excited tone, “I know the author of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_219" id="page_219"></a>{219}</span> this
-great mischief.” Woo Tsze Tung happened to be in Tientsin at the time.
-He had just been to Peking and sent me word begging me to call and see
-him. Out of courtesy, I did call. He told me he had not been well
-received in Peking, and that Viceroy Li was bitter towards him when he
-had called and had refused to see him a second time. He looked careworn
-and cast down. He was never heard of after our last interview.</p>
-
-<p>On my arrival in Peking, one of my first duties was to make my round of
-official calls on the leading dignitaries of the government&mdash;the Princes
-Kung and Ching and the presidents of the six boards. It took me nearly a
-month to finish these official calls. Peking may be said to be a city of
-great distances, and the high officials live quite far apart from each
-other. The only conveyances that were used to go about from place to
-place were the mule carts. These were heavy, clumsy vehicles with an
-axle-tree running right across under the body of a box, which was the
-carriage, and without springs to break the jolting, with two heavy
-wheels, one at each end of the axle. They were slow coaches, and with
-the Peking roads all cut up and seldom repaired, you can imagine what
-traveling in those days meant. The dust and smell of the roads<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_220" id="page_220"></a>{220}</span> were
-something fearful. The dust was nothing but pulverized manure almost as
-black as ink. It was ground so fine by the millions of mule carts that
-this black stuff would fill one’s eyes and ears and penetrate deep into
-the pores of one’s skin, making it impossible to cleanse oneself with
-one washing. The neck, head and hands had to have suitable coverings to
-keep off the dust. The water is brackish, making it difficult to take
-off the dirt, thereby adding to the discomforts of living in Peking.</p>
-
-<p>I was in Peking about three months. While there, I found time to prepare
-a plan for the effectual suppression of the Indian opium trade in China
-and the extinction of the poppy cultivation in China and India. This
-plan was submitted to the Chinese government to be carried out, but I
-was told by Whang Wen Shiu, the president of the Tsung Li Yamun (Foreign
-Affairs), that for want of suitable men, the plan could not be
-entertained, and it was shelved for nearly a quarter of a century until
-recently when the subject became an international question.</p>
-
-<p>I left Peking in 1882. After four months’ residence in Shanghai, I
-returned to the United States on account of the health of my family.</p>
-
-<p>I reached home in the spring of 1883, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_221" id="page_221"></a>{221}</span> found my wife in a very low
-condition. She had lost the use of her voice and greeted me in a hoarse
-low whisper. I was thankful that I found her still living though much
-emaciated. In less than a month after my return, she began to pick up
-and felt more like herself. Doubtless, her declining health and
-suffering were brought on partly on account of my absence and her
-inexpressible anxiety over the safety of my life. A missionary fresh
-from China happened to call on her a few days before my departure for
-China and told her that my going back to China was a hazardous step, as
-they would probably cut my head off on account of the Chinese
-Educational Mission. This piece of gratuitous information tended more to
-aggravate a mind already weighed down by poor health, and to have this
-gloomy foreboding added to her anxiety was more than she could bear. I
-was absent in China from my family this time nearly a year and a half,
-and I made up my mind that I would never leave it again under any
-conditions whatever. My return in 1883 seemed to act on my wife’s health
-and spirit like magic, as she gradually recovered strength enough to go
-up to Norfolk for the summer. The air up in Norfolk was comparatively
-pure and more wholesome<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_222" id="page_222"></a>{222}</span> than in the Connecticut valley, and proved
-highly salubrious to her condition. At the close of the summer, she came
-back a different person from what she was when she went away, and I was
-much encouraged by her improved health. I followed up these changes of
-climate and air with the view of restoring her to her normal condition,
-taking her down to Atlanta, Georgia, one winter and to the Adirondacks
-another year. It seemed that these changes brought only temporary relief
-without any permanent recovery. In the winter of 1885, she began to show
-signs of a loss of appetite and expressed a desire for a change.
-Somerville, New Jersey, was recommended to her as a sanitarium. That was
-the last resort she went to for her health, for there she caught a cold
-which resulted in her death. She lingered there for nearly two months
-till she was brought home, and died of Bright’s disease on the 28th of
-June, 1886. She was buried in Cedar Hill Cemetery in the home lot I
-secured for that purpose. Her death made a great void in my after-life,
-which was irreparable, but she did not leave me hopelessly deserted and
-alone; she left me two sons who are constant reminders of her beautiful
-life and character. They have proved to be my greatest comfort<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_223" id="page_223"></a>{223}</span> and
-solace in my declining years. They are most faithful, thoughtful and
-affectionate sons, and I am proud of their manly and earnest Christian
-characters. My gratitude to God for blessing me with two such sons will
-forever rise to heaven, an endless incense.</p>
-
-<p>The two blows that fell upon me one after the other within the short
-span of five years from 1880 to 1886 were enough to crush my spirit. The
-one had scattered my life work to the four winds; the other had deprived
-me of a happy home which had lasted only ten years. The only gleam of
-light that broke through the dark clouds which hung over my head came
-from my two motherless sons whose tender years appealed to the very
-depths of my soul for care and sympathy. They were respectively seven
-and nine years old when deprived of their mother. I was both father and
-mother to them from 1886 till 1895. My whole soul was wrapped up in
-their education and well-being. My mother-in-law, Mrs. Mary B. Kellogg,
-assisted me in my work and stood by me in my most trying hours, keeping
-house for me for nearly two years.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_224" id="page_224"></a>{224}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXI" id="CHAPTER_XXI"></a>CHAPTER XXI<br /><br />
-MY RECALL TO CHINA</h2>
-
-<p>In 1894-5 war broke out between China and Japan on account of Korea. My
-sympathies were enlisted on the side of China, not because I am a
-Chinese, but because China had the right on her side, and Japan was
-simply trumping up a pretext to go to war with China, in order to show
-her military and naval prowess. Before the close of the war, it was
-impossible for me to be indifferent to the situation&mdash;I could not
-repress my love for China. I wrote to my former legation interpreter and
-secretary, two letters setting forth a plan by which China might
-prosecute the war for an indefinite time.</p>
-
-<p>My first plan was to go over to London to negotiate a loan of
-$15,000,000, with which sum to purchase three or four ready built
-iron-clads, to raise a foreign force of 5,000 men to attack Japan in the
-rear from the Pacific coast&mdash;thus creating a diversion to draw the
-Japanese forces from Korea and give the Chinese government a breathing
-spell to recruit a fresh army and a new<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_225" id="page_225"></a>{225}</span> navy to cope with Japan. While
-this plan was being carried out, the government was to empower a
-commission to mortgage the Island of Formosa to some Western power for
-the sum of $400,000,000 for the purpose of organizing a national army
-and navy to carry on the war. These plans were embodied in two letters
-to Tsai Sik Yung, at that time secretary to Chang Tsze Tung, viceroy of
-Hunan and Hupeh. They were translated into Chinese for the Viceroy. That
-was in the winter of 1894. To my great surprise, Viceroy Chang approved
-of my first plan. I was authorized by cable to go over to London to
-negotiate the loan of $15,000,000. The Chinese minister in London, a Li
-Hung Chang man, was advised of my mission, which in itself was a
-sufficient credential for me to present myself to the minister. In less
-than a month after my arrival in London, I succeeded in negotiating the
-loan; but in order to furnish collaterals for it, I had to get the
-Chinese minister in London to cable the government for the hypothecation
-of the customs’ revenue. I was told that Sir Robert Hart,
-inspector-general of customs, and Viceroy Li Hung Chang refused to have
-the customs’ revenue hypothecated, on the ground that this revenue was
-hardly enough<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_226" id="page_226"></a>{226}</span> to cover as collateral the loan to meet the heavy
-indemnity demanded by Japan. The fact was: Viceroy Li Hung Chang and
-Chang Chi Tung were at loggerheads and opposed to each other in the
-conduct of the war. The latter was opposed to peace being negotiated by
-Li Hung Chang; but the former had the Dowager Empress on his side and
-was strenuous in his efforts for peace.</p>
-
-<p>Hence Sir Robert Hart had to side with the Court party, and ignored
-Chang Chi Tung’s request for the loan of $15,000,000; on that account
-the loan fell through, and came near involving me in a suit with the
-London Banking Syndicate.</p>
-
-<p>I returned to New York and cabled for further instructions from Chang
-Chi Tung as to what my next step would be. In reply he cabled for me to
-come to China at once.</p>
-
-<p>After thirteen years of absence from China, I thought that my
-connections with the Chinese government had been severed for good when I
-left there in 1883. But it did not appear to be so; another call to
-return awaited me, this time from a man whom I had never seen, of whose
-character, disposition and views I was altogether ignorant, except from
-what I knew from hearsay. But he seemed to know all about me, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_227" id="page_227"></a>{227}</span> in
-his memorial to the government inviting me to return, he could not have
-spoken of me in higher terms than he did. So I girded myself to go back
-once more to see what there was in store for me. By this recall, I
-became Chang Chi Tung’s man as opposed to Li Hung Chang.</p>
-
-<p>Before leaving for China this time, I took special pains to see my two
-sons well provided for in their education. Dr. E. W. Kellogg, my oldest
-brother-in-law, was appointed their guardian. Morrison Brown Yung, the
-older son, had just succeeded in entering Yale, Sheffield Scientific,
-and was able to look out for himself. Bartlett G. Yung, the younger one,
-was still in the Hartford High School preparing for college. I was
-anxious to secure a good home for him before leaving the country, as I
-did not wish to leave him to shift for himself at his critical age. The
-subject was mentioned to my friends, Mr. and Mrs. Twichell. They at once
-came forward and proposed to take Bartlett into their family as one of
-its members, till he was ready to enter college. This is only a single
-instance illustrative of the large-hearted and broad spirit which has
-endeared them to their people both in the Asylum Hill church and outside
-of it. I was deeply affected by this act of self-denial and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_228" id="page_228"></a>{228}</span> magnanimity
-in my behalf as well as in the behalf of my son Bartlett, whom I felt
-perfectly assured was in first-class hands, adopted as a member of one
-of the best families in New England. Knowing that my sons would be well
-cared for, and leaving the development of their characters to an
-all-wise and ever-ruling Providence, as well as to their innate
-qualities, I embarked for China, this time without any definite and
-specific object in view beyond looking out for what opening there might
-be for me to serve her.</p>
-
-<p>On my arrival in Shanghai, in the early part of the summer of 1895, I
-had to go to the expense of furnishing myself with a complete outfit of
-all my official dresses, which cost me quite a sum. Viceroy Chang Chi
-Tung, a short time previous to my arrival, had been transferred from the
-viceroyalty of the two Hoos to the viceroyalty of the two Kiangs
-temporarily. Instead of going up to Wu Chang, the capital of Hupeh, I
-went up to Nanking, where he was quartered.</p>
-
-<p>In Viceroy Chang Chi Tung, I did not find that magnetic attraction which
-at once drew me towards Tsang Kwoh Fan when I first met him at Ngan
-Khing in 1863. There was a cold, supercilious<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_229" id="page_229"></a>{229}</span> air enveloping him, which
-at once put me on my guard. After stating in a summary way how the loan
-of $15,000,000 fell through, he did not state why the Peking government
-had declined to endorse his action in authorizing the loan, though I
-knew at the time that Sir Robert Hart, the inspector-general of the
-Chinese customs, put forward as an excuse that the custom dues were
-hardly enough to serve as collateral for the big loan that was about to
-be negotiated to satisfy the war indemnity demanded by the Japanese
-government. This was the diplomatic way of coating over a bitter pill
-for Chang Chi Tung to swallow, when the Peking government, through the
-influence of Li Hung Chang, was induced to ignore the loan. Chang and Li
-were not at the time on cordial terms, each having a divergent policy to
-follow in regard to the conduct of the war.</p>
-
-<p>Dropping the subject of the loan as a dead issue, our next topic of
-conversation was the political state of the country in view of the
-humiliating defeat China had suffered through the incompetence and
-corruption of Li Hung Chang, whose defeat both on land and sea had
-stripped him of all official rank and title and came near costing him
-his life. I said that China,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_230" id="page_230"></a>{230}</span> in order to recover her prestige and
-become a strong and powerful nation, would have to adopt a new policy.
-She would have to go to work and engage at least four foreigners to act
-as advisers in the Department for Foreign Affairs, in the Military and
-Naval Departments and in the Treasury Department. They might be engaged
-for a period of ten years, at the end of which time they might be
-re-engaged for another term. They would have to be men of practical
-experience, of unquestioned ability and character. While these men were
-thus engaged to give their best advice in their respective departments,
-it should be taken up and acted upon, and young and able Chinese
-students should be selected to work under them. In that way, the
-government would have been rebuilt upon Western methods, and on
-principles and ideas that look to the reformation of the administrative
-government of China.</p>
-
-<p>Such was the sum and substance of my talk in the first and only
-interview with which Chang Chi Tung favored me. During the whole of it,
-he did not express his opinion at all on any of the topics touched upon.
-He was as reticent and absorbent as a dry sponge. The interview differed
-from that accorded me by Tsang Kwoh<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_231" id="page_231"></a>{231}</span> Fan in 1863, in that Tsang had
-already made up his mind what he wanted to do for China, and I was
-pointed out to him to execute it. But in the case of Chang Chi Tung, he
-had no plan formed for China at the time, and what I presented to him in
-the interview was entirely new and somewhat radical; but the close of
-the Japan War justified me in bringing forward such views, as it was on
-account of that war that I had been recalled. If he had been as broad a
-statesman as his predecessor, Tsang Kwoh Fan, he could have said
-something to encourage me to entertain even a glimpse of hope that he
-was going to do something to reform the political condition of the
-government of the country at the close of the war. Nothing, however, was
-said, or even hinted at. In fact, I had no other interview with him
-after the first one. Before he left Nanking for Wu Chang, he gave me the
-appointment of Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Kiang Nan.</p>
-
-<p>On the arrival of Liu Kwan Yih, the permanent viceroy of the two Kiang
-provinces, Chang Chi Tung did not ask me to go up to Wu Chang with him.
-This I took to be a pretty broad hint that he did not need my services
-any longer, that I was not the man to suit his purposes; and as I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_232" id="page_232"></a>{232}</span> had
-no axe to grind, I did not make any attempt to run after my grind-stone.
-On the contrary, after three months’ stay in Nanking under Viceroy Liu
-Kwan Yih, out of regard for official etiquette, I resigned the
-secretaryship, which was practically a sinecure&mdash;paying about $150 a
-month. Such was my brief official experience with Viceroys Chang Chi
-Tung and Liu Kwan Yih.</p>
-
-<p>I severed my official connection with the provincial government of Kiang
-Nan in 1896, and took up my headquarters in Shanghai&mdash;untrammeled and
-free to do as I pleased and go where I liked. It was then that I
-conceived the plan of inducing the central government to establish in
-Peking a government national bank. For this object I set to work
-translating into Chinese the National Banking Act and other laws
-relating to national banks from the Revised Statutes of the United
-States with Amendments and additional Acts of 1875. In prosecuting this
-work, I had the aid of a Chinese writer, likewise the co-operation of
-the late Wong Kai Keh, one of the Chinese students who was afterwards
-the assistant Chinese commissioner in the St. Louis Exposition, who gave
-me valuable help. With the translation, I went up<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_233" id="page_233"></a>{233}</span> to Peking with my
-Chinese writer, and, at the invitation of my old friend, Chang Yen Hwan,
-who had been Chinese Minister in Washington from 1884 to 1888, I took up
-my quarters in his residence and remained there several months. Chang
-Yen Hwan at that time held two offices: one as a senior member of the
-Tsung Li Yamun (Office for Foreign Affairs); the other, as the first
-secretary in the Treasury Department of which Ung Tung Hwo, tutor to the
-late Emperor Kwang Su, was the president. Chang Yen Hwan was greatly
-interested in the National Banking scheme. He examined the translation
-critically and suggested that I should leave out those articles that
-were inapplicable to the conditions of China, and retain only such as
-were important and practicable. After the translation and selection were
-completed, he showed it to Ung Tung Hwo, president of the Treasury. They
-were both highly pleased with it, and had all the Treasury officials
-look it over carefully and pass their judgment upon it. In a few weeks’
-time, the leading officials of the Treasury Department called upon me to
-congratulate me upon my work, and said it ought to be made a subject of
-a memorial to the government to have the banking scheme adopted and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_234" id="page_234"></a>{234}</span>
-carried out. Chang Yen Hwan came forward to champion it, backed by Ung
-Tung Hwo, the president.</p>
-
-<p>To have a basis upon which to start the National Bank of China, it was
-necessary to have the government advance the sum of Tls. 10,000,000; of
-this sum, upwards of Tls. 2,000,000 were to be spent on machinery for
-printing government bonds and bank-notes of different denominations and
-machinery for a mint; Tls. 2,000,000 for the purchase of land and
-buildings; and Tls. 6,000,000 were to be held in reserve in the Treasury
-for the purchase of gold, silver and copper for minting coins of
-different denominations for general circulation. This Tls. 10,000,000
-was to be taken as the initiatory sum to start the National Bank with,
-and was to be increased every year in proportion to the increase of the
-commerce of the Empire.</p>
-
-<p>We had made such progress in our project as to warrant our appointing a
-committee to go around to select a site for the Bank, while I was
-appointed to come to the United States to consult with the Treasury
-Department on the plan and scope of the enterprise and to learn the best
-course to take in carrying out the plan of the National Bank. The
-Treasury Department,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_235" id="page_235"></a>{235}</span> through its president, Ung Tung Hwo, was on the
-point of memorializing for an imperial decree to sanction setting aside
-the sum of Tls. 10,000,000 for the purpose indicated, when, to the
-astonishment of Chang Yen Hwan and other promoters of the enterprise,
-Ung Tung Hwo, the president, received a telegraphic message from Shing
-Sun Whei, head of the Chinese Telegraphic Co., and manager of the
-Shanghai, China Steamship Navigation Co., asking Ung to suspend his
-action for a couple of weeks, till his arrival in Peking, Ung and Shing
-being intimate friends, besides being compatriots, Ung acceded to
-Shing’s request. Shing Taotai, as he was called, was well-known to be a
-multimillionaire, and no great enterprise or concession of any kind
-could pass through without his finger in the pie. So in this banking
-scheme, he was bound to have his say. He had emissaries all over Peking
-who kept him well posted about everything going on in the capital as
-well as outside of it. He had access to the most powerful and
-influential princes in Peking, his system of graft reaching even the
-Dowager Empress through her favorite eunuch, the notorious Li Ling Ying.
-So Shing was a well-known character in Chinese politics. It was through<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_236" id="page_236"></a>{236}</span>
-his system of graft that the banking enterprise was defeated. It was
-reported that he came up to Peking with Tls. 300,000 as presents to two
-or three princes and other high and influential dignitaries, and got
-away with the Tls. 10,000,000 of appropriation by setting up a bank to
-manipulate his own projects.</p>
-
-<p>The defeat of the National Banking project owed its origin to the
-thoroughly corrupt condition of the administrative system of China. From
-the Dowager Empress down to the lowest and most petty underling in the
-Empire, the whole political fabric was honey-combed with what Americans
-characterize as graft&mdash;a species of political barnacles, if I may be
-allowed to call it that, which, when once allowed to fasten their hold
-upon the bottom of the ship of State were sure to work havoc and
-ruination; in other words, with money one could get anything done in
-China. Everything was for barter; the highest bid got the prize. The two
-wars&mdash;the one with Japan in 1894-5 and the other, the Japan and Russian
-War in 1904-5&mdash;have in some measure purified the Eastern atmosphere, and
-the Chinese have finally awakened to their senses and have come to some
-sane consciousness of their actual condition.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_237" id="page_237"></a>{237}</span></p>
-
-<p>After the defeat of the national banking project at the hands of Shing
-Taotai, I went right to work to secure a railroad concession from the
-government. The railroad I had in mind was one between the two ports of
-Tientsin and Chinkiang; one in the north, the other in the south near
-the mouth of the Yangtze River. The distance between these ports in a
-bee line is about five hundred miles; by a circuitous route going around
-the province of Shan Tung and crossing the Yellow River into the
-province of Hunan through Anwhui, the distance would be about seven
-hundred miles. The German government objected to having this railroad
-cross Shan Tung province, as they claimed they had the monopoly of
-building railroads throughout the province, and would not allow another
-party to build a railroad across Shan Tung. This was a preposterous and
-absurd pretension and could not be supported either by the international
-laws or the sovereign laws of China. At that time, China was too feeble
-and weak to take up the question and assert her own sovereign rights in
-the matter, nor had she the men in the Foreign Office to show up the
-absurdity of the pretension. So, to avoid any international
-complications, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_238" id="page_238"></a>{238}</span> concession was issued to me with the distinct
-understanding that the road was to be built by the circuitous route
-above described. The road was to be built with Chinese, not with foreign
-capital. I was given six months’ time to secure capital. At the end of
-six months, if I failed to show capital, I was to surrender the
-concession. I knew very well that it would be impossible to get Chinese
-capitalists to build any railroad at that time. I tried hard to get
-around the sticking point by getting foreign syndicates to take over the
-concession, but all my attempts proved abortive, and I was compelled to
-give up my railroad scheme also. This ended my last effort to help
-China.</p>
-
-<p>I did not dream that in the midst of my work, Khang Yu Wei and his
-disciple, Leang Kai Chiu, whom I met often in Peking during the previous
-year, were engaged in the great work of reform which was soon to
-culminate in the momentous <i>coup d’état</i> of 1898.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_239" id="page_239"></a>{239}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXII" id="CHAPTER_XXII"></a>CHAPTER XXII<br /><br />
-THE COUP D’ETAT OF 1898</h2>
-
-<p>The <i>coup d’état</i> of September, 1898, was an event memorable in the
-annals of the Manchu Dynasty. In it, the late Emperor Kwang Su was
-arbitrarily deposed; treasonably made a prisoner of state; and had his
-prerogatives and rights as Emperor of the Chinese Empire wrested from
-him and usurped by the late Dowager Empress Chi Hsi.</p>
-
-<p>Kwang Su, though crowned Emperor when he was five years of age, had all
-along held the sceptre only nominally. It was Chi Hsi who held the helm
-of the government all the time.</p>
-
-<p>As soon as Kwang Su had attained his majority, and began to exercise his
-authority as emperor, the lynx eye of Chi Hsi was never lifted away from
-him. His acts and movements were watched with the closest scrutiny, and
-were looked upon in any light but the right one, because her own stand
-in the government had never been the legitimate and straight one since
-1864, when her first regency over her own son,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_240" id="page_240"></a>{240}</span> Tung Chi, woke in her an
-ambition to dominate and rule, which grew to be a passion too morbid and
-strong to be curbed.</p>
-
-<p>In the assertion of his true manhood, and the exercise of his sovereign
-power, his determination to reform the government made him at once the
-cynosure of Peking, inside and outside of the Palace. In the eyes of the
-Dowager Empress Chi Hsi, whose retina was darkened by deeds perpetrated
-in the interest of usurpation and blinded by jealousy, Kwang Su appeared
-in no other light than as a dement, or to use a milder expression, an
-imbecile, fit only to be tagged round by an apron string, cared for and
-watched. But to the disinterested spectator and unprejudiced judge, Kwan
-Su was no imbecile, much less a dement. Impartial history and posterity
-will pronounce him not only a patriot emperor, but also a patriot
-reformer&mdash;as mentally sound and sane as any emperor who ever sat on the
-throne of China. He may be looked upon as a most remarkable historical
-character of the Manchu Dynasty from the fact that he was singled out by
-an all-wise Providence to be the pioneer of the great reform movement in
-China at the threshold of the twentieth century.</p>
-
-<p>Just at this juncture of the political condition<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_241" id="page_241"></a>{241}</span> of China, the tide of
-reform had reached Peking. Emperor Kwang Su, under some mysterious
-influence, to the astonishment of the world, stood forth as the exponent
-of this reform movement. I determined to remain in the city to watch its
-progress. My headquarters became the rendez-vous of the leading
-reformers of 1898. It was in the fall of that memorable year that the
-<i>coup d’état</i> took place, in which the young Emperor Kwang Su was
-deposed by the Dowager Empress, and some of the leading reformers
-arrested and summarily decapitated.</p>
-
-<p>Being implicated by harboring the reformers, and in deep sympathy with
-them, I had to flee for my own life and succeeded in escaping from
-Peking. I took up quarters in the foreign settlement of Shanghai. While
-there, I organized the “Deliberative Association of China,” of which I
-was chosen the first president. The object of the association was to
-discuss the leading question of the day, especially those of reform.</p>
-
-<p>In 1899, I was advised for my own personal safety, to change my
-residence. I went to Hong Kong and placed myself under the protection of
-the British government.</p>
-
-<p>I was in Hong Kong from 1900 till 1902,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_242" id="page_242"></a>{242}</span> when I returned to the United
-States to see my younger son, Bartlett G. Yung, graduate from Yale
-University.</p>
-
-<p>In the spring of 1901, I visited the Island of Formosa, and in that
-visit I called upon Viscount Gentaro Kodama, governor of the island,
-who, in the Russo-Japan War of 1904-5 was the chief of staff to Marshal
-Oyama in Manchuria. In the interview our conversation had to be carried
-on through his interpreter, as he, Kodama, could not speak English nor
-could I speak Japanese.</p>
-
-<p>He said he was glad to see me, as he had heard a great deal of me, but
-never had the pleasure of meeting me. Now that he had the opportunity,
-he said he might as well tell me that he had most unpleasant if not
-painful information to give me. Being somewhat surprised at such an
-announcement, I asked what the information was. He said he had received
-from the viceroy of Fuhkein and Chêhkiang an official despatch
-requesting him to have me arrested, if found in Formosa, and sent over
-to the mainland to be delivered over to the Chinese authorities. Kodama
-while giving this information showed neither perturbation of thought nor
-feeling, but his whole countenance was wreathed with a calm and even
-playful smile.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_243" id="page_243"></a>{243}</span></p>
-
-<p>I was not disturbed by this unexpected news, nor was I at all excited. I
-met it calmly and squarely, and said in reply that I was entirely in his
-power, that he could deliver me over to my enemies whenever he wished; I
-was ready to die for China at any time, provided that the death was an
-honorable one.</p>
-
-<p>“Well, Mr. Yung,” said he, “I am not going to play the part of a
-constable for China, so you may rest at ease on this point. I shall not
-deliver you over to China. But I have another matter to call to your
-attention.” I asked what it was. He immediately held up a Chinese
-newspaper before me, and asked who was the author of the proposition.
-Without the least hesitation. I told him I was the author of it. At the
-same time, to give emphasis to this open declaration, I put my opened
-right palm on my chest two or three times, which attracted the attention
-of everyone in the room, and caused a slight excitement among the
-Japanese officials present.</p>
-
-<p>I then said, “With Your Excellency’s permission, I must beg to make one
-correction in the amount stated; instead of $800,000,000, the sum stated
-in my proposition was only $400,000,000.” At this frank and open
-declaration<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_244" id="page_244"></a>{244}</span> and the corrected sum, Kodama was evidently pleased and
-visibly showed his pleasure by smiling at me.</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese newspaper Kodama showed me contained a proposition I drew up
-for Viceroy Chang Chi Tung to memorialize the Peking government for
-adoption in 1894-5, about six months before the signing of the Treaty of
-Shemonashiki by Viceroy Li Hung Chang. The proposal was to have the
-Island of Formosa mortgaged to a European Treaty power for a period of
-ninety-nine years for the sum of $400,000,000 in gold. With this sum
-China was to carry on the war with Japan by raising a new army and a new
-navy. This proposition was never carried through, but was made public in
-the Chinese newspapers, and a copy of it found its way to Kodama’s
-office, where, strange to say, I was confronted with it, and I had the
-moral courage not only to avow its authorship but also a correction of
-the amount the island was to be mortgaged for.</p>
-
-<p>To bring the interview to a climax, I said, should like circumstances
-ever arise, nothing would deter me from repeating the same proposition
-in order to fight Japan.</p>
-
-<p>This interview with the Japanese governor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_245" id="page_245"></a>{245}</span> Formosa was one of the
-most memorable ones in my life. I thought at first that at the request
-of the Chinese viceroy I was going to be surrendered, and that my fate
-was sealed; but no sooner had the twinkling smile of Kodama lighted his
-countenance than my assurance of life and safety came back with
-redoubled strength, and I was emboldened to talk war on Japan with
-perfect impunity. The bold and open stand I took on that occasion won
-the admiration of the governor who then invited me to accompany him to
-Japan where he expected to go soon to be promoted. He said he would
-introduce me to the Japanese emperor and other leading men of the
-nation. I thanked him heartily for his kindness and invitation and said
-I would accept such a generous invitation and consider it a great honor
-to accompany him on his contemplated journey, but my health would not
-allow me to take advantage of it. I had the asthma badly at the time.</p>
-
-<p>Then, before parting, he said that my life was in danger, and that while
-I was in Formosa under his jurisdiction he would see that I was well
-protected and said that he would furnish me with a bodyguard to prevent
-all possibilities of assassination. So the next day he sent me<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_246" id="page_246"></a>{246}</span> four
-Japanese guards to watch over me at night in my quarters; and in the
-daytime whenever I went out, two guards would go in advance of me and
-two behind my jinrickisha to see that I was safe. This protection was
-continued for the few days I spent in Formosa till I embarked for Hong
-Kong. I went in person to thank the governor and to express my great
-obligation and gratitude to him for the deep interest he had manifested
-towards me.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_247" id="page_247"></a>{247}</span></p>
-
-<h2><a name="APPENDIX" id="APPENDIX"></a>APPENDIX</h2>
-
-<p class="sml">An address by the Rev. Joseph H. Twichell, delivered before the Kent
-Club of the Yale Law School, April 10, 1878.</p>
-
-<p>A visitor to the City of Hartford, at the present time, will be likely
-to meet on the streets groups of Chinese boys, in their native dress,
-though somewhat modified, and speaking their native tongue, yet seeming,
-withal, to be very much at home. He will also occasionally meet Chinese
-men who, by their bearing, will impress him as being gentlemen of their
-race.</p>
-
-<p>These gentlemen are officers, and these boys are pupils of the Chinese
-Educational Mission, although one of the most remarkable and significant
-institutions of the age on the face of the whole earth. The object of
-the mission, now of nearly six years’ standing, is the education in this
-country, through a term of fifteen years, of a corps of young men for
-the Chinese Government service; that Government paying the whole
-cost&mdash;an annual expense of about $100,000. The number of the officers is
-five, viz,&mdash;the two Imperial Commissioners in charge, a translator and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_248" id="page_248"></a>{248}</span>
-interpreter and two teachers. The function of the teachers is to direct
-the Chinese education of the pupils, which proceeds <i>pari passu</i> with
-their Western education. The number of pupils was originally 120, but
-now 112, one having died and seven having, for various reasons, returned
-to China. A fine, large house recently erected by the Chinese Government
-in the western part of the City, at a cost of fifty thousand dollars, is
-the headquarters of the Mission. There are the offices of the officers,
-and there is lodged the class that is present for examination and
-instruction in Chinese studies. For this purpose the pupils are divided
-into classes of about twenty, one coming as another goes, each staying
-at the Mission House two weeks at a time. A small part only of the whole
-number are permanently located in Hartford. Most of them are in other
-places, though not far away, generally two together attending school or
-receiving private instruction in families.</p>
-
-<p>They come in yearly companies of thirty, beginning with 1872, and the
-last detachment is still chiefly engaged in learning our language.</p>
-
-<p>The plan is to afford these boys the advantages of our best educational
-institutions&mdash;academies, colleges, and, to some extent, professional
-schools<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_249" id="page_249"></a>{249}</span>&mdash;to assign them, by and by, as they shall develop aptitude, to
-various special courses of study and training in the physical,
-mechanical and military sciences, in political history and economy,
-international law, the principles and practice of civil administration
-and in all departments and branches of knowledge, skill in which is
-useful for public government service in these modern times. And through
-the whole process of this education, it is to be impressed upon them
-that they belong and are to belong to their nation, for whose sake they
-are elected to enjoy these great and peculiar opportunities. The result
-will be, if all goes well and the plan is carried out,&mdash;and there is
-apparently nothing now to prevent it,&mdash;that in the year 1887 or
-thereabout there will go from this country to China a body of somewhere
-near a hundred men who have grown up under exceedingly favorable
-conditions from early youth to manhood here among us, destined to hold
-places of importance in the government and in the society of their
-native land, better equipped in all save experience to do for that land
-what most needs to be done, and inspired for their work with a more
-enlightened sense of patriotic duty and responsibility than any other
-hundred of her sons of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_250" id="page_250"></a>{250}</span> generation. And who can forecast or
-estimate the consequences that Divine Providence is thus preparing?</p>
-
-<h3>COMMISSIONER YUNG WING</h3>
-
-<p>Such in brief outline is the Chinese Educational Mission to the United
-States. The head and front of the whole marvellous enterprise, humanly
-speaking, is Commissioner Yung Wing. While others whose co-operation was
-indispensable, have, as will presently appear, contributed to it and
-still stand back of it, and justly share the credit of it with him, to
-him more than to any other man beside, probably more than to all other
-men beside, its existence is due. Its history, thus far, cannot be
-better told except in that connection, so intimately are the two
-histories related. But it becomes one who speaks of Yung Wing to observe
-the principle that we must be modest for a modest man, for so modest a
-man as he is is rare to find. He was born in 1828, of a worthy family in
-humble life, near the city of Macao in Southern China. In the year 1839
-he became a pupil in a children’s school, opened by Mrs. Gutzlaff, the
-wife of an English missionary, his parents consenting to it in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_251" id="page_251"></a>{251}</span> idea
-that it would be a profitable thing for him to learn the English
-language. Proving a bright scholar, he was in time promoted to the
-Morrison School, an institution founded by English merchants in Macao
-and named after Robert Morrison, the first English Protestant, but at
-this time under charge of the Rev. S. R. Brown, a teacher engaged by the
-Morrison Educational Society. When later this school was transferred to
-Hong Kong he went with it, and remained in it till he came to this
-country. He suffered, however, during this time serious interruption by
-the death of his father, which required him to go home and, a boy that
-he was, assist in the support of his family. This he did by wages earned
-in the printing establishment of a Portuguese Roman Catholic mission in
-Macao.</p>
-
-<p>In 1847, Mr. Brown, who had long noted his patient ardor in study, the
-marks of ability he showed and a certain original vigor of will and
-strength of character that were in him, brought him, at the age of
-sixteen, with two other native lads, also his pupils, of about the same
-age, to the United States; Andrew Shortrede, a large-hearted Scotchman,
-founder, proprietor and editor of <i>The China Mail</i>, published at Hong
-Kong, engaging to advance the means of their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_252" id="page_252"></a>{252}</span> support for two years. The
-three boys were entered together at the academy in Monson, Mass., and
-were received into the family of Mr. Brown’s mother, who lived at
-Monson, a royal woman whose name is memorable in the church of Christ as
-that of the author of the hymn, “I love to steal awhile away.” It was
-while a member of her godly household that Yung Wing became a Christian
-believer.</p>
-
-<p>It will not be out of place to state here, as a fact, the significance
-of which will be readily appreciated, that he caused the son who was
-born to him in 1876&mdash;his first-born&mdash;to be named in baptism Morrison
-Brown, an eloquent act of recognition and profession. Of Wing’s two
-companions one, Wong Shing, was compelled, by want of health, to return
-to China the next year. There, in the office of <i>The China Mail</i>, he
-learned the art of printing. From 1852 or 1853 he was for several years
-connected with the press of the <i>London Mission</i> under Dr. Legge, now
-the eminent Professor of the Chinese Language and Literature in Oxford
-University. In 1873 he accompanied the second detachment of Chinese
-students to this country, and is at present under appointment as
-interpreter to the Chinese Legation soon to be established at
-Washington.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_253" id="page_253"></a>{253}</span></p>
-
-<p>The other, Wong Fun, went to Scotland in 1850, and after two years
-general study entered the Medical Department of Edinburgh University, at
-which he graduated with very high honor. Returning to China in 1856, he
-began the practice of medicine in the city of Canton and is most highly
-esteemed on all that coast, both for his private character and for his
-professional talents, being held by many foreign residents the ablest
-physician in the whole region of the East beyond Calcutta. Wong Fun died
-Oct. 15th, 1878.</p>
-
-<h3>IN YALE COLLEGE</h3>
-
-<p>Yung Wing, after two years and a half spent at Monson, Mass., was, in
-1850, though but poorly fitted for want of time, admitted to the
-Freshman Class in Yale College. His career in college was, in some
-respects, a remarkable one. Owing to his inadequate preparations, he did
-not, though he worked hard, take a high stand in general scholarship,
-yet he excelled in the departments of writing and metaphysics, and made
-a sensation that was felt beyond the college walls by bearing off
-repeated prizes for English composition. Throughout his entire course he
-contended with poverty, a circumstance<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_254" id="page_254"></a>{254}</span> the explanation of which
-deserves notice. When he became a Christian, at Monson, he heard and at
-once accepted his Divine call to devote his life to the Christian
-service of his nation. But the form of that service&mdash;what should it be?
-This question he had to answer, at least in part. The presumption was,
-and it was assumed by his friends and by the public so far as his case
-was known, that he would be a minister of the Gospel. But right then and
-there, after much careful and prayerful thinking, this boy of seventeen,
-though by no means doubting the value of Christian missions, fully
-recognizing the fact, indeed, that he himself was the direct fruit of
-Christian missions,&mdash;which, be it ever remembered, he was,&mdash;concluded,
-with an independence characteristic of him even at that age, that it was
-not best for him to be a missionary. He had a suspicion then, though
-indistinct, that he was wanted for something else. It was a costly
-conclusion and he was quite aware of it. It was against the views and
-hopes of the most of those who were around him, and by it, being without
-pecuniary means, he cut himself off from the resource of those
-charitable foundations that would have aided him as a student for the
-ministry. And so he was poor in college; he smiles<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_255" id="page_255"></a>{255}</span> now to remember how
-poor. Yet he received help from persons interested in him at New Haven
-and elsewhere, mainly through the medium of Professor Thatcher, whose
-care for him in that matter claims his liveliest gratitude to this day.
-And he got through. He came to college in his cue and Chinese tunic, but
-put off both in the course of his first year.</p>
-
-<p>His nationality made him a good deal of a stranger, and this, together
-with his extreme natural reserve and his poverty, kept him from mingling
-much with the social life of college. He had not many intimates, yet he
-so carried himself from first to last as to merit and win the entire
-respect of all his class. It was in certain long walks and talks he had
-with his classmate, Carrol Cutler, now president of Western Reserve
-College, that he opened and discussed the project then forming in his
-mind of this Chinese Educational Mission. The idea was born, the dream
-was taking shape, but the way was long to its realization.</p>
-
-<p>His graduation in 1854 was the event of the Commencement of that year.
-There were many, at least, who so regarded it, and some of them came to
-the Commencement principally for the sake of seeing the Chinese
-graduate. Among<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_256" id="page_256"></a>{256}</span> the latter was Dr. Bushnell of Hartford. He had heard
-of him and being strongly interested, according to the size of his great
-mind and heart, in the Chinese race, he desired to meet Yung Wing. An
-incident of their meeting on that occasion, which the writer has heard
-Dr. Bushnell tell, will bear repeating: When they were introduced, the
-Doctor gave it as one of his reasons for seeking the introduction that
-he desired to ascertain who had written certain newspaper articles on
-the Chinese question, as it then stood, which had attracted his
-attention as evincing marks of statesmanship. He thought Wing might
-know. Whereupon, as the Doctor said, Wing hung his head, and blushing
-like a girl, with much confusion of manner, confessed that he was their
-author. It is only fair to add that Mr. Wing says that he does not
-remember this incident. But it is equally fair to add again that in a
-case of this kind Dr. Bushnell’s memory, or anybody else’s, were more
-worthy to be trusted than Yung Wing’s.</p>
-
-<p>At the time of his graduation, Wing was as much tempted as it was
-possible for him to be, to change the plan of his life. He had been in
-this country long enough to become thoroughly naturalized here. He was,
-in fact, a citizen. All<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_257" id="page_257"></a>{257}</span> his tastes and feelings and affinities,
-intellectual and moral, made him at home here. Moreover, through the
-notice into which his graduation brought him, it came about that a very
-inviting opportunity was opened to him to remain and have his career
-here if he chose to. On the other hand, China was like a strange land to
-him. He had even almost entirely forgotten his native tongue. And there
-was nothing in China for him to go to. Except among his humble kindred,
-he had no friends there; nothing to give him any standing or
-consideration, no place, so to speak, to set his foot on. Not only so,
-but considering where he had been and what he had become, and the
-purpose he had in view, he could not fail to encounter, among his own
-people, prejudice, suspicion, hostility. A cheerless, forbidding
-prospect lay before him in that direction. The thought of going back was
-the thought of exile. He wanted immensely to stay. But there was one
-text of Holy Scripture that, all this while, he says, haunted him and
-followed him like the voice of God. It was this: “If any provide not for
-his own, and specially for those of his own house, he hath denied the
-faith, and is worse than an infidel.” And by the words “his own” and
-“his own house,” it meant to him the nation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_258" id="page_258"></a>{258}</span> which he was born. The
-text carried the day. The benefits which he had been, as it were,
-singled out from a whole people to receive, his sense of justice and
-gratitude alike would not let him appropriate to his own advantage. And
-so, though he knew not what should befall him, he set his face to
-return; and he went to do what he has done.</p>
-
-<p>He sailed soon after his graduation for Hong Kong which, after a voyage
-of 151 days, he reached in the month of April, 1855. When the Chinese
-pilot came on board he found that he could, with some difficulty,
-understand what he said, though he could not make the pilot understand
-him, which shows the condition of his knowledge of Chinese on his
-arrival in the country. It took him all the time he was not otherwise
-employed for two years to acquire facility in the use of it.</p>
-
-<h3>TAKING FIRST STEPS IN LIFE</h3>
-
-<p>As for his grand scheme, he had settled it in his own mind that the
-first step to be taken toward carrying it out was to contrive a way of
-getting it before some influential public man or men&mdash;a thing itself of
-infinite difficulty.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_259" id="page_259"></a>{259}</span> With this end in view, though, of course, to make
-his living also, he sought and obtained the position of private
-secretary to the Hon. Peter Parker, then Commissioner of the United
-States to China, hoping that it would be the means of affording him the
-access he desired. Becoming satisfied upon a sufficient trial that it
-was not likely to answer his expectations in this regard, he resigned
-the place after a few months. He now attempted another way of compassing
-the matter. There was at Hong Kong an English bar consisting of a dozen
-or so lawyers doing business for the foreign commercial houses of that
-City. Wing bethought him that the standing and acquaintance resulting
-from his becoming a member of that bar might not improbably bring him
-the opportunity he sought. Accordingly, he entered one of the offices as
-a student. But presently it got out among the lawyers who this young man
-was, what his education had been, and they saw that his competition with
-them for legal practice of a Chinese city was a thing not to be allowed
-if it could be prevented. And so his principal, pleading the commands of
-his legal brethren, informed him, with many courteous expressions of
-regret, that he must find another place to study law in. And as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_260" id="page_260"></a>{260}</span> there
-was no other place, he had to give it up.</p>
-
-<p>After this followed an interval of nearly two years, during which he
-occupied himself with Chinese and other studies, earning his bread by
-such commercial translation as he could find to do, and waited for the
-right thing to turn up. He then, in the same hope that led him to his
-previous experiments, took a place in the Customs Service at Shanghai.
-But neither did this, on trial, promise, in his judgment, a <i>pou sto</i>
-for his operations, and he soon abandoned it.</p>
-
-<p>It was now 1860. Five years and nothing accomplished! To one only
-looking on the outside Yung Wing would appear to have thus far pursued
-an uncertain and rather thriftless course; but not if he penetrated his
-real policy and the purpose that lay ever nearest his heart; most
-assuredly not if he knew&mdash;what was the fact&mdash;that all this time that he
-was going from one thing to another and keeping himself poor, he was
-refusing offers of employment at rates of remuneration that to him, so
-long familiar with a straightened lot, seemed little short of princely.
-In 1860, however, overtures were made him by one of the leading silk and
-tea houses of Shanghai to enter its service as traveling inland agent,
-which, for the reason in part<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_261" id="page_261"></a>{261}</span> that it would send him touring through a
-wide extent of country and possess him, by observation, of a knowledge
-that he deemed would be useful to him, he determined to accept. This
-business he followed for a year, and then, seeing a good chance for it,
-set up in a business for himself which proved so profitable a venture
-that, had he continued in it, he would, to all appearances, have
-speedily become rich. As it was, he made a very considerable sum of
-money.</p>
-
-<p>But in 1862 the door of the opportunity which he had been constantly
-feeling after from the day he landed in China, unexpectedly opened to
-him.</p>
-
-<p>It was in this wise: While in the city of Shanghai, he made the
-acquaintance of a Chinese astronomer&mdash;a man of rank and of eminence in
-learning. Or rather, the astronomer, who had in some way gained
-intelligence of Wing’s antecedents, sought his acquaintance for the sake
-of talking astronomy with him. In repeated interviews through which
-their acquaintance progressed to the degree of mutual friendly regard,
-Wing, who had carried away from college a better knowledge of astronomy
-than most graduates do, told him all he knew, which was a long advance
-upon his own previous acquisitions in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_262" id="page_262"></a>{262}</span> that science. This astronomer was
-an officer of the great Tsang Kwoh Fan, viceroy of Kiang Su and Kiang
-Nan provinces, generalissimo of the Imperial forces and one of the very
-most prominent and leading men in the whole Empire. Through
-representations made to him by the astronomer, he soon sent a message to
-Yung Wing desiring to see him, and hinting a desire to take him into his
-service. Though returning a favorable reply to the message, under all
-the circumstances and for reasons that cannot be explained, Wing delayed
-responding to it in person for a considerable time. The situation was a
-delicate one, requiring extreme caution and circumspection on his part.</p>
-
-<p>But at length he paid Tsang Koh Fan the promised visit. He felt the
-occasion to be a critical one, and when ushered into the great man’s
-presence found it difficult to retain his composure. Tsang Koh Fan first
-bent upon him a long, intense, piercing gaze. As Wing says, he had never
-been looked at in his life as he was then. Then causing him to be
-seated, he required of him an account of his history, which he gave. He
-then questioned him as to his views respecting China,&mdash;her needs, her
-outlook, her public policy, and so on. A long conversation<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_263" id="page_263"></a>{263}</span> followed in
-which the Viceroy disclosed his views, to which Wing listened with
-amazement. For, behold, here was a man such as he had not supposed
-existed in that country&mdash;a man reared in China, and not a young man
-either&mdash;who had light in his head; who recognized the causes of many of
-the disadvantages China was contending with in taking her place among
-the family of nations; a man of marvellously liberal and progressive
-sentiments.</p>
-
-<h3>MADE A MANDARIN</h3>
-
-<p>The result of the interview was that Wing entered his service and was
-made a Mandarin of the fifth rank, there being nine degrees of that
-dignity in the Chinese official system. At this time the great Taiping
-rebellion was at its height and Tsang Koh Fan was in the field. In fact,
-the interview had taken place at his camp in Ngankin, on the Yang Tse
-River. The Viceroy first tendered Wing a military command which, on the
-score of lack of qualification, he asked leave to decline. He was then,
-shortly after, 1864, at his own suggestion, despatched abroad to
-purchase machinery for the manufacture of arms, for which purpose the
-expenditure of a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_264" id="page_264"></a>{264}</span> large sum of money was intrusted to him. On this
-errand he visited France and England as well as the United States, but
-finally gave his orders here. On returning with his purchases to China
-in 1865, what he had done was so satisfactory to his chief that he was
-advanced to the next higher grade of official rank, viz,&mdash;the Fourth.
-The machinery he had bought was the foundation of the Kiang Nan Arsenal.
-It is curious to remark that the first work of a man whose supreme
-ambition it was, from Christian motives, to set his country forward in
-civilization, should have been the establishment of an arsenal. But it
-quite consisted with Yung Wing’s ideas, which were intensely patriotic.</p>
-
-<p>From 1865 to 1870 he was variously employed in different places, being
-under command now of one superior and now of another. Among the work
-that he did during this period, that of translation was prominent. He
-translated into Chinese Parson’s Law of Contracts, and a book of English
-Law. He also translated large portions of Colton’s Geography, deeming
-that geographical knowledge was as likely to prove beneficial to his
-countrymen as any.</p>
-
-<p>But the thing that lay nearest his heart and that was continually before
-him, was the question<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_265" id="page_265"></a>{265}</span> of how to accomplish the plan he had so many
-years held in hope. He now had ample opportunity to expound and advocate
-it, and he did so with inexhaustible perseverance. The main argument he
-used was this: China, in her international relations, in her commercial
-and other intercourse with foreign peoples, suffers disadvantage and
-much detriment from want of men capable by education of acting as her
-representatives. She is forced to employ in many most important places,
-that ought to be occupied by her own citizens, foreigners by whom her
-interests are liable to be neglected or betrayed. Her forts, her ships
-of war, her military forces, her customs, are largely in charge of
-foreigners. How was it proper, he asked, that Anson Burlingame, an
-American, should be her chief agent in arranging a treaty with his own
-country and other western governments? This was his general line of
-reasoning.</p>
-
-<p>The most to whom he brought the matter heard him with indifference, but
-there were three men upon whom he made an impression&mdash;all men of high
-rank and commanding influence. They were the Viceroy, Tsang Koh Fan,
-already named; Li Hung Chang, now Viceroy of the capital province of
-Chihli and the foremost<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_266" id="page_266"></a>{266}</span> Chinese statesman; and Ting Yi Tcheang, then
-Governor of the Province of Kiang Su. Yet these men, convinced as they
-were by Wing’s reasons and avowedly favorable to his project, with all
-their eminence of position and their influence, were not ready to
-venture the attempt to carry it through with the Imperial Government.
-All the forces of conservatism would be opposed to it; the time for it
-had not come.</p>
-
-<p>In 1867, however, the Governor Ting, who was the most willing of the
-three, had made representations to an Imperial Minister named Wan
-Cheang, on the strength of which he was advised to address a memorial on
-the subject to the Imperial Council at Peking, Wan Cheang undertaking to
-commend it to the attention of the Council. The situation was at this
-juncture moderately hopeful, but before the memorial reached the
-Council, the mother of Wan Cheang died, by which event he was, under the
-law of Chinese high official etiquette, retired from public life three
-entire years, and the whole business was set back to where it had been.
-These were years of great trial to Yung Wing. He was prospering, indeed,
-in one point of view, but the hope to which he was devoted was so long
-deferred that his heart was often sick. Understand<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_267" id="page_267"></a>{267}</span> that he was leading
-there in China an essentially solitary life. He had, soon after his
-return in 1855, in accordance with his views of what was due to his
-purpose, resumed his native dress and identified himself not only thus
-externally, but also in large measure in every other respect with his
-own people. Especially from the time he became a Chinese Government
-official, he had dwelt in Chinese society, and had disappeared almost
-wholly from other society. He had his books and kept up diligently with
-what was going on in the world of learning and letters outside&mdash;it was
-his only resource&mdash;but he was exceedingly alone and lonely
-notwithstanding. The discouragements to his endeavor that faced him were
-so numerous and so solid that he was sometimes half disposed to give it
-all up; but only half disposed.</p>
-
-<p>One of the things that held him to it was not of a nature of an
-encouragement exactly, but it did excellently well as an antidote to the
-effect upon his spirits of his discouragements. It began to come to his
-ears now and than that his American and English friends in China were
-whispering it among themselves that he was a failure, that he had had a
-noble chance and had not known how to improve it; that he was
-impracticable;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_268" id="page_268"></a>{268}</span> and that this scheme of his was utterly visionary and
-could never be successful. Whenever Wing heard of this, he set his teeth
-and took a new hold. But altogether his faith and manhood were put to an
-extreme test.</p>
-
-<p>The end came though, as it always does in such cases, and came in a
-manner almost dramatic. In the month of June, 1870, occurred the woeful
-tragedy at Tientsin called the Tientsin Massacre, in which a
-considerable number of French Roman Catholic missionaries, male and
-female, were murdered by a Chinese mob. It followed that a commission
-appointed by the foreign powers, diplomatically represented in China,
-met that same year at Tientsin to investigate the outrage and determine
-the satisfaction that was to be required for it, together with a like
-commission appointed by the Chinese Government authorized to bring the
-affair to a settlement. The Chinese Commission consisted of five, and
-three of these five were the three men of whom mention has been
-made,&mdash;the viceroys Tsang Koh Fan and Li Hung Chang, and the Governor
-Ting Yi Tcheang.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_269" id="page_269"></a>{269}</span></p>
-
-<h3>AN OPPORTUNITY SEIZED</h3>
-
-<p>Yung Wing was at this time under official control of the last named,
-who, on being summoned to Tientsin, sent him word, for he was at a
-distance from him, to join the Commission at Tientsin as soon as
-possible, for his services would be needed there. Wing, though
-hastening, arrived late on the scene and found the business concluded.
-But on receiving an account of the difficulties that had attended its
-transaction, and observing that the commissioners were conscious of
-their disadvantage in it, he perceived an auspicious occasion for making
-a stroke in behalf of his scheme, and he made the most of it. He
-restated his arguments, enforcing them by the illustration of the case
-at hand, and insisted with the utmost earnestness that there ought to be
-no delay. And this time he prevailed. The three friends of his idea
-being together and countenancing one another, then and there agreed that
-they would at once take action to have the thing he proposed done, and
-would cast their united influence with the Government in its favor. They
-kept their agreement. They set their names to a memorial recommending
-the education of a corps of young men abroad for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_270" id="page_270"></a>{270}</span> the Government service
-and at the Government expense. This memorial they forwarded to Pekin,
-where they backed it by all means in their power and to the effect that
-in the month of August, 1871, the measure recommended was adopted by the
-Imperial Government and a sum equal to $1,500,000 appropriated for its
-execution.</p>
-
-<p>Mandarin Yung Wing was scarcely able to support the joy of his triumph.
-For two days, as he has told the writer, he could neither eat nor sleep.
-He walked on air, and he worshipped God. It was sixteen years after his
-return to China and twenty years after he set out for this goal that
-heaven had at last granted his prayer. To him the organization of the
-enterprise was principally committed. The feature of the long term of
-fifteen years resolved upon for the course of study and training to be
-pursued, is particularly due to him and reflects the size of the man,
-the type of his mind and character.</p>
-
-<p>A school of candidates was at once opened at Shanghai from which the
-pupils were to be selected by competitive examination, and, as has been
-already stated, the first detachment of thirty arrived in the United
-States in 1872. The location of the Mission was also for him to
-determine.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_271" id="page_271"></a>{271}</span> He might have procured its establishment in England, or
-France, or Germany; but as he himself had expressed it, the light that
-had enlightened him shone from America and from New England, and to
-America and New England he was resolved from the first this Mission
-should repair.</p>
-
-<p>He was appointed Chief Commissioner of the Mission, receiving with the
-appointment his second promotion in rank, viz,&mdash;to the Third or Blue
-Button grade. With him was associated, as co-commissioner, a venerable
-scholar and dignitary,&mdash;Chin Lan Pin by name,&mdash;who, however, remained in
-this country less than two years, yielding his place to a younger man,
-Ngau Ngoh Liang, well-born, distinguished for learning, and a most
-agreeable gentleman.</p>
-
-<p>The students of the Mission have thus far, with very few exceptions,
-exhibited excellent ability as scholars, and in many instances
-extraordinary ability, and with fewer exceptions still have been marked
-by their exemplary conduct. They have everywhere been most hospitably
-received. They are certainly worthy to be objects of the highest and
-most friendly interest to every Christian citizen of the United States.</p>
-
-<p>Yung Wing was appointed, December 11,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_272" id="page_272"></a>{272}</span> 1876, Associate Minister with his
-former colleague in the Educational Mission, Chin Lan Pin, to the United
-States, Peru and Spain. On this occasion he was again promoted in
-rank,&mdash;that is, to Second or Red Button grade, and invested with the
-title of Tao-tai (or Intendant) of the Province of Kiang Su.</p>
-
-<p>He expects, on the now approaching arrival of Chin Lan Pin in the
-country, to take up his residence in Washington, yet not to relinquish
-the general superintendence of the institution which is so dear to him
-and has cost him so much, and in which are bound up his best patriotic
-hopes for his native land,&mdash;for he is a patriot from head to foot, in
-every fiber of his body. He loves the Chinese nation and believes in it,
-doubting not that there is before it a grand career worthy of its noble
-soil and of its august antiquity.</p>
-
-<p>If it were the aim of the writer to magnify Yung Wing,&mdash;which it is not,
-but only to tell the story of the Chinese Educational Mission to the
-United States,&mdash;there are many things more that might be related of him,
-all going to show him to be of the stuff that heroes are made of, and
-one of the most significant characters in modern civilization. But
-because to relate them would be aside from the purpose in hand, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_273" id="page_273"></a>{273}</span>
-also because it would grievously offend Yung Wing to have them
-published, they are passed by. It must be said, for the last word, that
-even in attributing to him so much credit of the Educational Mission
-itself, the share he allows himself is very far exceeded. He is
-accustomed to assign the chief honor of it to those three men of China
-who helped it so potently with their influence. Tsang Koh Fan died in
-1871. His portrait hangs on the wall of the Mission House in Hartford;
-and the portraits of the other two are there also. The boys are taught
-to reverence these men as their benefactors. And they are worthy of
-reverence. Their names deserve to be remembered, and will be, and not
-alone in China. Yet undoubtedly had there been no Yung Wing, that
-illustrious good deed of theirs had never been performed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_275" id="page_275"></a>{275}</span><a name="page_274" id="page_274"></a></p>
-
-<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2>
-
-<p class="c"><a href="#A">A</a>,
-<a href="#B">B</a>,
-<a href="#C">C</a>,
-<a href="#D">D</a>,
-<a href="#E">E</a>,
-<a href="#F">F</a>,
-<a href="#G">G</a>,
-<a href="#H">H</a>,
-<a href="#I-i">I</a>,
-<a href="#J">J</a>,
-<a href="#K">K</a>,
-<a href="#L">L</a>,
-<a href="#M">M</a>,
-<a href="#N">N</a>,
-<a href="#O">O</a>,
-<a href="#P">P</a>,
-<a href="#R">R</a>,
-<a href="#S">S</a>,
-<a href="#T">T</a>,
-<a href="#U">U</a>,
-<a href="#V-i">V</a>,
-<a href="#W">W</a>,
-<a href="#Y">Y</a></p>
-
-<p class="nind">
-<a name="A" id="A"></a>American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, <a href="#page_017">17</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>, <a href="#page_052">52</a>, <a href="#page_058">58</a>.<br />
-
-An Hwui, province, <a href="#page_124">124</a>.<br />
-
-Anglo-Chinese dictionary, First, compiled by Dr. Robert Morrison, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Anhui, province, <a href="#page_053">53</a>.<br />
-
-Annapolis, Naval Academy at, Chinese students refused admission, <a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br />
-
-Arch, Stone, marking boundary between Chêhkiang and Kiangsi, <a href="#page_083">83</a>.<br />
-
-Arnold, Dr. Thomas, of Rugby, <a href="#page_031">31</a>.<br />
-
-Arsenal, <i>see</i> Kiang Nan Arsenal.<br />
-
-Assam tea, <i>see</i> Tea.<br />
-
-Auburn Academy, Auburn, N. Y., <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="B" id="B"></a>Baltimore clipper ships, <a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br />
-
-Barnes, Brigadier-General, of Springfield, Mass., <a href="#page_158">158</a>.<br />
-
-Bartlett, Daniel, son of Rev. Shubael Bartlett, <a href="#page_026">26</a>.<br />
-
-Bartlett, Prof. David E., <a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br />
-
-Bartlett, Mrs. Fanny P., <a href="#page_024">24</a>.<br />
-
-Bartlett, Rev. Shubael, pastor of East Windsor (Conn.) Congregational church, <a href="#page_025">25</a>, <a href="#page_026">26</a>.<br />
-
-Bible, The, translated by Dr. Robert Morrison, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Blaine, James G., champion against Chinese, <a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br />
-
-Blue feather, Wearing of, mark of rank, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Rank.</span><br />
-
-Boats, Chinese, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>.<br />
-
-Bore of Tsientang River, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br />
-
-Bribery in Chinese government, one cause of Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_119">119</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Graft.</span><br />
-
-Bridgeman, E. C., work on Anglo-Chinese dictionary, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-“Brothers in Unity,” debating society at Yale, Yung Wing assistant librarian, <a href="#page_039">39</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> “Linonia.”</span><br />
-
-Brown, Mrs. Elizabeth, home at East Windsor, Conn., <a href="#page_025">25</a>.<br />
-
-Brown, Mrs. Phœbe H., mother of Dr. S. R. Brown, <a href="#page_029">29</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">author of hymn, <a href="#page_030">30</a>, <a href="#page_252">252</a>.</span><br />
-
-Brown, Miss Rebekah, preceptress at Munson Academy, <a href="#page_028">28</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br />
-
-Brown, Dr. Samuel Robins, opens Morrison school (<i>1839</i>), <a href="#page_013">13</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assisted by W. A. Macy, <a href="#page_016">16</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal qualifications, <a href="#page_017">17</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">return to U. S. accompanied by three students, <a href="#page_018">18</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">provides for support of their parents, <a href="#page_019">19</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">willow trees planted at Auburn, N. Y., <a href="#page_022">22</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">uses influence in obtaining financial support for Yung Wing, <a href="#page_036">36</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.</span><br />
-
-Burlingame Treaty of <i>1868</i> disregarded, <a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br />
-
-Bushnell, Dr. Horace, meeting with Yung Wing, <a href="#page_256">256</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="C" id="C"></a>Campbell, A. A., <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br />
-
-Canton, city, Wong Foon practices medicine in, <a href="#page_033">33</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">dialect of, <a href="#page_052">52</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolting conditions attending insurrection (<i>1855</i>), <a href="#page_053">53</a>.</span><br />
-
-Canton and Siang Tan, overland transport trade between, <a href="#page_087">87</a>.<br />
-
-“Celestial Empire of Universal Peace,” <a href="#page_120">120</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_276" id="page_276"></a>{276}</span><br />
-
-“Celestial Sovereign,” Hung Siu Chune called, <a href="#page_108">108</a>.<br />
-
-Chamber, Heisser and Co., N. Y., <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br />
-
-Chang Chi Tung, Viceroy, summons Yung Wing (<i>1895</i>), <a href="#page_227">227</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">temporarily transferred, <a href="#page_228">228</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">listens to plan to recover prestige, <a href="#page_228">228</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">compared with Tsang Kwoh Fan, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_230">230</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appoints Yung Wing Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Kiang Nan, <a href="#page_231">231</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_232">232</a>.</span><br />
-
-Chang Shi Kwei, secretary to Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, <a href="#page_137">137</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_143">143</a>.</span><br />
-
-Chang Tsze Tung, viceroy of Hunan and Hupeh (<i>1894</i>), <a href="#page_225">225</a>.<br />
-
-Chang Yen Hwan, minister in Washington (<i>1884-’88</i>), <a href="#page_223">223</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">champions Yung Wing’s banking scheme, <a href="#page_234">234</a>.</span><br />
-
-Chêhkiang, province, <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br />
-
-Cheong Sha, capital of Hunan, <a href="#page_087">87</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>.<br />
-
-Cheong Yuh Leang, Imperialist general, <a href="#page_103">103</a>, <a href="#page_105">105</a>.<br />
-
-Chi Ksi, <i>see</i> Dowager Empress.<br />
-
-Chin * * *, commandant’s representative at Tan Yang, statement concerning disposition of rebel forces, <a href="#page_105">105</a>.<br />
-
-Chin Lan Pin, co-operates with Yung Wing in Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_181">181</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal qualities, <a href="#page_182">182</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">duties as commissioner, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sent to investigate coolie traffic in Cuba, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">requests changes in <i>personnel</i> of Educational Commission, <a href="#page_197">197</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed joint minister to Washington, <a href="#page_198">198</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">minister plenipotentiary to U. S. (<i>1876</i>), <a href="#page_200">200</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">antagonistic to reform, <a href="#page_201">201</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unsympathetic to New England influence on students, <a href="#page_202">202</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reputation as official, <a href="#page_206">206</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">instrumental in recalling students (<i>1881</i>), <a href="#page_210">210</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reports at Peking upon expiration of term of office (<i>1880</i>), <a href="#page_217">217</a>.</span><br />
-
-China, characteristics of language, <a href="#page_052">52</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing’s feeling toward during college course, <a href="#page_040">40</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conditions in interior (<i>1860</i>), <a href="#page_093">93</a>.</span><br />
-
-China and Japan war (<i>1894-’95</i>), plans for prosecution by China formulated by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_224">224</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unsuccessful attempts to negotiate loan, <a href="#page_225">225</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence on China, <a href="#page_236">236</a>.</span><br />
-
-<i>China Mail</i>, <a href="#page_048">48</a>, <a href="#page_060">60</a>.<br />
-
-Chinaman, First, to graduate from American college, <a href="#page_039">39</a>.<br />
-
-<i>Chinese and their Rebellions</i>, <a href="#page_074">74</a>.<br />
-
-Chinese boats, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_082">82</a>.<br />
-
-Chinese Educational Commission, Chin Lan Pin appointed to co-operate with Yung Wing, <a href="#page_181">181</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>personnel</i> and duties, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">character, selection, and number of students in preparatory school, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">support of Chinese government, <a href="#page_185">185</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work carried on by Li Hung Chang after death of Tsang Kwoh Fan, <a href="#page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first installment of students leave for U. S. (<i>1872</i>), <a href="#page_188">188</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">headquarters at Hartford, Conn., <a href="#page_189">189</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">building erected (<i>1875</i>), <a href="#page_190">190</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">last installment (<i>1875</i>), <a href="#page_197">197</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">changes in <i>personnel</i>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reactionary attitude of Tsze Tung, <a href="#page_201">201</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">students refused admission to West Point and Annapolis, <a href="#page_207">207</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">break up of Commission (<i>1881</i>), <a href="#page_210">210</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">text of protest, <a href="#page_211">211</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">impression made upon Chinese government, <a href="#page_216">216</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">practical revival, <a href="#page_217">217</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">annual cost of maintenance, <a href="#page_247">247</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">details of administration, <a href="#page_248">248</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inception, <a href="#page_255">255</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_269">269</a>.</span><br />
-
-Chinese government, resorts to persecution to quell religious fanaticism, <a href="#page_118">118</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">corruption<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_277" id="page_277"></a>{277}</span> of, real cause of Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_119">119</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Graft.</span><br />
-
-Chinese in St. Helena, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-Chinkiang, river port, <a href="#page_083">83</a>.<br />
-
-Christianity, views held by Taiping rebels, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">spread of as led by Hung Siu Chune, <a href="#page_117">117</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Taiping rebellion.</span><br />
-
-Christy, Thomas, <a href="#page_156">156</a>.<br />
-
-Chu Chow, headquarters of Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan, <a href="#page_164">164</a>.<br />
-
-Chung Hou, viceroy of Metropolitan province, held responsible for Tsientsin massacre, <a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br />
-
-Chung Wong, issues three orders against incendiarism, <a href="#page_104">104</a>.<br />
-
-Clemens, Samuel, protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br />
-
-<i>Colton’s Geography</i>, translated by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br />
-
-Coolie traffic in Cuba, investigated by Chin Lan Pin, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">results, <a href="#page_196">196</a>.</span><br />
-
-Coolie traffic in Peru, attempt to form treaty with China, <a href="#page_192">192</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing’s recital of existing cruelties and refusal to further treaty, <a href="#page_193">193</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">investigation by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude of Commission, <a href="#page_195">195</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">results, <a href="#page_196">196</a>.</span><br />
-
-Cuba, Coolie traffic in, <a href="#page_194">194</a>, <a href="#page_196">196</a>.<br />
-
-Cutler, Carrol, president of Western Reserve College, <a href="#page_255">255</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-“<a name="D" id="D"></a>Deliberative Association of China,” <a href="#page_241">241</a>.<br />
-
-Dent and Co., Messrs., <a href="#page_077">77</a>.<br />
-
-Dialect, of Canton, <a href="#page_052">52</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Fuhkien, Anhui, Kiangsee, <a href="#page_053">53</a>.</span><br />
-
-Dictionary, First Anglo-Chinese, compiled by Dr. Robert Morrison, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Dictionary of Emperor Khang Hsi, translated, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Doxology, The, repeated by Commandant Liu and Taiping rebels, <a href="#page_099">99</a>.<br />
-
-Dowager Empress Chi Hsi, Tsang Kwoh Fan created duke by, <a href="#page_147">147</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">on side of Li Hung Chang in war with Japan (<i>1894-’95</i>), <a href="#page_226">226</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">affected by graft, <a href="#page_235">235</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">despotic rule over Emperor Kwang Su, <a href="#page_239">239</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_073">73</a>.</span><br />
-
-Dumaresque, Captain, of ship <i>Florence</i>, <a href="#page_062">62</a>.<br />
-
-Dynasties in China, Number of, <a href="#page_113">113</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="E" id="E"></a>East India Company, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-East Windsor, Conn., <a href="#page_025">25</a>.<br />
-
-“Elegant talent,” interpretation of Siu Tsai, <a href="#page_050">50</a>.<br />
-
-<i>Eureka</i>, sailing ship, story of voyage from New York to Hong Kong (<i>1854-’55</i>), <a href="#page_043">43</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_063">63</a>, <a href="#page_069">69</a>.</span><br />
-
-European powers and partitionment of China, <a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br />
-
-Evangelization of China, False impressions of, caused by Christian tendencies of Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_120">120</a>.<br />
-
-Exploitation of Chinese by officials, one cause of Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_119">119</a>.<br />
-
-Extra-territorial basis, Foreign settlement on, <a href="#page_072">72</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="F" id="F"></a>Feudatory period, <a href="#page_113">113</a>.<br />
-
-Fitchburg, Mass., supplies first American machinery to China, <a href="#page_053">53</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Machinery.</span><br />
-
-<i>Florence</i>, sailing ship, <a href="#page_062">62</a>.<br />
-
-Formosa, Island of, plan to mortgage (<i>1894</i>), <a href="#page_225">225</a>, <a href="#page_244">244</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visited by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_242">242</a>.</span><br />
-
-Frelinghuysen, T. F., protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br />
-
-<i>Friend of China</i>, Shanghai local paper, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br />
-
-Fuhkien, province, Dialect of, <a href="#page_053">53</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_278" id="page_278"></a>{278}</span><br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="G" id="G"></a>Gatling gun introduced into China, <a href="#page_191">191</a>.<br />
-
-German government claims monopoly of railroads in Shan Tung, <a href="#page_237">237</a>.<br />
-
-Gillespie, Capt., of ship <i>Huntress</i>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>.<br />
-
-Good Hope, Cape of, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br />
-
-Goodhue and Co., Messrs., <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br />
-
-Graft, System of, between interpreters and Chinese shippers, <a href="#page_063">63</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">as practiced by Shing Sun Whei, <a href="#page_235">235</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsible for corruption in China, <a href="#page_236">236</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Bribery.</span><br />
-
-Grand Canal, China, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br />
-
-Gutzlaff, Mrs., starts school, in Macao, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_007">7</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing’s first impression of, <a href="#page_003">3</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">leaves China for U. S., <a href="#page_008">8</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plans for Yung Wing’s education, <a href="#page_011">11</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>.</span><br />
-
-Gutzlaff, Rev. Charles, missionary to China, <a href="#page_001">1</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="H" id="H"></a>Hadley, Prof. James, <a href="#page_188">188</a>.<br />
-
-Ham Ha Lan, headquarters of Rev. Mr. Vrooman, <a href="#page_052">52</a>.<br />
-
-Hammond, Rev. Charles, principal of Monson Academy, <a href="#page_027">27</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">graduate of Yale, <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_030">30</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">literary tastes, <a href="#page_030">30</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">likened to Dr. Arnold of Rugby, <a href="#page_031">31</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_034">34</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>.</span><br />
-
-Han Yang, port of Hankau, <a href="#page_055">55</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">destroyed by Taiping rebels, <a href="#page_091">91</a>.</span><br />
-
-Hangchau, capital of Chêhkiang, <a href="#page_080">80</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">historic fame, <a href="#page_081">81</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>.</span><br />
-
-Hankau, river port, destroyed by Taiping rebels, <a href="#page_091">91</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">present-day conditions, <a href="#page_091">91</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_090">90</a>.</span><br />
-
-Hanlin, Chinese degree of LL.D., <a href="#page_146">146</a>.<br />
-
-Hanlin College, <a href="#page_200">200</a>.<br />
-
-Hart, Sir Robert, inspector-general of customs in London (<i>1894</i>), <a href="#page_225">225</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses loan to China for prosecuting war with Japan (<i>1894-’95</i>) <a href="#page_226">226</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_229">229</a>.</span><br />
-
-Hartford, Conn., headquarters for Chinese Educational Commission (<i>1873-’75</i>), <a href="#page_189">189</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Chinese Educational Commission.</span><br />
-
-Haskins, John, American mechanical engineer, <a href="#page_155">155</a>.<br />
-
-Ho Yung, Hupeh province, <a href="#page_088">88</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>.<br />
-
-Hobson, Dr. Benjamin, employs Yung Wing in hospital, <a href="#page_011">11</a>.<br />
-
-Hong Kong, Island of, ceded to British government, <a href="#page_015">15</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">its harbor, <a href="#page_015">15</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">British colony is opposed to Yung Wing, <a href="#page_060">60</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ordinance passed admitting Chinese to practice law in, <a href="#page_061">61</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_043">43</a>.</span><br />
-
-<i>Hong Kong China Mail</i>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br />
-
-Horn, Cape, <a href="#page_047">47</a>.<br />
-
-Hung Jin, called Kan Wong, <i>which see</i>.<br />
-
-Hung Siu Chune, leader of Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_101">101</a>, <a href="#page_116">116</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">views of Christianity, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">called Tien Wong, or “Celestial Sovereign,” <a href="#page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">knowledge of Christianity from missionaries, <a href="#page_114">114</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure to pass examination and resulting mental hallucination, <a href="#page_116">116</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">worshipped as Supreme Ruler, <a href="#page_117">117</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chinese government resorts to persecution to quell fanaticism, <a href="#page_118">118</a>.</span><br />
-
-<i>Huntress</i>, sailing ship, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br />
-
-Hwui Chow, mountain range, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<i><a name="I-i" id="I-i"></a>Ida de Rogers</i>, sailing ship, incidents of voyage from San Francisco to Yokohama (<i>1865</i>), <a href="#page_161">161</a>.<br />
-
-Imperial commissioners for settlement of Tientsin massacre, <a href="#page_178">178</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing presses educational scheme, <a href="#page_180">180</a>.</span><br />
-
-Imperial forces defeat rebels before Nanking (<i>1860</i>), <a href="#page_104">104</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">other conflicts, <a href="#page_118">118</a>.</span><br />
-
-Imperialists, partly responsible<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_279" id="page_279"></a>{279}</span><br />
-for conditions near Suchau (<i>1859</i>), <a href="#page_100">100</a>.<br />
-
-Incendiarism, Attempts to suppress, <a href="#page_104">104</a>.<br />
-
-Indian opium trade, Plan for suppression of, <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br />
-
-Indian tea, <i>see</i> Tea.<br />
-
-<i>Integral and Differential Calculus</i>, translated, <a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="J" id="J"></a>Jamestown, St. Helena, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-Japan over Russia, Triumph of, effect on China, <a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br />
-
-Japan-Russo War (<i>1904-’05</i>), influence on China, <a href="#page_236">236</a>.<br />
-
-Jesuits, their jealousy toward Dr. Robert Morrison, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="K" id="K"></a>Kan Wong, Hung Jiu called, native preacher, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">raised to position of prince and meaning of new name, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interviews with Yung Wing regarding Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_109">109</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offers him seal of high official rank, <a href="#page_110">110</a>.</span><br />
-
-Kang Kow, station at entrance of Tsientang River, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br />
-
-Kearneyism, Spirit of, <a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br />
-
-Kellogg, Dr. E. W., accompanies Yung Wing to Peru, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">guardian to sons of Yung Wing, <a href="#page_227">227</a>.</span><br />
-
-Kew Keang, port, <a href="#page_136">136</a>.<br />
-
-Kiang Nan Arsenal, location and importance, <a href="#page_153">153</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visited by Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan (<i>1867</i>), <a href="#page_168">168</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Machinery; Tsang Kwoh Fan.</span><br />
-
-Kiangsee, province, <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_075">75</a>, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>, <a href="#page_083">83</a>.<br />
-
-King Ho, river, <a href="#page_089">89</a>.<br />
-
-King Yuen, city, <a href="#page_129">129</a>.<br />
-
-Kingchau, on Yangtze River, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>.<br />
-
-Kiukiang, river port, <a href="#page_083">83</a>.<br />
-
-Kodama, Viscount Gentaro, governor of Formosa, <a href="#page_242">242</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Yung Wing, <a href="#page_242">242</a>.</span><br />
-
-Korea, cause of war between China and Japan (<i>1894-’95</i>), <a href="#page_224">224</a>.<br />
-
-Kow Chang Mere, first machine shop at, <a href="#page_153">153</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Machinery.</span><br />
-
-Ku Chow, walled city, <a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br />
-
-Kwang Kee Cheu, interpreter for Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_197">197</a>.<br />
-
-Kwang Su, Emperor, deposed, <a href="#page_238">238</a>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">controlled by Dowager Empress, <a href="#page_238">238</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">real character, <a href="#page_239">239</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">exponent of reform movement, <a href="#page_241">241</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_073">73</a>.</span><br />
-
-Kwang Tung, province, drastic measures by Yeh Ming Hsin to suppress rebellion in, <a href="#page_053">53</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolting scenes, <a href="#page_053">53</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">spread of Christianity in, <a href="#page_117">117</a>.</span><br />
-
-Kwangshun, city, <a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br />
-
-Kwangsi, province, spread of Christianity in, <a href="#page_117">117</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="L" id="L"></a>Labor question in China, affected by Western innovations, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_088">88</a>.<br />
-
-Lan Chi, town on Tsientang River, <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_087">87</a>.<br />
-
-Lane, Rev. John W., protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br />
-
-Language, Chinese, difference between written and spoken, <a href="#page_052">52</a>.<br />
-
-Lau Gate, city of Suchau, <a href="#page_098">98</a>.<br />
-
-Leang Ahfah, first convert, <a href="#page_015">15</a>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>.<br />
-
-Legge, Dr. James, translator, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">work on dictionary, <a href="#page_114">114</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Professor of Chinese language and literature at Oxford, England, <a href="#page_252">252</a>.</span><br />
-
-Li Hung Chang, <i>protégé</i> and successor of Yung Wing, <a href="#page_142">142</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nienfi rebellion ended (<i>1867</i>), <a href="#page_168">168</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">succeeds Tsang Kwoh Fan, <a href="#page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">characters contrasted, <a href="#page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">orders investigation of coolie traffic in Peru and Cuba, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Yung Wing on subject of recall of students (<i>1881</i>), <a href="#page_218">218</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">strenuous for peace in war<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_280" id="page_280"></a>{280}</span> with Japan (<i>1894-’95</i>), <a href="#page_226">226</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsible for defeat, <a href="#page_229">229</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Treaty of Shemonashiki signed, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.</span><br />
-
-Li Jen Shu, mathematician, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br />
-
-Li Ling Ying, eunuch of Dowager Empress, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.<br />
-
-Li Sian Lan, mathematician and astronomer, <a href="#page_139">139</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assists in translating <i>Integral and Differential Calculus</i>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>.</span><br />
-
-“Linonia,” debating society at Yale, <a href="#page_040">40</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> “Brothers in Unity.”</span><br />
-
-Liu * * *, Imperial commissioner for settlement of Tientsin massacre, <a href="#page_179">179</a>.<br />
-
-Liu Kai Sing, superintendent of preparatory school at Shanghai, <a href="#page_185">185</a>.<br />
-
-Liu Kwan Yih, viceroy of Kiang provinces, <a href="#page_231">231</a>, <a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br />
-
-Lockhart, Dr. William, <a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br />
-
-London, Ladies’ Association for Promotion of Female Education in India and the East, <a href="#page_001">1</a>.<br />
-
-London Missionary Society, <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_108">108</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>, <a href="#page_139">139</a>.<br />
-
-Longwood, St. Helena, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="M" id="M"></a>Macao, coolie traffic in, <a href="#page_192">192</a>, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_003">3</a>, <a href="#page_010">10</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_048">48</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>, <a href="#page_107">107</a>.</span><br />
-
-Macassar straits, <a href="#page_046">46</a>, <a href="#page_047">47</a>.<br />
-
-MacClatchy, Rev. Mr., <a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br />
-
-McClean, Dr. A. S. of Springfield, Mass., friendliness toward Yung Wing, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br />
-
-McClean, Mrs. Rebekah (Brown), <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br />
-
-Machinery, American, introduced into China, <a href="#page_149">149</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">location of first shop, <a href="#page_153">153</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing commissioned to purchase, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first order filled at Fitchburg, Mass. (<i>1865</i>), <a href="#page_156">156</a>.</span><br />
-
-Macy, William Allen, assistant in Morrison school (<i>1845</i>), <a href="#page_016">16</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal qualifications, <a href="#page_017">17</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">student at Yale (<i>1850</i>), <a href="#page_017">17</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed missionary by American Board (<i>1854</i>), <a href="#page_017">17</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">returns to China in company of Yung Wing, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">story of voyage, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.</span><br />
-
-Malacca, basis of Dr. Robert Morrison’s labors, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br />
-
-“Man of rectitude,” posthumous title of Tsang Kwoh Fan, <a href="#page_148">148</a>.<br />
-
-Manchu Dynasty, largely responsible for Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_114">114</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">efforts of Hung Siu Chung toward overthrow, <a href="#page_120">120</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_096">96</a>.</span><br />
-
-Mandarin, nine degrees of, <a href="#page_263">263</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Rank.</span><br />
-
-Medhurst, Dr. Walter Henry, work on dictionary, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Mexican dollar accepted in China, <a href="#page_063">63</a>.<br />
-
-Missionaries, introduction of Christianity by, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Missionary, First, to China, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Monson academy, Mass., contingent fund and conditions of appropriation, <a href="#page_034">34</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing’s application for, <a href="#page_035">35</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_027">27</a>, <a href="#page_048">48</a>.</span><br />
-
-Morrison, Dr. Robert, first missionary to China, <a href="#page_014">14</a>, <a href="#page_114">114</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">voyage from London via New York, <a href="#page_014">14</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">compiles first Anglo-Saxon dictionary, <a href="#page_014">14</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">translates the Bible, <a href="#page_014">14</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his first Christian convert, <a href="#page_015">15</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence on subsequent missionary work, <a href="#page_015">15</a>.</span><br />
-
-“Morrison hill,” Hong Kong, <a href="#page_015">15</a>.<br />
-
-Morrison school, opened at Macao (<i>1839</i>), <a href="#page_013">13</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">removed to Hong Kong (<i>1842</i>), <a href="#page_015">15</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">W. A. Macy assistant in, <a href="#page_016">16</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_011">11</a>, <a href="#page_012">12</a>, <a href="#page_023">23</a>, <a href="#page_033">33</a>.</span><br />
-
-Mow Chung Hsi, Imperial commissioner for settlement of Tsientsin massacre, <a href="#page_179">179</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="N" id="N"></a>Nagasaki, Japan, <a href="#page_077">77</a>.<br />
-
-Nam Ping, birth-place of Yung Wing, <a href="#page_001">1</a>.<br />
-
-Nan Cheong, capital of Kiangsi, <a href="#page_087">87</a>.<br />
-
-Nan Fung pass, <a href="#page_087">87</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_281" id="page_281"></a>{281}</span><br />
-
-Nanking, fall in <i>1864</i>, <a href="#page_115">115</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">captured by Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan (<i>1865</i>), <a href="#page_164">164</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_096">96</a>.</span><br />
-
-Napoleon, tomb at St. Helena, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-National Bank of China, project and defeat, <a href="#page_234">234</a>.<br />
-
-National Banking scheme, proposed by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br />
-
-New England, primitive conditions of life in, <a href="#page_029">29</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">influence on Chinese students, <a href="#page_202">202</a>.</span><br />
-
-New York City, in <i>1847</i>, <a href="#page_023">23</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb, <a href="#page_024">24</a>.</span><br />
-
-Ngan Khing, capital of An Whui, <a href="#page_137">137</a>.<br />
-
-Nienfi rebellion, ended (<i>1867</i>), <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br />
-
-Nih Kia Shi, tea district, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>.<br />
-
-Northrop, B. G., commissioner of education for Connecticut (<i>1872</i>), <a href="#page_189">189</a>.<br />
-
-Norton, Prof. William Augustus, of Sheffield Scientific School, <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="O" id="O"></a>Occidental civilization, Superiority of, demonstrated, <a href="#page_216">216</a>.<br />
-
-Olyphant Brothers, contribute toward support of Yung Wing at Yale, <a href="#page_039">39</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.</span><br />
-
-Opium war, First (<i>1840</i>), <a href="#page_008">8</a>, <a href="#page_015">15</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Second (<i>1864</i>), <a href="#page_007">7</a>.</span><br />
-
-Ou Ngoh Liang, member of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_200">200</a>.<br />
-
-Oyama, Marshal, <a href="#page_242">242</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="P" id="P"></a>Palmer and New London railroad, <a href="#page_037">37</a>.<br />
-
-Parker, Dr. Peter, <a href="#page_058">58</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>.<br />
-
-Parkes, The Misses, <a href="#page_007">7</a>, <a href="#page_008">8</a>.<br />
-
-Parkes, Harry, <a href="#page_007">7</a>.<br />
-
-<i>Parsons on Contracts</i>, parts translated by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br />
-
-Partitionment of China threatened, <a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br />
-
-Peacock’s feather, conferred only by Imperial sanction, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">given to Yung Wing, <a href="#page_167">167</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Rank.</span><br />
-
-Pearl River, Canton, <a href="#page_052">52</a>.<br />
-
-Pedro Island, <a href="#page_001">1</a>, <a href="#page_006">6</a>.<br />
-
-Peking, Paying official calls in (<i>1882</i>), <a href="#page_219">219</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_058">58</a>.</span><br />
-
-Perit, Pelatiah, of Messrs. Goodhue and Co., <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br />
-
-Persecution resorted to by Chinese government to quell religious fanaticism, <a href="#page_118">118</a>.<br />
-
-Peru, Coolie labor in, <a href="#page_192">192</a>.<br />
-
-Po Yang Lake, Kiangsi, <a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br />
-
-Poppy cultivation, early plan for extinction, <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br />
-
-Population in interior of China, <a href="#page_093">93</a>.<br />
-
-Porter, Noah, president of Yale, protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br />
-
-Putnam Machine Company, Fitchburg, Mass., execute first order for machinery for China, <a href="#page_156">156</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Machinery.</span><br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="R" id="R"></a>Railroad between Tsientsin and Chinkiang, unsuccessful plan for, <a href="#page_237">237</a>.<br />
-
-Rank, Second in, Red Button grade, <a href="#page_272">272</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">third in, Blue Button grade, <a href="#page_271">271</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Mandarin; Peacock’s feather.</span><br />
-
-Rebellions, significance in Chinese history, <a href="#page_113">113</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Kwang Tung rebellion; Taiping rebellion.</span><br />
-
-“Red Hair Men,” <a href="#page_009">9</a>.<br />
-
-Revolutions, <i>see</i> Rebellions.<br />
-
-Rights of Chinese, to be more fully recognized in future, <a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br />
-
-Ritchie, A. A., <a href="#page_020">20</a>.<br />
-
-Road, Macadamized, between Sheong Shan and Yuh-Shan, <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_084">84</a>.<br />
-
-Roberts, Rev. Icabod J., American missionary, <a href="#page_114">114</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">acquaintance with Hung Siu Chune and its results, <a href="#page_115">115</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disappearance<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_282" id="page_282"></a>{282}</span> at fall of Nanking (<i>1864</i>), <a href="#page_115">115</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_107">107</a>.</span><br />
-
-Roman Catholic Church, its part in Tsientsin massacre, <a href="#page_177">177</a>.<br />
-
-Russell and Co., Messrs., <a href="#page_155">155</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="S" id="S"></a>St. Helena, <a href="#page_021">21</a>, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-San Kow, village, <a href="#page_127">127</a>.<br />
-
-Sandlotism, Spirit of, <a href="#page_208">208</a>.<br />
-
-Sandy Hook to Hong Kong in <i>1854</i>, <a href="#page_018">18</a>.<br />
-
-Savannah, Ga., Ladies’ Association of, render financial assistance to Yung Wing, <a href="#page_036">36</a>.<br />
-
-School, Mechanical, annexed to Kiang Nan Arsenal, <a href="#page_168">168</a>.<br />
-
-School, Preparatory, established at Shanghai (<i>1871</i>), <a href="#page_185">185</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Chinese Educational Commission; Gutzlaff, Mrs.; Morrison school.</span><br />
-
-Seal of official rank offered to Yung Wing by Kan Wong, <a href="#page_110">110</a>.<br />
-
-Seelye, Leuranus Clarke, president of Smith College, protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br />
-
-“Seven Dragons,” on Tsientang River, <a href="#page_085">85</a>.<br />
-
-Shan Hing, city, <a href="#page_094">94</a>.<br />
-
-Shanghai, city, <a href="#page_051">51</a>, <a href="#page_067">67</a>.<br />
-
-<i>Shanghai Mail</i>, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.<br />
-
-Sheffield Scientific School, <a href="#page_042">42</a>.<br />
-
-Shemonashiki, Treaty of, <a href="#page_244">244</a>.<br />
-
-Sheong Shan, city, <a href="#page_083">83</a>.<br />
-
-Shing Sun Whei, head of Chinese Telegraphic Company, <a href="#page_235">235</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">responsible for defeat of National Banking project, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.</span><br />
-
-Shing Taoti, <i>see</i> Shing Sun Whei.<br />
-
-Shortrede, Andrew, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_048">48</a>, <a href="#page_059">59</a>.<br />
-
-Si-Hoo, or West Lake, <a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br />
-
-Siang Tan, city, overland transport trade with Canton, <a href="#page_097">97</a>.<br />
-
-Silk, Yellow, <a href="#page_088">88</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_094">94</a>.<br />
-
-Siu Tsai, degree, <a href="#page_050">50</a>.<br />
-
-Soldiery and the people in time of war, <a href="#page_103">103</a>.<br />
-
-Springfield, Mass., home of Dr. A. S. McClean, <a href="#page_028">28</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Yung Wing’s headquarters (<i>1872</i>), <a href="#page_029">29</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">center of location for students under Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_189">189</a>.</span><br />
-
-Students, in preparatory school, Shanghai, <a href="#page_185">185</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first installment under Chinese Educational Commission leave for U. S. (<i>1872</i>), <a href="#page_188">188</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">distributed through New England, <a href="#page_189">189</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">last installment (<i>1875</i>), <a href="#page_197">197</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Chinese Educational Commission; School.</span><br />
-
-Suchau, captured by Taiping rebels, <a href="#page_097">97</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">under martial law, <a href="#page_098">98</a>.</span><br />
-
-Sung Dynasty, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br />
-
-Sung-Kiang route to Suchau, <a href="#page_096">96</a>.<br />
-
-Szechuen Road, Shanghai, <a href="#page_067">67</a>.<br />
-
-Szechwan, province, <a href="#page_084">84</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="T" id="T"></a>Ta Tung, non-treaty port, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br />
-
-Tael, value of Chinese, <a href="#page_128">128</a>.<br />
-
-Taiping government, conditions under which Yung Wing would join, <a href="#page_109">109</a>.<br />
-
-Taiping Green Tea Expedition (<i>1860-’61</i>), <a href="#page_191">191</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Tea; Yung Wing.</span><br />
-
-Taiping rebellion (<i>1850-’65</i>), religion its vital force, <a href="#page_113">113</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">led by Hung Siu Chune, <a href="#page_117">117</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chinese government resorts to persecution to quell, <a href="#page_118">118</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assumes political character, <a href="#page_118">118</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">real causes of, <a href="#page_119">119</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">false impressions concerning evangelization of China, <a href="#page_120">120</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first victory, <a href="#page_120">120</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">causes of loss of prestige, <a href="#page_121">121</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">collapse, <a href="#page_122">122</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">indirect results, <a href="#page_122">122</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">cost and loss of life, <a href="#page_147">147</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">capture of Nanking (<i>1850</i>), <a href="#page_164">164</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_053">53</a>, <a href="#page_055">55</a>, <a href="#page_056">56</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Taiping rebels.</span><br />
-
-Taiping rebels, capture of Woo Chang (<i>1856</i>), <a href="#page_091">91</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and of Suchau, <a href="#page_097">97</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">condition of surrounding country, <a href="#page_100">100</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">their considerate conduct, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_283" id="page_283"></a>{283}</span></span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Doxology, <a href="#page_099">99</a>, <a href="#page_102">102</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">views of Christianity, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and of soldiery, <a href="#page_103">103</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated before Nanking (<i>1860</i>), <a href="#page_104">104</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">statement by Chin regarding their disposition, <a href="#page_105">105</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quantities of green tea held by, <a href="#page_124">124</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_086">86</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>see also</i> Taiping Green Tea Expedition; Rebellions.</span><br />
-
-Taotai, official of fourth rank, <a href="#page_167">167</a>.<br />
-
-Tea, Chinese and Indian compared, <a href="#page_092">92</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">drank as thank-offering, <a href="#page_103">103</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">quantities held by Taiping rebels, <a href="#page_124">124</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expeditions to purchase, headed by Yung Wing, <a href="#page_125">125</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_085">85</a>, <a href="#page_090">90</a>, <a href="#page_191">191</a>.</span><br />
-
-Tien Wong, Hung Siu Chune called, <a href="#page_108">108</a>.<br />
-
-Tientsin massacre (<i>1870</i>), cause, <a href="#page_177">177</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chung Hou held responsible for, <a href="#page_178">178</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">indemnity, <a href="#page_178">178</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Imperial commissioners, <a href="#page_178">178</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_268">268</a>.</span><br />
-
-Ting Yi Tcheang, <i>see</i> Ting Yih Chang.<br />
-
-Ting Yih Chang, taotai of Shanghai, <a href="#page_167">167</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sympathy with educational plans of Yung Wing, <a href="#page_170">170</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">governor of Kiang Su and Imperial commissioner for settlement of Tsientsin massacre, <a href="#page_179">179</a>.</span><br />
-
-Tonquin, tributary state, <a href="#page_178">178</a>.<br />
-
-Treaty Powers, <a href="#page_058">58</a>.<br />
-
-Trident, sailing ship, <a href="#page_014">14</a>.<br />
-
-Tsai Sik Yung, secretary to viceroy of Hunan and Hupeh (<i>1894</i>), <a href="#page_225">225</a>.<br />
-
-Tsang Kee Foo, standing, <a href="#page_076">76</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduces Yung Wing to Li Jen Shu, <a href="#page_076">76</a>.</span><br />
-
-Tsang Kwoh Fan, viceroy, <a href="#page_137">137</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeated by Taiping rebels (<i>1862</i>), <a href="#page_138">138</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his plans for Yung Wing, <a href="#page_139">139</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">drills army and brings to extinction Taiping rebellion, <a href="#page_141">141</a>, <a href="#page_147">147</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">supreme power of China, <a href="#page_142">142</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">personal characteristics, <a href="#page_142">142</a>, <a href="#page_145">145</a>, <a href="#page_146">146</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Yung Wing, <a href="#page_143">143</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">created duke by Dowager Empress, <a href="#page_147">147</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">plans for introducing Western machinery into China, <a href="#page_149">149</a>, <a href="#page_153">153</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commissions Yung Wing to make first purchase, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">capture of Nanking, <a href="#page_164">164</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">makes Chu Chow headquarters, <a href="#page_164">164</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nienfi rebellion ended (<i>1867</i>), <a href="#page_168">168</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visits Kiang Nan Arsenal, <a href="#page_168">168</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Imperial commissioner for settlement of Tsientsin massacre, <a href="#page_178">178</a>, <a href="#page_180">180</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">furthers Yung Wing’s educational scheme, <a href="#page_180">180</a>, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">returns to headquarters at Nanking (<i>1870</i>), <a href="#page_182">182</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death (<i>1871</i>), <a href="#page_186">186</a>, <a href="#page_273">273</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">summing up of character and comparison with Li Hung Chang, <a href="#page_187">187</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chang Chi Tung compared with, <a href="#page_228">228</a>, <a href="#page_230">230</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_076">76</a>, <a href="#page_077">77</a>, <a href="#page_104">104</a>.</span><br />
-
-Tsang Tai Sun, interpreter for Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_183">183</a>, <a href="#page_197">197</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_096">96</a>.</span><br />
-
-Tsang Mew, friend of Yung Wing, <a href="#page_125">125</a>.<br />
-
-Tsientang River, its periodical bore, <a href="#page_081">81</a>.<br />
-
-Tung Ting Lake, <a href="#page_089">89</a>.<br />
-
-Twichell, Rev. Joseph H., accompanies Yung Wing to Peru, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_227">227</a>.</span><br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="U" id="U"></a>Ung Tung Hwo, tutor to Emperor Kwang Su, <a href="#page_233">233</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">champions Yung Wing’s banking scheme, <a href="#page_234">234</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">collusion with Shing Sun Whei and system of graft, <a href="#page_235">235</a>.</span><br />
-
-Union Chapel, Shanghai, <a href="#page_066">66</a>.<br />
-
-U. S. government, timely intervention to prevent partitionment, <a href="#page_073">73</a>.<br />
-
-Urh Woo, Chinese boat, <a href="#page_082">82</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="V-i" id="V-i"></a>Victoria Colony, <a href="#page_015">15</a>.<br />
-
-Vrooman, Rev. &mdash;&mdash;, headquarters<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_284" id="page_284"></a>{284}</span><br />
-at Ham Ha Lau, <a href="#page_052">52</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="W" id="W"></a>Wen Seang, prime minister of China, <a href="#page_171">171</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death of mother and period of mourning, <a href="#page_175">175</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">his death (<i>1868</i>), <a href="#page_170">170</a>.</span><br />
-
-West Lake, or Si-Hoo, Hangchau, <a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br />
-
-West Point Military Academy, Chinese students refused admission, <a href="#page_207">207</a>.<br />
-
-Wha Yuh Ting, <a href="#page_143">143</a>.<br />
-
-Whang Wen Shiu, president of Tsung Li Yamun, (Foreign Affairs), <a href="#page_220">220</a>.<br />
-
-Whipple, Capt., of ship <i>Eureka</i>, <a href="#page_043">43</a>.<br />
-
-Whitworth’s machine shop, London, <a href="#page_156">156</a>.<br />
-
-Williams, S. Wells, work on dictionary, <a href="#page_114">114</a>.<br />
-
-Willow trees at Auburn, N. Y., planted by S. R. Brown, <a href="#page_022">22</a>.<br />
-
-Wong Foon, decision to pursue further course of study referred to patrons in Hong Kong, <a href="#page_031">31</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">graduates from Monson Academy and enters University of Edinburgh, <a href="#page_032">32</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">return to China (<i>1857</i>), <a href="#page_033">33</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death (<i>1879</i>), <a href="#page_033">33</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>also</i> <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>.</span><br />
-
-Wong Kai Keh, assistant commissioner at St. Louis Exposition, <a href="#page_232">232</a>.<br />
-
-Wong Shing, scholar in Morrison school, <a href="#page_013">13</a>, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_020">20</a>, <a href="#page_028">28</a>, <a href="#page_031">31</a>.<br />
-
-Woo-Sik, Chinese city, <a href="#page_079">79</a>.<br />
-
-Woo-Sik-Kwei, Chinese boat, <a href="#page_079">79</a>, <a href="#page_080">80</a>.<br />
-
-Woo Tsze Tung, comes to U. S. in retinue of Chin Lan Pin (<i>1876</i>), <a href="#page_200">200</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">member of Chinese Educational Commission (<i>1876</i>), <a href="#page_201">201</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude toward work of the Commission, <a href="#page_204">204</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">instrumental in recalling students (<i>1881</i>), <a href="#page_210">210</a>, <a href="#page_219">219</a>.</span><br />
-
-Wuhu, treaty port, <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br />
-
-Wuhu River, <a href="#page_126">126</a>.<br />
-
-<br />
-<a name="Y" id="Y"></a>Yang Liu Tung, tea district, <a href="#page_091">91</a>.<br />
-
-Yangtze-Kiang River, <a href="#page_084">84</a>, <a href="#page_089">89</a>, <a href="#page_091">91</a>.<br />
-
-Yeh Ming Hsin, Viceroy, drastic measures to suppress rebellion in Kwang Tung province, <a href="#page_053">53</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed viceroy (<i>1854</i>), <a href="#page_055">55</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">capture and banishment, <a href="#page_056">56</a>.</span><br />
-
-Yeh Shu Tung, teacher for Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">coolie question in Cuba, <a href="#page_197">197</a>, <a href="#page_206">206</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed secretary to Chinese Legation, <a href="#page_198">198</a>.</span><br />
-
-Yellow River, Inundation of, <a href="#page_075">75</a>.<br />
-
-Ying Wong, Chin’s opinion of, <a href="#page_104">104</a>.<br />
-
-Young, John R., protest against breaking up of Chinese Educational Commission, <a href="#page_211">211</a>.<br />
-
-Yuh-Shan, city, <a href="#page_083">83</a>, <a href="#page_086">86</a>.<br />
-
-Yung Wing, birth (<i>1828</i>), <a href="#page_001">1</a>;<br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">early school life, <a href="#page_002">2</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">death of father (<i>1840</i>), <a href="#page_008">8</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">helps toward family income, <a href="#page_008">8</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">works in rice fields, <a href="#page_009">9</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">printing office, <a href="#page_011">11</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hospital, <a href="#page_011">11</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enters Morrison school (<i>1841</i>), <a href="#page_013">13</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">departure for U. S. (<i>1847</i>), <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_021">21</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">benefactors, <a href="#page_019">19</a>, <a href="#page_036">36</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">incidents of voyage, <a href="#page_022">22</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrival in New York, <a href="#page_023">23</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chinese Education scheme, <a href="#page_023">23</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enters Monson Academy, <a href="#page_027">27</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">studies during first year, <a href="#page_028">28</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">placed under care of Mrs. Phœbe H. Brown, <a href="#page_029">29</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">literary taste influenced by Dr. Charles Hammond, <a href="#page_031">31</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">decision to pursue further course of study referred to patrons in Hong Kong, <a href="#page_031">31</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refuses Edinburgh offer, <a href="#page_032">32</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">graduates from Monson Academy, <a href="#page_032">32</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enters Yale, <a href="#page_033">33</a>, <a href="#page_037">37</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">problem of support, <a href="#page_034">34</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">applies for assistance from contingent fund, <a href="#page_034">34</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">grounds for refusal, <a href="#page_035">35</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">inadequate preparation and hard work, <a href="#page_037">37</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">prizes, <a href="#page_038">38</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">stewardship, <a href="#page_038">38</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">assistant librarian of “Brothers in Unity,” <a href="#page_039">39</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first Chinaman to graduate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_285" id="page_285"></a>{285}</span> from American college, <a href="#page_018">18</a>, <a href="#page_039">39</a>, <a href="#page_049">49</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">popularity, <a href="#page_040">40</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">determination to carry Western education into China, <a href="#page_041">41</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">abandons scientific course and returns to China, <a href="#page_042">42</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">story of voyage (<i>1854-’55</i>), <a href="#page_043">43</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meeting with his mother, <a href="#page_048">48</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">college degree, <a href="#page_050">50</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mother’s death (<i>1858</i>), <a href="#page_051">51</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">residence in Canton, regaining the language, <a href="#page_052">52</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">revolting consequences of Kwang Tung rebellion, <a href="#page_053">53</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">sympathies stirred, <a href="#page_056">56</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">private secretary to Dr. Peter Parker, <a href="#page_059">59</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interpreter in Hong Kong Supreme Court, <a href="#page_059">59</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">studies law, <a href="#page_059">59</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">apprentice to attorney, <a href="#page_060">60</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">opposition of British colony, <a href="#page_060">60</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resignation, <a href="#page_062">62</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">passage from Shanghai to Hong Kong in ship <i>Florence</i>, <a href="#page_062">62</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">position in Imperial Customs, <a href="#page_063">63</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">system of graft leading to resignation, <a href="#page_063">63</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">mercantile life, <a href="#page_067">67</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">night encounter with men from ship <i>Eureka</i>, <a href="#page_067">67</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">and other personal insults, <a href="#page_070">70</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reputation as translator, <a href="#page_074">74</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">draws up petition for relief of sufferers in Yellow River inundation, <a href="#page_075">75</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduced to Li Jen Shu, <a href="#page_076">76</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ground for declining position as comprador, <a href="#page_077">77</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">packing tea, <a href="#page_078">78</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">goes to Hangchau, <a href="#page_080">80</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ascends Tsientang River, <a href="#page_082">82</a>, <a href="#page_085">85</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">takes trip to hunt after yellow silk, <a href="#page_088">88</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">return to Nih Kia Shi, <a href="#page_090">90</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">learns process of preparing tea for foreign market, <a href="#page_091">91</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">first journey in interior of China, <a href="#page_093">93</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">silk business, <a href="#page_094">94</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">with missionaries to Nanking (<i>1859</i>), <a href="#page_096">96</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">experiences <i>en route</i>, <a href="#page_098">98</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrival at Tan Yang and conversation with Commandant, <a href="#page_101">101</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">courteous treatment, <a href="#page_105">105</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gates of Ku Yung closed against them, <a href="#page_106">106</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Nanking reached, <a href="#page_106">106</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">introduction to I. C. Roberts, <a href="#page_107">107</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">renews acquaintance with Hung Jin, <a href="#page_108">108</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">points suggested by journey, <a href="#page_109">109</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">conditions of joining Taiping government, <a href="#page_109">109</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Kan Wong resulting in offer of title of fourth official rank, <a href="#page_110">110</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">refusal, <a href="#page_111">111</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">passport granted and return journey to Shanghai made, <a href="#page_112">112</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attention turned to money-making, <a href="#page_123">123</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with tea-merchants at Shanghai, <a href="#page_124">124</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">expedition to Taiping to buy tea, <a href="#page_125">125</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">routes chosen and particulars of journey, <a href="#page_126">126</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">escorts treasure on succeeding expeditions, <a href="#page_128">128</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">midnight adventure with marauding horde, <a href="#page_130">130</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">ill health and relinquishment of tea business, <a href="#page_135">135</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invited to call on Viceroy Tsang Kwoh Fan (<i>1863</i>), <a href="#page_137">137</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">enters service of state government (<i>1863</i>), <a href="#page_140">140</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">arrival at Ngan Khing and interview with Viceroy, <a href="#page_143">143</a>, <a href="#page_150">150</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">temporary abode at military headquarters, <a href="#page_148">148</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">suggestions for establishing machine shop, <a href="#page_149">149</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">empowered to purchase machinery, <a href="#page_152">152</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commission received (<i>1863</i>), <a href="#page_154">154</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">fifth official rank conferred, <a href="#page_154">154</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">route from Shanghai to New York, <a href="#page_155">155</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">class re-union at Yale, <a href="#page_156">156</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">order for machinery executed at Fitchburg, Mass., <a href="#page_156">156</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">offers himself to U. S. government as volunteer, <a href="#page_157">157</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">return to China, <a href="#page_160">160</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">report on purchase of machinery, <a href="#page_165">165</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">created mandarin (<i>1865</i>), <a href="#page_166">166</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">government interpreter and translator, <a href="#page_166">166</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Colton’s Geography</i> and parts of <i>Parsons on Contracts</i> translated, <a href="#page_167">167</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">school of engineering suggested to Viceroy, <a href="#page_166">166</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">secures co-operation<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_286" id="page_286"></a>{286}</span> of Ting Yih Chang in educational scheme, <a href="#page_170">170</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">proposals drawn up, <a href="#page_171">171</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">hindrances to their presentation to the government, <a href="#page_175">175</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Tsientsin massacre furthers plans, <a href="#page_177">177</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorial for adoption of proposals signed, <a href="#page_180">180</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Chin Lan Pin’s co-operation, <a href="#page_181">181</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">memorial sanctioned, <a href="#page_182">182</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">invited to Nanking to confer with Viceroy, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Educational Commission appointed, <a href="#page_183">183</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">preparatory school established (<i>1871</i>), <a href="#page_185">185</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">English government schools visited, <a href="#page_186">186</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">precedes first installment of students to U. S. (<i>1872</i>), <a href="#page_188">188</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">headquarters at Hartford, Conn., <a href="#page_189">189</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">gatling gun introduced into China (<i>1873</i>), <a href="#page_191">191</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Peruvian commissioner on coolie traffic, <a href="#page_192">192</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">relates horrors and refuses to further treaty, <a href="#page_193">193</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">commissioned to investigate conditions in Peru, <a href="#page_194">194</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">report of mission, <a href="#page_195">195</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">attitude of Peruvian commissioner, <a href="#page_195">195</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">results, <a href="#page_196">196</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed joint Chinese minister to Washington, <a href="#page_198">198</a>, <a href="#page_207">207</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">disagreement with Chin Lan Pin, <a href="#page_202">202</a>, <a href="#page_205">205</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">letter to Viceroy regarding Woo Tsze Tung, <a href="#page_205">205</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">violation of Burlingame Treaty, <a href="#page_208">208</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">last official act as Commissioner (<i>1877</i>), <a href="#page_209">209</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">reports at Peking upon expiration of term of office (<i>1881</i>), <a href="#page_217">217</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">interview with Li Hung Chang on subject of recall of students (<i>1881</i>), <a href="#page_218">218</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">paying official calls, <a href="#page_219">219</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Indian opium trade and poppy culture, <a href="#page_220">220</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">return to U. S. (<i>1883</i>), <a href="#page_220">220</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">illness and death of wife (<i>1886</i>), <a href="#page_221">221</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">j
-oy in sons, <a href="#page_223">223</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">formulates plans for prosecuting war of <i>1894-’95</i>, <a href="#page_224">224</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">partial acceptance of plan and commission to negotiate loan, <a href="#page_224">224</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">failure caused by personal animosity, <a href="#page_226">226</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">recalled to China (<i>1895</i>), <a href="#page_226">226</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">provision for sons during absence, <a href="#page_227">227</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">presents plans to Chang Chi Tung, <a href="#page_228">228</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">appointed secretary of Foreign Affairs for Kiang Nan, <a href="#page_231">231</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">resigns, <a href="#page_232">232</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">begins translation of National Banking Act, <a href="#page_232">232</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">defeat of plans for National Bank of China, <a href="#page_234">234</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">unsuccessful attempt to secure railroad concession, <a href="#page_237">237</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">headquarters at Peking <i>rendez-vous</i> of reformers of <i>1898</i>, <a href="#page_241">241</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">flight to Shanghai and organization of “Deliberative Association of China,” <a href="#page_241">241</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">in Hong Kong (<i>1900-’02</i>), <a href="#page_241">241</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">returns to U. S. (<i>1902</i>), <a href="#page_242">242</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">visit to Formosa and threatened arrest, <a href="#page_242">242</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">furnished with bodyguard, <a href="#page_245">245</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;">meeting with Dr. Horace Bushnell, <a href="#page_256">256</a>;</span><br />
-<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>for detailed résumé of life see</i> <a href="#APPENDIX">Appendix</a>.</span><br />
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_289" id="page_289"></a>{289}</span><a name="page_288" id="page_288"></a><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_287" id="page_287"></a>{287}</span></p>
-
-<hr />
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-<p class="eng">American Public Problems Series</p>
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-<p class="c">Edited by <span class="smcap">Ralph Curtis Ringwalt</span></p>
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-<p class="nind"><b>Chinese Immigration</b></p>
-
-<p>By <span class="smcap">Mary Roberts Coolidge</span>, Formerly Associate Professor of Sociology in
-Stanford University. 531 pp., $1.75 net; by mail, $1.90. (<i>Just
-issued.</i>)</p>
-
-<p>Presents the most comprehensive record of the Chinaman in the United
-States that has yet been attempted.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot"><p>“Scholarly. Covers every important phase, economic, social, and
-political, of the Chinese question in America down to the San
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-Restriction League. 393 pp. $1.50 net; by mail, $1.65.</p>
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-thoroughly understands it, but that he is deeply interested in it
-and has studied everything bearing upon it.”&mdash;<i>Boston Transcript.</i></p>
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-Especially to be commended is the discussion of the racial effects.
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-politics. 436 pp. $1.75 net. By mail, $1.92.</p>
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-wish to know, who wish to form good sound opinions, and especially
-those who wish to take their honest part in the great duties of the
-hour, will read the book, will study it, and will find nothing else
-better worth reading and study.”</p>
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-
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-
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-delightfully feminine abandon.”&mdash;<i>Outlook.</i></p>
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-Russian politics and also had actual experience in Japanese war
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-THE OPEN ROAD &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; THE FRIENDLY TOWN<br />
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-</p>
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-<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_292" id="page_292"></a>{292}</span></p>
-
-<hr />
-
-<p class="nind"><b>McPherson’s Railroad Freight Rates</b></p>
-
-<p>In Their Relation to the Industry and Commerce of the United States.</p>
-
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-With maps, tables, and a full index. $2.25 net, by mail. $2.42.</p>
-
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-knowing how the present freight rate system has been evolved.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot"><p>“An exceedingly important book.... Not only the best existing
-account, but it is easily the best book on American railway
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-examination upon it before taking his oath of office.”&mdash;<i>Railroad
-Age Gazette.</i></p>
-
-<p>“A book the nation has needed.”&mdash;<i>New York Sun.</i></p></div>
-
-<p class="nind"><b>McPherson’s The Working of the Railroads</b></p>
-
-<p>By <span class="smcap">Logan G. McPherson</span>, Lecturer on Transportation at Johns Hopkins.
-12mo. $1.50 net; By mail $1.63.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot"><p>“Simply and lucidly tells what a railroad company is, what it does,
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-<p>“The most important contribution to its branch of the subject that
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-
-<p>By <span class="smcap">Charles Frederick Carter</span>, with an Introductory Note by Logan G.
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-Sun.</i></p>
-
-<p>“Invaluable. It gathers the floating fragments of railroad history,
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-<tr><td align="left"><b>CANADIAN TYPES OF THE OLD RÉGIME</b></td><td class="rt">By C. W. Colby.</td></tr>
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-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
-End of Project Gutenberg's My Life in China and America, by Yung Wing
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