NormalizeHEADmain

10 files changed, 17 insertions, 3029 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d7b82bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,4 @@
+*.txt text eol=lf
+*.htm text eol=lf
+*.html text eol=lf
+*.md text eol=lf
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bfae436
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #54666 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54666)
diff --git a/old/54666-0.txt b/old/54666-0.txt
deleted file mode 100644
index d7dd661..0000000
--- a/old/54666-0.txt
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,1362 +0,0 @@
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of International May Day and American Labor Day, by 
-Boris Reinstein
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: International May Day and American Labor Day
-       A Holiday Expressing Working Class Emancipation Versus a
-       Holiday Exalting Labor's Chains
-
-Author: Boris Reinstein
-
-Release Date: May 6, 2017 [EBook #54666]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: WEEKLY PEOPLE]
-
-                 _OFFICIAL ORGAN SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY_
-
-A revolutionary Socialist journal. Dedicated to the idea that the
-emancipation of the working class must be the class-conscious work of
-that class. The WEEKLY PEOPLE teaches that a political victory of the
-working class is “moonshine” unless the might of the workers in the
-shape of a revolutionary industrial union is behind that victory. It
-teaches further that the organization of the working class can not be
-accomplished by dragging the revolutionary movement into the ratholes of
-anarchists and “pure and simple” physical forcists generally. The WEEKLY
-PEOPLE ruthlessly exposes the scheming “pure and simple” politician as
-well as the “pure and simple” physical forcist. In doing this it at the
-same time imparts sound information regarding Marxian or scientific
-Socialism. It is a journal which, read a few times, becomes
-indispensable.
-
-      Subscription rates: One year, $2; six months, $1; three
-      months, .50 cents; trial subscription, 25 cents. Bundle
-      rates supplied on request.
-
-               Weekly People, 45 Rose St., New York City.
-
-
-
-
-                         International May Day
-                                ..and..
-                           American Labor Day
-
-
-                                   BY
-                            BORIS REINSTEIN
-
-
-                               A HOLIDAY
-                 Expressing Working Class Emancipation
-                                 Versus
-                               A HOLIDAY
-                        Exalting Labor’s Chains
-
-
-                              Published by
-           National Executive Committee Socialist Labor Party
-                     45 Rose Street, New York City
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                                PREFACE.
-
-
-During the period in history that the present generation is going
-through the struggle for supremacy between Capital and Labor is
-occupying a more and more prominent position at the front of the stage.
-Here in America the material conditions necessary for the triumph of
-Labor in this struggle,—for the realization of Socialism—are by far more
-ripe than in any other country.
-
-The old system of wealth production in small shops, with crude tools, by
-the application of the labor of one, two or a handful of workers, is
-practically extinct. Through the use of up-to-date improved machinery,
-through co-operation of thousands and sometimes tens of thousands of
-workers employed by one concern, and the consequent subdivision and
-specialization of labor enhancing its productivity; through capitalist
-concentration and amalgamation of individual concerns into corporations
-and trusts, eliminating waste of labor incidental to competition and
-anarchy in production, through all that the productivity of labor became
-plentiful to the point of being marvelous. After centuries of struggle
-society at last has within its grasp the means of assured, carefree
-existence and untrammeled progress.
-
-With regard to the power of the political State and the political rights
-of the people the historical development of the civilized nations was
-along the lines of concentration of political powers in the hands of an
-oligarchy, small in numbers, and finally in the person of a single
-individual, the political autocrat, while on the other hand the masses
-of the people were concentrating in the camp of the politically
-disfranchised and disinherited. In France, for instance, after a
-struggle running through a long series of generations, concentrating the
-political powers in fewer and fewer hands, the point of autocracy was
-finally reached. The former “peers” were reduced to the position of mere
-dependents and hangers-on at the court of the autocrat; the mass of the
-people, politically absolutely disinherited, could only bend its neck,
-and the autocrat, Louis XIV, with boots and spurs on and whip in hand,
-could proclaim haughtily and defiantly, “l’état c’est moi!” (The
-government, it is I!) and could sway the destinies of the nation with
-the stroke of his pen.
-
-From this point it was only a comparatively short step to the point when
-the millions of “subjects of the autocrat,” concentrated in the camp of
-the disinherited, realized that they had only one head to chop off, and
-did literally chop it off in the person of Louis XVI, in order to assert
-their rights by establishing the political democratic republic.
-
-Similarly in the realm of economic development. The difference only is
-that in this enlightened age, with the modern press and other means of
-disseminating knowledge and information all over the globe in a few
-minutes, bigger strides along the path of progress are made within
-decades and years than were made formerly within centuries and
-generations.
-
-In this country, under the eyes of a single generation,—the present
-generation—a veritable Social Revolution has taken place. When the
-gray-haired men of to-day were young the overwhelming majority of
-inhabitants in this country belonged to the property-holding class and
-were consequently self-sustaining. They had some farming, commercial, or
-industrial property. They did not have much but enough of it to be able
-to eke out a living without being compelled to hunt for and beg some
-employer for a job to save themselves from starvation. To-day what
-remains of the independent farmers and middle class are hanging by the
-skin of their teeth to their little property, the source of their
-“economic independence,” as they feel that property slipping through
-their hands. It begins to dawn on them that even those of them who still
-retain some business property are rapidly becoming mere dependents and
-hangers-on at the court of enthroned capital.
-
-But already a big percentage of formerly independent American citizens
-and the sons and daughters of a still bigger percentage of them, are
-found to be stripped of all income-bearing property, driven into and
-concentrated in the camp of the proletariat,—the propertyless
-wage-earning class—towards which, like iron filings towards a powerful
-magnet, are gravitating the rapidly increasing millions of ruined,
-formerly independent citizens, the modern proletariat. According to
-recently published figures to the camp of the wage-earning class belong
-now no less than thirty-three and a half millions of men, women, and
-children, not younger than fifteen years of age. This gigantic army,
-with the little children, the wives of some of the workmen and other
-dependents, whom the capitalists so far have not succeeded in hitching
-up to the machinery in their factories, constitutes already the
-overwhelming majority of the entire population of the country.
-
-The forces of social evolution have thus already created, as far at
-least as this country is concerned, that other indispensable factor for
-the success of the impending Social Revolution. They have created that
-class, the proletariat, whose mission it is and which is strong enough
-to free itself and the whole of mankind from exploitation and oppression
-by the capitalists, the master class of our time.
-
-While these forces of social evolution were thus decomposing the present
-social order, divorcing the wealth-producers from the sources of
-wealth-production, driving the millions of these wealth producers into
-the camp of the proletariat, there was at the same time another process
-of concentration going on, the concentration of the wealth of the
-formerly independent American citizens in the hands of a small number of
-gigantic capitalist concerns. Out of their ranks the industrial autocrat
-is to rise,—the “one head” that the disinherited millions are to “chop
-off” in order to come to their own by the institution of the Industrial
-Democratic Republic.
-
-The rapid progress towards this stage of industrial autocracy was
-already marked, and not a few years ago at that, by the historical
-Vanderbilt exclamation, “The public be damned!”—the modern version of
-Louis XIV’s “The government, it is I!”
-
-Still more light on the progress made in that direction under the very
-eyes of the present generation is thrown by the figures which recently
-made the rounds of the daily press. They deal with the growth of the
-volume of business and power wielded by one single capitalist concern,
-the J. Pierpont Morgan banking firm in Wall Street, New York. The
-figures show that the business capital of that concern alone, the stocks
-and bonds of all the innumerable enterprises, commercial, industrial,
-etc., controlled by it represented the amount of $527,282,564. But that
-was 21 years ago, in 1892. Gigantic as this mass of capital was it was
-insignificant compared with the proportions it reached in subsequent
-years. In 1897 it was $1,396,506,231; in 1902, $3,852,940,908, and in
-1912 it was estimated to be $26,854,254,628. In other words, nearly
-TWENTY-SEVEN THOUSAND MILLION dollars of business capital are controlled
-by the one man at the head of this single concern, whose mere stroke of
-pen would suffice, if he saw fit, to turn the key in the lock of the
-door of thousands of factories and other business concerns where
-millions of workers must earn their daily bread. The lives of millions
-of workers and of many more millions of members of their families
-actually depending upon the will and the whim of a single individual!
-How much more is needed to complete the evolution towards industrial
-autocracy, the gate to Industrial Democracy? The power of political
-autocrats, of Czar Nicholas of Russia, of Louis XIV of France, etc., is
-like that of children, compared with the economic power wielded by this
-colossus of Twentieth Century capitalism. It will not require, it cannot
-require, centuries or generations for the thirty-three and a half
-millions of wage-slaves to realize that they can have the power and
-must,—to save their own lives—throw off from their necks the Iron Heel
-of modern Industrial Autocracy!
-
-In point of development of all these material conditions, as
-prerequisites for a successful Social Revolution, America leads the
-procession of all modern nations. In one important respect, however,
-America lags far behind the procession. It is with regard to the
-economic organization of labor, with regard to the labor union movement.
-As yet this strategically vital and determining field is in the
-possession of the reactionary forces of the American Federation of
-Labor, the organization that is doing all in its power to check the
-growth of Socialism in this country, to perpetuate the capitalist system
-of wage labor.
-
-The supremacy of this organization in the economic field of the labor
-movement exercises upon the American working class, eagerly though that
-class is seeking its own emancipation, an influence which, in the
-political field likewise, prevents it from organizing and fighting on
-proper lines. The baneful influence of the American Federation of Labor
-thus threatens to render nought the otherwise ripe material conditions,
-and to render abortive the impending Social Revolution.
-
-Whether the coming crisis in the life of this nation will result in the
-rearing of the Dome of Socialism and Industrial Democracy, or whether it
-will lead only to a most stupendous slaughter of the working class, to
-the erection of a “Caesar’s Column,” and to complete and hopeless
-subjugation of the masses depends largely on reorganization of the union
-movement from the craft union basis of the American Federation of Labor
-to a correct and sound industrial union basis.
-
-Unfortunately among the Socialists of America the vital importance of
-the educational work needed as a prerequisite for the reorganization of
-the labor union movement of the land is very little recognized. Only too
-frequently one meets Socialists who innocently assure themselves and
-others that they “believe in industrial unionism” and are “opposed to
-the A. F. of L.” merely because they try to hit back when Gompers
-attacks their party. The knowledge possessed by such Socialists as to
-the essential features of the A. F. of L. unionism, which makes of that
-organization a veritable trap that holds the working masses fast and
-helpless against the capitalist exploiters, is very indistinct. The
-literature, the press, the lectures, etc., that mold the views of such
-Socialists avoid, for sundry reasons, the dissecting and exposing of the
-dangerous features of craft unionism. As a rule, in the minds of such
-Socialists there is only a vague idea that “there is something wrong
-with the American Federation of Labor,” and they are mostly inclined to
-find that “wrong” in the opposition of the A. F. of L. leaders to the
-political work of the Socialists. Most of them are only too ready to
-forget and forgive the “mistakes” of that organization if it would only
-“leave the Socialists alone.”
-
-It is to stimulate the study of the essential and distinct features of
-A. F. of L. craft unionism, and as a contribution towards that study
-that this pamphlet is offered to the working class.
-
-                                                        BORIS REINSTEIN.
-
-
-
-
-                   MAY DAY AND LABOR DAY—A CONTRAST.
-
-
-The workers who are more or less familiar with the Labor and Socialist
-Movement in this country and especially in European countries, often
-wonder why most American workingmen celebrate “Labor Day” on the first
-Monday of September instead of May Day, on the first of May.
-
-We shall endeavor, in this pamphlet, to give a sketch of the difference
-in the character and effect of these two holidays of Labor.
-
-Except that both these holidays are dedicated to Labor and are primarily
-participated in by working people, there is nothing in common between
-them. In fact, they contradict and stand in opposition to each other,
-the same as the organized International Socialist and Labor Movement,
-which established the May Day, contradicts in all essentials and stands
-in opposition to the American Federation of Labor,—the organization
-under whose auspices the American Labor Day is celebrated.
-
-May Day was created by a resolution adopted, upon the initiative of
-American Socialists, at the International Socialist Congress held in
-Paris, France, in July, 1889. The resolution had for its prime object to
-get the workingmen of all countries, races, climes and nationalities,
-speaking all the innumerable languages of the earth, to celebrate on the
-same fixed day their own holiday, and thus graphically to demonstrate to
-the world that, in spite of all the differences in language,
-nationality, etc., they are all members of the same class, the
-proletariat,—the propertyless wage-earning class—that their interests
-are the same and, like members of the same family, they stand for the
-Workers’ Brotherhood, International Solidarity and Universal Peace.
-
-May Day was thus created by the workingmen themselves, in defiance of
-the capitalist class and its governments, and up to the present time the
-working people in many countries are compelled on the First of May to
-fight for their holiday at the sacrifice of their jobs, liberty, blood,
-and even life. When the police and cossacks of different countries
-appear on the scene on May Day it is always for the purpose of clubbing,
-maiming, arresting, and killing working people; for the police and
-cossacks recognize that May Day is the drilling day for the Social
-Revolution.
-
-The American Labor Day, on the contrary, was a “gift” which the workers
-received from their masters, the capitalists, through the capitalist
-politicians. That first Monday in the month of September was made a
-legal holiday under the name of Labor Day, at first by the legislature
-of one state some thirty years ago; the politicians of other states
-followed the clever example, so that at present Labor Day is a legal
-holiday all over the country.
-
-A vampire, when he settles down upon the body of a sleeping person and
-sucks its blood, is known to fan his victim with his wings, to soothe
-the victim’s pain, and to prevent him from waking up and driving the
-vampire away. So was the Labor Day created by the political agents of
-the American capitalists to fan the sleeping giant, the American working
-class, while the capitalists are sucking its blood.
-
-American Labor Day can also be considered as a modern, capitalist
-version of the ancient custom of the days of serfdom and slavery. In
-those days the masters, for recreation and amusement, often-times set
-aside one day to celebrate the “enthronement of slaves.” They would take
-a slave, take the chains off his limbs, put him on a mock throne, put a
-mock crown on his head and, bowing to him in mock humility and
-obedience, would humbly serve him and overwhelm him with flattery. And
-the Silly Pool on the mock throne would throw out his chest and swell
-with pride. But the day of mockery over, the chains were again clapped
-on his limbs, and the miserable slave, groaning, would resume his life
-of a beast of burden.
-
-Likewise with the unawakened American workman on Labor Day. On that day
-the chains of wage-slavery are, figuratively speaking, taken off his
-limbs; he is made the hero of the day; his masters, the capitalists,
-stand before him in mock humility; their spokesmen in the press, pulpit
-and on their political platforms, overwhelm him with flattery; and the
-modern Silly Fool, likewise, throws out his chest and swells with pride.
-But, the day of mockery and of the Fool’s Paradise over, the
-masters,—who during this day are only slyly smiling—break out into
-sardonic laughter—though unheard by the slave—clap the chains back on
-his limbs and he again hears only the crack of the whip of Hunger and
-Slavery.
-
-It is only natural, therefore, that when the capitalist masters send out
-on Labor Day their hired bodyguard—the police and militia—they send them
-not to molest or injure the workingmen, but to march, as honorary
-escort, at the head of their Labor Day parades.
-
-And why shouldn’t they? Don’t they know that the American Labor Day is
-only a day for the annual injection of a new dose of narcotic “dope,” of
-the antidote against the Social Revolution?!
-
-What, indeed, is the key-note to the speeches delivered at Labor Day
-gatherings in America by the capitalist politicians, clergymen and
-professional “labor-lieutenants” of the capitalist class—the Gomperses,
-the Mitchells, the Duncans, the O’Connells, the Lennons, etc.? It is the
-biggest Lie of the Age, the lie that wealth is the joint product of
-Brother Capital and Brother Labor, that is, of the capitalist class and
-of the working class; that the interests of both are identical or
-reciprocal, that the two can and should live in harmony, peace and
-brotherhood with each other, and that the aim of the Labor Movement is
-to maintain indefinitely that harmonious equilibrium, and thus
-perpetuate the capitalist wage system by securing for the workers “a
-fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work” by means of an “equitable
-division” of that “joint product of Brother Capital and Brother Labor.”
-
-Craft Union “Organization” and Spirit.
-
-For this purpose the American Federation of Labor—the celebrant of Labor
-Day—gathers the masses of the workers, who in their blindness, ignorance
-and anxiety to secure immediate relief, respond to its luring call and
-flock to its banner. The gathered masses are then cut up into
-innumerable “independent and autonomous” craft divisions. They are
-taught to respect the claim of “Brother Capital” and to be guided in
-their actions not by the consideration of solidarity and identity of
-interests of all workers of the world, not even of those of the working
-class of America, not even of those of the American workers belonging to
-the same craft, but merely by the consideration of the interests of
-their personal jobs.
-
-Accordingly, to monopolize their jobs they proclaim the principle of
-“America for Americans,” and try to build a Great Chinese Wall around
-America by means of reactionary anti-immigration laws and, in the
-meanwhile, build innumerable small Chinese walls around their unions by
-means of high, often prohibitive, initiation fees, dues and assessments;
-apprenticeship rules, catchy, tripping examinations of applicants for
-membership; system of “closing books” to all new applicants; forcing
-“troublesome” members out of the union and jobs by unjust and excessive
-fines, etc.
-
-It is again only natural that labor “unions” of this type, built upon
-the principle of CLASS PEACE instead of CLASS STRUGGLE, discard the
-up-to-date ammunition from the arsenal of modern social warfare and
-persistently train their armies of “organized labor” to use the worse
-than worthless wooden swords and wooden bullets of conciliation,
-mediation and arbitration. Every careful observer of the American Labor
-Movement knows that the only effect of these weapons always was to break
-the aroused fighting spirit of the workers; to lead the electricity of
-the social storm into the ground; to make workers lose the advantageous
-position and opportune moments for securing substantial gains; to put
-them, broken in power and demoralized in spirit, at the mercy of their
-masters, and to give their false leaders the opportunity they so much
-crave for “settling the strike” and,—feathering their own nests
-financially, politically, or both.
-
-Likewise is it only in keeping with this spirit and character of the
-heroine of Labor Day, the American Federation of Labor, that much of its
-time and energy is spent in fratricidal jurisdiction fights, fights over
-the question whether it should be the exclusive privilege of this, that
-or the other union to control certain kinds of jobs.
-
-These jurisdiction fights, together with the system of agreements and
-contracts concluded by separate craft unions with the employers, without
-consideration of the interests of the other unions, and of the welfare
-of the labor movement generally,—contracts by means of which the members
-of the contracting unions are delivered over to the employers tied hand
-and foot and deprived even of the right to strike,—lead in innumerable
-cases to acts of betrayal and even of direct scabbing of members of one
-union against those of another.
-
-
-                        Labor Day and Politics.
-
-If the American Labor Day does not represent real unity and solidarity
-of the workers in their immediate field—the economic field—what wonder
-that it represents the same disruption and betrayal in the political
-field? That Labor Day plays a considerable part in the politics of the
-country no person familiar with the question can deny.
-
-It must be remembered that America is a county where most of the
-workingmen, and now a rapidly growing number of working women, have a
-right to vote, and, as the working class—in America, of all countries—is
-the class to which the overwhelming majority of the people belong, no
-politician can get his fingers into the public pie, and the capitalist
-class cannot secure the control over the powers of government they need
-so badly, without employing some means of fooling the working people out
-of their votes.
-
-American Labor Day is one of the institutions that is made to serve that
-purpose, too. The capitalist politicians have conveniently fixed it for
-the early part of September, about two months before Election Day, the
-season when the politicians make or prepare to make their nominations of
-candidates. The big gatherings of union men, voters, at Labor Day
-parades, mass meetings and picnics, supply splendid opportunities for
-advertising the candidacy of some capitalist politician claiming to be a
-“friend of Labor.” They give the false and treacherous leaders of the
-unions a chance, in expectation of good reward, to render these
-politicians a good service by securing them as speakers at these
-gatherings, and otherwise advertising them. They also give these false
-and ambitious union leaders a chance to boost their own stock on the
-political market by demonstrating to the politicians what a big crowd of
-voters the leader can influence for the one or the other political party
-of capitalism. It is in this respect both surprising and amusing how
-easily the labor fakers bluff and swindle at this game the politicians,
-who are otherwise supposed to be such shrewd men.
-
-It is therefore not an accident only that at most, if not at all of
-the Labor Day gatherings, prominent politicians are invited to speak,
-and that those parades generally lead the mass of the workers past the
-City Hall and other such buildings, from the windows of which the
-politicians review the parade and flatteringly cheer the tramping
-hosts of poor, deluded workers. What is needed to reveal the true
-political significance of the performance is that the union
-leaders,—hungry for political jobs or nominations—should order a big
-banner carried in the parade bearing an inscription about as follows:
-“Look, gentlemen-politicians! See what a big herd of voting cattle we
-have this time to sell! How, what are you going to bid for them? What
-nominations will you give to us, the leaders; what appointments to
-political jobs will you promise to us if we deliver the votes of this
-herd to you?”
-
-
-                    Judas Reward of “Labor Leaders”.
-
-And the result generally is that the politicians generally conclude, in
-order to insure the success of their capitalist parties, to bait their
-political hooks with some prominent “union leaders” whom they nominate
-for some insignificant office on their tickets, and the mass of deluded
-workers, out of misplaced loyalty to their brother-union man, swallow
-bait, hook and all, dividing their forces between the leading capitalist
-parties.
-
-Another form of rewarding the union leaders, who succeed in advertising
-their value on the political market or who render valuable services to
-capitalists, is to have them supplied with good political jobs. Not to
-mention smaller instances of local character, few of the many instances
-of prominent appointments could be cited as illustrations.
-
-Ex-President Taft, following the example of his predecessors, as soon as
-he assumed power, appointed a “labor-leader,” Daniel O’Keefe, of the
-Longshoremen’s Union, to the office of Federal Commissioner of
-Immigration, with a fat salary and fatter emoluments. President Wilson
-appointed two prominent “labor leaders” to positions on the Federal
-Commission on Industrial Relations—they were: John B. Lennon, of the
-Journeymen Tailors’, an anti-Socialist and member of the National
-Executive Committee of the capitalist organization, known as the
-“National Civic Federation,” and James O’Connell, of the International
-Association of Machinists, and also a member of the National Executive
-Committee of the reactionary “Militia of Christ,” organized by the
-Roman-Catholic political machine to fight Socialism. The Commissioners
-are paid more than liberally by the Government.
-
-
-               Case of Secretary of Labor, Wm. B. Wilson.
-
-The United Mine Workers have among their leaders in Pennsylvania a
-certain William B. Wilson. He soon became a proprietor in the mining
-business, but retained membership and leadership in the miners’ union.
-That helped him to get nominations on capitalist tickets, and he was
-thus elected Congressman on such a ticket. In the Congress in Washington
-he became the leader of the so-called Labor Group, that is, of other
-such Congressmen with union cards in their pockets, upon several of whom
-Col. Mulhall has since cast considerable light. When agitation was begun
-to create the Department of Labor as a new department of the Federal
-Government, with a seat for the Secretary of Labor in the Cabinet of the
-President of United States, President Gompers and other leaders of the
-American Federation of Labor began to agitate that “our Bill,” Mr.
-William B. Wilson, should be given the job and the power of Secretary of
-Labor. Accordingly, when the Department of Labor was created and
-President Woodrow Wilson assumed power, he immediately gave to “our
-Bill” the job of Secretary of Labor, with a salary of $12,000 a year,
-and power to distribute a large number of good political jobs to his
-friends. One of the first things William B. Wilson did when he became
-Secretary of Labor was to give to the son of Samuel Gompers one of the
-best jobs at his disposal. It was thus a complete case of one hand
-washing the other.
-
-
-                          John Mitchell Case.
-
-Take again the case of John Mitchell, the former President of the United
-Mine Workers and still a national leader of that organization. He is
-likewise a member of the National Executive Committee of the
-anti-Socialist “Militia of Christ.” He belonged to the National Civic
-Federation too, and held there a job of “settling” big strikes for which
-he received $6,000 a year salary. But the union miners woke up and
-compelled him, if he did not want to be expelled from the union, and
-lose his value to the capitalists, to give up that job and get out of
-the debauched and debauching Civic Federation. Poor John, shedding the
-tears of sacrifice and martyrdom, left the Civic Federation. But he did
-not like to remain long in the ranks of the “unemployed.” Though even
-during the period when he had no “steady job” he was “turning an honest
-penny” lecturing all over the country as the apostle of Peace between
-Capital and Labor, charging good admission fees to his lectures, having
-the railroads run special excursion trains to the towns where he
-lectured, etc., he was still yearning for a steady position.
-
-Finally the Democratic capitalist Governor Sulzer of New York, believing
-that such virtuous men must be rewarded properly, and anxious to boost
-his own political stock by demonstrating his appreciation of the
-services of the Labor Leaders, took upon himself to champion the cause
-of John Mitchell’s career. There is in New York State a good paying
-political office known as Commissioner of Labor. Its chief and real
-function is to act as peacemaker whenever Brother Capital and Brother
-Labor are engaged in any of their interminable scraps. When the Tammany
-Hall politician Dix was Governor he gave that job to a “labor”
-politician Williams, who boasts of carrying in his pocket the membership
-card of the Carpenters’ Union. Williams’ term recently expired, and
-Governor Sulzer, Dix’s successor, seized the opportunity for playing
-“labor politics.” He appointed John Mitchell to the position of
-Commissioner of Labor at an increased salary, bringing it up to $8,000 a
-year. But here he struck a snag. Such a fat job was bound to make the
-mouth water not of Mitchell alone. Mitchell is not the only Labor Leader
-on the political market. There are other politicians, among Labor
-Leaders and otherwise, who would be glad to get hold of such a job, and
-besides, these others are more partisan Democrats than Mitchell is, and,
-consequently, enjoy the support of the more strictly Democratic partisan
-members of the Senate of the State of New York, who must ratify Governor
-Sulzer’s appointments. Accordingly the Senate refused to ratify the
-appointment of Mitchell to the position. Sulzer sent to the Senate for
-the second time the appointment of Mitchell to the same position. The
-Senate again refused to ratify and thereupon the legislature adjourned
-for the summer. Here, thought Sulzer and Mitchell, was their chance to
-put through their deal. Since the term of Commissioner Williams had
-expired, and he was only holding over awaiting the appointment of his
-successor, Sulzer, Mitchell, and Williams put their heads together and
-hatched out a nice little scheme. Williams put in his resignation from
-the office to take place immediately. Governor Sulzer accepted it and,
-since a vacancy was thus created and the Legislature was not in session,
-he, as a “matter of emergency,” immediately appointed Mitchell to fill
-the vacancy at a salary of $8,000 a year. Mitchell, on the spot, took
-the oath of office. He then turned around and appointed Williams to act
-as his first Deputy Commissioner of Labor, at a salary of $5,000 a year.
-Everything appeared to be smooth sailing. Mitchell was already planning
-how he would distribute among his labor leader friends the many other
-jobs at his disposal, but—“there is many a slip ‘twixt the cup and the
-lip,” as poor Sulzer and Mitchell learned to their sorrow.
-
-The State Comptroller, who is responsible for the payment of salaries to
-state officials, took the stand that he had no right to authorize the
-payment of salaries to Mitchell and his appointees on the ground that
-Governor Sulzer had no legal right to appoint Mitchell without the
-consent of the State Senate, even if it was as a “matter of emergency”
-during the recess of the Legislature. Attorney-General Carmody of the
-State of New York took the same stand. The fight over poor Mitchell’s
-job was taken from stage to stage till it reached the highest court in
-the State, the Court of Appeals, which finally settled the fight by
-deciding against Mitchell and Sulzer. If Mitchell lost this fat job, it
-was only because of too strictly partisan politics played in this case,
-because Mitchell was not strict enough a Democrat to suit the Democratic
-majority in the State Senate. It was not opposed to him as
-“representative of Labor.” And there can be no doubt that Mitchell will
-not remain long on the list of politically “unemployed,” that at the
-very first opportunity he will be given a good fat political job.
-
-Oh, you can leave it to the capitalists, they know how to appreciate
-such friends of theirs, how to take care of such “labor lieutenants” of
-theirs, as the late capitalist and leading politician Senator Mark Hanna
-called the leaders of the American Federation of Labor.
-
-
-                        Case of James T. Lynch.
-
-The latest instance of this policy of the capitalist politicians
-occurred only a short time ago. When Governor Sulzer, of New York, was
-finally prevented by the Court of Appeals from rewarding his pet John
-Mitchell with that fat job of State Commissioner of Labor, what did he
-do? He looked around in the market for other available “labor
-lieutenants,” and found a whole raft of them standing in line waiting
-for their political rewards and ready to be “seduced” without much
-coaxing. His attention was attracted to the big, towering, Taft-like
-figure of James T. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y. Governor Sulzer began to do
-some figuring:
-
-“First—Has Lynch enough of a following and influence in the Labor
-Movement to be able to ‘deliver the goods,’ to influence his followers
-in favor of myself and my Democratic party?”
-
-Why yes, Jim Lynch is the International President of the International
-Typographical Union, one of the pillars and most influential leaders of
-the American Federation of Labor.
-
-“Good! Next. How about his politics? Is he a good enough Democrat? Won’t
-I have the trouble with him I had about Mitchell’s appointment?”
-
-Don’t worry! Lynch is a solid “a number one” Democrat.
-
-“Fine! Now, what is his position in the Labor Movement? Is he safe and
-sane? May be he is one of those radical, Socialistic Labor Leaders?”
-
-Who? Jim Lynch?! Isn’t he one of the most bitter, rabid enemies of
-Socialism? Isn’t he a member of the National Executive Committees of
-both the National Civic Federation and of the Ultramontane
-Roman-Catholic “Militia of Christ”?
-
-“Beautiful! Now to his record in the struggles between Capital and
-Labor, what is it?”
-
-Why, it can’t be beat! Lynch is the most prominent apostle of sanctity
-of contracts between employers and employees, the most faithful
-watch-dog of the employers’ interests and upholder of the employers’
-claim to the lion’s share of the wealth produced. He not only preaches
-it, but practices it with an iron hand. When the Newspaper Solicitors’
-Union in San Francisco, in 1910, was compelled to declare a boycott
-against the publishers of a local capitalist daily, and the boycott was
-endorsed and taken up by the entire force of organized labor in that
-city, it was Lynch who telegraphed to them to stop that boycott, got the
-International Presidents of Union Pressmen, Stereotypers, etc., to send
-similar telegrams, and finally succeeded in breaking that boycott with
-the aid of President Gompers himself.
-
-Again, when the union pressmen were locked out by the newspaper
-publishers in Chicago in 1912 and the union stereotypers joined their
-fight to help them in the trouble and union compositors of the I. T. U.
-intended to do likewise, it was Jim Lynch who rushed to Chicago and by
-threats of withdrawing their charter compelled the union compositors to
-stay in and scab it on union pressmen. The International President of
-the union stereotypers followed a similar policy, actually taking away
-the charter of the union stereotypers who were struggling together with
-the pressmen, and thus both he and Lynch broke the fight of the union
-men against the daily papers in Chicago. Don’t worry. Jim Lynch never
-hesitates to break a strike of union men when his and his friends’, the
-employers’, interests are crossed.
-
-“That’s bully! Why, Lynch is even better than Mitchell. Now, one more
-thing. Would he be willing ‘to be insulted’ by the offer to him of a
-nice, juicy political job?”
-
-Would he? Just try him! Wasn’t he only a few weeks ago fishing in
-Washington, D. C., for the appointment to the federal job of Public
-Printer? He came very near landing that job, only it slipped off the
-hook as Mitchell’s job in New York State slipped off.
-
-“It’s O. K.” concluded the Governor, approached Jim Lynch,—and
-discovered, or at least surmised, that he was the very man who was
-pulling the wires through his friends, the politicians, to prevent the
-State Senate from ratifying Mitchell’s appointment so that the job
-should go to him, Jim Lynch. The friendship between dogs ceases when a
-bone is thrown to them. The friendship and “solidarity” between “labor
-lieutenants” of the capitalist class ceases, and they are ready to stab
-each other in the back, when a good job is at stake. As to the Governor,
-it made no difference to him who got the job, Mitchell, Lynch or anybody
-else, so long as his political fences were thereby mended. So the upshot
-of it was that Jim Lynch who was drawing $3,500 yearly salary as
-President of the International Typographical Union was named for New
-York State Commissioner of Labor with an $8,000 yearly salary. May God
-have mercy on the souls of the working people of New York State when
-James T. Lynch is in charge of the Labor Bureau!
-
-While handing out this political plum to Lynch, Governor Sulzer, to make
-assurance doubly sure, gave to another “labor lieutenant,” Charles J.
-Chase, leader of union locomotive engineers, another good political job.
-He made him member of an up-state Public Service Commission.
-
-Many more such cases of “labor politics” could be cited, but the above
-will suffice to show the character of the political fruits of the
-American Federation of Labor. And the Sun of Labor Day helps to ripen
-them!
-
-
-                         Corrupting Influences.
-
-The demoralizing and corrupting effect of the general character and the
-whole atmosphere of the American Federation of Labor, the celebrant of
-the Labor Day, is also seen in the matter of “controlling the jobs by
-the workers.” One of the aims of the Labor Movement is to secure such
-changes in the run of things that “the workers should own their jobs.”
-Well, some of the unions of the A. F. of L., bakers, printers, etc.,
-have secured such a hold upon their trade in certain localities that
-they succeeded in putting into their contracts with the employers
-provisions that the union is to act as the employment agency for the
-employer, and the latter, whenever he needs help, must take whomever of
-its membership the union will send to him. On the face of it it looks as
-though “the workers control their jobs,” a step to “the workers’ owning
-their jobs.” In reality this “victory” is only an additional source of
-corruption in these unions. The actual power of distributing the jobs is
-in the hands of the business agent of the union and his hangers-on, or
-of the chairman of the union chapel of the shop. This power to
-manipulate the assignment of certain members of the union to more
-steady, easier and better paying jobs, and others, on the contrary, as
-mere “subs” to jobs for only few hours or days or for half-time jobs, or
-for harder and poorer paid jobs, inevitably leads in the selfish and
-corrupt atmosphere of the A. F. of L. unions to exactions of bribes by
-the leaders from the unemployed union members, to favoritism, to keeping
-of the “kickers” against leaders on the unemployed lists or on bad jobs.
-This ulcer upon the American Labor Movement has led even to the
-formation among the union printers, under the leadership of the above
-mentioned Jas. T. Lynch, of a secret malodorous organization, known as
-“Wahneta,” within the International Typographical Union.
-
-In view of the above features of the American Federation “unions,”—and
-they by no means exhaust the list—it is only natural that when the
-“hosts of Labor” are marching in Labor Day parades they do not march to
-the strains of the battle-hymn of the modern revolutionary
-proletariat,—the “International” or the “Marseillaise”—unless some
-misguided Socialists disgrace Socialism by participating in such
-parades. No, it is to the tune of the vulgar rag-time and of the stale,
-capitalist patriotic hymns that the “organized labor” forces are
-marching on Labor Day. These rag-time melodies and patriotic hymns send
-the cheer of joy and hope and triumph to the hearts of capitalists and
-politicians. But to the ears of awakened class-conscious wage slaves and
-revolutionists these tunes are worse than a funeral dirge for the hopes
-and aspirations of the proletariat!
-
-Such is the true character, aim and spirit of the American Federation of
-Labor under whose auspices Labor Day is celebrated.
-
-
-                       How Different the May Day!
-
-It is the awakened, intelligent, class-conscious Working Class of the
-World that stands back of the May Day. In America May Day is celebrated
-by the revolutionary Socialists in the political arena and, besides a
-few progressive locals of the American Federation of Labor, by the
-Industrial Workers of the World in the economic arena.[1]
-
-Footnote 1:
-
-  The original Industrial Workers of the World, formed in Chicago in
-  1905, and having at the time of this writing its headquarters in
-  Detroit, and not the Anarcho-industrialist “Chicago I. W. W.”, is
-  meant in this and subsequent paragraphs.
-
-The key-note to May Day is the greatest Truth of the Age, the solidarity
-of the working class of the world and the struggle for the overthrow of
-the capitalist class and its wage system.
-
-As the Preamble of the Industrial Workers of the World, one of the most
-compact utterances of a revolutionary workers’ organization, expresses
-it:
-
-“The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There
-can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of
-working people and the few, who make up the employing class have all the
-good things of life.
-
-“Between these two classes a struggle must go on until all the toilers
-come together on the political, as well as on the industrial field, and
-take and hold that which they produce by their labor....
-
-“The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of the management of
-industries into fewer and fewer hands make the trades unions unable to
-cope with the ever-growing power of the employing class, because the
-trades unions foster a state of things which allows one set of workers
-to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry,
-thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars....
-
-“These sad conditions can be changed and the interests of the working
-class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its
-members in any one industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease
-work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus
-making an injury to one an injury to all.”
-
-Fully in keeping with these basic principles are the sentiments and
-ideas given utterance to at May Day celebrations, as are also the
-functions and the work of the organizations, both political and
-industrial, which unequivocally rally under the Banner of the
-International May Day.
-
-
-                        Lessons Taught to Labor.
-
-On May Day, of all days, the men, women and children of the working
-class, whatever line of work they may be engaged in in a given industry,
-are appealed to by industrial union representatives to form one compact
-union of the workers of the industry, and all such industrial unions to
-form one nation-wide union of the working class.
-
-They are taught that to accomplish this unification of the labor forces
-the labor union must be an open union; that it is criminal and suicidal
-for labor to prevent a single wage-earner, whatever his creed, color,
-nationality or race may be, from becoming or remaining a member of the
-union of his or her industry; that, consequently, exclusion laws against
-wage-earners of any race or nationality whatever, high initiation fees,
-assessments and dues, catchy trade examinations of applicants for
-membership, practically prohibitory apprenticeship rules, “closing of
-union books,” driving of members from the union by imposition of unjust
-and excessive fines, that these and similar measures are only
-contrivances to prevent the forces of Labor throughout the country and
-throughout the world from coming together to advance their common
-interests.
-
-The workers are taught on May Day that a true, up-to-date labor union
-must recognize that it is not true that wealth is the joint product of
-capital and labor, in other words, of the capitalist class and the
-working class whose claims can and should be harmonized through
-“collective bargaining” and methods of conciliation, mediation and
-arbitration.
-
-It must recognize that, on the contrary, LABOR ALONE PRODUCES ALL WEALTH
-and TO LABOR BELONGS ALL IT PRODUCES.
-
-It must recognize that the employing class as a class of social
-parasites, has no real claim to any part of the wealth produced that the
-workers should be bound to respect.
-
-It must recognize that instead of the absurd aim of securing “a fair
-day’s pay for a fair day’s work” the labor union movement must aim to
-secure for the wealth producers the opportunity to enjoy with their
-families every particle of the wealth they helped to produce and all the
-benefits of a civilized society.
-
-It must recognize that such a union, planted upon the ground of the
-class struggle instead of class peace, must, in order to succeed, be
-militant in character, democratic in conduct, and be guided in all its
-acts and utterances by the spirit of brotherhood and solidarity of the
-international working class. It follows therefrom that:
-
-To preserve and develop its militant spirit the union must leave the
-work of providing for sick benefits, death benefits and other such
-ambulance and insurance features to insurance companies, fraternal
-orders and other such organizations outside of the union proper;
-
-The union must never conclude contracts or agreements with employers
-which in the least interfere with the right of any member of the union
-to strike or deal any blow at the employers whenever considerations of
-self-preservation or of solidarity of the Labor Movement require it;
-
-To protect itself against being sold out, against favoritism, corruption
-and demoralization the membership of the union must retain in its own
-hands and not entrust in the hands of a leader or leaders the final
-power of ordering or calling off strikes, control over distribution of
-jobs, etc.
-
-
-                         The Goal—Emancipation.
-
-Organized into a compact body of workers of a whole industry and guided
-by the spirit of class solidarity the union at last will be free from
-suicidal jurisdiction fights and be able to present a solid, united
-front against the common enemy, the capitalist class.
-
-A prominent feature of May Day, distinguishing it from Labor Day, is
-also the recognition of the fact that “knowledge is power,” that
-education of the workers in true principles of the Labor Movement, is a
-vital thing. That is the reason one never sees ignorant and treacherous
-politicians disgrace the Labor banner by speeches at May Day meetings as
-they do at Labor Day gatherings.
-
-As the key-note of May Day is UNITY of the working class with regard to
-international solidarity and industrial union action so it represents
-the principles of united action of the workers in the political arena as
-well. On May Day the working people are appealed to unite politically as
-a class, as well as industrially. But they are appealed to to stand and
-pull together politically not for the purpose of begging from the
-masters for political alms or to secure a political job for some “labor
-leader,” but to protect and secure what improvements may be possible
-under the present social system and prepare that material force—the
-industrial organization of the working class—which is necessary to
-secure the final emancipation of the working class.
-
-Accordingly, while the Labor Day does not object to the yoke of capital
-being kept upon the neck of Labor indefinitely and, at best, is
-emblematic of the attempt to have the yoke padded, the International May
-Day as even its battle hymn, the “International” expresses it—is a
-challenge to the capitalist class, is a demand upon them to surrender,
-is an appeal to the wage slave class of the world to close their ranks,
-to rise and fight to secure their own emancipation, better future for
-their children, to redeem the human race.
-
-May Day marshals the forces for the impending Proclamation of Labor’s
-Independence! It is the harbinger of the Social Revolution!
-
-
-
-
-                              GUSTAV BANG:
-
-                           CRISES IN EUROPEAN
-                                HISTORY
-
-
-                     Translated by Arnold Petersen
-
- A PAMPHLET WHICH EVERY STUDENT OF HISTORY AND ECONOMICS SHOULD POSSESS
-
-“As an economic interpretation of three important crises in European
-history it is perhaps one of the best, considering the brevity of the
-work. Dr. Bang here employs to the best advantage the Marxian key, and
-succeeds in unravelling what to the average reader usually appear to be
-mysteries or near-mysteries. As the author explains in his introduction,
-the motive power of historical changes is to be found in the economic
-basis of a given society, in the methods of production and exchange
-peculiar to that society. To put it in this manner is, of course, to lay
-oneself open to the charge of teaching that the economic basis, and
-nothing else, influences the historical processes. Dr. Bang, however, in
-the concrete examples chosen furnishes ample evidence to show that while
-that undoubtedly is the chief, and in the long run the really important
-factor, the line cannot be drawn too sharply between cause and effect,
-seeing the effect frequently reacts upon the cause, stimulating it and
-aiding in accelerating (or retarding temporarily, as the case may be)
-the historical process.”—From the preface.
-
-                                56 Pages
-                             PRICE 15 CENTS
-
-                      New York Labor News Company
-                      45 ROSE ST., NEW YORK, N. Y.
-
-
-
-
-                       INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY AND
-                           AMERICAN LABOR DAY
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-                             Price 10 cents
-
-          NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO., 45 ROSE ST., NEW YORK CITY
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                          TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
-
-
- 1. Silently corrected typographical errors.
- 2. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
- 3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of International May Day and American
-Labor Day, by Boris Reinstein
-
-*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY ***
-
-***** This file should be named 54666-0.txt or 54666-0.zip *****
-This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
-        http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/6/6/54666/
-
-Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
-be renamed.
-
-Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
-law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
-so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
-States without permission and without paying copyright
-royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
-of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
-concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
-and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
-specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
-eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
-for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
-performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
-away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
-not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
-trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
-
-START: FULL LICENSE
-
-THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
-PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
-
-To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
-distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
-(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
-Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
-www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-
-1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
-and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
-(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
-the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
-destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
-possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
-Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
-by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
-person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
-1.E.8.
-
-1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
-used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
-agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
-things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
-paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
-agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
-
-1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
-Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
-of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
-works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
-States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
-United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
-claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
-displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
-all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
-that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
-free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
-works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
-Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
-comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
-same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
-you share it without charge with others.
-
-1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
-what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
-in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
-check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
-agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
-distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
-other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
-representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
-country outside the United States.
-
-1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
-
-1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
-immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
-prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
-on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
-phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
-performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
-
-  This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-  most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
-  restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
-  under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
-  eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
-  United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
-  are located before using this ebook.
-
-1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
-derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
-contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
-copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
-the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
-redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
-either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
-obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
-with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
-must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
-additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
-will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
-posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
-beginning of this work.
-
-1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
-work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
-
-1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
-electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
-prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
-active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm License.
-
-1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
-compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
-any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
-to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
-other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
-version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
-(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
-to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
-of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
-Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
-full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
-
-1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
-performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
-unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
-access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-provided that
-
-* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
-  the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
-  you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
-  to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
-  agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
-  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
-  within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
-  legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
-  payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
-  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
-  Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
-  Literary Archive Foundation."
-
-* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
-  you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
-  does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-  License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
-  copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
-  all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
-  works.
-
-* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
-  any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
-  electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
-  receipt of the work.
-
-* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
-  distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
-
-1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
-are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
-from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
-Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
-
-1.F.
-
-1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
-effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
-works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
-Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
-contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
-or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
-intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
-other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
-cannot be read by your equipment.
-
-1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
-of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
-liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
-fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
-LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
-PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
-TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
-LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
-INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
-DAMAGE.
-
-1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
-defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
-receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
-written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
-received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
-with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
-with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
-lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
-or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
-opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
-the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
-without further opportunities to fix the problem.
-
-1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
-in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
-OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
-LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
-
-1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
-warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
-damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
-violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
-agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
-limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
-unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
-remaining provisions.
-
-1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
-trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
-providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
-accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
-production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
-including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
-the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
-or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
-additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
-Defect you cause.
-
-Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
-electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
-computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
-exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
-from people in all walks of life.
-
-Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
-assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
-goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
-remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
-and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
-generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
-Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
-www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-
-Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
-
-The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
-501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
-state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
-Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
-number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
-U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
-
-The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
-mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
-volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
-locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
-Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
-date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
-official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
-
-For additional contact information:
-
-    Dr. Gregory B. Newby
-    Chief Executive and Director
-    gbnewby@pglaf.org
-
-Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
-Literary Archive Foundation
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
-spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
-increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
-freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
-array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
-($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
-status with the IRS.
-
-The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
-charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
-States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
-considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
-with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
-where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
-DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
-state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
-have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
-against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
-approach us with offers to donate.
-
-International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
-any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
-outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
-
-Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
-methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
-ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
-donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.
-
-Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
-freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
-distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
-volunteer support.
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
-editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
-the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
-necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
-edition.
-
-Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
-facility: www.gutenberg.org
-
-This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
-including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
-subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
-
diff --git a/old/54666-0.zip b/old/54666-0.zip
deleted file mode 100644
index af188e0..0000000
--- a/old/54666-0.zip
+++ /dev/null
diff --git a/old/54666-h.zip b/old/54666-h.zip
deleted file mode 100644
index 50601d1..0000000
--- a/old/54666-h.zip
+++ /dev/null
diff --git a/old/54666-h/54666-h.htm b/old/54666-h/54666-h.htm
deleted file mode 100644
index 508da9b..0000000
--- a/old/54666-h/54666-h.htm
+++ /dev/null
@@ -1,1667 +0,0 @@
-<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN"
-    "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd">
-<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en">
-  <head>
-    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=UTF-8" />
-    <title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of International May Day and American Labor Day, by Boris Reinstein</title>
-    <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" />
-    <style type="text/css">
-       body { margin-left: 8%; margin-right: 10%; }
-       h1 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large; }
-       h2 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; }
-       h3 { text-align: center; font-weight: bold; font-size: large; }
-       .pageno { right: 1%; font-size: x-small; background-color: inherit; color: silver;
-               text-indent: 0em; text-align: right; position: absolute;
-               border: thin solid silver; padding: .1em .2em; font-style: normal;
-               font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; text-decoration: none; }
-       p { text-indent: 0; margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; text-align: justify; }
-       sup { vertical-align: top; font-size: 0.6em; }
-       .large { font-size: large; }
-       .small { font-size: small; }
-       .lg-container-r { text-align: right; }
-       @media handheld { .lg-container-r { clear: both; } }
-       .linegroup { display: inline-block; text-align: left; }
-       @media handheld { .linegroup { display: block; margin-left: 1.5em; } }
-       .linegroup .group { margin: 1em auto; }
-       .linegroup .line { text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em; }
-       div.linegroup > :first-child { margin-top: 0; }
-       .ol_1 li {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1em; }
-       ol.ol_1 {padding-left: 0; margin-left: 2.78%; margin-top: .5em;
-               margin-bottom: .5em; list-style-type: decimal; }
-       div.footnote {margin-left: 2.5em; }
-       div.footnote > :first-child { margin-top: 1em; }
-       div.footnote .label { display: inline-block; width: 0em; text-indent: -2.5em;
-               text-align: right; }
-       div.pbb { page-break-before: always; }
-       hr.pb { border: none; border-bottom: thin solid; margin-bottom: 1em; }
-       @media handheld { hr.pb { display: none; } }
-       .chapter { clear: both; page-break-before: always; }
-       .figcenter { clear: both; max-width: 100%; margin: 2em auto; text-align: center; }
-       .figcenter img { max-width: 100%; height: auto; }
-       .id001 { width:90%; }
-       .id002 { width:40%; }
-       @media handheld { .id001 { margin-left:5%; width:90%; } }
-       @media handheld { .id002 { margin-left:30%; width:40%; } }
-       .ig001 { width:100%; }
-       .nf-center { text-align: center; }
-       .nf-center-c1 { text-align: left; margin: 1em 0; }
-       .c000 { margin-top: 0.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
-       .c001 { margin-left: 8.33%; margin-right: 8.33%; margin-top: 0.5em;
-               margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
-       .c002 { page-break-before: always; margin-top: 4em; }
-       .c003 { margin-top: 2em; }
-       .c004 { margin-top: 1em; }
-       .c005 { page-break-before:auto; margin-top: 4em; }
-       .c006 { margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
-       .c007 { page-break-before: always; margin-top: 2em; }
-       .c008 { margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; }
-       .c009 { text-decoration: none; }
-       .c010 { margin-top: 4em; }
-       div.tnotes { padding-left:1em;padding-right:1em;background-color:#E3E4FA;
-              border:1px solid silver; margin:2em 10% 0 10%; }
-       .covernote { visibility: hidden; display: none; }
-       div.tnotes p { text-align:left; }
-       @media handheld { .covernote { visibility: visible; display: block;} }
-       img {max-height: 100%; width:auto; }
-       .ph2 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto;
-               }
-    </style>
-  </head>
-  <body>
-
-
-<pre>
-
-The Project Gutenberg EBook of International May Day and American Labor Day, by 
-Boris Reinstein
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org.  If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: International May Day and American Labor Day
-       A Holiday Expressing Working Class Emancipation Versus a
-              Holiday Exalting Labor's Chains
-
-Author: Boris Reinstein
-
-Release Date: May 6, 2017 [EBook #54666]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-
-<div class='tnotes covernote'>
-
-<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber's Note:</strong></p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id001'>
-<img src='images/i_001.jpg' alt='Weekly People' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div><em>OFFICIAL ORGAN SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY</em></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c000'>A revolutionary Socialist journal. Dedicated to the idea that
-the emancipation of the working class must be the class-conscious
-work of that class. The WEEKLY PEOPLE teaches
-that a political victory of the working class is “moonshine”
-unless the might of the workers in the shape of a revolutionary
-industrial union is behind that victory. It teaches further
-that the organization of the working class can not be accomplished
-by dragging the revolutionary movement into the ratholes
-of anarchists and “pure and simple” physical forcists
-generally. The WEEKLY PEOPLE ruthlessly exposes the
-scheming “pure and simple” politician as well as the “pure
-and simple” physical forcist. In doing this it at the same
-time imparts sound information regarding Marxian or scientific
-Socialism. It is a journal which, read a few times, becomes
-indispensable.</p>
-
-<p class='c001'>Subscription rates: One year, $2; six months,
-$1; three months, .50 cents; trial subscription,
-25 cents. Bundle rates supplied on request.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div>Weekly People, 45 Rose St., New York City.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div>
-  <h1 class='c002'>International May Day<br /> <span class='large'>..and..</span><br /> American Labor Day</h1>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c003'>
-    <div><span class='small'>BY</span></div>
-    <div>BORIS REINSTEIN</div>
-    <div class='c003'><span class='large'>A HOLIDAY</span></div>
-    <div>Expressing Working Class Emancipation</div>
-    <div>Versus</div>
-    <div><span class='large'>A HOLIDAY</span></div>
-    <div>Exalting Labor’s Chains</div>
-    <div class='c003'>Published by</div>
-    <div>National Executive Committee Socialist Labor Party</div>
-    <div>45 Rose Street, New York City</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>PREFACE.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>During the period in history that the present generation
-is going through the struggle for supremacy between
-Capital and Labor is occupying a more and more prominent
-position at the front of the stage. Here in America
-the material conditions necessary for the triumph of Labor
-in this struggle,—for the realization of Socialism—are by
-far more ripe than in any other country.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The old system of wealth production in small shops,
-with crude tools, by the application of the labor of one,
-two or a handful of workers, is practically extinct.
-Through the use of up-to-date improved machinery,
-through co-operation of thousands and sometimes tens of
-thousands of workers employed by one concern, and the
-consequent subdivision and specialization of labor enhancing
-its productivity; through capitalist concentration
-and amalgamation of individual concerns into corporations
-and trusts, eliminating waste of labor incidental to
-competition and anarchy in production, through all that
-the productivity of labor became plentiful to the point of
-being marvelous. After centuries of struggle society at
-last has within its grasp the means of assured, carefree
-existence and untrammeled progress.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>With regard to the power of the political State and the
-political rights of the people the historical development of
-the civilized nations was along the lines of concentration
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>of political powers in the hands of an oligarchy, small in
-numbers, and finally in the person of a single individual,
-the political autocrat, while on the other hand the masses
-of the people were concentrating in the camp of the politically
-disfranchised and disinherited. In France, for
-instance, after a struggle running through a long series of
-generations, concentrating the political powers in fewer
-and fewer hands, the point of autocracy was finally
-reached. The former “peers” were reduced to the position
-of mere dependents and hangers-on at the court of the
-autocrat; the mass of the people, politically absolutely disinherited,
-could only bend its neck, and the autocrat, Louis
-XIV, with boots and spurs on and whip in hand, could
-proclaim haughtily and defiantly, “<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">l’état c’est moi!</span>” (The
-government, it is I!) and could sway the destinies of the
-nation with the stroke of his pen.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>From this point it was only a comparatively short step to
-the point when the millions of “subjects of the autocrat,”
-concentrated in the camp of the disinherited, realized that
-they had only one head to chop off, and did literally chop
-it off in the person of Louis XVI, in order to assert their
-rights by establishing the political democratic republic.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Similarly in the realm of economic development. The
-difference only is that in this enlightened age, with the
-modern press and other means of disseminating knowledge
-and information all over the globe in a few minutes, bigger
-strides along the path of progress are made within decades
-and years than were made formerly within centuries
-and generations.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>In this country, under the eyes of a single generation,—the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>present generation—a veritable Social Revolution
-has taken place. When the gray-haired men of to-day
-were young the overwhelming majority of inhabitants in
-this country belonged to the property-holding class and
-were consequently self-sustaining. They had some farming,
-commercial, or industrial property. They did not
-have much but enough of it to be able to eke out a living
-without being compelled to hunt for and beg some employer
-for a job to save themselves from starvation. To-day
-what remains of the independent farmers and middle
-class are hanging by the skin of their teeth to their little
-property, the source of their “economic independence,” as
-they feel that property slipping through their hands. It
-begins to dawn on them that even those of them who still
-retain some business property are rapidly becoming mere
-dependents and hangers-on at the court of enthroned
-capital.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>But already a big percentage of formerly independent
-American citizens and the sons and daughters of a still
-bigger percentage of them, are found to be stripped of all
-income-bearing property, driven into and concentrated in
-the camp of the proletariat,—the propertyless wage-earning
-class—towards which, like iron filings towards a powerful
-magnet, are gravitating the rapidly increasing millions
-of ruined, formerly independent citizens, the modern proletariat.
-According to recently published figures to the
-camp of the wage-earning class belong now no less than
-thirty-three and a half millions of men, women, and children,
-not younger than fifteen years of age. This gigantic
-army, with the little children, the wives of some of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>workmen and other dependents, whom the capitalists so
-far have not succeeded in hitching up to the machinery in
-their factories, constitutes already the overwhelming
-majority of the entire population of the country.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The forces of social evolution have thus already created,
-as far at least as this country is concerned, that other indispensable
-factor for the success of the impending Social
-Revolution. They have created that class, the proletariat,
-whose mission it is and which is strong enough to free
-itself and the whole of mankind from exploitation and
-oppression by the capitalists, the master class of our time.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>While these forces of social evolution were thus decomposing
-the present social order, divorcing the wealth-producers
-from the sources of wealth-production, driving
-the millions of these wealth producers into the camp of
-the proletariat, there was at the same time another process
-of concentration going on, the concentration of the wealth
-of the formerly independent American citizens in the
-hands of a small number of gigantic capitalist concerns.
-Out of their ranks the industrial autocrat is to rise,—the
-“one head” that the disinherited millions are to “chop off”
-in order to come to their own by the institution of the
-Industrial Democratic Republic.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The rapid progress towards this stage of industrial
-autocracy was already marked, and not a few years ago at
-that, by the historical Vanderbilt exclamation, “The public
-be damned!”—the modern version of Louis XIV’s “The
-government, it is I!”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Still more light on the progress made in that direction
-under the very eyes of the present generation is thrown
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>by the figures which recently made the rounds of the daily
-press. They deal with the growth of the volume of business
-and power wielded by one single capitalist concern,
-the J. Pierpont Morgan banking firm in Wall Street, New
-York. The figures show that the business capital of that
-concern alone, the stocks and bonds of all the innumerable
-enterprises, commercial, industrial, etc., controlled by
-it represented the amount of $527,282,564. But that was
-21 years ago, in 1892. Gigantic as this mass of capital
-was it was insignificant compared with the proportions it
-reached in subsequent years. In 1897 it was $1,396,506,231;
-in 1902, $3,852,940,908, and in 1912 it was estimated
-to be $26,854,254,628. In other words, nearly TWENTY-SEVEN
-THOUSAND MILLION dollars of business
-capital are controlled by the one man at
-the head of this single concern, whose mere stroke
-of pen would suffice, if he saw fit, to turn the
-key in the lock of the door of thousands of factories
-and other business concerns where millions of
-workers must earn their daily bread. The lives of millions
-of workers and of many more millions of members of their
-families actually depending upon the will and the whim
-of a single individual! How much more is needed to
-complete the evolution towards industrial autocracy, the
-gate to Industrial Democracy? The power of political
-autocrats, of Czar Nicholas of Russia, of Louis XIV of
-France, etc., is like that of children, compared with the
-economic power wielded by this colossus of Twentieth
-Century capitalism. It will not require, it cannot require,
-centuries or generations for the thirty-three and a half
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>millions of wage-slaves to realize that they can have the
-power and must,—to save their own lives—throw off from
-their necks the Iron Heel of modern Industrial Autocracy!</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>In point of development of all these material conditions,
-as prerequisites for a successful Social Revolution,
-America leads the procession of all modern nations. In
-one important respect, however, America lags far behind
-the procession. It is with regard to the economic organization
-of labor, with regard to the labor union movement.
-As yet this strategically vital and determining field is in
-the possession of the reactionary forces of the American
-Federation of Labor, the organization that is doing all in
-its power to check the growth of Socialism in this country,
-to perpetuate the capitalist system of wage labor.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The supremacy of this organization in the economic field
-of the labor movement exercises upon the American working
-class, eagerly though that class is seeking its own emancipation,
-an influence which, in the political field likewise,
-prevents it from organizing and fighting on proper lines.
-The baneful influence of the American Federation of
-Labor thus threatens to render nought the otherwise ripe
-material conditions, and to render abortive the impending
-Social Revolution.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Whether the coming crisis in the life of this nation will
-result in the rearing of the Dome of Socialism and Industrial
-Democracy, or whether it will lead only to a most
-stupendous slaughter of the working class, to the erection
-of a “Caesar’s Column,” and to complete and hopeless subjugation
-of the masses depends largely on reorganization
-of the union movement from the craft union basis of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>American Federation of Labor to a correct and sound industrial
-union basis.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Unfortunately among the Socialists of America the
-vital importance of the educational work needed as a prerequisite
-for the reorganization of the labor union movement
-of the land is very little recognized. Only too frequently
-one meets Socialists who innocently assure themselves
-and others that they “believe in industrial unionism”
-and are “opposed to the A. F. of L.” merely because they
-try to hit back when Gompers attacks their party. The
-knowledge possessed by such Socialists as to the essential
-features of the A. F. of L. unionism, which makes of that
-organization a veritable trap that holds the working masses
-fast and helpless against the capitalist exploiters, is very
-indistinct. The literature, the press, the lectures, etc., that
-mold the views of such Socialists avoid, for sundry reasons,
-the dissecting and exposing of the dangerous features of
-craft unionism. As a rule, in the minds of such Socialists
-there is only a vague idea that “there is something wrong
-with the American Federation of Labor,” and they are
-mostly inclined to find that “wrong” in the opposition of
-the A. F. of L. leaders to the political work of the Socialists.
-Most of them are only too ready to forget and
-forgive the “mistakes” of that organization if it would
-only “leave the Socialists alone.”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It is to stimulate the study of the essential and distinct
-features of A. F. of L. craft unionism, and as a contribution
-towards that study that this pamphlet is offered to
-the working class.</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-r'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>BORIS REINSTEIN.</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>
-  <h2 class='c005'>MAY DAY AND LABOR DAY—A CONTRAST.</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c006'>The workers who are more or less familiar with the
-Labor and Socialist Movement in this country and especially
-in European countries, often wonder why most
-American workingmen celebrate “Labor Day” on the first
-Monday of September instead of May Day, on the first of
-May.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>We shall endeavor, in this pamphlet, to give a sketch
-of the difference in the character and effect of these two
-holidays of Labor.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Except that both these holidays are dedicated to Labor
-and are primarily participated in by working people, there
-is nothing in common between them. In fact, they contradict
-and stand in opposition to each other, the same as
-the organized International Socialist and Labor Movement,
-which established the May Day, contradicts in all
-essentials and stands in opposition to the American Federation
-of Labor,—the organization under whose auspices the
-American Labor Day is celebrated.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>May Day was created by a resolution adopted, upon
-the initiative of American Socialists, at the International
-Socialist Congress held in Paris, France, in July, 1889.
-The resolution had for its prime object to get the workingmen
-of all countries, races, climes and nationalities, speaking
-all the innumerable languages of the earth, to celebrate
-on the same fixed day their own holiday, and thus graphically
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>to demonstrate to the world that, in spite of all the
-differences in language, nationality, etc., they are all members
-of the same class, the proletariat,—the propertyless
-wage-earning class—that their interests are the same and,
-like members of the same family, they stand for the
-Workers’ Brotherhood, International Solidarity and Universal
-Peace.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>May Day was thus created by the workingmen themselves,
-in defiance of the capitalist class and its governments,
-and up to the present time the working people in
-many countries are compelled on the First of May to fight
-for their holiday at the sacrifice of their jobs, liberty,
-blood, and even life. When the police and cossacks of different
-countries appear on the scene on May Day it is
-always for the purpose of clubbing, maiming, arresting,
-and killing working people; for the police and cossacks
-recognize that May Day is the drilling day for the Social
-Revolution.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The American Labor Day, on the contrary, was a “gift”
-which the workers received from their masters, the capitalists,
-through the capitalist politicians. That first Monday
-in the month of September was made a legal holiday under
-the name of Labor Day, at first by the legislature of
-one state some thirty years ago; the politicians of other
-states followed the clever example, so that at present Labor
-Day is a legal holiday all over the country.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>A vampire, when he settles down upon the body of a
-sleeping person and sucks its blood, is known to fan his
-victim with his wings, to soothe the victim’s pain, and to
-prevent him from waking up and driving the vampire
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>away. So was the Labor Day created by the political
-agents of the American capitalists to fan the sleeping
-giant, the American working class, while the capitalists
-are sucking its blood.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>American Labor Day can also be considered as a
-modern, capitalist version of the ancient custom of the
-days of serfdom and slavery. In those days the masters,
-for recreation and amusement, often-times set aside one
-day to celebrate the “enthronement of slaves.” They would
-take a slave, take the chains off his limbs, put him on a
-mock throne, put a mock crown on his head and, bowing
-to him in mock humility and obedience, would humbly
-serve him and overwhelm him with flattery. And the Silly
-Pool on the mock throne would throw out his chest and
-swell with pride. But the day of mockery over, the chains
-were again clapped on his limbs, and the miserable slave,
-groaning, would resume his life of a beast of burden.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Likewise with the unawakened American workman on
-Labor Day. On that day the chains of wage-slavery are,
-figuratively speaking, taken off his limbs; he is made the
-hero of the day; his masters, the capitalists, stand before
-him in mock humility; their spokesmen in the press, pulpit
-and on their political platforms, overwhelm him with
-flattery; and the modern Silly Fool, likewise, throws out
-his chest and swells with pride. But, the day of mockery
-and of the Fool’s Paradise over, the masters,—who during
-this day are only slyly smiling—break out into sardonic
-laughter—though unheard by the slave—clap the chains
-back on his limbs and he again hears only the crack of the
-whip of Hunger and Slavery.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>It is only natural, therefore, that when the capitalist
-masters send out on Labor Day their hired bodyguard—the
-police and militia—they send them not to molest or
-injure the workingmen, but to march, as honorary escort,
-at the head of their Labor Day parades.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>And why shouldn’t they? Don’t they know that the
-American Labor Day is only a day for the annual injection
-of a new dose of narcotic “dope,” of the antidote against
-the Social Revolution?!</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>What, indeed, is the key-note to the speeches delivered
-at Labor Day gatherings in America by the capitalist politicians,
-clergymen and professional “labor-lieutenants”
-of the capitalist class—the Gomperses, the Mitchells, the
-Duncans, the O’Connells, the Lennons, etc.? It is the
-biggest Lie of the Age, the lie that wealth is the joint product
-of Brother Capital and Brother Labor, that is, of the
-capitalist class and of the working class; that the interests
-of both are identical or reciprocal, that the two can and
-should live in harmony, peace and brotherhood with each
-other, and that the aim of the Labor Movement is to maintain
-indefinitely that harmonious equilibrium, and thus
-perpetuate the capitalist wage system by securing for the
-workers “a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work” by means
-of an “equitable division” of that “joint product of Brother
-Capital and Brother Labor.”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Craft Union “Organization” and Spirit.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>For this purpose the American Federation of Labor—the
-celebrant of Labor Day—gathers the masses of the
-workers, who in their blindness, ignorance and anxiety to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>secure immediate relief, respond to its luring call and flock
-to its banner. The gathered masses are then cut up into
-innumerable “independent and autonomous” craft divisions.
-They are taught to respect the claim of “Brother
-Capital” and to be guided in their actions not by the consideration
-of solidarity and identity of interests of all
-workers of the world, not even of those of the working
-class of America, not even of those of the American workers
-belonging to the same craft, but merely by the consideration
-of the interests of their personal jobs.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Accordingly, to monopolize their jobs they proclaim
-the principle of “America for Americans,” and try to build
-a Great Chinese Wall around America by means of reactionary
-anti-immigration laws and, in the meanwhile,
-build innumerable small Chinese walls around their unions
-by means of high, often prohibitive, initiation fees, dues
-and assessments; apprenticeship rules, catchy, tripping
-examinations of applicants for membership; system of
-“closing books” to all new applicants; forcing “troublesome”
-members out of the union and jobs by unjust and
-excessive fines, etc.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It is again only natural that labor “unions” of this
-type, built upon the principle of CLASS PEACE instead
-of CLASS STRUGGLE, discard the up-to-date ammunition
-from the arsenal of modern social warfare and persistently
-train their armies of “organized labor” to use the
-worse than worthless wooden swords and wooden bullets
-of conciliation, mediation and arbitration. Every careful
-observer of the American Labor Movement knows that the
-only effect of these weapons always was to break the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>aroused fighting spirit of the workers; to lead the electricity
-of the social storm into the ground; to make workers
-lose the advantageous position and opportune moments
-for securing substantial gains; to put them, broken in
-power and demoralized in spirit, at the mercy of their
-masters, and to give their false leaders the opportunity
-they so much crave for “settling the strike” and,—feathering
-their own nests financially, politically, or both.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Likewise is it only in keeping with this spirit and character
-of the heroine of Labor Day, the American Federation
-of Labor, that much of its time and energy is spent in
-fratricidal jurisdiction fights, fights over the question
-whether it should be the exclusive privilege of this, that or
-the other union to control certain kinds of jobs.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>These jurisdiction fights, together with the system of
-agreements and contracts concluded by separate craft
-unions with the employers, without consideration of the
-interests of the other unions, and of the welfare of the
-labor movement generally,—contracts by means of which
-the members of the contracting unions are delivered over
-to the employers tied hand and foot and deprived even of
-the right to strike,—lead in innumerable cases to acts of
-betrayal and even of direct scabbing of members of one
-union against those of another.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>Labor Day and Politics.</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>If the American Labor Day does not represent real
-unity and solidarity of the workers in their immediate field—the
-economic field—what wonder that it represents the
-same disruption and betrayal in the political field? That
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>Labor Day plays a considerable part in the politics of the
-country no person familiar with the question can deny.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It must be remembered that America is a county where
-most of the workingmen, and now a rapidly growing number
-of working women, have a right to vote, and, as the
-working class—in America, of all countries—is the class
-to which the overwhelming majority of the people belong,
-no politician can get his fingers into the public pie, and
-the capitalist class cannot secure the control over the
-powers of government they need so badly, without employing
-some means of fooling the working people out of their
-votes.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>American Labor Day is one of the institutions that is
-made to serve that purpose, too. The capitalist politicians
-have conveniently fixed it for the early part of September,
-about two months before Election Day, the season when
-the politicians make or prepare to make their nominations
-of candidates. The big gatherings of union men, voters,
-at Labor Day parades, mass meetings and picnics, supply
-splendid opportunities for advertising the candidacy of
-some capitalist politician claiming to be a “friend of
-Labor.” They give the false and treacherous leaders of
-the unions a chance, in expectation of good reward, to
-render these politicians a good service by securing them as
-speakers at these gatherings, and otherwise advertising
-them. They also give these false and ambitious union
-leaders a chance to boost their own stock on the political
-market by demonstrating to the politicians what a big
-crowd of voters the leader can influence for the one or the
-other political party of capitalism. It is in this respect
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>both surprising and amusing how easily the labor fakers
-bluff and swindle at this game the politicians, who are
-otherwise supposed to be such shrewd men.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It is therefore not an accident only that at most, if not
-at all of the Labor Day gatherings, prominent politicians
-are invited to speak, and that those parades generally lead
-the mass of the workers past the City Hall and other such
-buildings, from the windows of which the politicians review
-the parade and flatteringly cheer the tramping hosts
-of poor, deluded workers. What is needed to reveal the
-true political significance of the performance is that the
-union leaders,—hungry for political jobs or nominations—should
-order a big banner carried in the parade bearing an
-inscription about as follows: “Look, gentlemen-politicians!
-See what a big herd of voting cattle we have this
-time to sell! How, what are you going to bid for them?
-What nominations will you give to us, the leaders; what
-appointments to political jobs will you promise to us if we
-deliver the votes of this herd to you?”</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>Judas Reward of “Labor Leaders”.</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>And the result generally is that the politicians generally
-conclude, in order to insure the success of their
-capitalist parties, to bait their political hooks with some
-prominent “union leaders” whom they nominate for some
-insignificant office on their tickets, and the mass of deluded
-workers, out of misplaced loyalty to their brother-union
-man, swallow bait, hook and all, dividing their forces between
-the leading capitalist parties.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Another form of rewarding the union leaders, who
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>succeed in advertising their value on the political market
-or who render valuable services to capitalists, is to have
-them supplied with good political jobs. Not to mention
-smaller instances of local character, few of the many instances
-of prominent appointments could be cited as illustrations.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Ex-President Taft, following the example of his predecessors,
-as soon as he assumed power, appointed a “labor-leader,”
-Daniel O’Keefe, of the Longshoremen’s Union, to
-the office of Federal Commissioner of Immigration, with a
-fat salary and fatter emoluments. President Wilson
-appointed two prominent “labor leaders” to positions
-on the Federal Commission on Industrial Relations—they
-were: John B. Lennon, of the Journeymen Tailors’, an
-anti-Socialist and member of the National Executive Committee
-of the capitalist organization, known as the “National
-Civic Federation,” and James O’Connell, of the International
-Association of Machinists, and also a member
-of the National Executive Committee of the reactionary
-“Militia of Christ,” organized by the Roman-Catholic
-political machine to fight Socialism. The Commissioners
-are paid more than liberally by the Government.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>Case of Secretary of Labor, Wm. B. Wilson.</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>The United Mine Workers have among their leaders in
-Pennsylvania a certain William B. Wilson. He soon became
-a proprietor in the mining business, but retained
-membership and leadership in the miners’ union. That
-helped him to get nominations on capitalist tickets, and
-he was thus elected Congressman on such a ticket. In
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>the Congress in Washington he became the leader of the
-so-called Labor Group, that is, of other such Congressmen
-with union cards in their pockets, upon several of whom
-Col. Mulhall has since cast considerable light. When agitation
-was begun to create the Department of Labor as a
-new department of the Federal Government, with a seat
-for the Secretary of Labor in the Cabinet of the President
-of United States, President Gompers and other leaders of
-the American Federation of Labor began to agitate that
-“our Bill,” Mr. William B. Wilson, should be given the job
-and the power of Secretary of Labor. Accordingly, when
-the Department of Labor was created and President
-Woodrow Wilson assumed power, he immediately gave to
-“our Bill” the job of Secretary of Labor, with a salary of
-$12,000 a year, and power to distribute a large number of
-good political jobs to his friends. One of the first things
-William B. Wilson did when he became Secretary of Labor
-was to give to the son of Samuel Gompers one of the best
-jobs at his disposal. It was thus a complete case of one
-hand washing the other.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>John Mitchell Case.</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>Take again the case of John Mitchell, the former
-President of the United Mine Workers and still a national
-leader of that organization. He is likewise a member of
-the National Executive Committee of the anti-Socialist
-“Militia of Christ.” He belonged to the National Civic
-Federation too, and held there a job of “settling” big
-strikes for which he received $6,000 a year salary. But the
-union miners woke up and compelled him, if he did not
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>want to be expelled from the union, and lose his value to
-the capitalists, to give up that job and get out of the debauched
-and debauching Civic Federation. Poor John,
-shedding the tears of sacrifice and martyrdom, left the
-Civic Federation. But he did not like to remain long in
-the ranks of the “unemployed.” Though even during the
-period when he had no “steady job” he was “turning an
-honest penny” lecturing all over the country as the apostle
-of Peace between Capital and Labor, charging good admission
-fees to his lectures, having the railroads run special
-excursion trains to the towns where he lectured, etc., he
-was still yearning for a steady position.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Finally the Democratic capitalist Governor Sulzer of
-New York, believing that such virtuous men must be rewarded
-properly, and anxious to boost his own political
-stock by demonstrating his appreciation of the services of
-the Labor Leaders, took upon himself to champion the
-cause of John Mitchell’s career. There is in New York
-State a good paying political office known as Commissioner
-of Labor. Its chief and real function is to act as peacemaker
-whenever Brother Capital and Brother Labor are
-engaged in any of their interminable scraps. When the
-Tammany Hall politician Dix was Governor he gave that
-job to a “labor” politician Williams, who boasts of carrying
-in his pocket the membership card of the Carpenters’
-Union. Williams’ term recently expired, and Governor
-Sulzer, Dix’s successor, seized the opportunity for
-playing “labor politics.” He appointed John Mitchell to
-the position of Commissioner of Labor at an increased
-salary, bringing it up to $8,000 a year. But here he struck
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>a snag. Such a fat job was bound to make the mouth
-water not of Mitchell alone. Mitchell is not the only
-Labor Leader on the political market. There are other
-politicians, among Labor Leaders and otherwise, who
-would be glad to get hold of such a job, and besides, these
-others are more partisan Democrats than Mitchell is, and,
-consequently, enjoy the support of the more strictly Democratic
-partisan members of the Senate of the State of New
-York, who must ratify Governor Sulzer’s appointments.
-Accordingly the Senate refused to ratify the appointment
-of Mitchell to the position. Sulzer sent to the Senate for
-the second time the appointment of Mitchell to the same
-position. The Senate again refused to ratify and thereupon
-the legislature adjourned for the summer. Here,
-thought Sulzer and Mitchell, was their chance to put
-through their deal. Since the term of Commissioner Williams
-had expired, and he was only holding over awaiting
-the appointment of his successor, Sulzer, Mitchell, and
-Williams put their heads together and hatched out a nice
-little scheme. Williams put in his resignation from the
-office to take place immediately. Governor Sulzer accepted
-it and, since a vacancy was thus created and the Legislature
-was not in session, he, as a “matter of emergency,”
-immediately appointed Mitchell to fill the vacancy at a
-salary of $8,000 a year. Mitchell, on the spot, took the
-oath of office. He then turned around and appointed Williams
-to act as his first Deputy Commissioner of Labor,
-at a salary of $5,000 a year. Everything appeared to be
-smooth sailing. Mitchell was already planning how he
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>would distribute among his labor leader friends the many
-other jobs at his disposal, but—“there is many a slip ‘twixt
-the cup and the lip,” as poor Sulzer and Mitchell learned
-to their sorrow.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The State Comptroller, who is responsible for the payment
-of salaries to state officials, took the stand that he
-had no right to authorize the payment of salaries to Mitchell
-and his appointees on the ground that Governor
-Sulzer had no legal right to appoint Mitchell without the
-consent of the State Senate, even if it was as a “matter of
-emergency” during the recess of the Legislature. Attorney-General
-Carmody of the State of New York took the
-same stand. The fight over poor Mitchell’s job was taken
-from stage to stage till it reached the highest court in the
-State, the Court of Appeals, which finally settled the fight
-by deciding against Mitchell and Sulzer. If Mitchell lost
-this fat job, it was only because of too strictly partisan
-politics played in this case, because Mitchell was not strict
-enough a Democrat to suit the Democratic majority in the
-State Senate. It was not opposed to him as “representative
-of Labor.” And there can be no doubt that Mitchell
-will not remain long on the list of politically “unemployed,”
-that at the very first opportunity he will be
-given a good fat political job.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Oh, you can leave it to the capitalists, they know how
-to appreciate such friends of theirs, how to take care of
-such “labor lieutenants” of theirs, as the late capitalist
-and leading politician Senator Mark Hanna called the
-leaders of the American Federation of Labor.</p>
-
-<div>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>
-  <h3 class='c007'>Case of James T. Lynch.</h3>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c008'>The latest instance of this policy of the capitalist politicians
-occurred only a short time ago. When Governor
-Sulzer, of New York, was finally prevented by the Court
-of Appeals from rewarding his pet John Mitchell with
-that fat job of State Commissioner of Labor, what did
-he do? He looked around in the market for other available
-“labor lieutenants,” and found a whole raft of them
-standing in line waiting for their political rewards and
-ready to be “seduced” without much coaxing. His attention
-was attracted to the big, towering, Taft-like figure of
-James T. Lynch, of Syracuse, N. Y. Governor Sulzer began
-to do some figuring:</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“First—Has Lynch enough of a following and influence
-in the Labor Movement to be able to ‘deliver the
-goods,’ to influence his followers in favor of myself and
-my Democratic party?”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Why yes, Jim Lynch is the International President of
-the International Typographical Union, one of the pillars
-and most influential leaders of the American Federation
-of Labor.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“Good! Next. How about his politics? Is he a good
-enough Democrat? Won’t I have the trouble with him I
-had about Mitchell’s appointment?”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Don’t worry! Lynch is a solid “a number one” Democrat.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“Fine! Now, what is his position in the Labor Movement?
-Is he safe and sane? May be he is one of those
-radical, Socialistic Labor Leaders?”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>Who? Jim Lynch?! Isn’t he one of the most bitter,
-rabid enemies of Socialism? Isn’t he a member of the
-National Executive Committees of both the National Civic
-Federation and of the Ultramontane Roman-Catholic
-“Militia of Christ”?</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“Beautiful! Now to his record in the struggles between
-Capital and Labor, what is it?”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Why, it can’t be beat! Lynch is the most prominent
-apostle of sanctity of contracts between employers and employees,
-the most faithful watch-dog of the employers’ interests
-and upholder of the employers’ claim to the lion’s
-share of the wealth produced. He not only preaches it,
-but practices it with an iron hand. When the Newspaper
-Solicitors’ Union in San Francisco, in 1910, was compelled
-to declare a boycott against the publishers of a local capitalist
-daily, and the boycott was endorsed and taken up by
-the entire force of organized labor in that city, it was
-Lynch who telegraphed to them to stop that boycott, got
-the International Presidents of Union Pressmen, Stereotypers,
-etc., to send similar telegrams, and finally succeeded
-in breaking that boycott with the aid of President
-Gompers himself.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Again, when the union pressmen were locked out by
-the newspaper publishers in Chicago in 1912 and the
-union stereotypers joined their fight to help them in the
-trouble and union compositors of the I. T. U. intended to
-do likewise, it was Jim Lynch who rushed to Chicago and
-by threats of withdrawing their charter compelled the
-union compositors to stay in and scab it on union pressmen.
-The International President of the union stereotypers
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>followed a similar policy, actually taking away the
-charter of the union stereotypers who were struggling together
-with the pressmen, and thus both he and Lynch
-broke the fight of the union men against the daily papers
-in Chicago. Don’t worry. Jim Lynch never hesitates to
-break a strike of union men when his and his friends’, the
-employers’, interests are crossed.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“That’s bully! Why, Lynch is even better than Mitchell.
-Now, one more thing. Would he be willing ‘to be
-insulted’ by the offer to him of a nice, juicy political job?”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Would he? Just try him! Wasn’t he only a few
-weeks ago fishing in Washington, D. C., for the appointment
-to the federal job of Public Printer? He came very
-near landing that job, only it slipped off the hook as
-Mitchell’s job in New York State slipped off.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“It’s O. K.” concluded the Governor, approached Jim
-Lynch,—and discovered, or at least surmised, that he was
-the very man who was pulling the wires through his
-friends, the politicians, to prevent the State Senate from
-ratifying Mitchell’s appointment so that the job should go
-to him, Jim Lynch. The friendship between dogs ceases
-when a bone is thrown to them. The friendship and “solidarity”
-between “labor lieutenants” of the capitalist class
-ceases, and they are ready to stab each other in the back,
-when a good job is at stake. As to the Governor, it made
-no difference to him who got the job, Mitchell, Lynch or
-anybody else, so long as his political fences were thereby
-mended. So the upshot of it was that Jim Lynch who was
-drawing $3,500 yearly salary as President of the International
-Typographical Union was named for New York
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>State Commissioner of Labor with an $8,000 yearly salary.
-May God have mercy on the souls of the working people
-of New York State when James T. Lynch is in charge of
-the Labor Bureau!</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>While handing out this political plum to Lynch,
-Governor Sulzer, to make assurance doubly sure, gave to
-another “labor lieutenant,” Charles J. Chase, leader of
-union locomotive engineers, another good political job. He
-made him member of an up-state Public Service Commission.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Many more such cases of “labor politics” could be
-cited, but the above will suffice to show the character of
-the political fruits of the American Federation of Labor.
-And the Sun of Labor Day helps to ripen them!</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>Corrupting Influences.</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>The demoralizing and corrupting effect of the general
-character and the whole atmosphere of the American
-Federation of Labor, the celebrant of the Labor Day, is
-also seen in the matter of “controlling the jobs by the
-workers.” One of the aims of the Labor Movement is to
-secure such changes in the run of things that “the workers
-should own their jobs.” Well, some of the unions of the
-A. F. of L., bakers, printers, etc., have secured such a hold
-upon their trade in certain localities that they succeeded
-in putting into their contracts with the employers provisions
-that the union is to act as the employment agency
-for the employer, and the latter, whenever he needs help,
-must take whomever of its membership the union will send
-to him. On the face of it it looks as though “the workers
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>control their jobs,” a step to “the workers’ owning their
-jobs.” In reality this “victory” is only an additional
-source of corruption in these unions. The actual power of
-distributing the jobs is in the hands of the business agent
-of the union and his hangers-on, or of the chairman of the
-union chapel of the shop. This power to manipulate the
-assignment of certain members of the union to more
-steady, easier and better paying jobs, and others, on the
-contrary, as mere “subs” to jobs for only few hours or days
-or for half-time jobs, or for harder and poorer paid jobs,
-inevitably leads in the selfish and corrupt atmosphere of
-the A. F. of L. unions to exactions of bribes by the leaders
-from the unemployed union members, to favoritism, to
-keeping of the “kickers” against leaders on the unemployed
-lists or on bad jobs. This ulcer upon the American Labor
-Movement has led even to the formation among the union
-printers, under the leadership of the above mentioned Jas.
-T. Lynch, of a secret malodorous organization, known as
-“Wahneta,” within the International Typographical
-Union.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>In view of the above features of the American Federation
-“unions,”—and they by no means exhaust the list—it
-is only natural that when the “hosts of Labor” are
-marching in Labor Day parades they do not march to the
-strains of the battle-hymn of the modern revolutionary
-proletariat,—the “International” or the “Marseillaise”—unless
-some misguided Socialists disgrace Socialism by
-participating in such parades. No, it is to the tune of the
-vulgar rag-time and of the stale, capitalist patriotic hymns
-that the “organized labor” forces are marching on Labor
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>Day. These rag-time melodies and patriotic hymns send
-the cheer of joy and hope and triumph to the hearts of
-capitalists and politicians. But to the ears of awakened
-class-conscious wage slaves and revolutionists these tunes
-are worse than a funeral dirge for the hopes and aspirations
-of the proletariat!</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Such is the true character, aim and spirit of the American
-Federation of Labor under whose auspices Labor Day
-is celebrated.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>How Different the May Day!</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>It is the awakened, intelligent, class-conscious Working
-Class of the World that stands back of the May Day. In
-America May Day is celebrated by the revolutionary Socialists
-in the political arena and, besides a few progressive
-locals of the American Federation of Labor, by the Industrial
-Workers of the World in the economic arena.<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c009'><sup>[1]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='footnote' id='f1'>
-<p class='c000'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The original Industrial Workers of the World, formed
-in Chicago in 1905, and having at the time of this writing
-its headquarters in Detroit, and not the Anarcho-industrialist
-“Chicago I. W. W.”, is meant in this and subsequent
-paragraphs.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c000'>The key-note to May Day is the greatest Truth of the
-Age, the solidarity of the working class of the world and
-the struggle for the overthrow of the capitalist class and
-its wage system.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>As the Preamble of the Industrial Workers of the
-World, one of the most compact utterances of a revolutionary
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>workers’ organization, expresses it:</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“The working class and the employing class have nothing
-in common. There can be no peace so long as
-hunger and want are found among millions of working
-people and the few, who make up the employing class have
-all the good things of life.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“Between these two classes a struggle must go on until
-all the toilers come together on the political, as well as on
-the industrial field, and take and hold that which they
-produce by their labor....</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“The rapid gathering of wealth and the centering of
-the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands
-make the trades unions unable to cope with the ever-growing
-power of the employing class, because the trades
-unions foster a state of things which allows one set of
-workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the
-same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage
-wars....</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>“These sad conditions can be changed and the interests
-of the working class upheld only by an organization
-formed in such a way that all its members in any one
-industry, or in all industries, if necessary, cease work
-whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof,
-thus making an injury to one an injury to all.”</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Fully in keeping with these basic principles are the
-sentiments and ideas given utterance to at May Day celebrations,
-as are also the functions and the work of the
-organizations, both political and industrial, which unequivocally
-rally under the Banner of the International May Day.</p>
-
-<div>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>
-  <h3 class='c007'>Lessons Taught to Labor.</h3>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c008'>On May Day, of all days, the men, women and children
-of the working class, whatever line of work they may be
-engaged in in a given industry, are appealed to by industrial
-union representatives to form one compact union of
-the workers of the industry, and all such industrial unions
-to form one nation-wide union of the working class.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>They are taught that to accomplish this unification of
-the labor forces the labor union must be an open union;
-that it is criminal and suicidal for labor to prevent a single
-wage-earner, whatever his creed, color, nationality or race
-may be, from becoming or remaining a member of the
-union of his or her industry; that, consequently, exclusion
-laws against wage-earners of any race or nationality whatever,
-high initiation fees, assessments and dues, catchy
-trade examinations of applicants for membership, practically
-prohibitory apprenticeship rules, “closing of union
-books,” driving of members from the union by imposition
-of unjust and excessive fines, that these and similar measures
-are only contrivances to prevent the forces of Labor
-throughout the country and throughout the world from
-coming together to advance their common interests.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The workers are taught on May Day that a true, up-to-date
-labor union must recognize that it is not true that
-wealth is the joint product of capital and labor, in other
-words, of the capitalist class and the working class whose
-claims can and should be harmonized through “collective
-bargaining” and methods of conciliation, mediation and
-arbitration.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It must recognize that, on the contrary, LABOR
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>ALONE PRODUCES ALL WEALTH and TO LABOR
-BELONGS ALL IT PRODUCES.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It must recognize that the employing class as a class
-of social parasites, has no real claim to any part of the
-wealth produced that the workers should be bound to
-respect.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It must recognize that instead of the absurd aim of
-securing “a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work” the labor
-union movement must aim to secure for the wealth producers
-the opportunity to enjoy with their families every
-particle of the wealth they helped to produce and all the
-benefits of a civilized society.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>It must recognize that such a union, planted upon the
-ground of the class struggle instead of class peace, must,
-in order to succeed, be militant in character, democratic
-in conduct, and be guided in all its acts and utterances by
-the spirit of brotherhood and solidarity of the international
-working class. It follows therefrom that:</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>To preserve and develop its militant spirit the union
-must leave the work of providing for sick benefits, death
-benefits and other such ambulance and insurance features
-to insurance companies, fraternal orders and other such
-organizations outside of the union proper;</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>The union must never conclude contracts or agreements
-with employers which in the least interfere with
-the right of any member of the union to strike or deal
-any blow at the employers whenever considerations of self-preservation
-or of solidarity of the Labor Movement require
-it;</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>To protect itself against being sold out, against favoritism,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>corruption and demoralization the membership of
-the union must retain in its own hands and not entrust
-in the hands of a leader or leaders the final power of
-ordering or calling off strikes, control over distribution of
-jobs, etc.</p>
-
-<h3 class='c007'>The Goal—Emancipation.</h3>
-
-<p class='c008'>Organized into a compact body of workers of a whole
-industry and guided by the spirit of class solidarity the
-union at last will be free from suicidal jurisdiction fights
-and be able to present a solid, united front against the
-common enemy, the capitalist class.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>A prominent feature of May Day, distinguishing it
-from Labor Day, is also the recognition of the fact that
-“knowledge is power,” that education of the workers in
-true principles of the Labor Movement, is a vital thing.
-That is the reason one never sees ignorant and treacherous
-politicians disgrace the Labor banner by speeches at May
-Day meetings as they do at Labor Day gatherings.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>As the key-note of May Day is UNITY of the working
-class with regard to international solidarity and industrial
-union action so it represents the principles of united action
-of the workers in the political arena as well. On May Day
-the working people are appealed to unite politically as a
-class, as well as industrially. But they are appealed to
-to stand and pull together politically not for the purpose
-of begging from the masters for political alms or to secure
-a political job for some “labor leader,” but to protect
-and secure what improvements may be possible under the
-present social system and prepare that material force—the
-industrial organization of the working class—which is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>necessary to secure the final emancipation of the working
-class.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>Accordingly, while the Labor Day does not object to
-the yoke of capital being kept upon the neck of Labor
-indefinitely and, at best, is emblematic of the attempt to
-have the yoke padded, the International May Day as even
-its battle hymn, the “International” expresses it—is a challenge
-to the capitalist class, is a demand upon them to surrender,
-is an appeal to the wage slave class of the world
-to close their ranks, to rise and fight to secure their own
-emancipation, better future for their children, to redeem
-the human race.</p>
-
-<p class='c000'>May Day marshals the forces for the impending Proclamation
-of Labor’s Independence! It is the harbinger
-of the Social Revolution!</p>
-
-<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span></div>
-<div class='ph2'>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c010'>
-    <div><span class='large'>GUSTAV BANG:</span></div>
-    <div class='c004'>CRISES IN EUROPEAN</div>
-    <div>HISTORY</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c003'>
-    <div>Translated by Arnold Petersen</div>
-    <div class='c004'>A PAMPHLET WHICH EVERY STUDENT OF HISTORY AND ECONOMICS SHOULD POSSESS</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c000'>“As an economic interpretation of three important crises in
-European history it is perhaps one of the best, considering
-the brevity of the work. Dr. Bang here employs to the best
-advantage the Marxian key, and succeeds in unravelling what
-to the average reader usually appear to be mysteries or near-mysteries.
-As the author explains in his introduction, the motive
-power of historical changes is to be found in the economic
-basis of a given society, in the methods of production and
-exchange peculiar to that society. To put it in this manner
-is, of course, to lay oneself open to the charge of teaching that
-the economic basis, and nothing else, influences the historical
-processes. Dr. Bang, however, in the concrete examples
-chosen furnishes ample evidence to show that while that undoubtedly
-is the chief, and in the long run the really important
-factor, the line cannot be drawn too sharply between cause and
-effect, seeing the effect frequently reacts upon the cause, stimulating
-it and aiding in accelerating (or retarding temporarily,
-as the case may be) the historical process.”—From the preface.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div>56 Pages</div>
-    <div>PRICE 15 CENTS</div>
-    <div class='c004'>New York Labor News Company</div>
-    <div>45 ROSE ST., NEW YORK, N. Y.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span></div>
-<div class='ph2'>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c010'>
-    <div>INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY AND</div>
-    <div>AMERICAN LABOR DAY</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/i_036.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c1'>
-<div class='nf-center c003'>
-    <div>Price 10 cents</div>
-    <div class='c004'>NEW YORK LABOR NEWS CO., 45 ROSE ST., NEW YORK CITY</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='tnotes'>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <h2 class='c005'>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</h2>
-</div>
- <ol class='ol_1 c003'>
-    <li>Silently corrected typographical errors.
-
-    </li>
-    <li>Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
-    </li>
-  </ol>
-
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of International May Day and American
-Labor Day, by Boris Reinstein
-
-*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INTERNATIONAL MAY DAY ***
-
-***** This file should be named 54666-h.htm or 54666-h.zip *****
-This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
-        http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/6/6/54666/
-
-Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive)
-
-Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will
-be renamed.
-
-Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright
-law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works,
-so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United
-States without permission and without paying copyright
-royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part
-of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm
-concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark,
-and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive
-specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this
-eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook
-for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports,
-performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given
-away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks
-not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the
-trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.
-
-START: FULL LICENSE
-
-THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
-PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
-
-To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
-distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
-(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full
-Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at
-www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-
-1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
-and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
-(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all
-the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or
-destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your
-possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a
-Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound
-by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the
-person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph
-1.E.8.
-
-1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be
-used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
-agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few
-things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See
-paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this
-agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.
-
-1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the
-Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection
-of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual
-works in the collection are in the public domain in the United
-States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the
-United States and you are located in the United States, we do not
-claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing,
-displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as
-all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope
-that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting
-free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm
-works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the
-Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily
-comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the
-same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when
-you share it without charge with others.
-
-1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
-what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are
-in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States,
-check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this
-agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing,
-distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any
-other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no
-representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any
-country outside the United States.
-
-1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
-
-1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other
-immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear
-prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work
-on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the
-phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed,
-performed, viewed, copied or distributed:
-
-  This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-  most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
-  restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
-  under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
-  eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
-  United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you
-  are located before using this ebook.
-
-1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is
-derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not
-contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the
-copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in
-the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are
-redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project
-Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply
-either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or
-obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
-with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
-must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any
-additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms
-will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works
-posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the
-beginning of this work.
-
-1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
-work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
-
-1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
-electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
-prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
-active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm License.
-
-1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
-compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including
-any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access
-to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format
-other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official
-version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site
-(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense
-to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means
-of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain
-Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the
-full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
-
-1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
-performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
-unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
-
-1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
-access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
-provided that
-
-* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
-  the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
-  you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed
-  to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has
-  agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project
-  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid
-  within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are
-  legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty
-  payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project
-  Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in
-  Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg
-  Literary Archive Foundation."
-
-* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
-  you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
-  does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
-  License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all
-  copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue
-  all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm
-  works.
-
-* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of
-  any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
-  electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of
-  receipt of the work.
-
-* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
-  distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
-
-1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than
-are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing
-from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The
-Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm
-trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
-
-1.F.
-
-1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
-effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
-works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project
-Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may
-contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate
-or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other
-intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or
-other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or
-cannot be read by your equipment.
-
-1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
-of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
-Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
-liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
-fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
-LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
-PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
-TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
-LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
-INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
-DAMAGE.
-
-1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
-defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
-receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
-written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you
-received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium
-with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you
-with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in
-lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person
-or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second
-opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If
-the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing
-without further opportunities to fix the problem.
-
-1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
-in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO
-OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT
-LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
-
-1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
-warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of
-damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement
-violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the
-agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or
-limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or
-unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the
-remaining provisions.
-
-1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
-trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
-providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in
-accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the
-production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm
-electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses,
-including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of
-the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this
-or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or
-additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any
-Defect you cause.
-
-Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
-electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of
-computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It
-exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations
-from people in all walks of life.
-
-Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
-assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
-goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
-remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project
-Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
-and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future
-generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see
-Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at
-www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-
-Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
-
-The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
-501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
-state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
-Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
-number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by
-U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
-
-The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the
-mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its
-volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous
-locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt
-Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to
-date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and
-official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact
-
-For additional contact information:
-
-    Dr. Gregory B. Newby
-    Chief Executive and Director
-    gbnewby@pglaf.org
-
-Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
-Literary Archive Foundation
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
-spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
-increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
-freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
-array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations
-($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
-status with the IRS.
-
-The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
-charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
-States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
-considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
-with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations
-where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND
-DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular
-state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
-have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
-against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
-approach us with offers to donate.
-
-International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
-any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
-outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
-
-Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
-methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other
-ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To
-donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate
-
-Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.
-
-Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project
-Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be
-freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and
-distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of
-volunteer support.
-
-Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
-editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in
-the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not
-necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper
-edition.
-
-Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search
-facility: www.gutenberg.org
-
-This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
-including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
-Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
-subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
-
-
-
-</pre>
-
-  </body>
-  <!-- created with ppgen.py 3.56n on 2017-05-06 01:39:50 GMT -->
-</html>
diff --git a/old/54666-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/54666-h/images/cover.jpg
deleted file mode 100644
index fd6004d..0000000
--- a/old/54666-h/images/cover.jpg
+++ /dev/null
diff --git a/old/54666-h/images/i_001.jpg b/old/54666-h/images/i_001.jpg
deleted file mode 100644
index 7d17fea..0000000
--- a/old/54666-h/images/i_001.jpg
+++ /dev/null
diff --git a/old/54666-h/images/i_036.jpg b/old/54666-h/images/i_036.jpg
deleted file mode 100644
index 9cd926e..0000000
--- a/old/54666-h/images/i_036.jpg
+++ /dev/null