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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #55822 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55822)
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-Project Gutenberg's Argonauts of the Western Pacific, by Bronislaw Malinowski
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: Argonauts of the Western Pacific
-       An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the
-       Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea
-
-Author: Bronislaw Malinowski
-
-Contributor: James George Frazer
-
-Release Date: October 27, 2017 [EBook #55822]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ARGONAUTS OF THE WESTERN PACIFIC ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team (Italy) for Project Gutenberg.
-
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-
-
-
-                    ARGONAUTS OF THE WESTERN PACIFIC
-
-                          An Account of Native
-                        Enterprise and Adventure
-                        in the Archipelagoes of
-                         Melanesian New Guinea
-
-
-                                   By
-                          Bronislaw Malinowski
-                     PH.D. (Cracow), D.Sc. (London)
-
-                             With a Preface
-                                   By
-                Sir James George, Frazer, F.B.A., F.R.S.
-
-
-             With 5 Maps, 65 Illustrations, and 2 Figures,
-                 London: George Routledge & Sons, Ltd.
-                      New York: E. P. Dutton & Co.
-                                  1922
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-                                   To
-                         my friend and teacher
-                    Professor C. G. Seligman, F.R.S.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-By Sir James G. Frazer
-
-
-My esteemed friend, Dr. B. Malinowski has asked me to write a preface
-to his book, and I willingly comply with his request, though I can
-hardly think that any words of mine will add to the value of the
-remarkable record of anthropological research which he has given us
-in this volume. My observations, such as they are, will deal partly
-with the writer's method and partly with the matter of his book.
-
-In regard to method, Dr. Malinowski has done his work, as it appears
-to me, under the best conditions and in the manner calculated to
-secure the best possible results. Both by theoretical training and
-by practical experience he was well equipped for the task which he
-undertook. Of his theoretical training he had given proof in his
-learned and thoughtful treatise on the family among the aborigines
-of Australia [1]; of his practical experience he had produced no
-less satisfactory evidence in his account of the natives of Mailu
-in New Guinea, based on a residence of six months among them. [2]
-In the Trobriand Islands, to the east of New Guinea, to which he
-next turned his attention, Dr. Malinowski lived as a native among
-the natives for many months together, watching them daily at work
-and at play, conversing with them in their own tongue, and deriving
-all his information from the surest sources--personal observation
-and statements made to him directly by the natives in their own
-language without the intervention of an interpreter. In this way he
-has accumulated a large mass of materials, of high scientific value,
-bearing on the social, religious, and economic or industrial life
-of the Trobriand Islanders. These he hopes and intends to publish
-hereafter in full; meantime he has given us in the present volume a
-preliminary study of an interesting and peculiar feature in Trobriand
-society, the remarkable system of exchange, only in part economic or
-commercial, which the islanders maintain among themselves and with
-the inhabitants of neighbouring islands.
-
-Little reflection is needed to convince us of the fundamental
-importance of economic forces at all stages of man's career from the
-humblest to the highest. After all, the human species is part of the
-animal creation, and as such, like the rest of the animals, it reposes
-on a material foundation; on which a higher life, intellectual, moral,
-social, may be built, but without which no such superstructure is
-possible. That material foundation, consisting in the necessity of food
-and of a certain degree of warmth and shelter from the elements, forms
-the economic or industrial basis and prime condition of human life. If
-anthropologists have hitherto unduly neglected it, we may suppose that
-it was rather because they were attracted to the higher side of man's
-nature than because they deliberately ignored and undervalued the
-importance and indeed necessity of the lower. In excuse for their
-neglect we may also remember that anthropology is still a young
-science, and that the multitude of problems which await the student
-cannot all be attacked at once, but must be grappled with one by
-one. Be that as it may, Dr. Malinowski has done well to emphasise the
-great significance of primitive economics by singling out the notable
-exchange system of the Trobriand Islanders for special consideration.
-
-Further, he has wisely refused to limit himself to a mere description
-of the processes of the exchange, and has set himself to penetrate
-the motives which underlie it and the feelings which it excites in
-the minds of the natives. It appears to be sometimes held that pure
-sociology should confine itself to the description of acts and should
-leave the problems of motives and feelings to psychology. Doubtless
-it is true that the analysis of motives and feelings is logically
-distinguishable from the description of acts, and that it falls,
-strictly speaking, within the sphere of psychology; but in practice
-an act has no meaning for an observer unless he knows or infers the
-thoughts and emotions of the agent; hence to describe a series of
-acts, without any reference to the state of mind of the agent, would
-not answer the purpose of sociology, the aim of which is not merely
-to register but to understand the actions of men in society. Thus
-sociology cannot fulfil its task without calling in at every turn
-the aid of psychology.
-
-It is characteristic of Dr. Malinowski's method that he takes full
-account of the complexity of human nature. He sees man, so to say, in
-the round and not in the flat. He remembers that man is a creature of
-emotion at least as much as of reason, and he is constantly at pains
-to discover the emotional as well as the rational basis of human
-action. The man of science, like the man of letters, is too apt to
-view mankind only in the abstract, selecting for his consideration
-a single side of our complex and many-sided being. Of this one-sided
-treatment Molière is a conspicuous example among great writers. All his
-characters are seen only in the flat: one of them is a miser, another
-a hypocrite, another a coxcomb, and soon; but not one of them is a
-man. All are dummies dressed up to look very like human beings; but
-the likeness is only on the surface, all within is hollow and empty,
-because truth to nature has been sacrificed to literary effect. Very
-different is the presentation of human nature in the greater artists,
-such as Cervantes and Shakespeare: their characters are solid, being
-drawn not from one side only but from many. No doubt in science a
-certain abstractness of treatment is not merely legitimate, but
-necessary, since science is nothing but knowledge raised to the
-highest power, and all knowledge implies a process of abstraction
-and generalisation: even the recognition of an individual whom we see
-every day is only possible as the result of an abstract idea of him
-formed by generalisation from his appearances in the past. Thus the
-science of man is forced to abstract certain aspects of human nature
-and to consider them apart from the concrete reality; or rather it
-falls into a number of sciences, each of which considers a single part
-of man's complex organism, it may be the physical, the intellectual,
-the moral, or the social side of his being; and the general conclusions
-which it draws will present a more or less incomplete picture of man
-as a whole, because the lines which compose it are necessarily but
-a few picked out of a multitude.
-
-In the present treatise Dr. Malinowski is mainly concerned with what
-at first sight might seem a purely economic activity of the Trobriand
-Islanders; but, with his usual width of outlook and fineness of
-perception, he is careful to point out that the curious circulation of
-valuables, which takes place between the inhabitants of the Trobriand
-and other islands, while it is accompanied by ordinary trade, is by no
-means itself a purely commercial transaction; he shows that it is not
-based on a simple calculation of utility, of profit and loss, but that
-it satisfies emotional and æsthetic needs of a higher order than the
-mere gratification of animal wants. This leads Dr. Malinowski to pass
-some severe strictures on the conception of the Primitive Economic Man
-as a kind of bogey who, it appears, still haunts economic text-books
-and even extends his blighting influence to the minds of certain
-anthropologists. Rigged out in cast-off garments of Mr. Jeremy Bentham
-and Mr. Gradgrind, this horrible phantom is apparently actuated by no
-other motive than that of filthy lucre, which he pursues relentlessly,
-on Spencerian principles, along the line of least resistance. If
-such a dismal fiction is really regarded by serious inquirers as
-having any counterpart in savage society, and not simply as a useful
-abstraction, Dr. Malinowski's account of the Kula in this book should
-help to lay the phantom by the heels; for he proves that the trade in
-useful objects, which forms part of the Kula system, is in the minds
-of the natives entirely subordinate in importance to the exchange
-of other objects, which serve no utilitarian purpose whatever. In
-its combination of commercial enterprise, social organisation,
-mythical background, and magical ritual, to say nothing of the wide
-geographical range of its operations, this singular institution appears
-to have no exact parallel in the existing anthropological record; but
-its discoverer, Dr. Malinowski, may very well be right in surmising
-that it is probably a type of institution of which analogous, if not
-precisely similar, instances will hereafter be brought to light by
-further research among savage and barbarous peoples.
-
-Not the least interesting and instructive feature of the Kula, as it
-is described for us by Dr. Malinowski, is the extremely important part
-which magic is seen to play in the institution. From his description
-it appears that in the minds of the natives the performance of magical
-rites and the utterance of magical words are indispensable for the
-success of the enterprise in all its phases, from the felling of
-the trees out of which the canoes are to be hollowed, down to the
-moment when, the expedition successfully accomplished, the argosy
-with its precious cargo is about to start on its homeward voyage. And
-incidentally we learn that magical ceremonies and spells are deemed
-no less necessary for the cultivation of gardens and for success in
-fishing, the two forms of industrial enterprise which furnish the
-islanders with their principal means of support; hence the garden
-magician, whose business it is to promote the growth of the garden
-produce by his hocus-pocus, is one of the most important men in the
-village, ranking next after the chief and the sorcerer. In short,
-magic is believed to be an absolutely essential adjunct of every
-industrial undertaking, being just as requisite for its success
-as the mechanical operations involved in it, such as the caulking,
-painting and launching of a canoe, the planting of a garden, and the
-setting of a fish-trap. "A belief in magic," says Dr. Malinowski,
-"is one of the main psychological forces which allow for organisation
-and systematisation of economic effort in the Trobriands."
-
-This valuable account of magic as a factor of fundamental economic
-importance for the welfare and indeed for the very existence of the
-community should suffice to dispel the erroneous view that magic,
-as opposed to religion, is in its nature essentially maleficent and
-anti-social, being always used by an individual for the promotion of
-his own selfish ends and the injury of his enemies, quite regardless
-of its effect on the common weal. No doubt magic may be so employed,
-and has in fact probably been so employed, in every part of the
-world; in the Trobriand Islands themselves it is believed to
-be similarly practised for nefarious purposes by sorcerers, who
-inspire the natives with the deepest dread and the most constant
-concern. But in itself magic is neither beneficent nor maleficent;
-it is simply an imaginary power of controlling the forces of nature,
-and this control may be exercised by the magician for good or evil,
-for the benefit or injury of individuals and of the community. In
-this respect, magic is exactly on the same footing with the sciences,
-of which it is the bastard sister. They, too, in themselves, are
-neither good nor evil, though they become the source of one or other
-according to their application. It would be absurd, for example,
-to stigmatise pharmacy as antisocial, because a knowledge of the
-properties of drugs is often employed to destroy men as well as to
-heal them. It is equally absurd to neglect the beneficent application
-of magic and to single out its maleficent use as the characteristic
-property by which to define it. The processes of nature, over which
-science exercises a real and magic an imaginary control, are not
-affected by the moral disposition, the good or bad intention, of the
-individual who uses his knowledge to set them in motion. The action
-of drugs on the human body is precisely the same whether they are
-administered by a physician or by a poisoner. Nature and her handmaid
-Science are neither friendly nor hostile to morality; they are simply
-indifferent to it and equally ready to do the bidding of the saint
-and of the sinner, provided only that he gives them the proper word
-of command. If the guns are well loaded and well aimed, the fire
-of the battery will be equally destructive, whether the gunners are
-patriots fighting in defence of their country or invaders waging a
-war of unjust aggression. The fallacy of differentiating a science
-or an art according to its application and the moral intention of the
-agent is obvious enough with regard to pharmacy and artillery; it is
-equally real, though to many people apparently it is less obvious,
-with regard to magic.
-
-The immense influence wielded by magic over the whole life and thought
-of the Trobriand Islanders is perhaps the feature of Dr. Malinowski's
-book which makes the most abiding impression on the mind of the
-reader. He tells us that "magic, the attempt of man to govern the
-forces of nature directly by means of a special lore, is all-pervading
-and all-important in the Trobriands"; it is "interwoven into all the
-many industrial and communal activities"; "all the data which have
-been so far mustered disclose the extreme importance of magic in the
-Kula. But if it were a question of treating of any other aspect of the
-tribal life of these natives, it would also be found that, whenever
-they approach any concern of vital importance, they summon magic to
-their aid. It can be said without exaggeration that magic, according
-to their ideas, governs human destinies; that it supplies man with the
-power of mastering the forces of nature; and that it is his weapon and
-armour against the many dangers which crowd in upon him on every side."
-
-Thus in the view of the Trobriand Islanders, magic is a power of
-supreme importance either for good or evil; it can make or mar the life
-of man; it can sustain and protect the individual and the community,
-or it can injure and destroy them. Compared to this universal and
-deep-rooted conviction, the belief in the existence of the spirits of
-the dead would seem to exercise but little influence on the life of
-these people. Contrary to the general attitude of savages towards the
-souls of the departed, they are reported to be almost completely devoid
-of any fear of ghosts. They believe, indeed, that the ghosts return
-to their villages once a year to partake of the great annual feast;
-but "in general the spirits do not influence human beings very much,
-for better or worse"; "there is nothing of the mutual interaction,
-of the intimate collaboration between man and spirit which are the
-essence of religious cult." This conspicuous predominance of magic
-over religion, at least over the worship of the dead, is a very notable
-feature in the culture of a people so comparatively high in the scale
-of savagery as the Trobriand Islanders. It furnishes a fresh proof
-of the extraordinary strength and tenacity of the hold which this
-world-wide delusion has had, and still has, upon the human mind.
-
-We shall doubtless learn much as to the relation of magic and religion
-among the Trobrianders from the full report of Dr. Malinowski's
-researches in the islands. From the patient observation which he has
-devoted to a single institution, and from the wealth of details with
-which he has illustrated it, we may judge of the extent and value
-of the larger work which he has in preparation. It promises to be
-one of the completest and most scientific accounts ever given of a
-savage people.
-
-
-J. G. Frazer.
-
-The Temple, London.
-7th March, 1922.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-FOREWORD
-
-By the Author
-
-
-Ethnology is in the sadly ludicrous, not to say tragic, position,
-that at the very moment when it begins to put its workshop in order, to
-forge its proper tools, to start ready for work on its appointed task,
-the material of its study melts away with hopeless rapidity. Just now,
-when the methods and aims of scientific field ethnology have taken
-shape, when men fully trained for the work have begun to travel into
-savage countries and study their inhabitants--these die away under
-our very eyes.
-
-The research which has been done on native races by men of academic
-training has proved beyond doubt and cavil that scientific, methodic
-inquiry can give us results far more abundant and of better quality
-than those of even the best amateur's work. Most, though not all, of
-the modern scientific accounts have opened up quite new and unexpected
-aspects of tribal life. They have given us, in clear outline, the
-picture of social institutions often surprisingly vast and complex;
-they have brought before us the vision of the native as he is, in
-his religious and magical beliefs and practices. They have allowed
-us to penetrate into his mind far more deeply than we have ever done
-before. From this new material, scientifically hall-marked, students
-of comparative Ethnology have already drawn some very important
-conclusions on the origin of human customs, beliefs and institutions;
-on the history of cultures, and their spread and contact; on the laws
-of human behaviour in society, and of the human mind.
-
-The hope of gaining a new vision of savage humanity through the labours
-of scientific specialists opens out like a mirage, vanishing almost
-as soon as perceived. For though at present, there is still a large
-number of native communities available for scientific study, within
-a generation or two, they or their cultures will have practically
-disappeared. The need for energetic work is urgent, and the time
-is short. Nor, alas, up to the present, has any adequate interest
-been taken by the public in these studies. The number of workers is
-small, the encouragement they receive scanty. I feel therefore no
-need to justify an ethnological contribution which is the result of
-specialised research in the field.
-
-In this volume I give an account of one phase of savage life only, in
-describing certain forms of inter-tribal, trading relations among the
-natives of New Guinea. This account has been culled, as a preliminary
-monograph, from Ethnographic material, covering the whole extent of
-the tribal culture of one district. One of the first conditions of
-acceptable Ethnographic work certainly is that it should deal with
-the totality of all social, cultural and psychological aspects of the
-community, for they are so interwoven that not one can be understood
-without taking into consideration all the others. The reader of this
-monograph will clearly see that, though its main theme is economic--for
-it deals with commercial enterprise, exchange and trade--constant
-reference has to be made to social organisation, the power of magic,
-to mythology and folklore, and indeed to all other aspects as well
-as the main one.
-
-The geographical area of which the book treats is limited to the
-Archipelagoes lying off the eastern end of New Guinea. Even within
-this, the main field of research was in one district, that of the
-Trobriand Islands. This, however, has been studied minutely. I have
-lived in that one archipelago for about two years, in the course
-of three expeditions to New Guinea, during which time I naturally
-acquired a thorough knowledge of the language. I did my work entirely
-alone, living for the greater part of the time right in the villages. I
-therefore had constantly the daily life of the natives before my eyes,
-while accidental, dramatic occurrences, deaths, quarrels, village
-brawls, public and ceremonial events, could not escape my notice.
-
-In the present state of Ethnography, when so much has still to be
-done in paving the way for forthcoming research and in fixing its
-scope, each new contribution ought to justify its appearance in
-several Points. It ought to show some advance in method; it ought
-to push research beyond its previous limits in depth, in width, or
-in both; finally, it ought to endeavour to present its results in a
-manner exact, but not dry. The specialist interested in method, in
-reading this work, will find set out in the Introduction, Divisions
-II-IX and in Chapter XVIII, the exposition of my points of view and
-efforts in this direction. The reader who is concerned with results,
-rather than with the way of obtaining them, will find in Chapters
-IV to XXI a consecutive narrative of the Kula expeditions, and the
-various associated customs and beliefs. The student who is interested,
-not only in the narrative, but in the ethnographic background for it,
-and a clear definition of the institution, will find the first in
-Chapters I and II, and the latter in Chapter III.
-
-To Mr. Robert Mond I tender my sincerest thanks. It is to his generous
-endowment that I owe the possibility of carrying on for several years
-the research of which the present volume is a partial result. To
-Mr. Atlee Hunt, C.M.G., Secretary of the Home and Territories
-Department of the Commonwealth of Australia, I am indebted for the
-financial assistance of the Department, and also for much help given
-on the spot. In the Trobriands, I was immensely helped in my work
-by Mr. B. Hancock, pearl trader, to whom I am grateful not only for
-assistance and services, but for many acts of friendship.
-
-Much of the argument in this book has been greatly improved by
-the criticism given me by my friend, Mr. Paul Khuner, of Vienna,
-an expert in the practical affairs of modern industry and a highly
-competent thinker on economic matters. Professor L. T. Hobhouse has
-kindly read the proofs and given me valuable advice on several points.
-
-Sir James Frazer, by writing his Preface, has enhanced the value of
-this volume beyond its merit and it is not only a great honour and
-advantage for me to be introduced by him, but also a special pleasure,
-for my first love for ethnology is associated with the reading of the
-"Golden Bough," then in its second edition.
-
-Last, not least, I wish to mention Professor C. G. Seligman, to whom
-this book is dedicated. The initiative of my expedition was given by
-him and I owe him more than I can express for the encouragement and
-scientific counsel which he has so generously given me during the
-progress of my work in New Guinea.
-
-B. M.
-
-El Boquin,
-Icod de los Vinos,
-Tenerife.
-April, 1921.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
-
-
-It is in the nature of the research, that an Ethnographer has to rely
-upon the assistance of others to an extent much greater than is the
-case with other scientific workers. I have therefore to express in
-this special place my obligations to the many who have helped me. As
-said in the Preface, financially I owe most to Mr. Robert Mond, who
-made my work possible by bestowing on me the Robert Mond Travelling
-Scholarship (University of London) of £250 per annum for five years
-(for 1914 and for 1917-1920). I was substantially helped by a grant
-of £250 from the Home and Territories Department of Australia,
-obtained by the good offices of Mr. Atlee Hunt, C.M.G. The London
-School of Economics awarded me the Constance Hutchinson Scholarship
-of £100 yearly for two years, 1915-1916. Professor Seligman, to
-whom in this, as in other matters I owe so much, besides helping
-me in obtaining all the other grants, gave himself £100 towards the
-cost of the expedition and equipped me with a camera, a phonograph,
-anthropometric instruments and other paraphernalia of ethnographic
-work. I went out to Australia with the British Association for the
-Advancement of Science in 1914, as a guest, and at the expense,
-of the Commonwealth Government of Australia.
-
-It may be interesting for intending field-workers to observe
-that I carried out my ethnographic research for six years--1914 to
-1920--making three expeditions to the field of my work, and devoting
-the intervals between expeditions to the working out of my material and
-to the study of special literature, on little more than £250 a year. I
-defrayed out of this, not only all the expenses of travel and research,
-such as fares, wages to native servants, payments of interpreters, but
-I was also able to collect a fair amount of ethnographic specimens,
-of which part has been presented to the Melbourne Museum as the
-Robert Mond Collection. This would not have been possible for me,
-had I not received much help from residents in New Guinea. My friend,
-Mr. B. Hancock, of Gusaweta, Trobriand Islands, allowed me to use his
-house and store as base for my gear and provisions; he lent me his
-cutter on various occasions and provided me with a home, where I could
-always repair in need or sickness. He helped me in my photographic
-work, and gave me a good number of his own photographic plates,
-of which several are reproduced in this book (Plates XI, XXXVII,
-and L-LII).
-
-Other pearl traders and buyers of the Trobriands were also very kind
-to me, especially M. and Mme. Raphael Brudo, of Paris, Messrs. C. and
-G. Auerbach, and the late Mr. Mick George, all of whom helped me in
-various ways and extended to me their kind hospitality.
-
-In my interim studies in Melbourne, I received much help from the
-staff of the excellent Public Library of Victoria, for which I have to
-thank the Librarian, Mr. E. La Touche Armstrong, my friend Mr. E. Pitt,
-Mr. Cooke and others.
-
-Two maps and two plates are reproduced by kind permission of Professor
-Seligman from his "Melanesians of British New Guinea." I have to thank
-the Editor of Man (Captain T. A. Joyce) for his permission to use
-here again the plates which were previously published in that paper.
-
-Mr. William Swan Stallybrass, Senior Managing Director of
-Messrs. Geo. Routledge & Sons, Ltd., has spared no trouble in meeting
-all my wishes as to scientific details in the publication of this book,
-for which I wish to express my sincere thanks.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-PHONETIC NOTE.
-
-
-The native names and words in this book are written according to
-the simple rules, recommended by the Royal Geographical Society
-and the Royal Anthropological Institute. That is, the vowels are to
-be pronounced as in Italian and the consonants as in English. This
-spelling suits the sounds of the Melanesian languages of New Guinea
-sufficiently well. The apostrophe placed between two vowels indicates
-that they should be pronounced separately and not merged into a
-diphthong. The accent is almost always on the penultimate, rarely on
-the anti-penultimate. All the syllables must be pronounced clearly
-and distinctly.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-TABLE OF CONTENTS
-
-
-Preface by Sir James Frazer                                         vii
-
-Foreword by the Author                                               xv
-
-Introduction: The Subject, Method and Scope of This Enquiry
-
-    I--Sailing, and trading in the South Seas; the Kula. II--Method
-    in Ethnography. III--Starting field work. Some perplexing
-    difficulties. Three conditions of success. IV--Life in a
-    tent among the natives. Mechanism of "getting in touch" with
-    them. V--Active methods of research. Order and consistency
-    in savage cultures. Methodological consequences of this
-    truth. VI--Formulating the principles of tribal constitution
-    and of the anatomy of culture. Method of inference from
-    statistic accumulation of concrete data. Uses of synoptic
-    charts. VII--Presentation of the intimate touches of native
-    life; of types of behaviour. Method of systematic fixing of
-    impressions; of detailed, consecutive records. Importance
-    of personal participation in native life. VIII--Recording of
-    stereotyped manners of thinking and feeling. Corpus inscriptionum
-    Kiriwiniensium. IX--Summary of argument. The native's vision of
-    his world                                                         1
-
-I The Country and Inhabitants of the Kula District
-
-    I--Racial divisions in Eastern New Guinea. Seligman's
-    classification. The Kula natives. II--Sub-divisions of the Kula
-    district. III--Scenery at the Eastern end of New Guinea. Villages
-    of the S. Massim; their customs and social institutions. IV--The
-    d'Entrecasteaux Archipelago. The tribes of Dobu. The mythological
-    associations of their country. Some of their customs and
-    institutions. Sorcery. A vision on Sarubwoyna beach. V--Sailing
-    North. The Amphlett Group. Savage monopolists                    27
-
-
-II The Natives of the Trobriand Islands
-
-    I--Arrival in the coral Islands. First impression of
-    the native. Some significant appearances and their deeper
-    meaning. II--Position of women; their life and conduct before
-    and after marriage. III--Further exploration in the villages. A
-    cross country walk. Gardens and gardening. IV--The native's
-    working power; their motives and incentives to work. Magic and
-    work. A digression on Primitive Economics. V--Chieftainship:
-    power through wealth; a plutocratic community. List of the various
-    provinces and political divisions in the Trobriands. VI--Totemism,
-    the solidarity of clans and the bonds of kinship. VII--Spirits of
-    the dead. The overweening importance of magic. Black magic. The
-    prowling sorcerers and the flying witches. The malevolent visitors
-    from the South, and epidemics. VIII--The Eastern neighbours of
-    the Trobrianders. The remaining districts of the Kula            49
-
-III The Essentials of the Kula
-
-    I--A concise definition of the Kula. II--Its economic
-    character. III--The articles exchanged; the conception of
-    vaygu'a. IV--The main rules and aspects of the Kula: the
-    sociological aspect (partnership); direction of movement; nature
-    of Kula ownership; the differential and integral effect of these
-    rules. V--The act of exchange; its regulations; the light it throws
-    on the acquisitive and "communistic" tendencies of the natives;
-    its concrete outlines; the sollicitory gifts. VI--The associated
-    activities and the secondary aspects of the Kula: construction
-    of canoes; subsidiary trade--their true relation to the Kula;
-    the ceremonial, mythology and magic associated with the Kula; the
-    mortuary taboos and distributions, in their relation to the Kula 81
-
-IV Canoes and Sailing
-
-    I--The value and importance of a canoe to a native. Its
-    appearance, the impressions and emotions it arouses in those
-    who use or own it. The atmosphere of romance which surrounds
-    it for the native. II--Analysis of its construction, in
-    relation to its function. The three types of canoes in
-    the Trobriand Islands. III--V--Sociology of a large canoe
-    (masawa). III--(A)--Social organisation of labour in constructing
-    a canoe; the division of functions; the magical regulation of
-    work. IV--(B)--Sociology of canoe ownership; the toli-relationship;
-    the toliwaga, "master" or "owner" of a canoe; the four privileges
-    and functions of a toliwaga. V--(C)--The social division of
-    functions in manning and sailing a canoe. Statistical data about
-    the Trobriand shipping                                          105
-
-V The Ceremonial Building of a Waga
-
-    I--Construction of canoes as part of the Kula proceedings. Magic
-    and mythology. The preparatory and the ceremonial stage of
-    construction. II--The first stage: expelling the wood-sprite
-    Tokway; transport of the log; the hollowing-out of the log and
-    the associated magic. III--The second stage: the inaugural rite
-    of Kula magic; the native at grips with problems of construction;
-    the wayugo creeper; the magical spell uttered over it; caulking;
-    the three magical exorcisms. IV--Some general remarks about the two
-    stages of canoe-building and the concomitant magic. Bulubwalata
-    (evil magic) of canoes. The ornamental prow-boards. The Dobuan
-    and the Muruwan types of overseas canoe                         124
-
-VI Launching of a Canoe and Ceremonial Visiting--Tribal Economics in
-the Trobriands
-
-    I--The procedure and magic at launching. The trial run
-    (tasasoria). Account of the launching and tasasoria seen on the
-    beach of Kualukuba. Reflections on the decay of customs under
-    European influence. II--Digression on the sociology of work:
-    organisation of labour; forms of communal labour; payment for
-    work. III--The custom of ceremonial visiting (kabigidoya);
-    local trade, done on such expeditions. IV--VII--Digression
-    on gifts, payments, and exchange. IV--Attitude of the native
-    towards wealth. Desire of display. Enhancement of social
-    prestige through wealth. The motives of accumulating food
-    stuffs. The vilamalya (magic of plenty). The handling of
-    yams. Psychology of eating. Value of manufactured goods,
-    psychologically analysed. V--Motives for exchange. Giving, as
-    satisfaction of vanity and as display of power. Fallacy of the
-    "economically isolated individual" or "household." Absence of
-    gain in exchange. VI--Exchange of gifts and barter. List of gifts,
-    payments and commercial transactions: 1. Pure gifts; 2. customary
-    payments, repaid irregularly and without strict equivalents;
-    3. payments for services rendered; 4. gifts returned in strictly
-    equivalent form; 5. exchange of material goods against privileges,
-    titles and non-material possessions; 6. ceremonial barter with
-    deferred payment; 7. trade pure and simple. VII--Economic duties
-    corresponding to various social ties; table of eight classes
-    of social relationship, characterised by definite economic
-    obligations                                                     146
-
-VII The Departure of an Overseas Expedition
-
-    Scene laid in Sinaketa. The local chiefs. Stir in the village.
-    The social differentiation of the sailing party. Magical rites,
-    associated with the preparing and loading of a canoe. The
-    sulumwoya rite. The magical bundle (lilava). The compartments
-    of a canoe and the gebobo spell. Farewells on the beach         195
-
-VIII The First Halt of the Fleet on Muwa
-
-    I--The definition of an uvalaku (ceremonial, competitive
-    expedition). II--The sagali (ceremonial distribution) on
-    Muwa. III--The magic of sailing                                 207
-
-IX Sailing on the Sea-arm of Pilolu
-
-    I--The landscape. Mythological geography of the regions
-    beyond. II--Sailing: the winds; navigation; technique of
-    sailing a canoe and its dangers. III--The customs and taboos
-    of sailing. Privileged position of certain sub-clans. IV--The
-    beliefs in dreadful monsters lurking in the sea                 219
-
-
-X The Story of Shipwreck
-
-    I--The flying witches, mulukwausi or yoyova: essentials of
-    the belief; initiation and education of a yoyova (witch);
-    secrecy surrounding this condition; manner of practising this
-    witch-craft; actual cases. II--The flying witches at sea and
-    in ship-wreck. Other dangerous agents. The kayga'u magic; its
-    modes of operation. III--Account of the preparatory rites of
-    kayga'u. Some incantations quoted. IV--The story of ship-wreck
-    and rescue. V--The spell of the rescuing giant fish. The myth
-    and the magical formula of Tokulubwaydoga.                      237
-
-XI In the Amphletts--Sociology of the Kula
-
-    I--Arrival in Gumasila. Example of a Kula conversation.
-    Trobrianders on long visits in the Amphletts. II--Sociology of
-    the Kula: 1. sociological limitations to participation in the
-    Kula; 2. relation of partnership; 3. entering the Kula
-    relationship; 4. participation of women in the Kula. III--The
-    Natives of the Amphletts: their industries and trade; pottery;
-    importing the clay; technology of pot-making; commercial
-    relations with the surrounding districts. IV--Drift of
-    migrations and cultural influences in this province             267
-
-XII In Tewara and Sanaroa--Mythology of the Kula
-
-    I--Sailing under the lee of Koytabu. The cannibals of the
-    unexplored jungle. Trobriand traditions and legends about
-    them. The history and song of Gumagabu. II--Myths and reality:
-    significance imparted to landscape by myth; line of distinction
-    between the mythical and the actual occurrences; magical
-    power and mythical atmosphere; the three strata of Trobriand
-    myths. III--V--The myths of the Kula. III--Survey of Kula mythology
-    and its geographical distribution. The story of Gere'u of Muyuwa
-    (Woodlark Island). The two stories of Tokosikuna of Digumenu and
-    Gumasila. IV--The Kudayuri myth of the flying canoe. Commentary
-    and analysis of this myth. Association between the canoe and the
-    flying witches. Mythology and the Lukuba clan. V--The myth of
-    Kasabwaybwayreta and the necklace Gumakarakedakeda. Comparison of
-    these stories. VI--Sociological analysis of the myths. influence
-    of the Kula myths upon native outlook; myth and custom. VII--The
-    relation between myth and actuality restated. VIII--The story,
-    the natural monuments and the religious ceremonial of the
-    mythical personalities Atu'a'ine, Aturamo'a and their sister
-    Sinatemubadiye'i. Other rocks of similar traditional nature     290
-
-XIII On the Beach of Sarubwoyna
-
-    I--The halt on the Beach. The beauty magic. Some incantations
-    quoted. The spell of the ta'uya (conch shell). II--The magical
-    onset on the Koya. Psychological analysis of this magic.
-    III--The Gwara (taboo) and the Ka'ubana'i spell                 334
-
-XIV The Kula in Dobu--Technicalities of the Exchange
-
-    I--Reception in Dobu. II--The main transactions of the Kula and
-    the subsidiary gifts and exchanges: some general reflections on
-    the driving force of the Kula; regulations of the main transaction
-    vaga (opening gift) and yotile (return gift); the sollicitory gifts
-    (pokala, kwaypolu, kaributu, korotomna); intermediary gifts (basi)
-    and final clinching gift (kudu); the other articles sometimes
-    exchanged in the main transaction of the Kula (doga, samakupa,
-    beku); commercial honour and ethics of the Kula. III--The Kula
-    proceedings in Dobu: wooing the partner; kwoygapani magic;
-    the subsidiary trade; roamings of the Boyowans in the Dobu
-    district                                                        350
-
-XV The Journey Home--The Fishing and Working of the Kaloma Shell
-
-    I--Visits made on the return trip. Some articles acquired. II--The
-    spondylus shell fishing in Sanaroa lagoon and in home waters: its
-    general character and magic; the Kaloma myth; consecutive account
-    of the technicalities, ceremonial and magic of the diving for the
-    shell. III--Technology, economics and sociology of the production
-    of the discs and necklaces from the shell. IV--Tanarere, display
-    of the haul. Arrival of the party home to Sinaketa              366
-
-XVI The Return Visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa
-
-    I--The uvalaku (ceremonial expedition) from Dobu to Southern
-    Boyowa: the preparations in Dobu and Sanaroa; preparations in
-    Gumasila; the excitement, the spreading and convergence of news;
-    arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Nabwageta. II--Preparations
-    in Sinaketa for the reception of the visiting party. The
-    Dobuans arrive. The scene at Kaykuyawa point. The ceremonial
-    reception. Speeches and gifts. The three days' sojourn of the
-    Dobuans in Sinaketa. Manner of living. Exchange of gifts and
-    barter. III--Return home. Results shown at the tanarere     376
-
-XVII Magic and the Kula
-
-    I--The subject matter of Boyowan magic. Its association with
-    all the vital activities and with the unaccountable aspects of
-    reality. II--V--The native conception of magic. II--The methods of
-    arriving at its knowledge. III--Native views about the original
-    sources of magic. Its primeval character. Inadmissibility
-    to the native of spontaneous generation in magic. Magic a
-    power of man and not a force of nature. Magic and myth and
-    their super-normal atmosphere. IV--The magical acts: spell
-    and rite; relation between these two factors; spells uttered
-    directly without a concomitant rite; spells accompanied by
-    simple rite of impregnation; spells accompanied by a rite of
-    transference; spells accompanied by offerings and invocations;
-    summary of this survey. V--Place where magic is stored in
-    the human anatomy. VI--Condition of the performer. Taboos
-    and observances. Sociological position. Actual descent and
-    magical filiation. VII--Definition of systematic magic. The
-    "systems" of canoe magic and Kula magic. VIII--Supernormal or
-    supernatural character of magic; emotional reaction of the natives
-    to certain forms of magic; the kariyala (magical portent); rôle of
-    ancestral spirits; native terminology. IX--Ceremonial setting of
-    magic. X--Institution of taboo, supported by magic. Kaytubutabu
-    and kaytapaku. XI--Purchase of certain forms of magic. Payments
-    for magical services. XII--Brief summary                        392
-
-XVIII The Power of Words in Magic--Some Linguistic Data
-
-    I--Study of linguistic data in magic to throw light on native
-    ideas about the power of words. II--The text of the wayugo spell
-    with literal translation. III--Linguistic analysis of its u'ula
-    (exordium). IV--Vocal technique of reciting a spell. Analysis
-    of the tapwana (main part) and dogina (final part). V--The text
-    of the Sulumwoya spell and its analysis. VI--XII--Linguistic
-    data referring to the other spells mentioned in this volume and
-    some general inferences. VI--The tokway spell and the opening
-    phrases of the canoe spells. VII--The tapwana (main parts)
-    of the canoe spells. VIII--The end parts (dogina) of these
-    spells. IX--The u'ula of the mwasila spells. X--The tapwana and
-    the dogina of these spells. XI--The kayga'u spells. XII--Summary
-    of the results of this linguistic survey. XIII--Substances
-    used in these magical rites. XIV--XVIII--Analysis of some
-    non-magical linguistic texts, to illustrate ethnographic
-    method and native way of thinking. XIV--General remarks about
-    certain aspects of method. XV--Text No. 1, its literal and free
-    translation. XVI--Commentary. XVII--Texts No. 2 and 3 translated
-    and commented upon                                              428
-
-XIX The Inland Kula
-
-    I--To'uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina, on a visit in Sinaketa. The
-    decay of his power. Some melancholy reflections about the folly
-    of destroying the native order of things and of undermining
-    native authority as now prevailing. II--The division into "Kula
-    communities;" the three types of Kula, with respect to this
-    division. The overseas Kula. III--The inland Kula between two "Kula
-    communities" and within such a unit. IV--The "Kula communities"
-    in Boyowa (Trobriand Islands)                                   464
-
-XX Expeditions Between Kiriwina and Kitava
-
-    I, II--Account of an expedition from Kiriwina to Kitava. I--Fixing
-    dates and preparing districts. II--Preliminaries of the
-    journey. Departure from Kaulukuba Beach. Sailing. Analogies and
-    differences between these expeditions and those of the Sinaketans
-    to Dobu. Entering the village. The youlawada custom. Sojourn in
-    Kitava and return. III--The So'i (mortuary feast) in the Eastern
-    district (Kitava to Muyuwa) and its association with the Kula   478
-
-XXI The Remaining Branches and Offshoots of the Kula
-
-    I--Rapid survey of the routes between Woodlark Island (Murua
-    or Muyuwa) and the Engineer group and between this latter
-    and Dobu. II--The ordinary trade carried on between these
-    communities. III--An offshoot of the Kula; trading expeditions
-    between the Western Trobriand (Kavataria and Kayleula)
-    and the Western d'Entrecasteaux. IV--Production of mwali
-    (armshells). V--Some other offshoots and leakages of the Kula
-    ring. Entry of the Kula vaygu'a into the Ring.                  494
-
-XXII The Meaning of the Kula                                        509
-
-Index                                                               519
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
-              A ceremonial act of the kula                 Frontispiece
-
-    Plate                                                   Facing page
-
-    I         The ethnographer's tent on the beach of
-              Nu'agasi                                                6
-    II        The chief's lisiga (personal hut) in Omarakana          6
-    III       Street of Kasana'i (in Kiriwina, Trobriand
-              Island)                                                 7
-    IV        Scene in Yourawotu (Trobriands)                         7
-    V         Scenes on the beach of Silosilo (Southern
-              Massim district)                                       33
-    VI        Village scenes during a so'i feast                     37
-    VII       In the Amphletts                                       46
-    VIII      Group of natives in the village of Tukwa'ukwa          48
-    IX        Men of rank from Kiriwina                              49
-    X         Fishermen from Teyava                                  49
-    XI        A typical nakubukwabuya (unmarried woman)              52
-    XII       Boyowan girls                                          53
-    XIII      Kaydebu dance                                          56
-    XIV       Dancers in full decoration                             57
-    XV        A family group                                         72
-    XVI       Armshells                                              80
-    XVII      Two men wearing armshells                              81
-    XVIII     Two necklaces, made of red spondylus discs             88
-    XIX       Two women adorned with necklaces                       89
-    XX        A Kula gathering on the beach of Sinaketa              98
-    XXI       A masawa canoe                                        106
-    XXII      Putting a canoe into its hangar                       106
-    XXIII     Canoe under sail                                      107
-    XXIV      The fishing canoe (kalipoulo)                         112
-    XXV       The dug-out in the village                            124
-    XXVI      Carving a tabuyo                                      125
-    XXVII     Construction of a waga                                138
-    XXVIII    Sail making                                           139
-    XXIX      Rolls of dried pandanus leaf                          139
-    XXX       Launching of a canoe                                  148
-    XXXI      The tasasoria on the beach of Kaulukuba               148
-    XXXII     A chief's yam-house in Kasana'i                       149
-    XXXIII    Filling a yam-house in Yalumugwa                      149
-    XXIV      Display of pigs and yams at a distribution
-              (sagali)                                              170
-    XXXV      Communal cooking of mona (taro dumplings)             170
-    XXXVI     Scene in the wasi (ceremonial exchange of
-              vegetables for fish)                                  171
-    XXXVII    Vava, direct barter of vegetables for fish            171
-    XXXVIII   Koutau'ya, one of the chiefs of Sinaketa              196
-    XXXIX     A loaded canoe                                        197
-    XL        A waga sailing on a Kula expedition                   224
-    XLI       The rigging of a canoe                                225
-    XLII      Scenery in the Amphletts                              268
-    XLIII     Landing in the main village of Gumasila               269
-    XLIV      Technology of pot-making (I)                          284
-    XLV       Technology of pot-making (II)                         285
-    XLVI      Fine specimens of Amphlett pots                       288
-    XLVII     A canoe in Gumasila loading pots                      289
-    XLVIII    A Kula fleet halting to perform the final
-              rites of mwasila                                      334
-    XLIX      The beauty magic of the mwasila                       335
-    L (A)     Working the kaloma shell (I)                          370
-    L (B)     working the kaloma shell (II)                         371
-    LI        Working the kaloma shell (III)                        372
-    LII       Working the kaloma shell (IV)                         373
-    LIII      On the beach of Nabwageta                             376
-    LIV       The Dobuan canoes pulled up on Sinaketa beach         388
-    LV        Some canoes moored on the shallow lagoon near
-              the shore                                             388
-    LVI       Dobuan visitors in Sinaketa                           389
-    LVII      A magical spell associated with pregnancy             406
-    LVIII     A rite of war magic                                   406
-    LIX       A rite of garden magic                                407
-    LX        Armshells brought from Kitava                         470
-    LXI       Bringing in a soulava                                 471
-    LXII      Offering the soulava                                  471
-    LXIII     Ceremonial destruction during a so'i feast            486
-    LXIV      Nagega canoe                                          496
-    LXV       A corpse covered with valuables                       512
-
-
-MAPS
-
-    I        Eastern New Guinea                                  xxxiii
-    II       Racial distribution in Eastern New Guinea               26
-    III      The Kula district                                       30
-    IV       The Trobriand archipelago                               50
-    V        The Kula ring                                           82
-
-
-TABLES
-
-    I        Chronological list of Kula events witnessed by
-             the writer                                              16
-    II       Time-table of the uvalaku expedition, Dobu to
-             Sinaketa, 1918                                         381
-    III      Table of Kula magic and of the corresponding
-             activities                                         415-418
-
-
-FIGURES IN TEXT
-
-    I        Diagram of canoe stability and construction            109
-    II       Diagrammatic sections of canoes                        111
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION: THE SUBJECT, METHOD AND SCOPE OF THIS INQUIRY
-
-
-I
-
-The coastal populations of the South Sea Islands, with very few
-exceptions, are, or were before their extinction, expert navigators
-and traders. Several of them had evolved excellent types of large
-sea-going canoes, and used to embark in them on distant trade
-expeditions or raids of war and conquest. The Papuo-Melanesians,
-who inhabit the coast and the out-lying islands of New Guinea,
-are no exception to this rule. In general they are daring sailors,
-industrious manufacturers, and keen traders. The manufacturing centres
-of important articles, such as pottery, stone implements, canoes, fine
-baskets, valued ornaments, are localised in several places, according
-to the skill of the inhabitants, their inherited tribal tradition,
-and special facilities offered by the district; thence they are traded
-over wide areas, sometimes travelling more than hundreds of miles.
-
-Definite forms of exchange along definite trade routes are to be found
-established between the various tribes. A most remarkable form of
-intertribal trade is that obtaining between the Motu of Port Moresby
-and the tribes of the Papuan Gulf. The Motu sail for hundreds of miles
-in heavy, unwieldy canoes, called lakatoi, which are provided with the
-characteristic crab-claw sails. They bring pottery and shell ornaments,
-in olden days, stone blades, to Gulf Papuans, from whom they obtain
-in exchange sago and the heavy dug-outs, which are used afterwards
-by the Motu for the construction of their lakatoi canoes. [3]
-
-Further East, on the South coast, there lives the industrious,
-sea-faring population of the Mailu, who link the East End of New
-Guinea with the central coast tribes by means of annual trading
-expeditions. [4] Finally, the natives of the islands and archipelagoes,
-scattered around the East End, are in constant trading relations with
-one another. We possess in Professor Seligman's book an excellent
-description of the subject, especially of the nearer trades routes
-between the various islands inhabited by the Southern Massim. [5]
-There exists, however, another, a very extensive and highly complex
-trading system, embracing with its ramifications, not only the islands
-near the East End, but also the Louisiades, Woodlark Island, the
-Trobriand Archipelago, and the d'Entrecasteaux group; it penetrates
-into the mainland of New Guinea, and exerts an indirect influence over
-several outlying districts, such as Rossel Island, and some parts of
-the Northern and Southern coast of New Guinea. This trading system,
-the Kula, is the subject I am setting out to describe in this volume,
-and it will be seen that it is an economic phenomenon of considerable
-theoretical importance. It looms paramount in the tribal life of
-those natives who live within its circuit, and its importance is
-fully realised by the tribesmen themselves, whose ideas, ambitions,
-desires and vanities are very much bound up with the Kula.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Before proceeding to the account of the Kula, it will be well to
-give a description of the methods used in the collecting of the
-ethnographic material. The results of scientific research in any branch
-of learning ought to be presented in a manner absolutely candid and
-above board. No one would dream of making an experimental contribution
-to physical or chemical science, without giving a detailed account
-of all the arrangements of the experiments; an exact description
-of the apparatus used; of the manner in which the observations were
-conducted; of their number; of the length of time devoted to them,
-and of the degree of approximation with which each measurement was
-made. In less exact sciences, as in biology or geology, this cannot
-be done as rigorously, but every student will do his best to bring
-home to the reader all the conditions in which the experiment or the
-observations were made. In Ethnography, where a candid account of such
-data is perhaps even more necessary, it has unfortunately in the past
-not always been supplied with sufficient generosity, and many writers
-do not ply the full searchlight of methodic sincerity, as they move
-among their facts and produce them before us out of complete obscurity.
-
-It would be easy to quote works of high repute, and with a scientific
-hall-mark on them, in which wholesale generalisations are laid down
-before us, and we are not informed at all by what actual experiences
-the writers have reached their conclusion. No special chapter or
-paragraph is devoted to describing to us the conditions under which
-observations were made and information collected. I consider that
-only such ethnographic sources are of unquestionable scientific
-value, in which we can clearly draw the line between, on the one
-hand, the results of direct observation and of native statements
-and interpretations, and on the other, the inferences of the author,
-based on his common sense and psychological insight. [6] Indeed, Some
-such survey, as that contained in the table, given below (Div. VI of
-this chapter) ought to be forthcoming, so that at a glance the reader
-could estimate with precision the degree of the writer's personal
-acquaintance with the facts which he describes, and form an idea
-under what conditions information had been obtained from the natives.
-
-Again, in historical science, no one could expect to be seriously
-treated if he made any mystery of his sources and spoke of the past
-as if he knew it by divination. In Ethnography, the writer is his own
-chronicler and the historian at the same time, while his sources are no
-doubt easily accessible, but also supremely elusive and complex; they
-are not embodied in fixed, material documents, but in the behaviour
-and in the memory of living men. In Ethnography, the distance is
-often enormous between the brute material of information--as it is
-presented to the student in his own observations, in native statement,
-in the kaleidoscope of tribal life--and the final authoritative
-presentation of the results. The Ethnographer has to traverse this
-distance in the laborious years between the moment when he sets foot
-upon a native beach, and makes his first attempts to get into touch
-with the natives, and the time when he writes down the final version
-of his results. A brief outline of an Ethnographer's tribulations,
-as lived through by myself, may throw more light on the question,
-than any long abstract discussion could do.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-Imagine yourself suddenly set down surrounded by all your gear,
-alone on a tropical beach close to a native village, while the launch
-or dinghy which has brought you sails away out of sight. Since you
-take up your abode in the compound of some neighbouring white man,
-trader or missionary, you have nothing to do, but to start at once
-on your ethnographic work. Imagine further that you are a beginner,
-without previous experience, with nothing to guide you and no one to
-help you. For the white man is temporarily absent, or else unable or
-unwilling to waste any of his time on you. This exactly describes my
-first initiation into field work on the south coast of New Guinea. I
-well remember the long visits I paid to the villages during the first
-weeks; the feeling of hopelessness and despair after many obstinate
-but futile attempts had entirely failed to bring me into real touch
-with the natives, or supply me with any material. I had periods of
-despondency, when I buried myself in the reading of novels, as a man
-might take to drink in a fit of tropical depression and boredom.
-
-Imagine yourself then, making your first entry into the village, alone
-or in company with your white cicerone. Some natives flock round you,
-especially if they smell tobacco. Others, the more dignified and
-elderly, remain seated where they are. Your white companion has his
-routine way of treating the natives, and he neither understands, nor is
-very much concerned with the manner in which you, as an ethnographer,
-will have to approach them. The first visit leaves you with a hopeful
-feeling that when you return alone, things will be easier. Such was
-my hope at least.
-
-I came back duly, and soon gathered an audience around me. A few
-compliments in pidgin-English on both sides, some tobacco changing
-hands, induced an atmosphere of mutual amiability. I tried then to
-proceed to business. First, to begin with subjects which might arouse
-no suspicion, I started to "do" technology. A few natives were engaged
-in manufacturing some object or other. It was easy to look at it and
-obtain the names of the tools, and even some technical expressions
-about the proceedings, but there the matter ended. It must be borne
-in mind that pidgin-English is a very imperfect instrument for
-expressing one's ideas, and that before one gets a good training in
-framing questions and understanding answers one has the uncomfortable
-feeling that free communication in it with the natives will never be
-attained; and I was quite unable to enter into any more detailed or
-explicit conversation with them at first. I knew well that the best
-remedy for this was to collect concrete data, and accordingly I took
-a village census, wrote down genealogies, drew up plans and collected
-the terms of kinship. But all this remained dead material, which led no
-further into the understanding of real native mentality or behaviour,
-since I could neither procure a good native interpretation of any of
-these items, nor get what could be called the hang of tribal life. As
-to obtaining their ideas about religion, and magic, their beliefs in
-sorcery and spirits, nothing was forthcoming except a few superficial
-items of folk-lore, mangled by being forced into pidgin-English.
-
-Information which I received from some white residents in the district,
-valuable as it was in itself, was more discouraging than anything else
-with regard to my own work. Here were men who had lived for years
-in the place with constant opportunities of observing the natives
-and communicating with them, and who yet hardly knew one thing about
-them really well. How could I therefore in a few months or a year,
-hope to overtake and go beyond them? Moreover, the manner in which
-my white informants spoke about the natives and put their views was,
-naturally, that of untrained minds, unaccustomed to formulate their
-thoughts with any degree of consistency and precision. And they
-were for the most part, naturally enough, full of the biassed and
-pre-judged opinions inevitable in the average practical man, whether
-administrator, missionary, or trader; yet so strongly repulsive to
-a mind striving after the objective, scientific view of things. The
-habit of treating with a self-satisfied frivolity what is really
-serious to the ethnographer; the cheap rating of what to him is a
-scientific treasure, that is to say, the native's cultural and mental
-peculiarities and independence--these features, so well known in the
-inferior amateur's writing, I found in the tone of the majority of
-white residents. [7]
-
-Indeed, in my first piece of Ethnographic research on the South coast,
-it was not until I was alone in the district that I began to make
-some headway; and, at any rate, I found out where lay the secret of
-effective field-work. What is then this ethnographer's magic, by which
-he is able to evoke the real spirit of the natives, the true picture
-of tribal life? As usual, success can only be obtained by a patient
-and systematic application of a number of rules of common sense and
-well-known scientific principles, and not by the discovery of any
-marvellous short-cut leading to the desired results without effort
-or trouble. The principles of method can be grouped under three
-main headings; first of all, naturally, the student must possess
-real scientific aims, and know the values and criteria of modern
-ethnography. Secondly, he ought to put himself in good conditions of
-work, that is, in the main, to live without other white men, right
-among the natives. Finally, he has to apply a number of special
-methods of collecting, manipulating and fixing his evidence. A few
-words must be said about these three foundation stones of fieldwork,
-beginning with the second as the most elementary.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Proper conditions for ethnographic work. These, as said, consist
-mainly in cutting oneself off from the company of other white men,
-and remaining in as close contact with the natives as possible,
-which really can only be achieved by camping right in their villages
-(see Plates I and II). It is very nice to have a base in a white man's
-compound for the stores, and to know there is a refuge there in times
-of sickness and surfeit of native. But it must be far enough away
-not to become a permanent milieu in which you live and from which
-you emerge at fixed hours only to "do the village." It should not
-even be near enough to fly to at any moment for recreation. For the
-native is not the natural companion for a white man, and after you
-have been working with him for several hours, seeing how he does his
-gardens, or letting him tell you items of folk-lore, or discussing
-his customs, you will naturally hanker after the company of your own
-kind. But if you are alone in a village beyond reach of this, you go
-for a solitary walk for an hour or so, return again and then quite
-naturally seek out the natives' society, this time as a relief from
-loneliness, just as you would any other companionship. And by means
-of this natural intercourse, you learn to know him, and you become
-familiar with his customs and beliefs far better than when he is a
-paid, and often bored, informant.
-
-There is all the difference between a sporadic plunging into the
-company of natives, and being really in contact with them. What does
-this latter mean? On the Ethnographer's side, it means that his life
-in the village, which at first is a strange, sometimes unpleasant,
-sometimes intensely interesting adventure, soon adopts quite a natural
-course very much in harmony with his surroundings.
-
-Soon after I had established myself in Omarakana (Trobriand Islands),
-I began to take part, in a way, in the village life, to look forward
-to the important or festive events, to take personal interest in the
-gossip and the developments of the small village occurrences; to wake
-up every morning to a day, presenting itself to me more or less as
-it does to the native. I would get out from under my mosquito net,
-to find around me the village life beginning to stir, or the people
-well advanced in their working day according to the hour and also to
-the season, for they get up and begin their labours early or late,
-as work presses. As I went on my morning walk through the village, I
-could see intimate details of family life, of toilet, cooking, taking
-of meals; I could see the arrangements for the day's work, people
-starting on their errands, or groups of men and women busy at some
-manufacturing tasks (see Plate III). Quarrels, jokes, family scenes,
-events usually trivial, sometimes dramatic but always significant,
-formed the atmosphere of my daily life, as well as of theirs. It
-must be remembered that as the natives saw me constantly every day,
-they ceased to be interested or alarmed, or made self-conscious by
-my presence, and I ceased to be a disturbing element in the tribal
-life which I was to study, altering it by my very approach, as
-always happens with a new-comer to every savage community. In fact,
-as they knew that I would thrust my nose into everything, even where
-a well-mannered native would not dream of intruding, they finished
-by regarding me as part and parcel of their life, a necessary evil
-or nuisance, mitigated by donations of tobacco.
-
-Later on in the day, whatever happened was within easy reach, and
-there was no possibility of its escaping my notice. Alarms about the
-sorcerer's approach in the evening, one or two big, really important
-quarrels and rifts within the community, cases of illness, attempted
-cures and deaths, magical rites which had to be performed, all these I
-had not to pursue, fearful of missing them, but they took place under
-my very eyes, at my own doorstep, so to speak (see Plate IV). And it
-must be emphasised whenever anything dramatic or important occurs it is
-essential to investigate it at the very moment of happening, because
-the natives cannot but talk about it, are too excited to be reticent,
-and too interested to be mentally lazy in supplying details. Also,
-over and over again, I committed breaches of etiquette, which the
-natives, familiar enough with me, were not slow in pointing out. I
-had to learn how to behave, and to a certain extent, I acquired "the
-feeling" for native good and bad manners. With this, and with the
-capacity of enjoying their company and sharing some of their games
-and amusements, I began to feel that I was indeed in touch with the
-natives, and this is certainly the preliminary condition of being
-able to carry on successful field work.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-But the Ethnographer has not only to spread his nets in the right
-place, and wait for what will fall into them. He must be an active
-huntsman, and drive his quarry into them and follow it up to its most
-inaccessible lairs. And that leads us to the more active methods of
-pursuing ethnographic evidence. It has been mentioned at the end of
-Division III that the Ethnographer has to be inspired by the knowledge
-of the most modern results of scientific study, by its principles
-and aims. I shall not enlarge upon this subject, except by way of one
-remark, to avoid the possibility of misunderstanding. Good training
-in theory, and acquaintance with its latest results, is not identical
-with being burdened with "preconceived ideas." If a man sets out on an
-expedition, determined to prove certain hypotheses, if he is incapable
-of changing his views constantly and casting them off ungrudgingly
-under the pressure of evidence, needless to say his work will be
-worthless. But the more problems he brings with him into the field,
-the more he is in the habit of moulding his theories according to
-facts, and of seeing facts in their bearing upon theory, the better
-he is equipped for the work. Preconceived ideas are pernicious in any
-scientific work, but foreshadowed problems are the main endowment of
-a scientific thinker, and these problems are first revealed to the
-observer by his theoretical studies.
-
-In Ethnology the early efforts of Bastian, Tylor, Morgan, the German
-Völkerpsychologen have remoulded the older crude information of
-travellers, missionaries, etc., and have shown us the importance
-of applying deeper conceptions and discarding crude and misleading
-ones. [8]
-
-The concept of animism superseded that of "fetichism" or
-"devil-worship," both meaningless terms. The understanding of
-the classificatory systems of relationship paved the way for the
-brilliant, modern researches on native sociology in the field-work of
-the Cambridge school. The psychological analysis of the German thinkers
-has brought forth an abundant crop of most valuable information in
-the results obtained by the recent German expeditions to Africa,
-South America and the Pacific, while the theoretical works of Frazer,
-Durkheim and others have already, and will no doubt still for a long
-time inspire field workers and lead them to new results. The field
-worker relies entirely upon inspiration from theory. Of course he may
-be also a theoretical thinker and worker, and there he can draw on
-himself for stimulus. But the two functions are separate, and in actual
-research they have to be separated both in time and conditions of work.
-
-As always happens when scientific interest turns towards and begins
-to labour on a field so far only prospected by the curiosity of
-amateurs, Ethnology has introduced law and order into what seemed
-chaotic and freakish. It has transformed for us the sensational, wild
-and unaccountable world of "savages" into a number of well ordered
-communities, governed by law, behaving and thinking according to
-consistent principles. The word "savage," whatever association it
-might have had originally, connotes ideas of boundless liberty, of
-irregularity, of something extremely and extraordinarily quaint. In
-popular thinking, we imagine that the natives live on the bosom of
-Nature, more or less as they can and like, the prey of irregular,
-phantasmagoric beliefs and apprehensions. Modern science, on the
-contrary, shows that their social institutions have a very definite
-organisation, that they are governed by authority, law and order
-in their public and personal relations, while the latter are,
-besides, under the control of extremely complex ties of kinship
-and clanship. Indeed, we see them entangled in a mesh of duties,
-functions and privileges which correspond to an elaborate tribal,
-communal and kinship organisation (see Plate IV). Their beliefs and
-practices do not by any means lack consistency of a certain type,
-and their knowledge of the outer world is sufficient to guide them
-in many of their strenuous enterprises and activities. Their artistic
-productions again lack neither meaning nor beauty.
-
-It is a very far cry from the famous answer given long ago by a
-representative authority who, asked, what are the manners and customs
-of the natives, answered, "Customs none, manners beastly," to the
-position of the modern Ethnographer! This latter, with his tables
-of kinship terms, genealogies, maps, plans and diagrams, proves an
-extensive and big organisation, shows the constitution of the tribe,
-of the clan, of the family; and he gives us a picture of the natives
-subjected to a strict code of behaviour and good manners, to which
-in comparison the life at the Court of Versailles or Escurial was
-free and easy. [9]
-
-Thus the first and basic ideal of ethnographic field-work is to
-give a clear and firm outline of the social constitution, and
-disentangle the laws and regularities of all cultural phenomena
-from the irrelevances. The firm skeleton of the tribal life has
-to be first ascertained. This ideal imposes in the first place the
-fundamental obligation of giving a complete survey of the phenomena,
-and not of picking out the sensational, the singular, still less
-the funny and quaint. The time when we could tolerate accounts
-presenting us the native as a distorted, childish caricature of
-a human being are gone. This picture is false, and like many other
-falsehoods, it has been killed by Science. The field Ethnographer has
-seriously and soberly to cover the full extent of the phenomena in
-each aspect of tribal culture studied, making no difference between
-What is commonplace, or drab, or ordinary, and what strikes him as
-astonishing and out-of-the-way. At the same time, the whole area of
-tribal culture in all its aspects has to be gone over in research. The
-consistency, the law and order which obtain within each aspect make
-also for joining them into one coherent whole.
-
-An Ethnographer who sets out to study only religion, or only
-technology, or only social organisation cuts out an artificial field
-for inquiry, and he will be seriously handicapped in his work.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-Having settled this very general rule, let us descend to more detailed
-consideration of method. The Ethnographer has in the field, according
-to what has just been said, the duty before him of drawing up all
-the rules and regularities of tribal life; all that is permanent
-and fixed; of giving an anatomy of their culture, of depicting the
-constitution of their society. But these things, though crystallised
-and set, are nowhere formulated. There is no written or explicitly
-expressed code of laws, and their whole tribal tradition, the whole
-structure of their society, are embodied in the most elusive of all
-materials; the human being. But not even in human mind or memory are
-these laws to be found definitely formulated. The natives obey the
-forces and commands of the tribal code, but they do not comprehend
-them; exactly as they obey their instincts and their impulses, but
-could not lay down a single law of psychology. The regularities in
-native institutions are an automatic result of the interaction of
-the mental forces of tradition, and of the material conditions of
-environment. Exactly as a humble member of any modern institution,
-whether it be the state, or the church, or the army, is of it and
-in it, but has no vision of the resulting integral action of the
-whole, still less could furnish any account of its organisation,
-so it would be futile to attempt questioning a native in abstract,
-sociological terms. The difference is that, in our society, every
-institution has its intelligent members, its historians, and its
-archives and documents, whereas in a native society there are none
-of these. After this is realised an expedient has to be found to
-overcome this difficulty. This expedient for an Ethnographer consists
-in collecting concrete data of evidence, and drawing the general
-inferences for himself. This seems obvious on the face of it, but was
-not found out or at least practised in Ethnography till field work was
-taken up by men of science. Moreover, in giving it practical effect,
-it is neither easy to devise the concrete applications of this method,
-nor to carry them out systematically and consistently.
-
-Though we cannot ask a native about abstract, general rules, we can
-always enquire how a given case would be treated. Thus for instance,
-in asking how they would treat crime, or punish it, it would be vain
-to put to a native a sweeping question such as, "How do you treat
-and punish a criminal?" for even words could not be found to express
-it in native, or in pidgin. But an imaginary case, or still better,
-a real occurrence, will stimulate a native to express his opinion and
-to supply plentiful information. A real case indeed will start the
-natives on a wave of discussion, evoke expressions of indignation,
-show them taking sides--all of which talk will probably contain a
-wealth of definite views, of moral censures, as well as reveal the
-social mechanism set in motion by the crime committed. From there,
-it will be easy to lead them on to speak of other similar cases,
-to remember other actual occurrences or to discuss them in all their
-implications and aspects. From this material, which ought to cover
-the widest possible range of facts, the inference is obtained by
-simple induction. The scientific treatment differs from that of good
-common sense, first in that a student will extend the completeness and
-minuteness of survey much further and in a pedantically systematic and
-methodical manner; and secondly, in that the scientifically trained
-mind, will push the inquiry along really relevant lines, and towards
-aims possessing real importance. Indeed, the object of scientific
-training is to provide the empirical investigator with a mental chart,
-in accordance with which he can take his bearings and lay his course.
-
-To return to our example, a number of definite cases discussed will
-reveal to the Ethnographer the social machinery for punishment. This
-is one part, one aspect of tribal authority. Imagine further that
-by a similar method of inference from definite data, he arrives at
-understanding leadership in war, in economic enterprise, in tribal
-festivities--there he has at once all the data necessary to answer
-the questions about tribal government and social authority. In actual
-field work, the comparison of such data, the attempt to piece them
-together, will often reveal rifts and gaps in the information which
-lead on to further investigations.
-
-From my own experience, I can say that, very often, a problem seemed
-settled, everything fixed and clear, till I began to write down a
-short preliminary sketch of my results. And only then, did I see the
-enormous deficiencies, which would show me where lay new problems,
-and lead me on to new work. In fact, I spent a few months between my
-first and second expeditions, and over a year between that and the
-subsequent one, in going over all my material, and making parts of
-it almost ready for publication each time, though each time I knew I
-would have to re-write it. Such cross-fertilisation of constructive
-work and observation, I found most valuable, and I do not think I
-could have made real headway without it. I give this bit of my own
-history merely to show that what has been said so far is not only an
-empty programme, but the result of personal experience. In this volume,
-the description is given of a big institution connected with ever so
-many associated activities, and presenting many aspects. To anyone who
-reflects on the subject, it will be clear that the information about
-a phenomenon of such high complexity and of so many ramifications,
-could not be obtained with any degree of exactitude and completeness,
-without a constant interplay of constructive attempts and empirical
-checking. In fact, I have written up an outline of the Kula institution
-at least half a dozen times while in the field and in the intervals
-between my expeditions. Each time, new problems and difficulties
-presented themselves.
-
-The collecting of concrete data over a wide range of facts is thus one
-of the main points of field method. The obligation is not to enumerate
-a few examples only, but to exhaust as far as possible all the cases
-within reach; and, on this search for cases, the investigator will
-score most whose mental chart is clearest. But, whenever the material
-of the search allows it, this mental chart ought to be transformed
-into a real one; it ought to materialise into a diagram, a plan,
-an exhaustive, synoptic table of cases. Long since, in all tolerably
-good modern books on natives, we expect to find a full list or table
-of kinship terms, which includes all the data relative to it, and
-does not just pick out a few strange and anomalous relationships
-or expressions. In the investigation of kinship, the following up
-of one relation after another in concrete cases leads naturally to
-the construction of genealogical tables. Practised already by the
-best early writers, such as Munzinger, and, if I remember rightly,
-Kubary, this method has been developed to its fullest extent in the
-works of Dr. Rivers. Again, studying the concrete data of economic
-transactions, in order to trace the history of a valuable object, and
-to gauge the nature of its circulation, the principle of completeness
-and thoroughness would lead to construct tables of transactions,
-such as we find in the work of Professor Seligman. [10] It is in
-following Professor Seligman's example in this matter that I was able
-to settle certain of the more difficult and detailed rules of the
-Kula. The method of reducing information, if possible, into charts
-or synoptic tables ought to be extended to the study of practically
-all aspects of native life. All types of economic transactions may
-be studied by following up connected, actual cases, and putting them
-into a synoptic chart; again, a table ought to be drawn up of all the
-gifts and presents customary in a given society, a table including the
-sociological, ceremonial, and economic definition of every item. Also,
-systems of magic, connected series of ceremonies, types of legal acts,
-all could be charted, allowing each entry to be synoptically defined
-under a number of headings. Besides this, of course, the genealogical
-census of every community, studied more in detail, extensive maps,
-plans and diagrams, illustrating ownership in garden land, hunting
-and fishing privileges, etc., serve as the more fundamental documents
-of ethnographic research.
-
-A genealogy is nothing else but a synoptic chart of a number of
-connected relations of kinship. Its value as an instrument of research
-consists in that it allows the investigator to put questions which
-he formulates to himself in abstracto, but can put concretely to
-the native informant. As a document, its value consists in that it
-gives a number of authenticated data, presented in their natural
-grouping. A synoptic chart of magic fulfils the same function. As
-an instrument of research, I have used it in order to ascertain,
-for instance, the ideas about the nature of magical power. With a
-chart before me, I could easily and conveniently go over one item
-after the other, and note down the relevant practices and beliefs
-contained in each of them. The answer to my abstract problem could
-then be obtained by drawing a general inference from all the cases,
-and the procedure is illustrated in Chapters XVII and XVIII. [11] I
-cannot enter further into the discussion of this question, which would
-need further distinctions, such as between a chart of concrete, actual
-data, such as is a genealogy, and a chart summarising the outlines
-of a custom or belief, as a chart of a magical system would be.
-
-Returning once more to the question of methodological candour,
-discussed previously in Division II I wish to point out here, that
-the procedure of concrete and tabularised presentation of data ought
-to be applied first to the Ethnographer's own credentials. That
-is, an Ethnographer, who wishes to be trusted, must show clearly
-and concisely, in a tabularised form, which are his own direct
-observations, and which the indirect information that form the bases
-of his account. The Table on the next page will serve as an example
-of this procedure and help the reader of this book to form an idea
-of the trustworthiness of any statement he is specially anxious to
-check. With the help of this Table and the many references scattered
-throughout the text, as to how, under what circumstances, and with what
-degree of accuracy I arrived at a given item of knowledge, there will,
-I hope remain no obscurity whatever as to the sources of the book.
-
-
-
-       CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF KULA EVENTS WITNESSED BY THE WRITER
-
-First Expedition, August, 1914-March, 1915.
-
-    March, 1915. In the village of Dikoyas (Woodlark Island) a few
-    ceremonial offerings seen. Preliminary information obtained.
-
-Second Expedition, May, 1915-May, 1916.
-
-    June, 1915. A Kabigidoya visit arrives from Vakuta to Kiriwina. Its
-    anchoring at Kavataria witnessed and the men seen at Omarakana,
-    where information collected.
-
-    July, 1915. Several parties from Kitava land on the beach of
-    Kaulukuba. The men examined in Omarakana. Much information
-    collected in that period.
-
-    September, 1915. Unsuccessful attempt to sail to Kitava with
-    To'uluwa, the chief of Omarakana.
-
-    October-November, 1915. Departure noticed of three expeditions
-    from Kiriwina to Kitava. Each time To'uluwa brings home a haul
-    of mwali (armshells).
-
-    November, 1915-March, 1916. Preparations for a big
-    overseas expedition from Kiriwina to the Marshall Bennett
-    Islands. Construction of a canoe; renovating of another;
-    sail making in Omarakana; launching; tasasoria on the beach of
-    Kaulukuba. At the same time, information is being obtained about
-    these and the associated subjects. Some magical texts of canoe
-    building and Kula magic obtained.
-
-Third Expedition, October, 1917-October, 1918.
-
-    November, 1917-December, 1917. Inland Kula; some data obtained
-    in Tukwaukwa.
-
-    December-February, 1918. Parties from Kitava arrive in
-    Wawela. Collection of information about the yoyova. Magic and
-    spells of Kaygau obtained.
-
-    March, 1918. Preparations in Sanaroa; preparations in the
-    Amphletts; the Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts. The uvalaku
-    expedition from Dobu followed to Boyowa.
-
-    April, 1918. Their arrival; their reception in Sinaketa; the
-    Kula transactions; the big intertribal gathering. Some magical
-    formulæ obtained.
-
-    May, 1918. Party from Kitava seen in Vakuta.
-
-    June, July, 1918. Information about Kula magic and customs
-    checked and amplified in Omarakana, especially with regard to
-    its Eastern branches.
-
-    August, September, 1918. Magical texts obtained in Sinaketa.
-
-    October, 1918. Information obtained from a number of natives in
-    Dobu and Southern Massim district (examined in Samarai).
-
-
-
-To summarise the first, cardinal point of method, I may say each
-phenomenon ought to be studied through the broadest range possible of
-its concrete manifestations; each studied by an exhaustive survey of
-detailed examples. If possible, the results ought to be embodied into
-some sort of synoptic chart, both to be used as an instrument of study,
-and to be presented as an ethnological document. With the help of
-such documents and such study of actualities the clear outline of the
-framework of the natives' culture in the widest sense of the word, and
-the constitution of their society, can be presented. This method could
-be called the method of statistic documentation by concrete evidence.
-
-
-
-
-VII
-
-Needless to add, in this respect, the scientific field-work is far
-above even the best amateur productions. There is, however, one point
-in which the latter often excel. This is, in the presentation of
-intimate touches of native life, in bringing home to us these aspects
-of it with which one is made familiar only through being in close
-contact with the natives, one way or the other, for a long period of
-time. In certain results of scientific work--especially that which has
-been called "survey work"--we are given an excellent skeleton, so to
-speak, of the tribal constitution, but it lacks flesh and blood. We
-learn much about the framework of their society, but within it,
-we cannot perceive or imagine the realities of human life, the even
-flow of everyday events, the occasional ripples of excitement over a
-feast, or ceremony, or some singular occurrence. In working out the
-rules and regularities of native custom, and in obtaining a precise
-formula for them from the collection of data and native statements,
-we find that this very precision is foreign to real life, which
-never adheres rigidly to any rules. It must be supplemented by the
-observation of the manner in which a given custom is carried out,
-of the behaviour of the natives in obeying the rules so exactly
-formulated by the ethnographer, of the very exceptions which in
-sociological phenomena almost always occur.
-
-If all the conclusions are solely based on the statements of
-informants, or deduced from objective documents, it is of course
-impossible to supplement them in actually observed data of real
-behaviour. And that is the reason why certain works of amateur
-residents of long standing, such as educated traders and planters,
-medical men and officials, and last, not least, of the few intelligent
-and unbiassed missionaries to whom Ethnography owes so much, this is
-the reason why these works surpass in plasticity and in vividness most
-of the purely scientific accounts. But if the specialised field-worker
-can adopt the conditions of living described above, he is in a far
-better position to be really in touch with the natives than any other
-white resident. For none of them lives right in a native village,
-except for very short periods, and everyone has his own business,
-which takes up a considerable part of his time. Moreover, if, like a
-trader or a missionary or an official he enters into active relations
-with the native, if he has to transform or influence or make use of
-him, this makes a real, unbiassed, impartial observation impossible,
-and precludes all-round sincerity, at least in the case of the
-missionaries and officials.
-
-Living in the village with no other business but to follow native life,
-one sees the customs, ceremonies and transactions over and over again,
-one has examples of their beliefs as they are actually lived through,
-and the full body and blood of actual native life fills out soon the
-skeleton of abstract constructions. That is the reason why, working
-under such conditions as previously described, the Ethnographer is
-enabled to add something essential to the bare outline of tribal
-constitution, and to supplement it by all the details of behaviour,
-setting and small incident. He is able in each case to state whether
-an act is public or private; how a public assembly behaves, and
-what it looks like; he can judge whether an event is ordinary or an
-exciting and singular one; whether natives bring to it a great deal
-of sincere and earnest spirit, or perform it in fun; whether they do
-it in a perfunctory manner, or with zeal and deliberation.
-
-In other words, there is a series of phenomena of great importance
-which cannot possibly be recorded by questioning or computing
-documents, but have to be observed in their full actuality. Let us
-call them the imponderabilia of actual life. Here belong such things
-as the routine of a man's working day, the details of his care of
-the body, of the manner of taking food and preparing it; the tone of
-conversational and social life around the village fires, the existence
-of strong friendships or hostilities, and of passing sympathies and
-dislikes between people; the subtle yet unmistakable manner in which
-personal vanities and ambitions are reflected in the behaviour of
-the individual and in the emotional reactions of those who surround
-him. All these facts can and ought to be scientifically formulated and
-recorded, but it is necessary that this be done, not by a superficial
-registration of details, as is usually done by untrained observers,
-but with an effort at penetrating the mental attitude expressed in
-them. And that is the reason why the work of scientifically trained
-observers, once seriously applied to the study of this aspect, will,
-I believe, yield results of surpassing value. So far, it has been
-done only by amateurs, and therefore done, on the whole, indifferently.
-
-Indeed, if we remember that these imponderable yet all important facts
-of actual life are part of the real substance of the social fabric,
-that in them are spun the innumerable threads which keep together
-the family, the clan, the village community, the tribe--their
-significance becomes clear. The more crystallised bonds of social
-grouping, such as the definite ritual, the economic and legal duties,
-the obligations, the ceremonial gifts and formal marks of regard,
-though equally important for the student, are certainly felt less
-strongly by the individual who has to fulfil them. Applying this to
-ourselves, we all know that "family life" means for us, first and
-foremost, the atmosphere of home, all the innumerable small acts and
-attentions in which are expressed the affection, the mutual interest,
-the little preferences, and the little antipathies which constitute
-intimacy. That we may inherit from this person, that we shall have to
-walk after the hearse of the other, though sociologically these facts
-belong to the definition of "family" and "family life," in personal
-perspective of what family truly is to us, they normally stand very
-much in the background.
-
-Exactly the same applies to a native community, and if the Ethnographer
-wants to bring their real life home to his readers, he must on no
-account neglect this. Neither aspect, the intimate, as little as
-the legal, ought to be glossed over. Yet as a rule in ethnographic
-accounts we have not both but either the one or the other--and, so
-far, the intimate one has hardly ever been properly treated. In all
-social relations besides the family ties, even those between mere
-tribesmen and, beyond that, between hostile or friendly members of
-different tribes, meeting on any sort of social business, there is
-this intimate side, expressed by the typical details of intercourse,
-the tone of their behaviour in the presence of one another. This
-side is different from the definite, crystalised legal frame of the
-relationship, and it has to be studied and stated in its own right.
-
-In the same way, in studying the conspicuous acts of tribal life,
-such as ceremonies, rites, festivities, etc., the details and tone of
-behaviour ought to be given, besides the bare outline of events. The
-importance of this may be exemplified by one instance. Much has
-been said and written about survival. Yet the survival character
-of an act is expressed in nothing as well as in the concomitant
-behaviour, in the way in which it is carried out. Take any example
-from our own culture, whether it be the pomp and pageantry of a
-state ceremony, or a picturesque custom kept up by street urchins,
-its "outline" will not tell you whether the rite flourishes still
-with full vigour in the hearts of those who perform it or assist at
-the performance or whether they regard it as almost a dead thing,
-kept alive for tradition's sake. But observe and fix the data of
-their behaviour, and at once the degree of vitality of the act will
-become clear. There is no doubt, from all points of sociological,
-or psychological analysis, and in any question of theory, the manner
-and type of behaviour observed in the performance of an act is of the
-highest importance. Indeed behaviour is a fact, a relevant fact, and
-one that can be recorded. And foolish indeed and short-sighted would
-be the man of science who would pass by a whole class of phenomena,
-ready to be garnered, and leave them to waste, even though he did
-not see at the moment to what theoretical use they might be put!
-
-As to the actual method of observing and recording in field-work
-these imponderabilia of actual life and of typical behaviour, there
-is no doubt that the personal equation of the observer comes in here
-more prominently, than in the collection of crystalised, ethnographic
-data. But here also the main endeavour must be to let facts speak for
-themselves. If in making a daily round of the village, certain small
-incidents, characteristic forms of taking food, of conversing, of
-doing work (see for instance Plate III) are found occurring over and
-over again, they should be noted down at once. It is also important
-that this work of collecting and fixing impressions should begin
-early in the course of working out a district. Because certain subtle
-peculiarities, which make an impression as long as they are novel,
-cease to be noticed as soon as they become familiar. Others again can
-only be perceived with a better knowledge of the local conditions. An
-ethnographic diary, carried on systematically throughout the course
-of one's work in a district would be the ideal instrument for this
-sort of study. And if, side by side with the normal and typical,
-the ethnographer carefully notes the slight, or the more pronounced
-deviations from it, he will be able to indicate the two extremes
-within which the normal moves.
-
-In observing ceremonies or other tribal events, such, for instance as
-the scene depicted in Plate IV, it is necessary, not only to note down
-those occurrences and details which are prescribed by tradition and
-custom to be the essential course of the act, but also the Ethnographer
-ought to record carefully and precisely, one after the other, the
-actions of the actors and of the spectators. Forgetting for a moment
-that he knows and understands the structure of this ceremony, the
-main dogmatic ideas underlying it, he might try to find himself only
-in the midst of an assembly of human-beings, who behave seriously or
-jocularly, with earnest concentration or with bored frivolity, who
-are either in the same mood as he finds them every day, or else are
-screwed up to a high pitch of excitement, and so on and so on. With his
-attention constantly directed to this aspect of tribal life, with the
-constant endeavour to fix it, to express it in terms of actual fact,
-a good deal of reliable and expressive material finds its way into
-his notes. He will be able to "set" the act into its proper place in
-tribal life, that is to show whether it is exceptional or commonplace,
-one in which the natives behave ordinarily, or one in which their
-whole behaviour is transformed. And he will also be able to bring
-all this home to his readers in a clear, convincing manner.
-
-Again, in this type of work, it is good for the Ethnographer sometimes
-to put aside camera, note book and pencil, and to join in himself
-in what is going on. He can take part in the natives' games, he can
-follow them on their visits and walks, sit down and listen and share
-in their conversations. I am not certain if this is equally easy
-for everyone--perhaps the Slavonic nature is more plastic and more
-naturally savage than that of Western Europeans--but though the degree
-of success varies, the attempt is possible for everyone. Out of such
-plunges into the life of the natives--and I made them frequently not
-only for study's sake but because everyone needs human company--I
-have carried away a distinct feeling that their behaviour, their
-manner of being, in all sorts of tribal transactions, became more
-transparent and easily understandable than it had been before. All
-these methodological remarks, the reader will find again illustrated
-in the following chapters.
-
-
-
-
-VIII
-
-Finally, let us pass to the third and last aim of scientific
-field-work, to the last type of phenomenon which ought to be recorded
-in order to give a full and adequate picture of native culture. Besides
-the firm outline of tribal constitution and crystallised cultural
-items which form the skeleton, besides the data of daily life and
-ordinary behaviour, which are, so to speak, its flesh and blood,
-there is still to be recorded the spirit--the natives' views and
-opinions and utterances. For, in every act of tribal life, there is,
-first, the routine prescribed by custom and tradition, then there
-is the manner in which it is carried out, and lastly there is the
-commentary to it, contained in the natives' mind. A man who submits
-to various customary obligations, who follows a traditional course
-of action, does it impelled by certain motives, to the accompaniment
-of certain feelings, guided by certain ideas. These ideas, feelings,
-and impulses are moulded and conditioned by the culture in which
-we find them, and are therefore an ethnic peculiarity of the given
-society. An attempt must be made therefore, to study and record them.
-
-But is this possible? Are these subjective states not too elusive and
-shapeless? And, even granted that people usually do feel or think
-or experience certain psychological states in association with the
-performance of customary acts, the majority of them surely are not
-able to formulate these states, to put them into words. This latter
-point must certainly be granted, and it is perhaps the real Gordian
-knot in the study of the facts of social psychology. Without trying to
-cut or untie this knot, that is to solve the problem theoretically,
-or to enter further into the field of general methodology, I shall
-make directly for the question of practical means to overcome some
-of the difficulties involved.
-
-First of all, it has to be laid down that we have to study here
-stereotyped manners of thinking and feeling. As sociologists, we
-are not interested in what A or B may feel qua individuals, in the
-accidental course of their own personal experiences--we are interested
-only in what they feel and think qua members of a given community. Now
-in this capacity, their mental states receive a certain stamp, become
-stereotyped by the institutions in which they live, by the influence
-of tradition and folk-lore, by the very vehicle of thought, that is
-by language. The social and cultural environment in which they move
-forces them to think and feel in a definite manner. Thus, a man who
-lives in a polyandrous community cannot experience the same feelings
-of jealousy, as a strict monogynist, though he might have the elements
-of them. A man who lives within the sphere of the Kula cannot become
-permanently and sentimentally attached to certain of his possessions,
-in spite of the fact that he values them most of all. These examples
-are crude, but better ones will be found in the text of this book.
-
-So, the third commandment of field-work runs: Find out the typical
-ways of thinking and feeling, corresponding to the institutions and
-culture of a given community, and formulate the results in the most
-convincing manner. What will be the method of procedure? The best
-ethnographical writers--here again the Cambridge school with Haddon,
-Rivers, and Seligman rank first among English Ethnographers--have
-always tried to quote verbatim statements of crucial importance. They
-also adduce terms of native classification; sociological, psychological
-and industrial termini technici, and have rendered the verbal contour
-of native thought as precisely as possible. One step further in this
-line can be made by the Ethnographer, who acquires a knowledge of
-the native language and can use it as an instrument of inquiry. In
-working in the Kiriwinian language, I found still some difficulty in
-writing down the statement directly in translation which at first I
-used to do in the act of taking notes. The translation often robbed
-the text of all its significant characteristics--rubbed off all its
-points--so that gradually I was led to note down certain important
-phrases just as they were spoken, in the native tongue. As my knowledge
-of the language progressed, I put down more and more in Kiriwinian,
-till at last I found myself writing exclusively in that language,
-rapidly taking notes, word for word, of each statement. No sooner had
-I arrived at this point, than I recognised that I was thus acquiring
-at the same time an abundant linguistic material, and a series of
-ethnographic documents which ought to be reproduced as I had fixed
-them, besides being utilised in the writing up of my account. [12]
-This corpus inscriptionum Kiriwiniensium can be utilised, not only
-by myself, but by all those who, through their better penetration
-and ability of interpreting them, may find points which escape my
-attention, very much as the other corpora form the basis for the
-various interpretations of ancient and prehistoric cultures; only,
-these ethnographic inscriptions are all decipherable and clear,
-have been almost all translated fully and unambiguously, and have
-been provided with native cross-commentaries or scholia obtained from
-living sources.
-
-No more need be said on this subject here, as later on a whole chapter
-(Chapter XVIII) is devoted to it, and to its exemplification by several
-native texts. The Corpus will of course be published separately at
-a later date.
-
-
-
-
-IX
-
-Our considerations thus indicate that the goal of ethnographic
-field-work must be approached through three avenues:
-
-1. The organisation of the tribe, and the anatomy of its culture
-must be recorded in firm, clear outline. The method of concrete,
-statistical documentation is the means through which such an outline
-has to be given.
-
-2. Within this frame, the imponderabilia of actual life, and the
-type of behaviour have to be filled in. They have to be collected
-through minute, detailed observations, in the form of some sort of
-ethnographic diary, made possible by close contact with native life.
-
-3. A collection of ethnographic statements, characteristic narratives,
-typical utterances, items of folk-lore and magical formulæ has to be
-given as a corpus inscriptionum, as documents of native mentality.
-
-These three lines of approach lead to the final goal, of which an
-Ethnographer should never lose sight. This goal is, briefly, to grasp
-the native's point of view, his relation to life, to realise his vision
-of his world. We have to study man, and we must study what concerns
-him most intimately, that is, the hold which life has on him. In
-each culture, the values are slightly different; people aspire after
-different aims, follow different impulses, yearn after a different
-form of happiness. In each culture, we find different institutions
-in which man pursues his life-interest, different customs by which he
-satisfies his aspirations, different codes of law and morality which
-reward his virtues or punish his defections. To study the institutions,
-customs, and codes or to study the behaviour and mentality without the
-subjective desire of feeling by what these people live, of realising
-the substance of their happiness--is, in my opinion, to miss the
-greatest reward which we can hope to obtain from the study of man.
-
-These generalities the reader will find illustrated in the following
-chapters. We shall see there the savage striving to satisfy certain
-aspirations, to attain his type of value, to follow his line of
-social ambition. We shall see him led on to perilous and difficult
-enterprises by a tradition of magical and heroical exploits, shall
-see him following the lure of his own romance. Perhaps as we read
-the account of these remote customs there may emerge a feeling of
-solidarity with the endeavours and ambitions of these natives. Perhaps
-man's mentality will be revealed to us, and brought near, along
-some lines which we never have followed before. Perhaps through
-realising human nature in a shape very distant and foreign to us,
-we shall have some light shed on our own. In this, and in this case
-only, we shall be justified in feeling that it has been worth our
-while to understand these natives, their institutions and customs,
-and that we have gathered some profit from the Kula.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-THE COUNTRY AND INHABITANTS OF THE KULA DISTRICT
-
-
-I
-
-The tribes who live within the sphere of the Kula system of trading
-belong, one and all--with the exception perhaps, of the Rossel
-Island natives, of whom we know next to nothing--to the same racial
-group. These tribes inhabit the easternmost end of the mainland of
-New Guinea and those islands, scattered in the form of the long-drawn
-archipelago, which continue in the same south-easternly trend as
-the mainland, as if to bridge over the gap between New Guinea and
-the Solomons.
-
-New Guinea is a mountainous island-continent, very difficult of access
-in its interior, and also at certain portions of the coast, where
-barrier reefs, swamps and rocks practically prevent landing or even
-approach for native craft. Such a country would obviously not offer the
-same opportunities in all its parts to the drifting migrations which
-in all probability are responsible for the composition of the present
-population of the South Seas. The easily accessible portions of the
-coast and the outlying islands would certainly offer a hospitable
-reception to immigrants of a higher stock; but, on the other hand,
-the high hills, the impregnable fastnesses in swampy flats and shores
-where landing was difficult and dangerous, would give easy protection
-to the aborigines, and discourage the influx of migrators.
-
-The actual distribution of races in New Guinea completely justifies
-these hypotheses. Map II shows the Eastern part of the main island
-and archipelagoes of New Guinea and the racial distribution of the
-natives. The interior of the continent, the low sago swamps and deltas
-of the Gulf of Papua--probably the greater part of the North Coast and
-of the South-West Coast of New Guinea, are inhabited by a "relatively
-tall, dark-skinned, frizzly-haired" race, called by Dr. Seligman
-Papuan, and in the hills more especially by pygmy tribes. We know
-little about these people, swamp tribes and hill tribes alike, who
-probably are the autochtons in this part of the world. [13] As we shall
-also not meet them in the following account, it will be better to pass
-to the tribes who inhabit the accessible parts of New Guinea. "The
-Eastern Papuasians, that is, the generally smaller, lighter coloured,
-frizzly-haired races of the eastern peninsula of New Guinea and its
-archipelagoes now require a name, and since the true Melanesian element
-is dominant in them, they may be called Papuo-Melanesians. With regard
-to these Eastern Papuasians, Dr. A. C. Haddon first recognised that
-they came into the country as the result of a 'Melanesian migration
-into New Guinea,' and further, 'That a single wandering would not
-account for certain puzzling facts.'" [14] The Papuo-Melanesians
-again can be divided into two groups, a Western and an Eastern one,
-which, following Dr. Seligman's terminology, we shall call the Western
-Papuo-Melanesians and the Massim respectively. It is with these latter
-we shall become acquainted in the following pages.
-
-If we glance at a map and follow the orographical features of Eastern
-New Guinea and its coast line, we see at once that the high main
-range of mountains drops off between the 149th and 150th meridians,
-and again that the fringing reef disappears at the same point,
-that is, at the west end of Orangerie Bay. This means that the
-extreme East End of New Guinea, with its archipelagoes, in other
-words, the Massim country, is the most easily accessible area,
-and might be expected to be inhabited by a homogeneous stock of
-people, consisting of immigrants almost unmixed with the autochtons
-(Cf. Map II). "Indeed, while the condition actually existing in the
-Massim area suggests that there was no slow mingling of the invaders
-with a previous stock, the geographical features of the territory of
-the Western Papuo-Melanesians with its hills, mountains and swamps,
-are such that invaders could not have speedily overrun the country,
-nor failed to have been influenced by the original inhabitants..." [15]
-
-I shall assume that the reader is acquainted with the quoted work of
-Dr. Seligman, where a thorough account is given of all the main types
-of Papuo-Melanesian sociology and culture one after the other. But
-the tribes of the Eastern Papuo-Melanesian or Massim area, must be
-described here somewhat more in detail, as it is within this fairly
-homogeneous area that the Kula takes place. Indeed, the Kula sphere
-of influence and the ethnographic area of the Massim tribes almost
-completely overlap, and we can speak about the Kula type of culture
-and the Massim culture almost synonymously.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-The adjacent Map III shows the Kula district, that is, the easternmost
-end of the main island and the archipelagoes lying to its East
-and North-East. As Professor C. G. Seligman says: "This area can
-be divided into two parts, a small northern portion comprising the
-Trobriands, the Marshall Bennets, the Woodlarks (Murua), as well as
-a number of smaller islands such as the Laughlans (Nada), and a far
-larger southern portion comprising the remainder of the Massim domain"
-(op. cit., p. 7).
-
-This division is represented on Map III by the thick line isolating
-to the North the Amphletts, the Trobriands, the small Marshall
-Bennet Group, Woodlark Island and the Laughlan Group. The Southern
-portion, I found convenient to divide further into two divisions
-by a vertical line, leaving to the East Misima, Sud-Est Island and
-Rossel Island. As our information about this district is extremely
-scanty, I have preferred to exclude it from the area of the Southern
-Massim. In this excluded area, only the natives of Misima enter into
-the Kula, but their participation will play a very small part only in
-the following account. The western segment, and this is the part of
-which we shall speak as the district of the Southern Massim, comprises
-first the East End of the mainland, the few adjacent islands, Sariba,
-Roge'a, Side'a, and Basilaki; to the South, the island of Wari, to
-the East the important, though small archipelago of Tubetube (Engineer
-Group); and to the North, the big archipelago of the d'Entrecasteaux
-Islands. From this latter, only one district, that of Dobu, interests
-us more specially. The culturally homogeneous tribes of the Southern
-Massim have been marked off on our map as district V, the Doubans as
-district IV.
-
-Returning to the two main divisions into the Southern and Northern
-portion, this latter is occupied by a very homogeneous population,
-homogeneous both in language and culture, and in the clear recognition
-of their own ethnic unity. To quote further Professor Seligman, it
-"is characterised by the absence of cannibalism, which, until put
-down by the Government, existed throughout the remaining portion of
-the district; another peculiarity of the Northern Massim is their
-recognition" in certain districts, though not in all, of chieftains
-who wield extensive powers (op. cit. p. 7). The natives of that
-northern area used to practise--I say used because wars are a thing
-of the past--a type of warfare open and chivalrous, very different
-from the raids of the Southern Massim. Their villages are built in
-big compact blocks, and they have storehouses on piles for storing
-food, distinct from their rather miserable dwellings, which stand
-directly on the ground and are not raised on piles. As can be seen
-on the map, it has been necessary to sub-divide this Northern Massim
-further into three groups, first, that of the Trobriand Islanders,
-or the Boyowans (the Western Branch); secondly that of the natives
-of Woodlark Island and the Marshall Bennets (the Eastern Branch);
-and, thirdly, the small group of the Amphlett natives.
-
-The other big sub-division of the Kula tribes is composed of the
-Southern Massim, of which, as just said, the western branch mainly
-concerns us. These last natives are smaller in stature, and with,
-broadly speaking, a much less attractive appearance than those
-of the North. [16] They live in widely scattered communities,
-each house or group of houses standing in its own little grove
-of palm and fruit trees, apart from the others. Formerly they were
-cannibals and head-hunters, and used to make unexpected raids on their
-adversaries. There is no chieftainship, authority being exercised by
-the elders in each community. They build very elaborately constructed
-and beautifully decorated houses on piles.
-
-I have found it necessary for the purpose of this study to cut out of
-the western branch of the southern portion of the Massim the two areas
-(marked IV and V on the Map III), as they are of special importance to
-the Kula. It must, however, be borne in mind that our present knowledge
-does not allow of any final classification of the Southern Massim.
-
-Such are the general characteristics of the Northern and Southern
-Massim respectively, given in a few words. But before proceeding with
-our subject, it will be good to give a short but more detailed sketch
-of each of these tribes. I shall begin with the southernmost section,
-following the order in which a visitor, travelling from Port Moresby
-with the Mail boat, would come in contact with these districts,
-the way indeed in which I received my first impressions of them. My
-personal knowledge of the various tribes is, however, very uneven,
-based on a long residence among the Trobriand Islanders (District I),
-on a month's study of the Amphletts (District III); on a few weeks
-spent in Woodlark Island or Murua (District II), the neighbourhood
-of Samarai (District V), and the South Coast of New Guinea (also V);
-and on three short visits to Dobu (District IV). My knowledge of some
-of the remaining localities which enter into the Kula is derived
-only from a few conversations I had with natives of this district,
-and on second-hand information derived from white residents. The
-work of Professor C. G. Seligman, however, supplements my personal
-acquaintance in so far as the districts of Tubetube, Woodlark Island,
-the Marshall Bennets, and several others are concerned.
-
-The whole account of the Kula will therefore naturally be given
-from the perspective, so to speak, of the Trobriand district. This
-district is often called in this book by its native name, Boyowa,
-and the language is spoken of as Kiriwinian, Kiriwina being the main
-province of the district, and its language considered by the natives
-as a standard speech. But I may add at once that in studying the
-Kula in that part, I ipso facto studied its adjacent branches between
-the Trobriands and the Amphletts, between the Trobriands and Kitava,
-and between the Trobriands and Dobu; seeing not only the preparations
-and departures in Boyowa, but also the arrival of the natives from
-other districts, in fact, following one or two of such expeditions
-in person. [17] Moreover, the Kula being an international affair,
-the natives of one tribe know more about Kula customs abroad than
-they would about any other subject. And in all its essentials, the
-customs and tribal rules of the exchange are identical throughout
-the whole Kula area.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-Let us imagine that we are sailing along the South coast of New
-Guinea towards its Eastern end. At about the middle of Orangerie Bay
-we arrive at the boundary of the Massim, which runs from this point
-north-westwards till it strikes the northern coast near Cape Nelson
-(see Map II). As mentioned before, the boundary of the district
-inhabited by this tribe corresponds to definite geographical
-conditions, that is, to the absence of natural, inland fastnesses,
-or of any obstacles to landing. Indeed, it is here that the Great
-Barrier Reef becomes finally submerged, while again the Main Range
-of mountains, which follows up to this point, always separated from
-the foreshore by minor ranges, comes to an end.
-
-Orangerie Bay is closed, on its Eastern side, by a headland, the
-first of a series of hills, rising directly out of the sea. As we
-approach the land, we can see distinctly the steep, folded slopes,
-covered with dense, rank jungle, brightened here and there by bold
-patches of lalang grass. The coast is broken first by a series of
-small, land-locked bays or lagoons; then, after Fife Bay, come one or
-two larger bays, with a flat, alluvial foreshore, and then from South
-Cape the coast stretches in an almost unbroken line, for several miles,
-to the end of the mainland.
-
-The East End of New Guinea is a tropical region, where the distinction
-between the dry and wet season is not felt very sharply. In fact,
-there is no pronounced dry season there, and so the land is always
-clad in intense, shining green, which forms a crude contrast with
-the blue sea. The summits of the hills are often shrouded in trailing
-mist, whilst white clouds brood or race over the sea, breaking up the
-monotony of saturated, stiff blue and green. To someone not acquainted
-with the South Sea landscape it is difficult to convey the permanent
-impression of smiling festiveness, the alluring clearness of the beach,
-fringed by jungle trees and palms, skirted by white foam and blue
-sea, above it the slopes ascending in rich, stiff folds of dark and
-light green, piebald and shaded over towards the summit by steamy,
-tropical mists.
-
-When I first sailed along this coast, it was after a few months'
-residence and field work in the neighbouring district of the
-Mailu. From Toulon Island, the main centre and most important
-settlement of the Mailu, I used to look towards the East end of
-Orangerie Bay, and on clear days I could see the pyramidal hills of
-Bonabona, of Gadogado'a, as blue silhouettes in the distance. Under
-the influence of my work, I came to regard this country within the
-somewhat narrow native horizon, as the distant land to which perilous,
-seasonal voyages are made, from whence come certain objects--baskets,
-decorated carvings, weapons, ornaments--particularly well formed, and
-superior to the local ones; the land to which the natives point with
-awe and distrust, when speaking of specially evil and virulent forms
-of sorcery; the home of a folk mentioned with horror as cannibals. Any
-really fine touch of artistic taste, in Mailu carvings, would always
-be directly imported or imitated from the East, and I also found that
-the softest and most melodious songs and the finest dances came from
-the Massim. Many of their customs and institutions would be quoted
-to me as quaint and unusual, and thus, I, the ethnographer working
-on the borderland of two cultures, naturally had my interest and
-curiosity aroused. It seemed as if the Eastern people must be much
-more complex, in one direction towards the cruel, man-eating savage,
-in the other towards the finely-gifted, poetical lord of primitive
-forest and seas, when I compared them with the relatively coarse and
-dull native of Mailu. No wonder, therefore, that on approaching their
-coast--travelling on that occasion in a small launch--I scanned the
-landscape with keen interest, anxious to catch my first glimpse of
-natives, or of their traces.
-
-The first distinctly visible signs of human existence in this
-neighbourhood are the patches of garden land. These big clearings,
-triangular in shape, with the apex pointing uphill, look as if they
-were plastered on to the steep slopes. From August to November, the
-season when the natives cut and burn the bush, they can be seen,
-at night, alight with slowly-blazing logs, and in daytime, their
-smoke clings over the clearings, and slowly drifts along the hill
-side. Later on in the year, when the plantation sprouts, they form
-a bright spot, with the light green of their fresh leaves.
-
-The villages in this district are to be found only on the foreshore,
-at the foot of the hills, hidden in groves of trees, with here and
-there a golden or purplish bit of thatch showing through the dark
-green of the leaves. In calm weather a few canoes are probably not
-far off, fishing. If the visitor is lucky enough to pass at the time
-of feasts, trading expeditions, or any other big tribal gathering,
-many a fine sea-going canoe may be seen approaching the village with
-the sound of conch shells blowing melodiously.
-
-
-In order to visit one of the typical, large settlements of these
-natives, let us say near Fife Bay, on the South coast, or on the island
-of Sariba, or Roge'a, it would be best to go ashore in some big,
-sheltered bay, or on one of the extensive beaches at the foot of a
-hilly island. We enter a clear, lofty grove, composed of palms, bread
-fruit, mangoes, and other fruit trees, often with a sandy subsoil,
-well weeded-out and clean, where grow clumps of ornamental bushes,
-such as the red-flowering hybiscus, croton or aromatic shrub. Here we
-find the village. Fascinating as may be the Motuan habitations standing
-on high piles in the middle of a lagoon, or the neat streets of an
-Aroma or Mailu settlement, or the irregular warren of small huts on
-the Trobriand coast, all these cannot compete in picturesqueness or
-charm with the villages of the Southern Massim. When, on a hot day,
-we enter the deep shadow of fruit trees and palms, and find ourselves
-in the midst of the wonderfully designed and ornamented houses hiding
-here and there in irregular groups among the green, surrounded by
-little decorative gardens of shells and flowers, with pebble-bordered
-paths and stone-paved sitting circles, it seems as if the visions of
-a primeval, happy, savage life were suddenly realised, even if only
-in a fleeting impression. Big bodies of canoes are drawn high up the
-beach and covered with palm leaves; here and there nets are drying,
-spread out on special stands, and on the platforms in front of the
-houses sit groups of men and women, busy at some domestic work,
-smoking and chatting.
-
-Walking along the paths which lead on for miles, we come every few
-hundred yards on another hamlet of a few houses. Some of these are
-evidently new and freshly decorated, while others are abandoned,
-and a heap of broken household objects is lying on the ground,
-showing that the death of one of the village elders has caused it to
-be deserted. As the evening approaches, the life becomes more active,
-fires are kindled, and the natives busy themselves cooking and eating
-food. In the dancing season, towards dusk, groups of men and women
-foregather, singing, dancing, and beating drums.
-
-When we approach the natives closer and scan their personal appearance,
-we are struck--if we compare them with their Western neighbours--by
-the extreme lightness of their skin, their sturdy, even lumpy stature,
-and a sort of soft, almost effete general impression which their
-physique produces. Their fat, broad faces, their squashed noses, and
-frequently oblique eyes, make them appear quaint and grotesque rather
-than impressively savage. Their hair, not so woolly as that of the pure
-Papuans, nor growing into the enormous halo of the Motuans, is worn in
-big mops, which they often cut at the sides so as to give the head an
-oblong, almost cylindrical shape. Their manner is shy and diffident,
-but not unfriendly--rather smiling and almost servile, in very great
-contrast to the morose Papuan, or the unfriendly, reserved South Coast
-Mailu or Aroma. On the whole, they give at first approach not so much
-the impression of wild savages as of smug and self-satisfied bourgeois.
-
-Their ornaments are much less elaborate and more toned down than
-those of their Western neighbours. Belts and armlets plaited of a dark
-brown fern vine, small red shell disks and turtle shell rings as ear
-ornaments are the only permanent, every-day decorations worn. Like all
-Melanesians of Eastern New Guinea, they are quite cleanly in their
-persons, and a personal approach to them does not offend any of our
-senses. They are very fond of red hibiscus flowers stuck in their
-hair, of scented flower wreaths on their head, of aromatic leaves
-thrust into their belts and armlets. Their grand, festive head-dress
-is extremely modest compared with the enormous erections of feathers
-used by the Western tribes, and consists mainly of a round halo of
-white cockatoo feathers stuck into their hair (see Plate V and VI).
-
-In olden days, before the advent of white men, these pleasant,
-apparently effete people were inveterate cannibals and head-hunters,
-and in their large war-canoes they carried on treacherous, cruel
-raids, falling upon sleeping villages, killing man, woman and child,
-and feasting on their bodies. The attractive stone circles in their
-villages were associated with their cannibal feasts. [18]
-
-The traveller, who could settle down in one of their villages and
-remain there sufficiently long to study their habits and enter into
-their tribal life, would soon be struck by the absence of a well
-recognised general authority. In this, however, the natives resemble
-not only the other Western Melanesians of New Guinea, but also the
-natives of the Melanesian Archipelago. The authority in the Southern
-Massim tribe, as in many others, is vested in the village elders. In
-each hamlet the eldest man has a position of personal influence and
-power, and these collectively would in all cases represent the tribe
-and carry out and enforce their decisions--always arrived at in strict
-accord with tribal tradition.
-
-Deeper sociological study would reveal the characteristic totemism
-of these natives, and also the matrilineal construction of their
-society. Descent, inheritance, and social position follow the
-female line--a man always belongs to his mother's totemic division
-and local group, and inherits from his mother's brother. Women also
-enjoy a very independent position, and are exceedingly well treated,
-and in tribal and festive affairs they play a prominent part (see
-Plates V and VI). Some women, even, owing to their magical powers,
-wield a considerable influence. [19]
-
-The sexual life of these natives is extremely lax. Even when we
-remember the very free standard of sex morals in the Melanesian
-tribes of New Guinea, such as the Motu or the Mailu, we still find
-these natives exceedingly loose in such matters. Certain reserves
-and appearances which are usually kept up in other tribes, are here
-completely abandoned. As is probably the case in many communities
-where sex morals are lax, there is a complete absence of unnatural
-practices and sex perversions. Marriage is concluded as the natural
-end of a long and lasting liaison. [20]
-
-These natives are efficient and industrious manufacturers, and great
-traders. They own large sea-going canoes, which, however, they do
-not manufacture themselves, but which they import from the Northern
-Massim district, or from Panayati. Another feature of their culture,
-which we shall meet again, consists of their big feasts, called So'i
-(see Plates V and VI), associated with mortuary celebrations and
-with a special mortuary taboo called gwara. In the big inter-tribal
-trading of the Kula, these feasts play a considerable rôle.
-
-This general, and necessarily somewhat superficial description,
-is meant to give the reader a definite impression of these tribes,
-provide them, so to speak, with a physiognomy, rather than to give
-a full account of their tribal constitution. For this the reader is
-referred to Professor C. G. Seligman's treatise, our main source of
-knowledge on the Melanesians of New Guinea. The above sketch refers
-to what Professor Seligman calls the Southern Massim, or more exactly
-to the portion marked off in the Ethnographic sketch Map No. III as
-"V, the Southern Massim"--the inhabitants of the Easternmost mainland
-and the adjacent archipelago.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Let us now move North, towards the district marked "IV, the
-Dobu," in our map, which forms one of the most important links
-in the chain of Kula and a very influential centre of cultural
-influence. As we sail North, passing East Cape, the Easternmost
-point of the main island--a long, flat promontory covered with
-palms and fruit belts, and harbouring a very dense population--a
-new world, new both geographically and ethnographically, opens up
-before us. At first it is only a faint, bluish silhouette, like
-a shadow of a distant mountain range, hovering far north over the
-horizon. As we approach, the hills of Normanby, the nearest of three
-big islands of the d'Entrecasteaux Archipelago, become clearer and
-take more definite shape and substance. A few high summits stand
-out more distinctly through the usual tropical haze, among them the
-characteristic double-peaked top of Bwebweso, the mountain where,
-according to native legend, the spirits of the dead in these parts
-lead their latter existence. The South Coast of Normanby, and the
-interior are inhabited by a tribe or tribes of which we know nothing
-ethnographically, except that they differ culturally from the rest
-of their neighbours. These tribes also take no direct part in the Kula.
-
-The Northern end of Normanby, both sides of the Dawson Straits
-which separate the two islands of Normanby and Fergusson, and the
-South-eastern tip of Fergusson, are inhabited by a very important
-tribe, the Dobu. The heart of their district is the small extinct
-volcano forming an island at the Eastern entrance to Dawson
-Straits--Dobu, after which island they are named. To reach it, we
-have to sail through this extremely picturesque channel. On either
-side of the winding, narrow strait, green hills descend, and close it
-in, till it is more like a mountain lake. Here and there they recede,
-and a lagoon opens out. Or again they rise in fairly steep slopes, on
-which there can be plainly seen triangular gardens, native houses on
-piles, large tracts of unbroken jungle and patches of grass land. As
-we proceed, the narrow straits broaden, and we see on our right a
-wide flank of Mt. Sulomona'i on Normanby Island. On our left, there
-is a shallow bay, and behind it a large, flat plain, stretching far
-into the interior of Fergusson Island, and over it, we look into wide
-valleys, and on to several distant mountain ranges. After another
-turn, we enter a big bay, on both sides bordered by a flat foreshore,
-and in the middle of it rises out of a girdle of tropical vegetation,
-the creased cone of an extinct volcano, the island of Dobu.
-
-We are now in the centre of a densely populated and ethnographically
-important district. From this island, in olden days, fierce and daring
-cannibal and head-hunting expeditions were periodically launched, to
-the dread of the neighbouring tribes. The natives of the immediately
-surrounding districts, of the flat foreshore on both sides of the
-straits, and of the big neighbouring islands were allies. But the
-more distant districts, often over a hundred miles away by sail,
-never felt safe from the Dobuans. Again, this was, and still is,
-one of the main links in the Kula, a centre of trade, industries and
-general cultural influence. It is characteristic of the international
-position of the Dobuans that their language is spoken as a lingua
-franca all over the d'Entrecasteaux Archipelago, in the Amphletts,
-and as far north as the Trobriands. In the southern part of these
-latter islands, almost everyone speaks Dobuan, although in Dobu
-the language of the Trobriands or Kiriwinian is hardly spoken by
-anyone. This is a remarkable fact, which cannot be easily explained
-in terms of the present conditions, as the Trobrianders, if anything,
-are on a higher level of cultural development than Dobuans, are more
-numerous, and enjoy the same general prestige. [21]
-
-Another remarkable fact about Dobu and its district is that it is
-studded with spots of special, mythological interest. Its charming
-scenery, of volcanic cones, of wide, calm bays, and lagoons overhung
-by lofty, green mountains, with the reef-riddled, island-strewn ocean
-on the North, has deep, legendary meaning for the native. Here is the
-land and sea where the magically inspired sailors and heroes of the dim
-past performed feats of daring and power. As we sail from the entrance
-into Dawson Straits, through Dobu and the Amphletts to Boyowa, almost
-every new configuration of the land which we pass is the scene of some
-legendary exploit. Here the narrow gorge has been broken through by a
-magic canoe flying in the air. There the two rocks standing in the sea
-are the petrified bodies of two mythological heroes who were stranded
-at this spot after a quarrel. Here again, a land-locked lagoon has
-been a port of refuge to a mythical crew. Apart from its legends,
-the scenery before us, fine as it is, derives still more charm from
-the knowledge that it is, and has been a distant Eldorado, a land
-of promise and hope to generation after generation of really daring
-native sailors from the Northern islands. And in the past these lands
-and seas must have been the scene of migrations and fights, of tribal
-invasions, and of gradual infiltrations of peoples and cultures.
-
-In personal appearance, the Dobuans have a very distinct physique,
-which differentiates them sharply from the Southern Massim and from the
-Trobrianders; very dark-skinned, small of stature, with big heads and
-rounded shoulders, they give a strange, almost gnome-like impression
-on a first encounter. In their manner, and their tribal character,
-there is something definitely pleasant, honest and open--an impression
-which long acquaintance with them confirms and strengthens. They are
-the general favourites of the whites, form the best and most reliable
-servants, and traders who have resided long among them compare them
-favourably with other natives.
-
-Their villages, like those of the previously described Massim, are
-scattered over wide areas. The fertile and flat foreshores which
-they inhabit are studded with small, compact hamlets of a dozen or
-so houses, hidden in the midst of one continuous plantation of fruit
-trees, palms, bananas and yams. The houses are built on piles, but
-are cruder architecturally than those of the S. Massim, and almost
-without any decorations, though in the olden days of head-hunting
-some of them were ornamented with skulls.
-
-In their social constitution, the people are totemic, being divided
-into a number of exogamous clans with linked totems. There is no
-institution of regular chieftainship, nor have they any system of
-rank or caste such as we shall meet in the Trobriands. Authority is
-vested in the elders of the tribe. In each hamlet there is a man who
-wields the greatest influence locally, and acts as its representative
-on such tribal councils as may arise in connection with ceremonies
-and expeditions.
-
-Their system of kinship is matrilineal, and women hold a very good
-position, and wield great influence. They also seem to take a much
-more permanent and prominent part in tribal life than is the case among
-the neighbouring populations. There is notably one of the features of
-Dobuan society, which seems to strike the Trobrianders as peculiar,
-and to which they will direct attention while giving information,
-even although in the Trobriands also women have a good enough social
-position. In Dobu, women take an important part in gardening, and
-have a share in performing garden magic, and this in itself gives
-them a high status. Again, the main instrument for wielding power
-and inflicting penalties in these lands, sorcery, is to a great
-extent in the hands of women. The flying witches, so characteristic
-of the Eastern New Guinea type of culture, here have one of their
-strongholds. We shall have to go into this subject more in detail
-when speaking about shipwreck and the dangers of sailing. Besides
-this, women practice ordinary sorcery, which in other tribes is only
-man's prerogative.
-
-As a rule, amongst natives, a high position of women is associated with
-sex laxity. In this, Dobu is an exception. Not only are married women
-expected to remain faithful, and adultery considered a great crime,
-but, in sharp contrast to all surrounding tribes, the unmarried girls
-of Dobu remain strictly chaste. There are no ceremonial or customary
-forms of licence, and an intrigue would be certainly regarded as
-an offence.
-
-A few more words must be said here about sorcery, as this is a matter
-of great importance in all inter-tribal relations. The dread of sorcery
-is enormous, and when the natives visit distant parts, this dread is
-enhanced by the additional awe of the unknown and foreign. Besides
-the flying witches, there are, in Dobu, men and women who, by their
-knowledge of magical spells and rites, can inflict disease and cause
-death. The methods of these sorcerers, and all the beliefs clustering
-round this subject are very much the same as those in the Trobriands
-which we shall meet later on. These methods are characterised by
-being very rational and direct, and implying hardly any supernatural
-element. The sorcerer has to utter a spell over some substance, and
-this must be administered by mouth, or else burnt over the fire in
-the victim's hut. The pointing stick is also used by the sorcerers
-in certain rites.
-
-If his methods are compared with those used by flying witches, who
-eat the heart and lungs, drink the blood, snap the bones of their
-enemies, and moreover possess the powers of invisibility and of flying,
-the Dobuan sorcerer seems to have but simple and clumsy means at his
-disposal. He is also very much behind his Mailu or Motu namesakes--I
-say namesakes, because sorcerers throughout the Massim are called
-Bara'u, and the same word is used in Mailu, while the Motu use the
-reduplicated Babara'u. The magicians in these parts use such powerful
-methods as those of killing the victim first, opening up the body,
-removing, lacerating or charming the inside, then bringing the victim
-to life again, only that he may soon sicken and eventually die. [22]
-
-According to Dobuan belief, the spirits of the dead go to the top
-of Mt. Bwebweso on Normanby Island. This confined space harbours
-the shades of practically all the natives of the d'Entrecasteaux
-Archipelago, except those of Northern Goodenough Island, who, as I was
-told by some local informants, go after death to the spirit land of
-the Trobrianders. [23] The Dobuans have also the belief in a double
-soul--one, shadowy and impersonal, surviving the bodily death for a
-few days only, and remaining in the vicinity of the grave, the other
-the real spirit, who goes to Bwebweso.
-
-It is interesting to note how natives, living on the boundary
-between two cultures and between two types of belief, regard the
-ensuing differences. A native of, say, Southern Boyowa, confronted
-with the question:--how it is that the Dobuans place spirit-land on
-Bwebweso, whereas they, the Trobrianders, place it in Tuma?--does not
-see any difficulty in solving the problem. He does not regard the
-difference as due to a dogmatic conflict in doctrine. Quite simply
-he answers:--"Their dead go to Bwebweso and ours to Tuma." The
-metaphysical laws of existence are not yet considered subject to
-one invariable truth. As human destinies in life change, according
-to varieties in tribal custom, so also the doings of the spirit! An
-interesting theory is evolved to harmonise the two beliefs in a mixed
-case. There is a belief that if a Trobriander were to die in Dobu,
-when on a Kula expedition, he would go for a time to Bwebweso. In
-due season, the spirits of the Trobrianders would sail from Tuma,
-the spirit land, to Bwebweso, on a spirit Kula, and the newly departed
-one would join their party and sail with them back to Tuma.
-
-On leaving Dobu, we sail the open sea, a sea studded with coral patches
-and sand-banks, and seamed with long barrier reefs, where treacherous
-tides, running sometimes as much as five knots, make sailing really
-dangerous, especially for helpless native craft. This is the Kula sea,
-the scene of the inter-tribal expeditions and adventures which will
-be the theme of our future descriptions.
-
-The Eastern shore of Ferguson Island, near Dobu, along which we are
-sailing, consists first of a series of volcanic cones and capes,
-giving the landscape the aspect of something unfinished and crudely
-put together. At the foot of the hills there stretches for several
-miles beyond Dobu a broad alluvial flat covered with villages--Deide'i,
-Tu'utauna, Bwayowa, all important centres of trade, and the homes of
-the direct Kula partners of the Trobrianders. Heavy fumes can be seen
-floating above the jungle, coming from the hot geysers of Deide'i,
-which spurt up in high jets every few minutes.
-
-Soon we come abreast of two characteristically shaped, dark rocks,
-one half hidden in the vegetation of the shore, the other standing
-in the sea at the end of a narrow sand-spit dividing the two. These
-are Atu'a'ine and Aturamo'a, two men turned into stone, as mythical
-tradition has it. Here the big sailing expeditions, those starting
-northwards from Dobu, as well as those arriving from the North,
-still make a halt--just as they have done for centuries, and, under
-observation of many taboos, give sacrificial offerings to the stones,
-with ritual invocations for propitious trade.
-
-In the lee of these two rocks, runs a small bay with a clean, sandy
-beach, called Sarubwoyna. Here a visitor, lucky enough to pass at
-the right moment of the right season would see a picturesque and
-interesting scene. There before him would lie a huge fleet of some
-fifty to a hundred canoes, anchored in the shallow water, with swarms
-of natives upon them, all engaged in some strange and mysterious
-task. Some of these, bent over heaps of herbs, would be mumbling
-incantations; others would be painting and adorning their bodies. An
-onlooker of two generations ago coming upon the same scene would no
-doubt have been led to suspect that he was watching the preparations
-for some dramatic tribal contest, for one of those big onslaughts in
-which the existence of whole villages and tribes were wiped out. It
-would even have been difficult for him to discern from the behaviour
-of the natives whether they were moved more by fear or by the spirit of
-aggression, as both these passions might have been read--and correctly
-so--into their attitudes and movements. That the scene contained no
-element of warfare; that this fleet had come here from about a hundred
-miles sailing distance on a well regulated tribal visit; that it had
-drawn up here for the final and most important preparations--this would
-not have been an easy guess to make. Nowadays--for this is carried out
-to this day with undiminished pomp--it would be an equally picturesque,
-but of course, tamer affair, since the romance of danger has gone
-from native life. As we learn in the course of this study to know
-more about these natives, their general ways and customs, and more
-especially about their Kula cycle of beliefs, ideas and sentiments,
-we shall be able to look with understanding eyes upon this scene,
-and comprehend this mixture of awe with intense, almost aggressive
-eagerness and this behaviour, which appears cowed and fierce at the
-same time.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-Immediately after leaving Sarubwoyna and rounding the promontory
-of the two rocks, we come in sight of the island of Sanaroa, a big,
-sprawling, coral flat, with a range of volcanic hills on its western
-side. On the wide lagoon to the East of this island are the fishing
-grounds, where year after year the Trobrianders, returning from Dobu,
-look for the valuable spondylus shell, which, after their arrival home,
-is worked into the red discs, which form one of the main objects of
-native wealth. In the North of Sanaroa there is a stone in one of
-the tidal creeks called Sinatemubadiye'i, once a woman, the sister
-of Atu'a'ine and Aturamo'a, who, with her brothers came in here and
-was petrified before the last stage of the journey. She also receives
-offerings from canoes, coming either way on Kula expeditions.
-
-Sailing further, some fine scenery unfolds itself on our left, where
-the high mountain range comes nearer to the sea shore, and where
-small bays, deep valleys and wooded slopes succeed one another. By
-carefully scanning the slopes, we can see small batches of some three
-to six miserable huts. These are the dwellings of the inhabitants,
-who are of a distinctly lower culture than the Dobuans, take no part
-in the Kula, and in olden days were the cowed and unhappy victims of
-their neighbours.
-
-On our right there emerge behind Sanaroa the islands of Uwama and
-Tewara, the latter inhabited by Dobuan natives. Tewara is of interest
-to us, because one of the myths which we shall get to know later on
-makes it the cradle of the Kula. As we sail on, rounding one after
-the other the Eastern promontories of Fergusson Island, a group
-of strongly marked monumental profiles appears far on the horizon
-from behind the receding headlands. These are the Amphlett Islands,
-the link, both geographically and culturally, between the coastal
-tribes of the volcanic region of Dobu and the inhabitants of the
-flat coral archipelago of the Trobriands. This portion of the sea
-is very picturesque, and has a charm of its own even in this land of
-fine and varied scenery. On the main island of Fergusson, overlooking
-the Amphletts from the South, and ascending straight out of the sea
-in a slim and graceful pyramid, lies the tall mountain of Koyatabu,
-the highest peak on the island. Its big, green surface is cut in half
-by the white ribbon of a watercourse, starting almost half-way up and
-running down to the sea. Scattered under the lea of Koyatabu are the
-numerous smaller and bigger islands of the Amphlett Archipelago--steep,
-rocky hills, shaped into pyramids, sphinxes and cupolas, the whole
-a strange and picturesque assemblage of characteristic forms.
-
-With a strong South-Easterly wind, which blows here for three quarters
-of the year, we approach the islands very fast, and the two most
-important ones, Gumawana and Ome'a, almost seem to leap out of the
-mist. As we anchor in front of Gumawana village at the S.E. end of
-the island, we cannot but feel impressed. Built on a narrow strip
-of foreshore, open to the breakers, and squeezed down to the water's
-edge by an almost precipitously rising jungle at its back, the village
-has been made sea-proof by walls of stone surrounding the houses with
-several bulwarks, and by stone dykes forming small artificial harbours
-along the sea front. The shabby and unornamented huts, built on piles,
-look very picturesque in these surroundings (see Plates VII and XLIII).
-
-The inhabitants of this village, and of the four remaining ones in
-the archipelago, are a queer people. They are a numerically weak
-tribe, easily assailable from the sea, getting hardly enough to
-eat from their rocky islands; and yet, through their unique skill
-in pottery, their great daring and efficiency as sailors, and their
-central position half way between Dobu and the Trobriands, they have
-succeeded in becoming in several respects the monopolists of this part
-of the world. They have also the main characteristics of monopolists:
-grasping and mean, inhospitable and greedy, keen on keeping the trade
-and exchange in their own hands, yet unprepared to make any sacrifice
-towards improving it; shy, yet arrogant to anyone who has any dealings
-with them; they contrast unfavourably with their southern and northern
-neighbours. And this is not only the white man's impression. [24]
-The Trobrianders, as well as the Dobuans, give the Amphlett natives
-a very bad name, as being stingy and unfair in all Kula transactions,
-and as having no real sense of generosity and hospitality.
-
-When our boat anchors there, the natives approach it in their canoes,
-offering clay pots for sale. But if we want to go ashore and have a
-look at their village, there is a great commotion, and all the women
-disappear from the open places. The younger ones run and hide in the
-jungle behind the village, and even the old hags conceal themselves
-in the houses. So that if we want to see the making of pottery,
-which is almost exclusively women's work, we must first lure some
-old woman out of her retreat with generous promises of tobacco and
-assurances of honourable intentions.
-
-This has been mentioned here, because it is of ethnographic interest,
-as it is not only white men who inspire this shyness; if native
-strangers, coming from a distance for trade, put in for a short time
-in the Amphletts, the women also disappear in this fashion. This very
-ostentatious coyness is, however, not a sham, because in the Amphletts,
-even more than in Dobu, married and unmarried life is characterised
-by strict chastity and fidelity. Women here have also a good deal of
-influence, and take a great part in gardening and the performance of
-garden magic. In social institutions and customs, the natives present
-a mixture of Northern and Southern Massim elements. There are no
-chiefs, but influential elders wield authority, and in each village
-there is a head man who takes the lead in ceremonies and other big
-tribal affairs. Their totemic clans are identical with those of Murua
-(District II). Their somewhat precarious food supply comes partly
-from the poor gardens, partly from fishing with kite and fish trap,
-which, however, can only seldom be carried out, and does not yield very
-much. They are not self-supporting, and receive, in form of presents
-and by trade, a good deal of vegetable food as well as pigs from the
-mainland, from Dobu and the Trobriands. In personal appearance they
-are very much like the Trobrianders, that is, taller than the Dobuans,
-lighter skinned, and with finer features.
-
-We must now leave the Amphletts and proceed to the Trobriand Islands,
-the scene of most of the occurrences described in this book, and
-the country concerning which I possess by far the largest amount of
-ethnographic information.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-THE NATIVES OF THE TROBRIAND ISLANDS
-
-
-I
-
-Leaving the bronzed rocks and the dark jungle of the Amphletts for
-the present--for we shall have to revisit them in the course of our
-study, and then shall learn more about their inhabitants--we sail
-North into an entirely different world of flat coral islands; into
-an ethnographic district, which stands out by ever so many peculiar
-manners and customs from the rest of Papuo-Melanesia. So far, we have
-sailed over intensely blue, clear seas, where in shallow places the
-coral bottom, with its variety of colour and form, with its wonderful
-plant and fish life, is a fascinating spectacle in itself--a sea
-framed in all the splendours of tropical jungle, of volcanic and
-mountainous scenery, with lively watercourses and falls, with steamy
-clouds trailing in the high valleys. From all this we take a final
-farewell as we sail North. The outlines of the Amphletts soon fade
-away in tropical haze, till only Koyatabu's slender pyramid, lifted
-over them, remains on the horizon, the graceful form, which follows
-us even as far as the Lagoon of Kiriwina.
-
-We now enter an opaque, greenish sea, whose monotony is broken only
-by a few sandbanks, some bare and awash, others with a few pandanus
-trees squatting on their air roots, high in the sand. To these banks,
-the Amphlett natives come and there they spend weeks on end, fishing
-for turtle and dugong. Here is also laid the scene of several of
-the mythical incidents of primeval Kula. Further ahead, through the
-misty spray, the line of horizon thickens here and there, as if faint
-pencil marks had been drawn upon it. These become more substantial,
-one of them lengthens and broadens, the others spring into the distinct
-shapes of small islands, and we find ourselves in the big Lagoon of
-the Trobriands, with Boyowa, the largest island, on our right, and with
-many others, inhabited and uninhabited, to the North and North-West.
-
-As we sail in the Lagoon, following the intricate passages between
-the shallows, and as we approach the main island, the thick, tangled
-matting of the low jungle breaks here and there over a beach, and we
-can see into a palm grove, like an interior, supported by pillars. This
-indicates the site of a village. We step ashore on to the sea front,
-as a rule covered with mud and refuse, with canoes drawn up high
-and dry, and passing through the grove, we enter the village itself
-(see Plate VIII).
-
-Soon we are seated on one of the platforms built in front of a
-yam-house, shaded by its overhanging roof. The round, grey logs, worn
-smooth by contact with naked feet and bodies; the trodden ground of
-the village-street; the brown skins of the natives, who immediately
-surround the visitor in large groups--all these form a colour scheme
-of bronze and grey, unforgettable to anyone, who, like myself, has
-lived among these people.
-
-It is difficult to convey the feelings of intense interest and suspense
-with which an Ethnographer enters for the first time the district that
-is to be the future scene of his field-work. Certain salient features,
-characteristic of the place, at once rivet his attention, and fill
-him with hopes or apprehensions. The appearance of the natives,
-their manners, their types of behaviour, may augur well or ill for
-the possibilities of rapid and easy research. One is on the lookout
-for symptoms of deeper, sociological facts, one suspects many hidden
-and mysterious ethnographic phenomena behind the commonplace aspect of
-things. Perhaps that queer-looking, intelligent native is a renowned
-sorcerer; perhaps between those two groups of men there exists some
-important rivalry or vendetta which may throw much light on the
-customs and character of the people if one can only lay hands upon
-it? Such at least were my thoughts and feelings as on the day of my
-arrival in Boyowa I sat scanning a chatting group of Trobriand natives.
-
-The great variety in their physical appearance is what strikes one
-first in Boyowa. [25] There are men and women of tall stature, fine
-bearing, and delicate features, with clear-cut aquiline profile and
-high foreheads, well formed nose and chin, and an open, intelligent
-expression (see Plates IX, XV, XVII). And besides these, there are
-others with prognathic, negroid faces, broad, thick-lipped mouths,
-narrow foreheads, and a coarse expression (see Plates X, XI, XII). The
-better featured have also a markedly lighter skin. Even their hair
-differs, varying from quite straight locks to the frizzly mop of the
-typical Melanesian. They wear the same classes of ornaments as the
-other Massim, consisting mainly of fibre armlets and belts, earrings
-of turtle shell and spondylus discs, and they are very fond of using,
-for personal decoration, flowers and aromatic herbs. In manner they
-are much freer, more familiar and confident, than any of the natives
-we have so far met. As soon as an interesting stranger arrives, half
-the village assembles around him, talking loudly and making remarks
-about him, frequently uncomplimentary, and altogether assuming a tone
-of jocular familiarity.
-
-One of the main sociological features at once strikes an observant
-newcomer--the existence of rank and social differentiation. Some of
-the natives--very frequently those of the finer looking type--are
-treated with most marked deference by others, and in return, these
-chiefs and persons of rank behave in quite a different way towards the
-strangers. In fact, they show excellent manners in the full meaning
-of this word.
-
-When a chief is present, no commoner dares to remain in a physically
-higher position; he has to bend his body or squat. Similarly, when
-the chief sits down, no one would dare to stand. The institution
-of definite chieftainship, to which are shown such extreme marks of
-deference, with a sort of rudimentary Court ceremonial, with insignia
-of rank and authority, is so entirely foreign to the whole spirit
-of Melanesian tribal life, that at first sight it transports the
-Ethnographer into a different world. In the course of our inquiry,
-we shall constantly meet with manifestation of the Kiriwinian chief's
-authority, we shall notice the difference in this respect between the
-Trobrianders and the other tribes, and the resulting adjustments of
-tribal usage.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Another sociological feature, which forcibly obtrudes itself on the
-visitor's notice is the social position of the women. Their behaviour,
-after the cool aloofness of the Dobuan women, and the very uninviting
-treatment which strangers receive from those of the Amphletts, comes
-almost as a shock in its friendly familiarity. Naturally, here also,
-the manners of women of rank are quite different from those of low
-class commoners. But, on the whole, high and low alike, though by
-no means reserved, have a genial, pleasant approach, and many of
-them are very fine-looking (see Plates XI, XII). Their dress is also
-different from any so far observed. All the Melanesian women in New
-Guinea wear a petticoat made of fibre. Among the Southern Massim,
-this fibre skirt is long, reaching to the knees or below, whereas in
-the Trobriands it is much shorter and fuller, consisting of several
-layers standing out round the body like a ruff (compare the S. Massim
-women on Plates V and VI with the Trobrianders on Plate IV). The
-highly ornamental effect of that dress is enhanced by the elaborate
-decorations made in three colours on the several layers forming the
-top skirt. On the whole, it is very becoming to fine young women,
-and gives to small slender girls a graceful, elfish appearance.
-
-Chastity is an unknown virtue among these natives. At an incredibly
-early age they become initiated into sexual life, and many of the
-innocent looking plays of childhood are not as innocuous as they
-appear. As they grow up, they live in promiscuous free-love, which
-gradually develops into more permanent attachments, one of which ends
-in marriage. But before this is reached, unmarried girls are openly
-supposed to be quite free to do what they like, and there are even
-ceremonial arrangements by which the girls of a village repair in
-a body to another place; there they publicly range themselves for
-inspection, and each is chosen by a local boy, with whom she spends
-a night. This is called katuyausi (see Plate XII). Again, when a
-visiting party arrives from another district, food is brought to them
-by the unmarried girls, who are also expected to satisfy their sexual
-wants. At the big mortuary vigils round the corpse of a newly deceased
-person, people from neighbouring villages come in large bodies to take
-part in the wailing and singing. The girls of the visiting party are
-expected by usage to comfort the boys of the bereaved village, in a
-manner which gives much anguish to their official lovers. There is
-another remarkable form of ceremonial licence, in which indeed women
-are openly the initiators. During the gardening season, at the time of
-weeding, the women do communal work, and any strange man who ventures
-to pass through the district runs a considerable risk, for the women
-will run after him, seize him, tear off his pubic leaf, and ill-treat
-him orgiastically in the most ignominious manner. Side by side with
-these ceremonial forms of licence, there go, in the normal course of
-events, constant private intrigues, more intense during the festive
-seasons, becoming less prominent as garden work, trading expeditions,
-or harvesting take up the energies and attention of the tribe.
-
-Marriage is associated with hardly any public or private rite or
-ceremony. The woman simply joins her husband in his house, and later
-on, there is a series of exchanges of gifts, which in no way can
-be interpreted as purchase money for the wife. As a matter of fact,
-the most important feature of the Trobriand marriage is the fact that
-the wife's family have to contribute, and that in a very substantial
-manner, to the economics of her household, and also they have to
-perform all sorts of services for the husband. In her married life,
-the woman is supposed to remain faithful to her husband, but this
-rule is neither very strictly kept nor enforced. In all other ways,
-she retains a great measure of independence, and her husband has to
-treat her well and with consideration. If he does not, the woman simply
-leaves him and returns to her family, and as the husband is as a rule
-economically the loser by her action, he has to exert himself to get
-her back--which he does by means of presents and persuasions. If she
-chooses, she can leave him for good, and she can always find someone
-else to marry.
-
-In tribal life, the position of women is also very high. They do not as
-a rule join the councils of men, but in many matters they have their
-own way, and control several aspects of tribal life. Thus, some of
-the garden work is their business; and this is considered a privilege
-as well as a duty. They also look after certain stages in the big,
-ceremonial divisions of food, associated with the very complete and
-elaborate mortuary ritual of the Boyowans (see Plate IV). Certain
-forms of magic--that performed over a first-born baby, beauty-magic
-made at tribal ceremonies, some classes of sorcery--are also the
-monopoly of women. Women of rank share the privileges incidental to
-it, and men of low caste will bend before them and observe all the
-necessary formalities and taboos due to a chief. A woman of chief's
-rank, married to commoner, retains her status, even with regard to
-her husband, and has to be treated accordingly.
-
-The Trobrianders are matrilineal, that is, in tracing descent and
-settling inheritance, they follow the maternal line. A child belongs
-to the clan and village community of its mother, and wealth, as well
-as social position, are inherited, not from father to son, but from
-maternal uncle to nephew. This rule admits of certain important and
-interesting exceptions, which we shall come across in the course of
-this study.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-Returning to our imaginary first visit ashore, the next interesting
-thing to do, after we have sufficiently taken in the appearance and
-manners of the natives, is to walk round the village. In doing this,
-again we would come across much, which to a trained eye, would reveal
-at once deeper sociological facts. In the Trobriands, however, it
-would be better to make our first observations in one of the large,
-inland villages, situated on even, flat ground with plenty of space,
-so that it has been possible to build it in the typical pattern. In
-the coastal villages, placed on marshy ground and coral outcrop,
-the irregularity of the soil and cramped space have obliterated the
-design, and they present quite a chaotic appearance. The big villages
-of the central districts, on the other hands, are built one and all
-with an almost geometrical regularity.
-
-In the middle, a big circular space is surrounded by a ring of yam
-houses. These latter are built on piles, and present a fine, decorative
-front, with walls of big, round logs, laid crosswise on one another,
-so as to leave wide interstices through which the stored yams can be
-seen (see Plates XV, XXXII, XXXIII). Some of the store-houses strike
-us at once as being better built, larger, and higher than the rest,
-and these have also big, ornamented boards, running round the gable
-and across it. These are the yam houses of the chief or of persons
-of rank. Each yam house also has, as a rule, a small platform in
-front of it, on which groups of men will sit and chat in the evening,
-and where visitors can rest.
-
-Concentrically with the circular row of yam houses, there runs a ring
-of dwelling huts, and thus a street going all round the village is
-formed between the two rows (see Plates III, IV, VIII). The dwellings
-are lower than the yam houses, and instead of being on piles, are
-built directly on the ground. The interior is dark and very stuffy,
-and the only opening into it is through the door, and that is usually
-closed. Each hut is occupied by one family (see Plate XV), that is,
-husband, wife and small children, while adolescent and grown-up boys
-and girls live in separate small bachelor's houses, harbouring some
-two to six inmates. Chiefs and people of rank have their special,
-personal houses, besides those of their wives. The Chief's house often
-stands in the central ring of the store-houses facing the main place.
-
-The broad inspection of the village would therefore reveal to
-us the rôle of decoration as insignia of rank, the existence of
-bachelors' and spinsters' houses, the great importance attached to
-the yam-harvest--all these small symptoms which, followed up, would
-lead us deep into the problems of native sociology. Moreover, such
-an inspection would have led us to inquire as to the part played by
-the different divisions of the village in tribal life. We should then
-learn that the baku, the central circular space, is the scene of public
-ceremonies and festivities, such as dancing (see Plates XIII, XIV),
-division of food, tribal feasts, mortuary vigils, in short, of all
-doings that represent the village as a whole. In the circular street
-between the stores and living houses, everyday life goes on, that is,
-the preparation of food, the eating of meals, and the usual exchange
-of gossip and ordinary social amenities. The interior of the houses
-is only used at night, or on wet days, and is more a sleeping than
-a living room. The backs of the houses and the contiguous groves are
-the scene of the children's play and the women's occupations. Further
-away, remote parts of the grove are reserved for sanitary purposes,
-each sex having its own retreat.
-
-The baku (central place) is the most picturesque part, and there the
-somewhat monotonous colour scheme of the brown and grey is broken by
-the overhanging foliage of the grove, seen above the neat fronts and
-gaudy ornamentation of the yam-houses and by the decorations worn by
-the crowd when a dance or ceremony is taking place (see Plates XIII,
-XXXIII). Dancing is done only at one time in the year, in connection
-with the harvest festivities, called milamala, at which season also
-the spirits of the dead return from Tuma, the nether-world, to the
-villages from which they hail. Sometimes the dancing season lasts only
-for a few weeks or even days, sometimes it is extended into a special
-dancing period called usigola. During such a time of festivities,
-the inhabitants of a village will dance day after day, for a month
-or longer, the period being inaugurated by a feast, punctuated by
-several more, and ending in a big culminating performance. At this
-many villages assist as spectators, and distributions of food take
-place. During an usigola, dancing is done in full dress, that is,
-with facial painting, floral decorations, valuable ornaments, and
-a head-dress of white cockatoo feathers (see Plates XIII, XIV). A
-performance consists always of a dance executed in a ring to the
-accompaniment of singing and drum-beating, both of which are done by
-a group of people standing in the middle. Some dances are done with
-the carved dancing shield.
-
-Sociologically, the village is an important unit in the
-Trobriands. Even the mightiest chief in the Trobriands wields his
-authority primarily over his own village and only secondarily over the
-district. The village community exploit jointly their garden lands,
-perform ceremonies, wage warfare, undertake trading expeditions,
-and sail in the same canoe or fleet of canoes as one group.
-
-After the first inspection of the village, we would be naturally
-interested to know more of the surrounding country, and would take a
-walk through the bush. Here, however, if we hoped for a picturesque
-and varied landscape, we should receive a great disappointment. The
-extensive, flat island consists only of one fertile plain, with a
-low coral ridge running along portions of the coast. It is almost
-entirely under intermittent cultivation, and the bush, regularly
-cleared away every few years, has no time to grow high. A low, dense
-jungle grows in a matted tangle, and practically wherever we move
-on the island we walk along between two green walls, presenting no
-variety, allowing of no broader view. The monotony is broken only
-by an occasional clump of old trees left standing--usually a tabooed
-place--or by one of the numerous villages which we meet with every mile
-or two in this densely populated country. The main element, both of
-picturesqueness and ethnographic interest, is afforded by the native
-gardens. Each year about one quarter or one fifth of the total area
-is under actual cultivation as gardens, and these are well tended,
-and present a pleasant change from the monotony of the scrub. In
-its early stages, the garden site is simply a bare, cleared space,
-allowing of a Wider outlook upon the distant coral ridge in the East,
-and upon the tall groves, scattered over the horizon, which indicate
-villages or tabooed tree clumps. Later on, when the yam-vines, taro,
-and sugar cane begin to grow and bud, the bare brown soil is covered
-with the fresh green of the tender plants. After some more time still,
-tall, stout poles are planted over each yam-plant; the vine climbs
-round them, grows into a full, shady garland of foliage, and the
-whole makes the impression of a large, exuberant hop-yard.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Half of the natives' working life is spent in the garden, and around
-it centres perhaps more than half of his interests and ambitions. And
-here we must pause and make an attempt to understand his attitude
-in this matter, as it is typical of the way in which he goes about
-all his work. If we remain under the delusion that the native is a
-happy-go-lucky, lazy child of nature, who shuns as far as possible
-all labour and effort, waiting till the ripe fruits, so bountifully
-supplied by generous tropical Nature, fall into his mouth, we shall not
-be able to understand in the least his aims and motives in carrying
-out the Kula or any other enterprise. On the contrary, the truth is
-that the native can and, under circumstances, does work hard, and
-work systematically, with endurance and purpose, nor does he wait
-till he is pressed to work by his immediate needs.
-
-In gardening, for instance, the natives produce much more than they
-actually require, and in any average year they harvest perhaps twice as
-much as they can eat. Nowadays, this surplus is exported by Europeans
-to feed plantation hands in other parts of New Guinea; in olden days
-it was simply allowed to rot. Again, they produce this surplus in a
-manner which entails much more work than is strictly necessary for
-obtaining the crops. Much time and labour is given up to æsthetic
-purposes, to making the gardens tidy, clean, cleared of all debris;
-to building fine, solid fences, to providing specially strong and big
-yam-poles. All these things are to some extent required for the growth
-of the plant; but there can be no doubt that the natives push their
-conscientiousness far beyond the limit of the purely necessary. The
-non-utilitarian element in their garden work is still more clearly
-perceptible in the various tasks which they carry out entirely for
-the sake of ornamentation, in connection with magical ceremonies,
-and in obedience to tribal usage. Thus, after the ground has been
-scrupulously cleared and is ready for planting, the natives divide
-each garden plot into small squares, each a few yards in length and
-width, and this is done only in obedience to usage, in order to make
-the gardens look neat. No self-respecting man would dream of omitting
-to do this. Again, in especially well trimmed gardens, long horizontal
-poles are tied to the yam supports in order to embellish them. Another,
-and perhaps the most interesting example of non-utilitarian work
-is afforded by the big, prismatic erections called kamkokola, which
-serve ornamental and magical purposes, but have nothing to do with
-the growth of plants (comp. Plate LIX).
-
-Among the forces and beliefs which bear upon and regulate garden work,
-perhaps magic is the most important. It is a department of its own,
-and the garden magician, next to the chief and the sorcerer, is the
-most important personage of the village. The position is hereditary,
-and, in each village, a special system of magic is handed on in the
-female line from one generation to another. I have called it a system,
-because the magician has to perform a series of rites and spells over
-the garden, which run parallel with the labour, and which, in fact,
-initiate each stage of the work and each new development of the plant
-life. Even before any gardening is begun at all, the magician has to
-consecrate the site with a big ceremonial performance in which all
-the men of the village take part. This ceremony officially opens the
-season's gardening, and only after it is performed do the villagers
-begin to cut the scrub on their plots. Then, in a series of rites,
-the magician inaugurates successively all the various stages which
-follow one another--the burning of the scrub, the clearing, the
-planting, the weeding and the harvesting. Also, in another series
-of rites and spells, he magically assists the plant in sprouting,
-in budding, in bursting into leaf, in climbing, in forming the rich
-garlands of foliage, and in producing the edible tubers.
-
-The garden magician, according to native ideas, thus controls both
-the work of man and the forces of Nature. He also acts directly
-as supervisor of gardening, sees to it that people do not skimp
-their work, or lag behind with it. Thus magic is a systematising,
-regulating, and controlling influence in garden work. The magician,
-in carrying out the rites, sets the pace, compels people to apply
-themselves to certain tasks, and to accomplish them properly and
-in time. Incidentally, magic also imposes on the tribe a good deal
-of extra work, of apparently unnecessary, hampering taboos and
-regulations. In the long run, however, there is no doubt that by its
-influence in ordering, systematising and regulating work, magic is
-economically invaluable for the natives. [26]
-
-Another notion which must be exploded, once and for ever, is that of
-the Primitive Economic Man of some current economic text books. This
-fanciful, dummy creature, who has been very tenacious of existence
-in popular and semi-popular economic literature, and whose shadow
-haunts even the minds of competent anthropologists, blighting their
-outlook with a preconceived idea, is an imaginary, primitive man,
-or savage, prompted in all his actions by a rationalistic conception
-of self-interest, and achieving his aims directly and with the
-minimum of effort. Even one well established instance should show
-how preposterous is this assumption that man, and especially man on
-a low level of culture, should be actuated by pure economic motives
-of enlightened self-interest. The primitive Trobriander furnishes
-us with such an instance, contradicting this fallacious theory. He
-works prompted by motives of a highly complex, social and traditional
-nature, and towards aims which are certainly not directed towards
-the satisfaction of present wants, or to the direct achievement of
-utilitarian purposes. Thus, in the first place, as we have seen,
-work is not carried out on the principle of the least effort. On
-the contrary, much time and energy is spent on wholly unnecessary
-effort, that is, from a utilitarian point of view. Again, work and
-effort, instead of being merely a means to an end, are, in a way an
-end in themselves. A good garden worker in the Trobriands derives
-a direct prestige from the amount of labour he can do, and the size
-of garden he can till. The title tokwaybagula, which means "good" or
-"efficient gardener," is bestowed with discrimination, and borne with
-pride. Several of my friends, renowned as tokwaybagula, would boast to
-me how long they worked, how much ground they tilled, and would compare
-their efforts with those of less efficient men. When the labour, some
-of which is done communally, is being actually carried out, a good
-deal of competition goes on. Men vie with one another in their speed,
-in their thoroughness, and in the weights they can lift, when bringing
-big poles to the garden, or in carrying away the harvested yams.
-
-The most important point about this is, however, that all, or almost
-all the fruits of his work, and certainly any surplus which he can
-achieve by extra effort, goes not to the man himself, but to his
-relatives-in-law. Without entering into details of the system of
-the apportionment of the harvest, of which the sociology is rather
-complex and would require a preliminary account of the Trobriand
-kinship system and kinship ideas, it may be said that about three
-quarters of a man's crops go partly as tribute to the chief, partly
-as his due to his sister's (or mother's) husband and family.
-
-But although he thus derives practically no personal benefit in
-the utilitarian sense from his harvest, the gardener receives much
-praise and renown from its size and quality, and that in a direct
-and circumstantial manner. For all the crops, after being harvested,
-are displayed for some time afterwards in the gardens, piled up in
-neat, conical heaps under small shelters made of yam vine. Each man's
-harvest is thus exhibited for criticism in his own plot, and parties
-of natives walk about from garden to garden, admiring, comparing and
-praising the best results. The importance of the food display can be
-gauged by the fact that, in olden days, when the chief's power was
-much more considerable than now, it was dangerous for a man who was
-not either of high rank himself, or working for such a one, to show
-crops which might compare too favourably with those of the chief.
-
-In years when the harvest promises to be plentiful, the chief will
-proclaim a kayasa harvest, that is to say, ceremonial, competitive
-display of food, and then the straining for good results and the
-interest taken in them are still higher. We shall meet later on with
-ceremonial enterprises of the kayasa type, and find that they play a
-considerable part in the Kula. All this shows how entirely the real
-native of flesh and bone differs from the shadowy Primitive Economic
-Man, on whose imaginary behaviour many of the scholastic deductions
-of abstract economics are based. [27] The Trobriander works in a
-roundabout way, to a large extent for the sake of the work itself,
-and puts a great deal of æsthetic polish on the arrangement and
-general appearance of his garden. He is not guided primarily by the
-desire to satisfy his wants, but by a very complex set of traditional
-forces, duties and obligations, beliefs in magic, social ambitions
-and vanities. He wants, if he is a man, to achieve social distinction
-as a good gardener and a good worker in general.
-
-I have dwelt at this length upon these points concerning the motives
-and aims of the Trobrianders in their garden work, because, in the
-chapters that follow, we shall be studying economic activities, and
-the reader will grasp the attitude of the natives best if he has it
-illustrated to him by various examples. All that has been said in this
-matter about the Trobrianders applies also to the neighbouring tribes.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-With the help of this new insight gained into the mind of the native,
-and into their social scheme of harvest distribution, it will be
-easier to describe the nature of the chief's authority. Chieftainship
-in the Trobriands is the combination of two institutions: first,
-that of headmanship, or village authority; secondly, that of totemic
-clanship, that is the division of the community into classes or castes,
-each with a certain more or less definite rank.
-
-In every community in the Trobriands, there is one man who wields the
-greatest authority, though often this does not amount to very much. He
-is, in many cases, nothing more than the Primus inter pares in a group
-of village elders, who deliberate on all important matters together,
-and arrive at a decision by common consent. It must not be forgotten
-that there is hardly ever much room for doubt or deliberation,
-as natives communally, as well as individually, never act except on
-traditional and conventional lines. This village headman is, as a rule,
-therefore, not much more than a master of tribal ceremonies, and the
-main speaker within and without the tribe, whenever one is needed.
-
-But the position of headman becomes much more than this, when he
-is a person of high rank, which is by no means always the case. In
-the Trobriands there exist four totemic clans, and each of these
-is divided into a number of smaller sub-clans,--which could also
-be called families or castes, for the members of each claim common
-descent from one ancestress, and each of them holds a certain,
-specified rank. These sub-clans have also a local character, because
-the original ancestress emerged from a hole in the ground, as a rule
-somewhere in the neighbourhood of their village community. There is
-not one sub-clan in the Trobriands whose members cannot indicate its
-original locality, where their group, in the form of the ancestress,
-first saw the light of the sun. Coral outcrops, water-holes, small
-caves or grottoes, are generally pointed out as the original "holes"
-or "houses," as they are called. Often such a hole is surrounded by
-one of the tabooed clumps of trees alluded to before. Many of them
-are situated in the groves surrounding a village, and a few near the
-sea shore. Not one is on the cultivable land.
-
-The highest sub-clan is that of the Tabalu, belonging to the Malasi
-totem clan. To this sub-clan belongs the main chief of Kiriwina,
-To'uluwa, who resides in the village of Omarakana (see Plate II and
-Frontispiece). He is in the first place the headman of his own village,
-and in contrast to the headmen of low rank, he has quite a considerable
-amount of power. His high rank inspires everyone about him with the
-greatest and most genuine respect and awe, and the remnants of his
-power are still surprisingly large, even now, when white authorities,
-very foolishly and with fatal results, do their utmost to undermine
-his prestige and influence.
-
-Not only does the chief--by which word I shall designate a headman
-of rank--possess a high degree of authority within his own village,
-but his sphere of influence extends far beyond it. A number of
-villages are tributary to him, and in several respects subject to
-his authority. In case of war, they are his allies, and have to
-foregather in his village. When he needs men to perform some task,
-he can send to his subject villages, and they will supply him with
-workers. In all big festivities the villages of his district will
-join, and the chief will act as master of ceremonies. Nevertheless,
-for all these services rendered to him he has to pay. He even has to
-pay for any tributes received out of his stores of wealth. Wealth,
-in the Trobriands, is the outward sign and the substance of power,
-and the means also of exercising it. But how does he acquire his
-wealth? And here we come to the main duty of the vassal villages to
-the chief. From each subject village, he takes a wife, whose family,
-according to the Trobriand law, has to supply him with large amounts of
-crops. This wife is always the sister or some relation of the headman
-of the subject village, and thus practically the whole community has
-to work for him. In olden days, the chief of Omarakana had up to as
-many as forty consorts, and received perhaps as much as thirty to
-fifty per cent. of all the garden produce of Kiriwina. Even now,
-when his wives number only sixteen, he has enormous storehouses,
-and they are full to the roof with yams every harvest time.
-
-With this supply, he is able to pay for the many services he
-requires, to furnish with food the participants in big feasts,
-in tribal gatherings or distant expeditions. Part of the food he
-uses to acquire objects of native wealth, or to pay for the making
-of them. In brief, through his privilege of practising polygamy, the
-chief is kept supplied with an abundance of wealth in food stuffs and
-in valuables, which he uses to maintain his high position; to organise
-tribal festivities and enterprises, and to pay, according to custom,
-for the many personal services to which he is entitled.
-
-One point in connection with the chief's authority deserves special
-mention. Power implies not only the possibility of rewarding, but
-also the means of punishing. This in the Trobriands is as a rule done
-indirectly, by means of sorcery. The chief has the best sorcerers
-of the district always at his beck and call. Of course he also has
-to reward them when they do him a service. If anyone offends him,
-or trespasses upon his authority, the chief summons the sorcerer, and
-orders that the culprit shall die by black magic. And here the chief
-is powerfully helped in achieving his end by the fact that he can do
-this openly, so that everybody, and the victim himself knows that a
-sorcerer is after him. As the natives are very deeply and genuinely
-afraid of sorcery, the feeling of being hunted, of imagining themselves
-doomed, is in itself enough to doom them in reality. Only in extreme
-cases, does a chief inflict direct punishment on a culprit. He has
-one or two hereditary henchmen, whose duty it is to kill the man who
-has so deeply offended him, that actual death is the only sufficient
-punishment. As a matter of fact, very few cases of this are on record,
-and it is now, of course, entirely in abeyance.
-
-Thus the chief's position can be grasped only through the realisation
-of the high importance of wealth, of the necessity of paying for
-everything, even for services which are due to him, and which could
-not be withheld. Again, this wealth comes to the chief from his
-relations-in-law, and it is through his right to practise polygamy
-that he actually achieves his position, and exercises his power.
-
-Side by side with this rather complex mechanism of authority, the
-prestige of rank, the direct recognition of his personal superiority,
-give the chief an immense power, even outside his district. Except
-for the few of his own rank, no native in the Trobriands will remain
-erect when the great chief of Omarakana approaches, even in these
-days of tribal disintegration. Wherever he goes, he is considered
-as the most important person, is seated on a high platform, and
-treated with consideration. Of course the fact that he is accorded
-marks of great deference, and approached in the manner as if he were
-a supreme despot, does not mean that perfect good fellowship and
-sociability do not reign in his personal relations with his companions
-and vassals. There is no difference in interests or outlook between
-him and his subjects. They sit together and chat, they exchange
-village gossip, the only difference being that the chief is always
-on his guard, and much more reticent and diplomatic than the other,
-though he is no less interested. The chief, unless he is too old,
-joins in dances and even in games, and indeed he takes precedence as
-a matter of course.
-
-
-In trying to realise the social conditions among the Trobrianders
-and their neighbours, it must not be forgotten that their social
-organisation is in certain respects complex and ill-defined. Besides
-very definite laws which are strictly obeyed, there exist a number
-of quaint usages, of vague graduations in rules, of others where the
-exceptions are so many, that they rather obliterate the rule than
-confirm it. The narrow social outlook of the native who does not
-see beyond his own district, the prevalence of singularities and
-exceptional cases is one of the leading characteristics of native
-sociology, one which for many reasons has not been sufficiently
-recognised. But the main outlines of chieftainship here presented,
-will be enough to give a clear idea of it and of some of the flavour
-of their institutions, as much, in fact, as is necessary, in order
-to understand the chief's rôle in the Kula. But it must to a certain
-extent be supplemented by the concrete data, bearing upon the political
-divisions of the Trobriands.
-
-The most important chief is, as said, the one who resides in Omarakana
-and rules Kiriwina, agriculturally the richest and most important
-district. His family, or sub-clan, the Tabalu, are acknowledged to
-have by far the highest rank in all the Archipelago. Their fame is
-spread over the whole Kula district; the entire province of Kiriwina
-derives prestige from its chief, and its inhabitants also keep all
-his personal taboos, which is a duty but also a distinction. Next to
-the high chief, there resides in a village some two miles distant,
-a personage who, though in several respects his vassal, is also his
-main foe and rival, the headman of Kabwaku, and ruler of the province
-of Tilataula. The present holder of this title is an old rogue named
-Moliasi. From time to time, in the old days, war used to break out
-between the two provinces, each of which could muster some twelve
-villages for the fight. These wars were never very bloody or of
-long duration, and they were in many ways fought in a competitive,
-sporting manner, since, unlike with the Dobuans and Southern Massim,
-there were neither head-hunting nor cannibalistic practices among
-the Boyowans. Nevertheless, defeat was a serious matter. It meant
-a temporary destruction of the loser's villages, and exile for a
-year or two. After that, a ceremony of reconciliation took place,
-and friend and foe would help to rebuild the villages. [28] The ruler
-of Tilataula has an intermediate rank, and outside his district he
-does not enjoy much prestige; but within it, he has a considerable
-amount of power, and a good deal of wealth, in the shape of stored
-food and ceremonial articles. All the villages under his rule, have,
-of course, their own independent headman, who, being of low rank,
-have only a small degree of local authority.
-
-In the West of the big, Northern half of Boyowa (that is of the main
-island of the Trobriand Group) are again two districts, in past
-times often at war with one another. One of them, Kuboma, subject
-to the chief of Gumilababa, of high rank, though inferior to the
-chief of Kiriwina, consists of some ten inland villages, and is very
-important as a centre of industry. Among these villages are included
-those of Yalaka, Buduwaylaka, Kudukwaykela, where the quicklime is
-prepared for betel chewing, and also the lime pots made. The highly
-artistic designs, burnt in on the lime pots, are the speciality of
-these villagers, but unfortunately the industry is fast decaying. The
-inhabitants of Luya are renowned for their basket work, of which the
-finest specimens are their production. But the most remarkable of all
-is the village of Bwoytalu, whose inhabitants are at the same time
-the most despised pariahs, the most dreaded sorcerers, and the most
-skilful and industrious craftsmen in the island. They belong to several
-sub-clans, all originating in the neighbourhood of the village, near
-which also, according to tradition, the original sorcerer came out of
-the soil in the form of a crab. They eat the flesh of bush-pigs, and
-they catch and eat the stingaree, both objects of strict taboos and of
-genuine loathing to the other inhabitants of Northern Boyowa. For this
-reason they are despised and regarded as unclean by the others. In
-olden days they would have to crouch lower and more abjectly than
-anyone else. No man or woman would mate with anyone from Bwoytalu,
-whether in marriage or in an intrigue. Yet in wood carving, and
-especially in the working out of the wonderful, round dishes, in the
-manufacture of plaited fibre work, and in the production of combs, they
-are far more skilful than anyone else, and acknowledged to be such;
-they are the wholesale manufacturers of these objects for export,
-and they can produce work not to be rivalled by any other village.
-
-The five villages lying on the western coast of the northern half,
-on the shores of the Lagoon, form the district of Kulumata. They are
-all fishing villages, but differ in their methods, and each has its
-own fishing grounds and its own methods of exploiting them. [29]
-The district is much less homogeneous than any of those before
-mentioned. It possesses no paramount chief, and even in war the
-villagers used not to fight on the same side. But it is impossible
-to enter here into all these shades and singularities of political
-organisation.
-
-In the southern part of Boyowa, there is first the province of Luba,
-occupying the waist of the island, the part where it narrows down
-to a long isthmus. This part is ruled by a chief of high rank, who
-resides in Olivilevi. He belongs to the same family as the chief of
-Omarakana, and this southern dominion is the result of a younger line's
-having branched off some three generations ago. This happened after an
-unsuccessful war, when the whole tribe of Kiriwina fled south to Luba,
-and lived there for two years in a temporary village. The main body
-returned afterwards, but a number remained behind with the chief's
-brother, and thus the village of Olivilevi was founded. Wawela,
-which was formerly a very big village, now consists of hardly more
-than twenty huts. The only one on the Eastern shore which lies
-right on the sea, it is very picturesquely situated, overlooking a
-wide bay with a clean beach. It is of importance as the traditional
-centre of astronomical knowledge. From here, for generation after
-generation up to the present day, the calendar of the natives has
-been regulated. This means that some of the most important dates are
-fixed, especially that of the great annual festival, the Milamala,
-always held at full moon. Again, Wawela is one of the villages where
-the second form of sorcery, that of the flying witches, has its main
-Trobriand home. In fact, according to native belief, this form of
-sorcery has its seat only in the Southern half, and is unknown to the
-women in the North, though the Southern witches extend their field
-of operations all over Boyowa. Wawela, which lies facing the East,
-and which is always in close touch with the villages of Kitava and
-the rest of the Marshall Bennetts, shares with these islands the
-reputation of harbouring many women who can fly, kill by magic, who
-also feed on corpses, and are especially dangerous to seamen in peril.
-
-Further down to the South, on the Western shore of the Lagoon, we come
-to the big settlement of Sinaketa, consisting of some six villages
-lying within a few hundred yards from one another, but each having
-its own headman and a certain amount of local characteristics. These
-villages form, however, one community for purposes of war and of
-the Kula. Some of the local headmen of Sinaketa claim the highest
-rank, some are commoners; but on the whole, both the principle of
-rank and the power of the chief break down more and more as we move
-South. Beyond Sinaketa, we meet a few more villages, who practice a
-local Kula, and with whom we shall have to deal later on. Sinaketa
-itself will loom very largely in the descriptions that follow. The
-Southern part of the island is sometimes called Kaybwagina, but it does
-not constitute a definite political unit, like the Northern districts.
-
-Finally, south of the main island, divided from it by a narrow channel,
-lies the half-moon-shaped island of Vakuta, to which belong four small
-villages and one big one. Within recent times, perhaps four to six
-generations ago, there came down and settled in this last mentioned one
-a branch of the real Tabalu, the chiefly family of highest rank. But
-their power here never assumed the proportions even of the small
-chiefs of Sinaketa. In Vakuta, the typical Papuo-Melanesian system of
-government by tribal elders--with one more prominent than the others,
-but not paramount--is in full vigour.
-
-The two big settlements of Sinaketa and Vakuta play a great part
-in the Kula, and they also are the only two communities in the
-whole Trobriands where the red shell discs are made. This industry,
-as we shall see, is closely associated with the Kula. Politically,
-Sinaketa and Vakuta are rivals, and in olden days were periodically
-at war with one another.
-
-Another district which forms a definite political and cultural unit
-is the large island of Kayleula, in the West. The inhabitants are
-fishermen, canoe-builders, and traders, and undertake big expeditions
-to the western d'Entrecasteaux islands, trading for betel-nut, sago,
-pottery and turtle shell in exchange for their own industrial produce.
-
-It has been necessary to give a somewhat detailed description of
-chieftainship and political divisions, as a firm grasp of the main,
-political institutions is essential to the understanding of the
-Kula. All departments of tribal life, religion, magic, economics
-are interwoven, but the social organisation of the tribe lies at the
-foundation of everything else. Thus it is essential to bear in mind
-that the Trobriands form one cultural unit, speaking the same language,
-having the same institutions, obeying the same laws and regulations,
-swayed by the same beliefs and conventions. The districts just
-enumerated, into which the Trobriands are sub-divided, are distinct
-politically and not culturally; that is, each of them comprises the
-same kind of natives, only obeying or at least acknowledging their
-own chief, having their own interests and pursuits, and in case of
-war each fighting their own fight.
-
-Again, within each district, the several village communities have
-each a great deal of independence. A village community is represented
-by a headman, its members make their gardens in one block and under
-the guidance of their own garden magician; they carry on their own
-feasts and ceremonial arrangements, mourn their dead in common, and
-perform, in remembrance of their departed ones, an endless series of
-food distributions. In all big affairs, whether of the district or
-of the tribe, members of a village community keep together, and act
-in one group.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-Right across the political and local divisions cut the totemic clans,
-each having a series of linked totems, with a bird as principal
-one. [30] The members of these four clans are scattered over the whole
-tribe of Boyowa, and in each village community, members of all four are
-to be found, and even in every house, there are at least two classes
-represented, since a husband must be of a different clan from his wife
-and children. There is a certain amount of solidarity within the clan,
-based on the very vague feeling of communal affinity to the totem
-birds and animals, but much more on the many social duties, such as
-the performance of certain ceremonies, especially the mortuary ones,
-which band the members of a clan together. But real solidarity obtains
-only between members of a sub-clan. A sub-clan is a local division of
-a clan, whose members claim common ancestry, and hence real identity
-of bodily substance, and also are attached to the locality where
-their ancestors emerged. It is to these sub-clans that the idea
-of a definite rank attaches. One of the totemic clans, the Malasi,
-includes the most aristocratic sub-clan, the Tabalu, as well as the
-lowest one, the local division of the Malasi in Bwoytalu. A chief of
-the Tabalu feels very insulted if it is ever hinted that he is akin
-to one of the stingaree-eaters of the unclean village, although they
-are Malasi like himself. The principle of rank attached to totemic
-divisions is to be met only in Trobriand sociology; it is entirely
-foreign to all the other Papuo-Melanesian tribes.
-
-As regards kinship, the main thing to be remembered is that the natives
-are matrilineal, and that the succession of rank, membership in all
-the social groups, and the inheritance of possessions descend in the
-maternal line. The mother's brother is considered the real guardian of
-a boy, and there is a series of mutual duties and obligations, which
-establish a very close and important relation between the two. The
-real kinship, the real identity of substance is considered to exist
-only between a man and his mother's relations. In the first rank of
-these, his brothers and sisters are specially near to him. For his
-sister or sisters he has to work as soon as they are grown up and
-married. But, in spite of that, a most rigorous taboo exists between
-them, beginning quite early in life. No man would joke and talk freely
-in the presence of his sister, or even look at her. The slightest
-allusion to the sexual affairs, whether illicit or matrimonial, of
-a brother or sister in the presence of the other, is the deadliest
-insult and mortification. When a man approaches a group of people
-where his sister is talking, either she withdraws or he turns away.
-
-The father's relation to his children is remarkable. Physiological
-fatherhood [31] is unknown, and no tie of kinship or relationship
-is supposed to exist between father and child, except that between a
-mother's husband and the wife's child. Nevertheless, the father is by
-far the nearest and most affectionate friend of his children. In ever
-so many cases, I could observe that when a child, a young boy or girl,
-was in trouble or sick; when there was a question of some one exposing
-himself to difficulties or danger for the child's sake, it was always
-the father who worried, who would undergo all the hardships needed,
-and never the maternal uncle. This state of things is quite clearly
-recognised, and explicitly put into words by the natives. In matters
-of inheritance and handing over of possessions, a man always shows
-the tendency to do as much for his children as he is able, considering
-his obligations to his sister's family.
-
-It is difficult, in one phrase or two, to epitomise the distinction
-between the two relations, that between a boy and his maternal uncle,
-and that between a son and a father. The best way to put it shortly
-might be by saying that the maternal uncle's position of close relation
-is regarded as right by law and usage, whereas the father's interest
-and affection for his children are due to sentiment, and to the
-intimate personal relations existing between them. He has watched
-the children grow up, he has assisted the mother in many of the
-small and tender cares given to an infant, he has carried the child
-about, and given it such education as it gets from watching the elder
-ones at work, and gradually joining in. In matters of inheritance,
-the father gives the children all that he can, and gives it freely
-and with pleasure; the maternal uncle gives under the compulsion of
-custom what he cannot withhold and keep for his own children.
-
-
-
-
-VII
-
-A few more words must be said about some of the magico-religious ideas
-of the Trobrianders. The main thing that struck me in connection with
-their belief in the spirits of the dead, was that they are almost
-completely devoid of any fear of ghosts, of any of these uncanny
-feelings with which we face the idea of a possible return of the
-dead. All the fears and dreads of the natives are reserved for black
-magic, flying witches, malevolent disease-bringing beings, but above
-all for sorcerers and witches. The spirits migrate immediately after
-death to the island of Tuma, lying in the North-West of Boyowa, and
-there they exist for another span of time, underground, say some, on
-the surface of the earth, though invisible, say others. They return
-to visit their own villages once a year, and take part in the big
-annual feast, milamala, where they receive offerings. Sometimes, at
-this season, they show themselves to the living, who are, however, not
-alarmed by it, and in general the spirits do not influence human beings
-very much, for better or worse. [32] In a number of magical formulæ,
-there is an invocation of ancestral spirits, and they receive offerings
-in several rites. But there is nothing of the mutual interaction,
-of the intimate collaboration between man and spirit which are the
-essence of religious cult.
-
-On the other hand, magic, the attempt of man to govern the forces of
-nature directly, by means of a special lore, is all-pervading, and
-all-important in the Trobriands. [33] Sorcery and garden magic have
-already been mentioned. Here it must suffice to add, that everything
-that vitally affects the native is accompanied by magic. All economic
-activities have their magic; love, welfare of babies, talents and
-crafts, beauty and agility--all can be fostered or frustrated by
-magic. In dealing with the Kula--a pursuit of immense importance
-to the natives, and playing on almost all their social passions and
-ambitions--we shall meet with another system of magic, and we shall
-have then to go more into detail about the subject in general.
-
-Disease, health, or death are also the result of magic or
-counter-magic. The Trobrianders have a very complex and very definite
-set of theoretical views on these matters. Good health is primarily
-of course the natural, normal state. Minor ills may be contracted
-by exposure, over-eating, over-strain, bad food, or other ordinary
-causes. Such ailments never last, and have never any really bad
-effects, nor are they of immediate danger. But, if a man sickens for
-any length of time, and his strength seems to be really sapped, then
-the evil forces are at work. By far the most prevalent form of black
-magic, is that of the bwaga'u, that is the black sorcerer, of whom
-there are a number in each district. Usually even in each village
-there are one or two men more or less dreaded as bwaga'u. To be one
-does not require any special initiation except the knowledge of the
-spells. To learn these--that is, to learn them in such a manner as
-to become an acknowledged bwaga'u--can only be done by means of high
-payment, or in exceptional circumstances. Thus, a father will often
-"give" his sorcery to his son, always, however, without payment; or
-a commoner will teach it to a man of rank, or a man to his sister's
-son. In these two latter cases a very high payment would have to be
-given. It is important as a characteristic of the kinship conditions
-of this people, that a man receives sorcery gratis from his father,
-who according to the traditional kinship system is no blood-relation,
-whereas he has to pay for it to his maternal uncle, whose natural
-heir he is.
-
-When a man has acquired the black art, he applies it to a first victim,
-and this has always to be some one of his own family. It is a firm
-and definite belief among all the natives that if a man's sorcery has
-to be any good, it must first be practised on his mother or sister,
-or any of his maternal kindred. Such a matricidal act makes him a
-genuine bwaga'u. His art then can be practised on others, and becomes
-an established source of income.
-
-The beliefs about sorcery are complex; they differ according as to
-whether taken from a real sorcerer, or from an outsider; and there
-are also evidently strata of belief, due perhaps to local variation,
-perhaps to superimposed versions. Here a short summary must suffice.
-
-When a sorcerer wants to attack someone, the first step is to cast
-a light spell over his habitual haunts, a spell which will affect
-him with a slight illness and compel him to keep to his bed in his
-house, where he will try to cure himself by lying over a small fire
-and warming his body. His first ailment, called kaynagola, comprises
-pains in the body, such as (speaking from our point of view) would be
-brought about by rheumatism, general cold, influenza, or any incipient
-disease. When the victim is in bed, with a fire burning under him, and
-also, as a rule, one in the middle of the hut, the bwaga'u stealthily
-approaches the house. He is accompanied by a few nightbirds, owls
-and night-jars, which keep guard over him, and he is surrounded by
-a halo of legendary terrors which make all natives shiver at the
-idea of meeting a sorcerer on such a nocturnal visit. He then tries
-to insert through the thatch wall a bunch of herbs impregnated with
-some deadly charm and tied to a long stick, and these he attempts to
-thrust into the fire over which the sick man is lying. If he succeeds,
-the fumes of the burnt leaves will be inhaled by the victim, whose
-name has been uttered in the charm, and he will be seized by one or
-other of the deadly diseases of which the natives have a long list,
-with a definite symptomatology, as well as a magical etiology. Thus
-the preliminary sorcery was necessary, in order to keep the victim
-to his house, in which spot only can the mortal magic be performed.
-
-Of course, the sick man is on the defensive as well. First of all,
-his friends and relatives--this is one of the main duties of the wife's
-brothers--will keep a close watch over him, sitting with spears round
-the hut, and at all approaches to it. Often have I come across such
-vigils, when walking late at night through some village. Then, the
-services of some rival bwaga'u are invoked (for the art of killing
-and curing is always in the same hand), and he utters counter-spells,
-so that at times the efforts of the first sorcerer, even should he
-succeed in burning the herbs according to the dreaded toginivayu rite,
-are fruitless.
-
-Should this be so, he resorts to the final and most fatal rite, that
-of the pointing-bone. Uttering powerful spells, the bwaga'u and one or
-two accomplices, boil some coco-nut oil in a small pot, far away in a
-dense patch of jungle. Leaves of herbs are soaked in the oil, and then
-wrapped round a sharp stingaree spine, or some similar pointed object,
-and the final incantation, most deadly of all, is chanted over it. Then
-the bwaga'u steals towards the village, catches sight of his victim,
-and hiding himself behind a shrub or house, points the magical dagger
-at him. In fact, he violently and viciously turns it round in the
-air, as if to stab the victim, and to twist and wrench the point in
-the wound. This, if carried out properly, and not counteracted by a
-still more powerful magician, will never fail to kill a man.
-
-I have here summarised the bare outlines of the successive application
-of black magic as it is believed by sorcerer and outsider alike to
-be done, and to act in producing disease and death. There can be no
-doubt that the acts of sorcery are really carried out by those who
-believe themselves to possess the black powers. It is equally certain
-that the nervous strain of knowing one's life to be threatened by
-a bwaga'u is very great, and probably it is much worse when a man
-knows that behind the sorcerer stands the might of the chief, and this
-apprehension certainly contributes powerfully towards the success of
-black magic. On the other hand, a chief, if attacked, would have a
-good guard to protect him, and the most powerful wizards to back him
-up, and also the authority to deal directly with anyone suspected
-of plotting against him. Thus sorcery, which is one of the means of
-carrying on the established order, is in its turn strengthened by it.
-
-If we remember that, as in all belief in the miraculous and
-supernatural, so also here, there is the loophole of counterforces,
-and of the sorcery being incorrectly or inefficiently applied, spoilt
-by broken taboos, mispronounced spells, or what not; again, that
-suggestion strongly influences the victim, and undermines his natural
-resistance; further that all disease is invariably traced back to
-some sorcerer or other, who, whether it is true or not, often frankly
-admits his responsibility in order to enhance his reputation, there
-is then no difficulty in understanding why the belief in black magic
-flourishes, why no empirical evidence can ever dispel it, and why the
-sorcerer no less than the victim, has confidence in his own powers. At
-least, the difficulty is the same as in explaining many contemporary
-examples of results achieved by miracles and faith healing, such as
-Christian Science or Lourdes, or in any cure by prayers and devotion.
-
-Although by far the most important of them all, the bwaga'u is only one
-among the beings who can cause disease and death. The often-mentioned
-flying-witches, who come always from the Southern half of the island,
-or from the East, from the islands of Kitava, Iwa, Gava, or Murua, are
-even more deadly. All very rapid and violent diseases, more especially
-such as show no direct, perceptible symptoms, are attributed to the
-mulukwausi, as they are called. Invisible, they fly through the air,
-and perch on trees, house-tops, and other high places. From there,
-they pounce upon a man or woman and remove and hide "the inside,"
-that is, the lungs, heart and guts, or the brains and tongue. Such a
-victim will die within a day or two, unless another witch, called for
-the purpose and well paid, goes in search and restores the missing
-"inside." Of course, sometimes it is too late to do it, as the meal
-has been eaten in the meantime! Then the victim must die.
-
-Another powerful agency of death consists of the tauva'u, non-human
-though anthropomorphic beings, who cause all epidemic disease. When,
-at the end of the rainy season the new and unripe yams have come in,
-and dysentery rages, decimating the villages; or, when in hot and
-damp years an infectious disease passes over the district, taking
-heavy toll, this means that the tauva'u have come from the South, and
-that, invisible, they march through the villages, rattling their lime
-gourds, and with their sword-clubs or sticks hitting their victims, who
-immediately sicken and die. The tauva'u can, at will, assume the shape
-of man or reptile. He appears then as a snake, or crab, or lizard,
-and you recognise him at once, for he will not run away from you,
-and he has as a rule a patch of some gaudy colour on his skin. It
-would be a fatal thing to kill such a reptile. On the contrary, it
-has to be taken up cautiously and treated as a chief; that is to say,
-it is placed on a high platform, and some of the valuable tokens of
-wealth--a polished green stone blade, or a pair of arm-shells, or a
-necklace of spondylus shell beads must be put before it as an offering.
-
-It is very interesting to note that the tauva'u are believed to come
-from the Northern coast of Normanby Island, from the district of
-Du'a'u, and more especially from a place called Sewatupa. This is the
-very place where, according to Dobuan belief and myth, their sorcery
-originated. Thus, what to the local tribes of the originating place
-is ordinary sorcery, practised by men, becomes, when looked at from a
-great distance, and from an alien tribe, a non-human agency, endowed
-with such super-normal powers as changing of shape, invisibility,
-and a direct, infallible method of inflicting death.
-
-The tauva'u have sometimes sexual intercourse with women; several
-present cases are on record, and such women who have a familiar tauva'u
-become dangerous witches, though how they practise their witchcraft
-is not quite clear to the natives.
-
-A much less dangerous being is the tokway, a wood-sprite, living in
-trees and rocks, stealing crops from the field and from the yam-houses,
-and inflicting slight ailments. Some men in the past have acquired
-the knowledge of how to do this from the tokway, and have handed it
-on to their descendants.
-
-So we see that, except for the very light ailments which pass quickly
-and easily, all disease is attributed to sorcery. Even accidents are
-not believed to happen without cause. That this is the case also with
-drowning, we shall learn more in detail, when we have to follow the
-Trobrianders in their dangerous sea-trips. Natural death, caused by
-old age, is admittedly possible, but when I asked in several concrete
-cases, in which age was obviously the cause, why such and such a man
-died, I was always told that a bwaga'u was at the back of it. Only
-suicide and death in battle have a different place in the mind of the
-natives, and this is also confirmed by the belief that people killed
-in war, those that commit suicide, and those who are bewitched to
-death have, each class, their own way to the other world.
-
-This sketch of Trobriand tribal life, belief and customs must suffice,
-and we shall still have opportunities of enlarging upon these subjects
-that most matter to us for the present study.
-
-
-
-
-VIII
-
-Two more districts remain to be mentioned, through which the Kula
-trade passes on its circuit, before it returns to the place from
-where we started. One of them is the Eastern portion of the Northern
-Massim, comprising the Marshall Bennett Islands (Kitava, Iwa, Gawa,
-Kwayawata), and Woodlark Island (Murua), with the small group of Nada
-Islands. The other district is that of St. Aignan Island, called by
-the natives Masima, or Misima, with the smaller island Panayati.
-
-Looking from the rocky shores of Boyowa, at its narrowest point, we
-can see over the white breakers on the fringing reef and over the sea,
-here always blue and limpid, the silhouette of a flat-topped, low rock,
-almost due East. This is Kitava. To the Trobrianders of the Eastern
-districts, this island and those behind it are the promised land
-of the Kula, just as Dobu is to the natives of Southern Boyowa. But
-here, unlike in the South, they have to deal with tribesmen who speak
-their own language, with dialectic differences only, and who have very
-much the same institutions and customs. In fact, the nearest island,
-Kitava, differs only very little from the Trobriands. Although the
-more distant islands, especially Murua, have a slightly different
-form of totemism, with hardly any idea of rank attached to the
-sub-clans, and consequently no chieftainship in the Trobriand
-sense, yet their social organisation is also much the same as in the
-Western province. [34] I know the natives only from having seen them
-very frequently and in great numbers in the Trobriands, where they
-come on Kula expeditions. In Murua, however, I spent a short time
-doing field-work in the village of Dikoyas. In appearance, dress,
-ornaments and manners, the natives are indistinguishable from the
-Trobrianders. Their ideas and customs in matters of sex, marriage,
-and kinship are, with variations in detail only, the same as in
-Boyowa. In beliefs and mythology, they also belong to the same culture.
-
-To the Trobrianders, the Eastern islands are also the chief home and
-stronghold of the dreaded mulukwausi (flying witches); the land whence
-love magic came, originating in the island of Iwa; the distant shores
-towards which the mythical hero Tudava sailed, performing many feats,
-till he finally disappeared, no one knows where. The most recent
-version is that he most likely finished his career in the white man's
-country. To the Eastern islands, says native belief, the spirits of
-the dead, killed by sorcery, go round on a short visit not stopping
-there, only floating through the air like clouds, before they turn
-round to the North-West to Tuma.
-
-
-From these islands, many important products come to Boyowa (the
-Trobriands), but none half as important as the tough, homogeneous
-green-stone, from which all their implements were made in the past,
-and of which the ceremonial axes are made up till now. Some of these
-places are renowned for their yam gardens, especially Kitava, and it is
-recognised that the best carving in black ebony comes from there. The
-most important point of difference between the natives of this district
-and the Trobrianders, lies in the method of mortuary distributions,
-to which subject we shall have to return in a later part of the book,
-as it is closely connected with Kula.
-
-From Murua (Woodlark Island) the Kula track curves over to the South
-in two different branches, one direct to Tubetube, and the other to
-Misima, and thence to Tubetube and Wari. The district of Misima is
-almost entirely unknown to me--I have only spoken once or twice with
-natives of this island, and there is not, to my knowledge, any reliable
-published information about that district, so we shall have to pass
-it over with a very few words. This is, however, not so alarming,
-because it is certain, even from the little I know about them, that
-the natives do not essentially differ from the other Massim. They
-are totemic and matrilineal; there is no chieftainship, and the form
-of authority is the same as in the Southern Massim. Their sorcerers
-and witches resemble those of the Southern Massim and Dobuans. In
-industries, they specialise in canoe-building, and in the small
-island of Panayati produce the same type of craft as the natives of
-Gawa and Woodlark Island, slightly different only from the Trobriand
-canoe. In the island of Misima, a very big supply of areca (betel)
-nut is produced, as there is a custom of planting a number of these
-nuts after a man's death.
-
-The small islands of Tubetube and Wari, which form the final link of
-the Kula, lie already within the district of the Southern Massim. In
-fact, the island of Tubetube is one of the places studied in detail
-by Professor Seligman, and its ethnographical description is one of
-three parallel monographs which form the division of the Southern
-Massim in the treatise so often quoted.
-
-Finally, I want to point out again that the descriptions of the
-various Kula districts given in this and in the previous chapter,
-though accurate in every detail, are not meant to be an exhaustive
-ethnographic sketch of the tribes. They have been given with a few
-light touches in order to produce a vivid and so-to-speak personal
-impression of the various type of natives, and countries and of
-cultures. If I have succeeded in giving a physiognomy to each of the
-various tribes, to the Trobrianders, to the Amphlettans, the Dobuans,
-and the Southern Massim, and in arousing some interest in them,
-the main purpose has been achieved, and the necessary ethnographic
-background for the Kula has been supplied.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-THE ESSENTIALS OF THE KULA
-
-
-I
-
-Having thus described the scene, and the actors, let us now proceed
-to the performance. The Kula is a form of exchange, of extensive,
-inter-tribal character; it is carried on by communities inhabiting a
-wide ring of islands, which form a closed circuit. This circuit can be
-seen on Map V, where it is represented by the lines joining a number
-of islands to the North and East of the East end of New Guinea. Along
-this route, articles of two kinds, and these two kinds only, are
-constantly travelling in opposite directions. In the direction of the
-hands of a clock, moves constantly one of these kinds--long necklaces
-of red shell, called soulava (Plates XVIII and XIX). In the opposite
-direction moves the other kind--bracelets of white shell called mwali
-(Plates XVI and XVII). Each of these articles, as it travels in its
-own direction on the closed circuit, meets on its way articles of
-the other class, and is constantly being exchanged for them. Every
-movement of the Kula articles, every detail of the transactions is
-fixed and regulated by a set of traditional rules and conventions,
-and some acts of the Kula are accompanied by an elaborate magical
-ritual and public ceremonies.
-
-On every island and in every village, a more or less limited number of
-men take part in the Kula--that is to say, receive the goods, hold them
-for a short time, and then pass them on. Therefore every man who is in
-the Kula, periodically though not regularly, receives one or several
-mwali (arm-shells), or a soulava (necklace of red shell discs), and
-then has to hand it on to one of his partners, from whom he receives
-the opposite commodity in exchange. Thus no man ever keeps any of the
-articles for any length of time in his possession. One transaction
-does not finish the Kula relationship, the rule being "once in the
-Kula, always in the Kula," and a partnership between two men is a
-permanent and lifelong affair. Again, any given mwali or soulava
-may always be found travelling and changing hands, and there is no
-question of its ever settling down, so that the principle "once in
-the Kula, always in the Kula" applies also to the valuables themselves.
-
-The ceremonial exchange of the two articles is the main, the
-fundamental aspect of the Kula. But associated with it, and done
-under its cover, we find a great number of secondary activities
-and features. Thus, side by side with the ritual exchange of
-arm-shells and necklaces, the natives carry on ordinary trade,
-bartering from one island to another a great number of utilities,
-often unprocurable in the district to which they are imported, and
-indispensable there. Further, there are other activities, preliminary
-to the Kula, or associated with it, such as the building of sea-going
-canoes for the expeditions, certain big forms of mortuary ceremonies,
-and preparatory taboos.
-
-The Kula is thus an extremely big and complex institution, both in
-its geographical extent, and in the manifoldness of its component
-pursuits. It welds together a considerable number of tribes, and it
-embraces a vast complex of activities, interconnected, and playing
-into one another, so as to form one organic whole.
-
-Yet it must be remembered that what appears to us an extensive,
-complicated, and yet well ordered institution is the outcome of ever
-so many doings and pursuits, carried on by savages, who have no laws
-or aims or charters definitely laid down. They have no knowledge of
-the total outline of any of their social structure. They know their
-own motives, know the purpose of individual actions and the rules
-which apply to them, but how, out of these, the whole collective
-institution shapes, this is beyond their mental range. Not even
-the most intelligent native has any clear idea of the Kula as a big,
-organised social construction, still less of its sociological function
-and implications. If you were to ask him what the Kula is, he would
-answer by giving a few details, most likely by giving his personal
-experiences and subjective views on the Kula, but nothing approaching
-the definition just given here. Not even a partial coherent account
-could be obtained. For the integral picture does not exist in his mind;
-he is in it, and cannot see the whole from the outside.
-
-The integration of all the details observed, the achievement of a
-sociological synthesis of all the various, relevant symptoms, is the
-task of the Ethnographer. First of all, he has to find out that certain
-activities, which at first sight might appear incoherent and not
-correlated, have a meaning. He then has to find out what is constant
-and relevant in these activities, and what accidental and inessential,
-that is, to find out the laws and rules of all the transactions. Again,
-the Ethnographer has to construct the picture of the big institution,
-very much as the physicist constructs his theory from the experimental
-data, which always have been within reach of everybody, but which
-needed a consistent interpretation. I have touched on this point of
-method in the Introduction (Divisions V and VI), but I have repeated it
-here, as it is necessary to grasp it clearly in order not to lose the
-right perspective of conditions as they really exist among the natives.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-In giving the above abstract and concise definition, I had to reverse
-the order of research, as this is done in ethnographic field-work,
-where the most generalised inferences are obtained as the result
-of long inquiries and laborious inductions. The general definition
-of the Kula will serve as a sort of plan or diagram in our further
-concrete and detailed descriptions. And this is the more necessary
-as the Kula is concerned with the exchange of wealth and utilities,
-and therefore it is an economic institution, and there is no other
-aspect of primitive life where our knowledge is more scanty and our
-understanding more superficial than in Economics. Hence misconception
-is rampant, and it is necessary to clear the ground when approaching
-any economic subject.
-
-Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a "form of trade," and we
-ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This is quite correct,
-if we give the word "trade" a sufficiently wide interpretation, and
-mean by it any exchange of goods. But the word "trade" is used in
-current Ethnography and economic literature with so many different
-implications that a whole lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have
-to be brushed aside in order to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the
-aprioric current notion of primitive trade would be that of an exchange
-of indispensable or useful articles, done without much ceremony or
-regulation, under stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular
-intervals--and this done either by direct barter, everyone looking
-out sharply not to be done out of his due, or, if the savages were
-too timid and distrustful to face one another, by some customary
-arrangement, securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in
-the obligations incurred or imposed. [35] Waiving for the present
-the question how far this conception is valid or not in general--in
-my opinion it is quite misleading--we have to realise clearly that
-the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of
-"savage trade." It shows to us primitive exchange in an entirely
-different light.
-
-The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It is,
-quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law, and
-surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public
-and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is
-not done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at
-dates settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade
-routes, which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically,
-though transacted between tribes differing in language, culture,
-and probably even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent
-status, on a partnership which binds into couples some thousands of
-individuals. This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies
-various mutual duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of
-inter-tribal relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic
-mechanism of the transactions, this is based on a specific form of
-credit, which implies a high degree of mutual trust and commercial
-honour--and this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which
-accompanies the Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under
-stress of any need, since its main aim is to exchange articles which
-are of no practical use.
-
-From the concise definition of Kula given at the beginning of this
-chapter, we see that in its final essence, divested of all trappings
-and accessories, it is a very simple affair, which at first sight
-might even appear tame and unromantic. After all, it only consists
-of an exchange, interminably repeated, of two articles intended for
-ornamentation, but not even used for that to any extent. Yet this
-simple action--this passing from hand to hand of two meaningless
-and quite useless objects--has somehow succeeded in becoming the
-foundation of a big inter-tribal institution, in being associated with
-ever so many other activities. Myth, magic and tradition have built
-up around it definite ritual and ceremonial forms, have given it a
-halo of romance and value in the minds of the natives, have indeed
-created a passion in their hearts for this simple exchange.
-
-The definition of the Kula must now be amplified, and we must describe
-one after the other its fundamental characteristics and main rules,
-so that it may be clearly grasped by what mechanism the mere exchange
-of two articles results in an institution so vast, complex, and
-deeply rooted.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-First of all, a few words must be said about the two principal
-objects of exchange, the arm-shells (mwali) and the necklaces
-(soulava). The arm-shells are obtained by breaking off the top and
-the narrow end of a big, cone-shaped shell (Conus millepunctatus),
-and then polishing up the remaining ring. These bracelets are highly
-coveted by all the Papuo-Melanesians of New Guinea, and they spread
-even into the pure Papuan district of the Gulf. [36] The manner of
-wearing the arm-shells is illustrated by Plate XVII, where the men
-have put them on on purpose to be photographed.
-
-The use of the small discs of red spondylus shell, out of which
-the soulava are made, is also of a very wide diffusion. There is a
-manufacturing centre of them in one of the villages in Port Moresby,
-and also in several places in Eastern New Guinea, notably in Rossell
-Island, and in the Trobriands. I have said "use" on purpose here,
-because these small beads, each of them a flat, round disc with a hole
-in the centre, coloured anything from muddy brown to carmine red, are
-employed in various ways for ornamentation. They are most generally
-used as part of earrings, made of rings of turtle shell, which are
-attached to the ear lobe, and from which hang a cluster of the shell
-discs. These earrings are very much worn, and, especially among the
-Massim, you see them on the ears of every second man or woman, while
-others are satisfied with turtle shell alone, unornamented with the
-shell discs. Another everyday ornament, frequently met with and worn,
-especially by young girls and boys, consists of a short necklace,
-just encircling the neck, made of the red spondylus discs, with one
-or more cowrie shell pendants. These shell discs can be, and often
-are, used in the make-up of the various classes of the more elaborate
-ornaments, worn on festive occasions only. Here, however, we are more
-especially concerned with the very long necklaces, measuring from two
-to five metres, made of spondylus discs, of which there are two main
-varieties, one, much the finer, with a big shell pendant, the other
-made of bigger discs, and with a few cowrie shells or black banana
-seeds in the centre (see Plate XVIII).
-
-The arm-shells on the one hand, and the long spondylus shell strings
-on the other, the two main Kula articles, are primarily ornaments. As
-such, they are used with the most elaborate dancing dress only,
-and on very festive occasions such as big ceremonial dances, great
-feasts, and big gatherings, where several villages are represented,
-as can be seen in Plate VI. Never could they be used as everyday
-ornaments, nor on occasions of minor importance, such as a small
-dance in the village, a harvest gathering, a love-making expedition,
-when facial painting, floral decoration and smaller though not quite
-everyday ornaments are worn (see Plates XII and XIII). But even
-though usable and sometimes used, this is not the main function of
-these articles. Thus, a chief may have several shell strings in his
-possession, and a few arm-shells. Supposing that a big dance is held
-in his or in a neighbouring village, he will not put on his ornaments
-himself if he goes to assist at it, unless he intends to dance
-and decorate himself, but any of his relatives, his children or his
-friends and even vassals, can have the use of them for the asking. If
-you go to a feast or a dance where there are a number of men wearing
-such ornaments, and ask anyone of them at random to whom it belongs,
-the chances are that more than half of them will answer that they
-themselves are not the owners, but that they had the articles lent to
-them. These objects are not owned in order to be used; the privilege
-of decorating oneself with them is not the real aim of possession.
-
-Indeed--and this is more significant--by far the greater number of the
-arm-shells, easily ninety per cent., are of too small a size to be worn
-even by young boys and girls. A few are so big and valuable that they
-would not be worn at all, except once in a decade by a very important
-man on a very festive day. Though all the shell-strings can be worn,
-some of them are again considered too valuable, and are cumbersome
-for frequent use, and would be worn on very exceptional occasions only.
-
-This negative description leaves us with the questions: why, then,
-are these objects valued, what purpose do they serve? The full answer
-to this question will emerge out of the whole story contained in the
-following chapters, but an approximate idea must be given at once. As
-it is always better to approach the unknown through the known, let us
-consider for a moment whether among ourselves we have not some type of
-objects which play a similar rôle and which are used and possessed in
-the same manner. When, after a six years' absence in the South Seas and
-Australia, I returned to Europe and did my first bit of sight-seeing
-in Edinburgh Castle, I was shown the Crown jewels. The keeper told
-many stories of how they were worn by this or that king or queen
-on such and such occasion, of how some of them had been taken over
-to London, to the great and just indignation of the whole Scottish
-nation, how they were restored, and how now everyone can be pleased,
-since they are safe under lock and key, and no one can touch them. As
-I was looking at them and thinking how ugly, useless, ungainly, even
-tawdry they were, I had the feeling that something similar had been
-told to me of late, and that I had seen many other objects of this
-sort, which made a similar impression on me.
-
-And then arose before me the vision of a native village on coral soil,
-and a small, rickety platform temporarily erected under a pandanus
-thatch, surrounded by a number of brown, naked men, and one of them
-showing me long, thin red strings, and big, white, worn-out objects,
-clumsy to sight and greasy to touch. With reverence he also would name
-them, and tell their history, and by whom and when they were worn,
-and how they changed hands, and how their temporary possession was a
-great sign of the importance and glory of the village. The analogy
-between the European and the Trobriand vaygu'a (valuables) must be
-delimited with more precision. The Crown jewels, in fact, any heirlooms
-too valuable and too cumbersome to be worn, represent the same type as
-vaygu'a in that they are merely possessed for the sake of possession
-itself, and the ownership of them with the ensuing renown is the main
-source of their value. Also both heirlooms and vaygu'a are cherished
-because of the historical sentiment which surrounds them. However ugly,
-useless, and--according to current standards--valueless an object
-may be, if it has figured in historical scenes and passed through
-the hands of historic persons, and is therefore an unfailing vehicle
-of important sentimental associations, it cannot but be precious to
-us. This historic sentimentalism, which indeed has a large share in
-our general interest in studies of past events, exists also in the
-South Seas. Every really good Kula article has its individual name,
-round each there is a sort of history and romance in the traditions
-of the natives. Crown jewels or heirlooms are insignia of rank and
-symbols of wealth respectively, and in olden days with us, and in New
-Guinea up till a few years ago, both rank and wealth went together. The
-main point of difference is that the Kula goods are only in possession
-for a time, whereas the European treasure must be permanently owned
-in order to have full value.
-
-Taking a broader, ethnological view of the question, we may class
-the Kula valuables among the many "ceremonial" objects of wealth;
-enormous, carved and decorated weapons, stone implements, articles of
-domestic and industrial nature, too well decorated and too clumsy for
-use. Such things are usually called "ceremonial," but this word seems
-to cover a great number of meanings and much that has no meaning at
-all. In fact, very often, especially on museum labels, an article is
-called "ceremonial" simply because nothing is known about its uses and
-general nature. Speaking only about museum exhibits from New Guinea,
-I can say that many so-called ceremonial objects are nothing but
-simply overgrown objects of use, which preciousness of material and
-amount of labour expended have transformed into reservoirs of condensed
-economic value. Again, others are used on festive occasions, but play
-no part whatever in rites and ceremonies, and serve for decoration
-only, and these might be called objects of parade (comp. Chap. VI,
-Div. I). Finally, a number of these articles function actually as
-instruments of a magical or religious rite, and belong to the intrinsic
-apparatus of a ceremony. Such and such only could be correctly called
-ceremonial. During the So'i feasts among the Southern Massim, women
-carrying polished axe blades in fine carved handles, accompany with a
-rhythmic step to the beat of drums, the entry of the pigs and mango
-saplings into the village (see Plates V and VI). As this is part
-of the ceremony and the axes are an indispensable accessory, their
-use in this case can be legitimately called "ceremonial." Again,
-in certain magical ceremonies in the Trobriands, the towosi (garden
-magician) has to carry a mounted axe blade on his shoulders, and with
-it he delivers a ritual blow at a kamkokola structure (see Plate LIX;
-compare Chapter II, Division IV).
-
-The vaygu'a--the Kula valuables--in one of their aspects are overgrown
-objects of use. They are also, however, ceremonial objects in the
-narrow and correct sense of the word. This will become clear after
-perusal of the following pages, and to this point we shall return in
-the last chapter.
-
-It must be kept in mind that here we are trying to obtain a clear and
-vivid idea of what the Kula valuables are to the natives, and not to
-give a detailed and circumstantial description of them, nor to define
-them with precision. The comparison with the European heirlooms or
-Crown jewels was given in order to show that this type of ownership
-is not entirely a fantastic South Sea custom, untranslatable into our
-ideas. For--and this is a point I want to stress--the comparison I
-have made is not based on purely external, superficial similarity. The
-psychological and sociological forces at work are the same, it is
-really the same mental attitude which makes us value our heirlooms,
-and makes the natives in New Guinea value their vaygu'a.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-The exchange of these two classes of vaygu'a, of the armshells and the
-necklaces, constitutes the main act of the Kula. This exchange is not
-done freely, right and left, as opportunity offers, and where the whim
-leads. It is subject indeed to strict limitations and regulations. One
-of these refers to the sociology of the exchange, and entails that
-Kula transactions can be done only between partners. A man who is in
-the Kula--for not everyone within its district is entitled to carry
-it on--has only a limited number of people with whom he does it. This
-partnership is entered upon in a definite manner, under fulfilment of
-certain formalities, and it constitutes a life-long relationship. The
-number of partners a man has varies with his rank and importance. A
-commoner in the Trobriands would have a few partners only, whereas
-a chief would number hundreds of them. There is no special social
-mechanism to limit the partnership of some people and extend that of
-the others, but a man would naturally know to what number of partners
-he was entitled by his rank and position. And there would be always the
-example of his immediate ancestors to guide him. In other tribes, where
-the distinction of rank is not so pronounced, an old man of standing,
-or a headman of a hamlet or village would also have hundreds of Kula
-associates, whereas a man of minor importance would have but few.
-
-Two Kula partners have to kula with one another, and exchange other
-gifts incidentally; they behave as friends, and have a number of
-mutual duties and obligations, which vary with the distance between
-their villages and with their reciprocal status. An average man has a
-few partners near by, as a rule his relations-in-law or his friends,
-and with these partners, he is generally on very friendly terms. The
-Kula partnership is one of the special bonds which unite two men
-into one of the standing relations of mutual exchange of gifts and
-services so characteristic of these natives. Again, the average man
-will have one or two chiefs in his or in the neighbouring districts
-with whom he kulas. In such a case, he would be bound to assist and
-serve them in various ways, and to offer them the pick of his vaygu'a
-when he gets a fresh supply. On the other hand he would expect them
-to be specially liberal to him.
-
-The overseas partner is, on the other hand, a host, patron and ally
-in a land of danger and insecurity. Nowadays, though the feeling of
-danger still persists, and natives never feel safe and comfortable
-in a strange district, this danger is rather felt as a magical one,
-and it is more the fear of foreign sorcery that besets them. In
-olden days, more tangible dangers were apprehended, and the partner
-was the main guarantee of safety. He also provides with food, gives
-presents, and his house, though never used to sleep in, is the place
-in which to foregather while in the village. Thus the Kula partnership
-provides every man within its ring with a few friends near at hand,
-and with some friendly allies in the far-away, dangerous, foreign
-districts. These are the only people with whom he can kula, but,
-of course, amongst all his partners, he is free to choose to which
-one he will offer which object.
-
-Let us now try to cast a broad glance at the cumulative effects
-of the rules of partnership. We see that all around the ring of
-Kula there is a network of relationships, and that naturally the
-whole forms one interwoven fabric. Men living at hundreds of miles'
-sailing distance from one another are bound together by direct or
-intermediate partnership, exchange with each other, know of each
-other, and on certain occasions meet in a large intertribal gathering
-(Plate XX). Objects given by one, in time reach some very distant
-indirect partner or other, and not only Kula objects, but various
-articles of domestic use and minor gifts. It is easy to see that in
-the long run, not only objects of material culture, but also customs,
-songs, art motives and general cultural influences travel along the
-Kula route. It is a vast, inter-tribal net of relationships, a big
-institution, consisting of thousands of men, all bound together by
-one common passion for Kula exchange, and secondarily, by many minor
-ties and interests.
-
-Returning again to the personal aspect of the Kula, let us take a
-concrete example, that of an average man who lives, let us assume,
-in the village of Sinaketa, an important Kula centre in the Southern
-Trobriands. He has a few partners, near and far, but they again fall
-into categories, those who give him arm-shells, and those who give
-him necklaces. For it is naturally an invariable rule of the Kula that
-arm-shells and necklaces are never received from the same man, since
-they must travel in different directions. If one partner gives the
-armshells, and I return to him a necklace, all future operations have
-to be of the same type. More than that, the nature of the operation
-between me, the man of Sinaketa, and my partner, is determined by our
-relative positions with regard to the points of the compass. Thus I,
-in Sinaketa, would receive from the North and East only arm-shells;
-from the South and West, necklaces are given to me. If I have a near
-partner next door to me, if his abode is North or East of mine,
-he will always be giving me arm-shells and receiving necklaces
-from me. If, at a later time he were to shift his residence within
-the village, the old relationship would obtain, but if he became
-a member of another village community on the other side of me the
-relationship would be reversed. The partners in villages to the North
-of Sinaketa, in the district of Luba, Kulumata, or Kiriwina all supply
-me with arm-shells. These I hand over to my partners in the South,
-and receive from them necklaces. The South in this case means the
-southern districts of Boyowa, as well as the Amphletts and Dobu.
-
-Thus every man has to obey definite rules as to the geographical
-direction of his transactions. At any point in the Kula ring, if
-we imagine him turned towards the centre of the circle, he receives
-the arm-shells with his left hand, and the necklaces with his right,
-and then hands them both on. In other words, he constantly passes the
-arm-shells from left to right, and the necklaces from right to left.
-
-Applying this rule of personal conduct to the whole Kula ring,
-we can see at once what the aggregate result is. The sum total
-of exchanges will not result in an aimless shifting of the two
-classes of article, in a fortuitous come and go of the armshells and
-necklaces. Two continuous streams will constantly flow on, the one
-of necklaces following the hands of a clock, and the other, composed
-of the arm-shells, in the opposite direction. We see thus that it
-is quite correct to speak of the circular exchange of the Kula, of a
-ring or circuit of moving articles (comp. Map V). On this ring, all
-the villages are placed in a definitely fixed position with regard
-to one another, so that one is always on either the arm-shell or on
-the necklace side of the other.
-
-Now we pass to another rule of the Kula, of the greatest importance. As
-just explained "the armshells and shell-strings always travel in their
-own respective directions on the ring, and they are never, under
-any circumstances, traded back in the wrong direction. Also, they
-never stop. It seems almost incredible at first, but it is the fact,
-nevertheless, that no one ever keeps any of the Kula: valuables for
-any length of time. Indeed, in the whole of the Trobriands there are
-perhaps only one or two specially fine armshells and shell-necklaces
-permanently owned as heirlooms, and these are set apart as a special
-class, and are once and for all out of the Kula. 'Ownership,'
-therefore, in Kula, is quite a special economic relation. A man who
-is in the Kula never keeps any article for longer than, say, a year
-or two. Even this exposes him to the reproach of being niggardly, and
-certain districts have the bad reputation of being 'slow' and 'hard'
-in the Kula. On the other hand, each man has an enormous number of
-articles passing through his hands during his life time, of which
-he enjoys a temporary possession, and which he keeps in trust for a
-time. This possession hardly ever makes him use the articles, and
-he remains under the obligation soon again to hand them on to one
-of his partners. But the temporary ownership allows him to draw a
-great deal of renown, to exhibit his article, to tell how he obtained
-it, and to plan to whom he is going to give it. And all this forms
-one of the favourite subjects of tribal conversation and gossip,
-in which the feats and the glory in Kula of chiefs or commoners are
-constantly discussed and re-discussed." [37] Thus every article moves
-in one direction only, never comes back, never permanently stops,
-and takes as a rule some two to ten years to make the round.
-
-This feature of the Kula is perhaps its most remarkable one, since it
-creates a new type of ownership, and places the two Kula articles in a
-class of their own. Here we can return to the comparison drawn between
-the vaygu'a (Kiriwinian valuables) and the European heirlooms. This
-comparison broke down on one point: in the European objects of this
-class, permanent ownership, lasting association with the hereditary
-dignity or rank or with a family, is one of its main features. In
-this the Kula articles differ from heirlooms, but resemble another
-type of valued object, that is, trophies, gauges of superiority,
-sporting cups, objects which are kept for a time only by the winning
-party, whether a group or an individual. Though held only in trust,
-only for a period, though never used in any utilitarian way, yet the
-holders get from them a special type of pleasure by the mere fact of
-owning them, of being entitled to them. Here again, it is not only
-a superficial, external resemblance, but very much the same mental
-attitude, favoured by similar social arrangements. The resemblance
-goes so far that in the Kula there exists also the element of pride
-in merit, an element which forms the main ingredient in the pleasure
-felt by a man or group holding a trophy. Success in Kula is ascribed
-to special, personal power, due mainly to magic, and men are very
-proud of it. Again, the whole community glories in a specially fine
-Kula trophy, obtained by one of its members.
-
-All the rules so far enumerated--looking at them from the
-individual point of view--limit the social range and the direction
-of the transactions as well as the duration of ownership of the
-articles. Looking at them from the point of view of their integral
-effect, they shape the general outline of the Kula, give it the
-character of the double-closed circuit. Now a few words must be said
-about the nature of each individual transaction, in so far as its
-commercial technicalities are concerned. Here very definite rules
-also obtain.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-The main principle underlying the regulations of actual exchange
-is that the Kula consists in the bestowing of a ceremonial gift,
-which has to be repaid by an equivalent counter-gift after a lapse
-of time, be it a few hours or even minutes, though sometimes as much
-as a year or more may elapse between payments. [38] But it can never
-be exchanged from hand to hand, with the equivalence between the two
-objects discussed, bargained about and computed. The decorum of the
-Kula transaction is strictly kept, and highly valued. The natives
-sharply distinguish it from barter, which they practise extensively,
-of which they have a clear idea, and for which they have a settled
-term--in Kiriwinian: gimwali. Often, when criticising an incorrect,
-too hasty, or indecorous procedure of Kula, they will say: "He conducts
-his Kula as if it were gimwali."
-
-The second very important principle is that the equivalence of the
-counter-gift is left to the giver, and it cannot be enforced by any
-kind of coercion. A partner who has received a Kula gift is expected
-to give back fair and full value, that is, to give as good an arm-shell
-as the necklace he receives, or vice versa. Again, a very fine article
-must be replaced by one of equivalent value, and not by several minor
-ones, though intermediate gifts may be given to mark time before the
-real repayment takes place.
-
-If the article given as counter-gift is not equivalent, the recipient
-will be disappointed and angry, but he has no direct means of redress,
-no means of coercing his partner, or of putting an end to the whole
-transaction. What then are the forces at work which keep the partners
-to the terms of the bargain? Here we come up against a very important
-feature of the native's mental attitude towards wealth and value. The
-great misconception of attributing to the savage a pure economic
-nature, might lead us to reason incorrectly thus: "The passion of
-acquiring, the loathing to lose or give away, is the fundamental and
-most primitive element in man's attitude to wealth. In primitive man,
-this primitive characteristic will appear in its simplest and purest
-form. Grab and never let go will be the guiding principle of his
-life." [39] The fundamental error in this reasoning is that it assumes
-that "primitive man," as represented by the present-day savage, lives,
-at least in economic matters, untrammelled by conventions and social
-restrictions. Quite the reverse is the case. Although, like every
-human being, the Kula native loves to possess and therefore desires
-to acquire and dreads to lose, the social code of rules, with regard
-to give and take by far overrides his natural acquisitive tendency.
-
-This social code, such as we find it among the natives of the Kula is,
-however, far from weakening the natural desirability of possession;
-on the contrary, it lays down that to possess is to be great, and that
-wealth is the indispensable appanage of social rank and attribute of
-personal virtue. But the important point is that with them to possess
-is to give--and here the natives differ from us notably. A man who
-owns a thing is naturally expected to share it, to distribute it,
-to be its trustee and dispenser. And the higher the rank the greater
-the obligation. A chief will naturally be expected to give food to any
-stranger, visitor, even loiterer from another end of the village. He
-will be expected to share any of the betel-nut or tobacco he has
-about him. So that a man of rank will have to hide away any surplus of
-these articles which he wants to preserve for his further use. In the
-Eastern end of New Guinea a type of large basket, with three layers,
-manufactured in the Trobriands, was specially popular among people
-of consequence, because one could hide away one's small treasures
-in the lower compartments. Thus the main symptom of being powerful
-is to be wealthy, and of wealth is to be generous. Meanness, indeed,
-is the most despised vice, and the only thing about which the natives
-have strong moral views, while generosity is the essence of goodness.
-
-This moral injunction and ensuing habit of generosity, superficially
-observed and misinterpreted, is responsible for another wide-spread
-misconception, that of the Primitive communism of savages. This, quite
-as much as the diametrically opposed figment of the acquisitive and
-ruthlessly tenacious native, is definitely erroneous, and this will
-be seen with sufficient clearness in the following chapters.
-
-Thus the fundamental principle of the natives' moral code in
-this matter makes a man do his fair share in Kula transaction and
-the more important he is, the more will he desire to shine by his
-generosity. Noblesse oblige is in reality the social norm regulating
-their conduct. This does not mean that people are always satisfied,
-and that there are no squabbles about the transactions, no resentments
-and even feuds. It is obvious that, however much a man may want to
-give a good equivalent for the object received, he may not be able to
-do so. And then, as there is always a keen competition to be the most
-generous giver, a man who has received less than he gave will not keep
-his grievance to himself, but will brag about his own generosity and
-compare it to his partner's meanness; the other resents it, and the
-quarrel is ready to break out. But it is very important to realise
-that there is no actual haggling, no tendency to do a man out of his
-share. The giver is quite as keen as the receiver that the gift should
-be generous, though for different reasons. Then, of course, there is
-the important consideration that a man who is fair and generous in
-the Kula will attract a larger stream to himself than a mean one.
-
-The two main principles, namely, first that the Kula is a gift repaid
-after an interval of time by a counter-gift, and not a bartering;
-and second, that the equivalent rests with the giver, and cannot
-be enforced, nor can there be any haggling or going back on the
-exchange--these underlie all the transactions. A concrete outline of
-how they are carried on, will give a sufficient preliminary idea.
-
-"Let us suppose that I, a Sinaketa man, am in possession of a
-pair of big armshells. An overseas expedition from Dobu in the
-d'Entrecasteaux Archipelago, arrives at my village. Blowing a conch
-shell, I take my armshell pair and I offer it to my overseas partner,
-with some such words as 'This is a vaga (opening gift)--in due time,
-thou returnest to me a big soulava (necklace) for it!' Next year,
-when I visit my partner's village, he either is in possession of an
-equivalent necklace, and this he gives to me as yotile (return gift),
-or he has not a necklace good enough to repay my last gift. In this
-case he will give me a small necklace--avowedly not equivalent to my
-gift--and he will give it to me as basi (intermediary gift). This means
-that the main gift has to be repaid on a future occasion, and the basi
-is given in token of good faith--but it, in turn, must be repaid by me
-in the meantime by a gift of small arm-shells. The final gift, which
-will be given to me to clinch the whole transaction, would then be
-called kudu (clinching gift) in contrast to basi" (loc. cit., p. 99).
-
-Although haggling and bargaining are completely ruled out of the
-Kula, there are customary and regulated ways of bidding for a piece
-of vaygu'a known to be in the possession of one's partner. This is
-done by the offer of what we shall call solicitary gifts, of which
-there are several types. "If I, an inhabitant of Sinaketa, happen
-to be in possession of a pair of arm-shells more than usually good,
-the fame of it spreads, for it must be remembered that each one of
-the first-class armshells and necklaces has a personal name and a
-history of its own, and as they circulate around the big ring of
-the Kula, they are all well known, and their appearance in a given
-district always creates a sensation. Now, all my partners--whether
-from overseas or from within the district--compete for the favour of
-receiving this particular article of mine, and those who are specially
-keen try to obtain it by giving me pokala (offerings) and kaributu
-(solicitary gifts). The former (pokala) consist as a rule of pigs,
-especially fine bananas, and yams or taro; the latter (kaributu)
-are of greater value: the valuable, large axe-blades (called beku),
-or lime spoons of whale bone are given" (loc. cit., p. 100). The
-further complication in the repayment of these solicitary gifts and a
-few more technicalities and technical expressions connected herewith
-will be given later on in Chapter IV.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-I have enumerated the main rules of the Kula in a manner sufficient
-for a preliminary definition, and now a few words must be said about
-the associated activities and secondary aspects of the Kula. If we
-realise that at times the exchange has to take place between districts
-divided by dangerous seas, over which a great number of people have to
-travel by sail, and do so keeping to appointed dates, it becomes clear
-at once that considerable preparations are necessary to carry out the
-expedition. Many preliminary activities are intimately associated with
-the Kula. Such are, particularly, the building of canoes, preparation
-of the outfit, the provisioning of the expedition, the fixing of dates
-and social organisation of the enterprise. All these are subsidiary
-to the Kula, and as they are carried on in pursuit of it, and form one
-connected series, a description of the Kula must embrace an account of
-these preliminary activities. The detailed account of canoe building,
-of the ceremonial attached to it, of the incidental magical rites,
-of the launching and trial run, of the associated customs which aim
-at preparing the outfit--all this will be described in detail in the
-next few chapters.
-
-Another important pursuit inextricably bound up with the Kula,
-is that of the secondary trade. Voyaging to far-off countries,
-endowed with natural resources unknown in their own homes, the Kula
-sailors return each time richly laden with these, the spoils of
-their enterprise. Again, in order to be able to offer presents to his
-partner, every outward bound canoe carries a cargo of such things as
-are known to be most desirable in the overseas district. Some of this
-is given away in presents to the partners, but a good deal is carried
-in order to pay for the objects desired at home. In certain cases,
-the visiting natives exploit on their own account during the journey
-some of the natural resources overseas. For example, the Sinaketans
-dive for the spondylus in Sanaroa Lagoon, and the Dobuans fish in
-the Trobriands on a beach on the southern end of the island. The
-secondary trade is complicated still more by the fact that such big
-Kula centres as, for instance, Sinaketa, are not efficient in any
-of the industries of special value to the Dobuans. Thus, Sinaketans
-have to procure the necessary store of goods from the inland villages
-of Kuboma, and this they do on minor trading expeditions preliminary
-to the Kula. Like the canoe-building, the secondary trading will be
-described in detail later on, and has only to be mentioned here.
-
-Here, however, these subsidiary and associated activities must be
-put in proper relation with regard to one another and to the main
-transaction. Both the canoe-building and the ordinary trade have
-been spoken of as secondary or subsidiary to the Kula proper. This
-requires a comment. I do not, by thus subordinating the two things
-in importance to the Kula, mean to express a philosophical reflection
-or a personal opinion as to the relative value of these pursuits from
-the point of view of some social teleology. Indeed, it is clear that
-if we look at the acts from the outside, as comparative sociologists,
-and gauge their real utility, trade and canoe-building will appear
-to us as the really important achievements, whereas we shall regard
-the Kula only as an indirect stimulus, impelling the natives to sail
-and to trade. Here, however, I am not dealing in sociological, but
-in pure ethnographical description, and any sociological analysis I
-have given is only what has been absolutely indispensable to clear
-away misconceptions and to define terms. [40]
-
-By ranging the Kula as the primary and chief activity, and the rest
-as secondary ones, I mean that this precedence is implied in the
-institutions themselves. By studying the behaviour of the natives and
-all the customs in question, we see that the Kula is in all respects
-the main aim: the dates are fixed, the preliminaries settled, the
-expeditions arranged, the social organisation determined, not with
-regard to trade, but with regard to Kula. On an expedition, the big
-ceremonial feast, held at the start, refers to the Kula; the final
-ceremony of reckoning and counting the spoil refers to Kula, not to
-the objects of trade obtained. Finally, the magic, which is one of the
-main factors of all the procedure, refers only to the Kula, and this
-applies even to a part of the magic carried out over the canoe. Some
-rites in the whole cycle are done for the sake of the canoe itself,
-and others for the sake of Kula. The construction of the canoes is
-always carried on directly in connection with a Kula expedition. All
-this, of course, will become really clear and convincing only after
-the detailed account is given. But it was necessary at this point to
-set the right perspective in the relation between the main Kula and
-the trade.
-
-Of course not only many of the surrounding tribes who know nothing
-of the Kula do build canoes and sail far and daringly on trading
-expeditions, but even within the Kula ring, in the Trobriands for
-instance, there are several villages who do not kula, yet have canoes
-and carry on energetic overseas trade. But where the Kula is practised,
-it governs all the other allied activities, and canoe building and
-trade are made subsidiary to it. And this is expressed both by the
-nature of the institutions and the working of all the arrangements
-on the one hand, and by the behaviour and explicit statements of the
-natives on the other.
-
-The Kula--it becomes, I hope, more and more clear--is a big,
-complicated institution, insignificant though its nucleus might
-appear. To the natives, it represents one of the most vital interests
-in life, and as such it has a ceremonial character and is surrounded by
-magic. We can well imagine that articles of wealth might pass from hand
-to hand without ceremony or ritual, but in the Kula they never do. Even
-when at times only small parties in one or two canoes sail overseas
-and bring back vaygu'a, certain taboos are observed, and a customary
-course is taken in departing, in sailing, and in arriving; even the
-smallest expedition in one canoe is a tribal event of some importance,
-known and spoken of over the whole district. But the characteristic
-expedition is one in which a considerable number of canoes take
-part, organised in a certain manner, and forming one body. Feasts,
-distributions of food, and other public ceremonies are held, there
-is one leader and master of the expedition, and various rules are
-adhered to, in addition to the ordinary Kula taboos and observances.
-
-The ceremonial nature of the Kula is strictly bound up with another of
-its aspects--magic. "The belief in the efficiency of magic dominates
-the Kula, as it does ever so many other tribal activities of the
-natives. Magical rites must be performed over the sea-going canoe when
-it is built, in order to make it swift, steady and safe; also magic
-is done over a canoe to make it lucky in the Kula. Another system of
-magical rites is done in order to avert the dangers of sailing. The
-third system of magic connected with overseas expeditions is the
-mwasila or the Kula magic proper. This system consists in numerous
-rites and spells, all of which act directly on the mind (nanola)
-of one's partner, and make him soft, unsteady in mind, and eager to
-give Kula gifts" (loc. cit., p. 100).
-
-It is clear that an institution so closely associated with magical
-and ceremonial elements, as is the Kula, not only rests on a firm,
-traditional foundation, but also has its large store of legends. "There
-is a rich mythology of the Kula, in which stories are told about
-far-off times when mythical ancestors sailed on distant and daring
-expeditions. Owing totheir magical knowledge they were able to escape
-dangers, to conquer their enemies, to surmount obstacles, and by their
-feats they established many a precedent which is now closely followed
-by tribal custom. But their importance for their descendants lies
-mainly in the fact that they handed on their magic, and this made
-the Kula possible for the following generations" (loc. cit., p. 100).
-
-The Kula is also associated in certain districts, to which the
-Trobriands do not belong, with the mortuary feasts, called so'i. The
-association is interesting and important, and in Chapter XX an account
-of it will be given.
-
-The big Kula expeditions are carried on by a great number of natives,
-a whole district together. But the geographical limits, from which the
-members of an expedition are recruited, are well defined. Glancing
-at Map V, "we see a number of circles, each of which represents a
-certain sociological unit which we shall call a Kula community. A
-Kula community consists of a village or a number of villages, who go
-out together on big overseas expeditions, and who act as a body in the
-Kula transactions, perform their magic in common, have common leaders,
-and have the same outer and inner social sphere, within which they
-exchange their valuables. The Kula consists, therefore, first of the
-small, internal transactions within a Kula community or contiguous
-communities, and secondly, of the big over-seas expeditions in which
-the exchange of articles takes place between two communities divided
-by sea. In the first, there is a chronic, permanent trickling of
-articles from one village to another, and even within the village. In
-the second, a whole lot of valuables, amounting to over a thousand
-articles at a time, are exchanged in one enormous transaction, or, more
-correctly, in ever so many transactions taking place simultaneously"
-(loc. cit., p. 101). "The Kula trade consists of a series of such
-periodical overseas expeditions, which link together the various
-island groups, and annually bring over big quantities of vaygu'a and
-of subsidiary trade from one district to another. The trade is used
-and used up, but the vaygu'a--the armshells and necklets--go round
-and round the ring" (loc. cit., p. 105).
-
-In this chapter, a short, summary definition of the Kula has been
-given. I enumerated one after the other its most salient features,
-the most remarkable rules as they are laid down in native custom,
-belief and behaviour. This was necessary in order to give a general
-idea of the institution before describing its working in detail. But no
-abridged definition can give to the reader the full understanding of
-a human social institution. It is necessary for this, to explain its
-working concretely, to bring the reader into contact with the people,
-show how they proceed at each successive stage, and to describe all
-the actual manifestations of the general rules laid down in abstract.
-
-As has been said above, the Kula exchange is carried on by enterprises
-of two sorts; first there are the big overseas expeditions, in which
-a more or less considerable amount of valuables are carried at one
-time. Then there is the inland trade in which the articles are passed
-from hand to hand, often changing several owners before they move a
-few miles.
-
-The big overseas expeditions are by far the more spectacular part
-of the Kula. They also contain much more public ceremonial, magical
-ritual, and customary usage. They require also, of course, more of
-preparation and preliminary activity. I shall therefore have a good
-deal more to say about the overseas Kula expeditions than about the
-internal exchange.
-
-As the Kula customs and beliefs have been mainly studied in Boyowa,
-that is, the Trobriand Islands, and from the Boyowan point of view,
-I shall describe, in the first place, the typical course of an
-overseas expedition, as it is prepared, organised, and carried out
-from the Trobriands. Beginning with the construction of the canoes,
-proceeding to the ceremonial launching and the visits of formal
-presentation of canoes, we shall choose then the community of Sinaketa,
-and follow the natives on one of their overseas trips, describing it
-in all details. This will serve us as a type of a Kula expedition to
-distant lands. It will then be indicated in what particulars such
-expeditions may differ in other branches of the Kula, and for this
-purpose I shall describe an expedition from Dobu, and one between
-Kiriwina and Kitava. An account of inland Kula in the Trobriands,
-of some associated forms of trading and of Kula in the remaining
-branches will complete the account.
-
-In the next chapter I pass, therefore, to the preliminary stages of the
-Kula, in the Trobriands, beginning with a description of the canoes.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-CANOES AND SAILING
-
-
-I
-
-A canoe is an item of material culture, and as such it can
-be described, photographed and even bodily transported into a
-museum. But--and this is a truth too often overlooked--the ethnographic
-reality of the canoe would not be brought much nearer to a student
-at home, even by placing a perfect specimen right before him.
-
-The canoe is made for a certain use, and with a definite purpose;
-it is a means to an end, and we, who study native life, must not
-reverse this relation, and make a fetish of the object itself. In
-the study of the economic purposes for which a canoe is made, of the
-various uses to which it is submitted, we find the first approach to
-a deeper ethnographic treatment. Further sociological data, referring
-to its ownership, accounts of who sails in it, and how it is done;
-information regarding the ceremonies and customs of its construction,
-a sort of typical life history of a native craft--all that brings us
-nearer still to the understanding of what his canoe truly means to
-the native.
-
-Even this, however, does not touch the most vital reality of a native
-canoe. For a craft, whether of bark or wood, iron or steel, lives in
-the life of its sailors, and it is more to a sailor than a mere bit
-of shaped matter. To the native, not less than to the white seaman, a
-craft is surrounded by an atmosphere of romance, built up of tradition
-and of personal experience. It is an object of cult and admiration,
-a living thing, possessing its own individuality.
-
-We Europeans--whether we know native craft by experience or through
-descriptions--accustomed to our extraordinarily developed means of
-water transport, are apt to look down on a native canoe and see it
-in a false perspective--regarding it almost as a child's plaything,
-an abortive, imperfect attempt to tackle the problem of sailing,
-which we ourselves have satisfactorily solved. [41] But to the native
-his cumbersome, sprawling canoe is a marvellous, almost miraculous
-achievement, and a thing of beauty (see Plates XXI, XXIII, XL,
-XLVII, LV). He has spun a tradition around it, and he adorns it
-with his best carvings, he colours and decorates it. It is to him
-a powerful contrivance for the mastery of Nature, which allows him
-to cross perilous seas to distant places. It is associated with
-journeys by sail, full of threatening dangers, of living hopes and
-desires to which he gives expression in song and story. In short, in
-the tradition of the natives, in their customs, in their behaviour,
-and in their direct statements, there can be found the deep love,
-the admiration, the specific attachment as to something alive and
-personal, so characteristic of the sailors' attitude towards his craft.
-
-And it is in this emotional attitude of the natives towards their
-canoes that I see the deepest ethnographic reality, which must
-guide us right through the study of other aspects--the customs and
-technicalities of construction and of use; the economic conditions
-and the associated beliefs and traditions. Ethnology or Anthropology,
-the science of Man, must not shun him in his innermost self, in his
-instinctive and emotional life.
-
-A look at the pictures (for instance Plates XXI, XXIV, XXXIX, or XLVII)
-will give us some idea of the general structure of the native canoes:
-the body is a long, deep well, connected with an outrigger float,
-which stretches parallel with the body for almost all its length
-(see Plates XXI and XXIII), and with a platform going across from
-one side to the other. The lightness of the material permits it to
-be much more deeply immersed than any sea-going European craft, and
-gives it greater buoyancy. It skims the surface, gliding up and down
-the waves, now hidden by the crests, now riding on top of them. It
-is a precarious but delightful sensation to sit in the slender body,
-while the canoe darts on with the float raised, the platform steeply
-slanting, and water constantly breaking over; or else, still better, to
-perch on the platform or on the float--the latter only feasible in the
-bigger canoes--and be carried across on the sea on a sort of suspended
-raft, gliding over the waves in a manner almost uncanny. Occasionally
-a wave leaps up and above the platform, and the canoe--unwieldy,
-square raft as it seems at first--heaves lengthways and crossways,
-mounting the furrows with graceful agility. When the sail is hoisted,
-its heavy, stiff folds of golden matting unroll with a characteristic
-swishing and crackling noise, and the canoe begins to make way; when
-the water rushes away below with a hiss, and the yellow sail glows
-against the intense blue of sea and sky--then indeed the romance of
-sailing seems to open through a new vista.
-
-The natural reflection on this description is that it presents the
-feelings of the Ethnographer, not those of the native. Indeed there
-is a great difficulty in disentangling our own sensations from a
-correct reading of the innermost native mind. But if an investigator,
-speaking the native's language and living among them for some time,
-were to try to share and understand their feelings, he will find
-that he can gauge them correctly. Soon he will learn to distinguish
-when the native's behaviour is in harmony with his own, and when,
-as it sometimes happens, the two are at variance.
-
-Thus, in this case, there is no mistaking the natives' great admiration
-of a good canoe; of their quickness in appreciating differences in
-speed, buoyancy and stability, and of their emotional reaction to
-such difference. When, on a calm day, suddenly a fresh breeze rises,
-the sail is set, and fills, and the canoe lifts its lamina (outrigger
-float) out of the water, and races along, flinging the spray to right
-and left--there is no mistaking the keen enjoyment of the natives. All
-rush to their posts and keenly watch the movements of the boat; some
-break out into song, and the younger men lean over and play with the
-water. They are never tired of discussing the good points of their
-canoes, and analysing the various craft. In the coastal villages of
-the Lagoon, boys and young men will often sail out in small canoes
-on mere pleasure cruises, when they race each other, explore less
-familiar nooks of the Lagoon, and in general undoubtedly enjoy the
-outing, in just the same manner as we would do.
-
-Seen from outside, after you have grasped its construction and
-appreciated through personal experience its fitness for its purpose,
-the canoe is no less attractive and full of character than from
-within. When, on a trading expedition or as a visiting party, a fleet
-of native canoes appears in the offing, with their triangular sails
-like butterfly wings scattered over the water (see Plate XLVIII),
-with the harmonious calls of conch shells blown in unison, the effect
-is unforgettable. [42] When the canoes then approach, and you see
-them rocking in the blue water in all the splendour of their fresh
-white, red, and black paint, with their finely designed prow-boards,
-and clanking array of large, white cowrie shells (see Plates XLIX,
-LV)--you understand well the admiring love which results in all this
-care bestowed by the native on the decoration of his canoe.
-
-Even when not in actual use, when lying idle beached on the sea front
-of a village, the canoe is a characteristic element in the scenery,
-not without its share in the village life. The very big canoes are in
-some cases housed in large sheds (see Plate XXII), which are by far
-the largest buildings erected by the Trobrianders. In other villages,
-where sailing is always being done, a canoe is simply covered with
-palm leaves (see Plates I, LIII), as protection from the sun, and the
-natives often sit on its platform, chatting, and chewing betel-nut, and
-gazing at the sea. The smaller canoes, beached near the sea-front in
-long parallel rows, are ready to be launched at any moment. With their
-curved outline and intricate framework of poles and sticks, they form
-one of the most characteristic settings of a native coastal village.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-A few words must be said now about the technological essentials of
-the canoe. Here again, a simple enumeration of the various parts
-of the canoe, and a description of them, a pulling to pieces of a
-lifeless object will not satisfy us. I shall instead try to show how,
-given its purpose on the one hand, and the limitations in technical
-means and in material on the other, the native ship-builders have
-coped with the difficulties before them.
-
-A sailing craft requires a water-tight, immersible vessel of some
-considerable volume. This is supplied to our natives by a hollowed-out
-log. Such a log might carry fairly heavy loads, for wood is light,
-and the hollowed space adds to its buoyancy. Yet it possesses no
-lateral stability, as can easily be seen. A look at the diagrammatic
-section of a canoe Fig. I (1), shows that a weight with its centre of
-gravity in the middle, that is, distributed symmetrically, will not
-upset the equilibrium, but any load placed so as to produce a momentum
-of rotation (that is, a turning force) at the sides (as indicated by
-arrows at A or B) will cause the canoe to turn round and capsize.
-
-If, however, as shown in Fig. I (2), another smaller, solid log (C)
-be attached to the dug-out, a greater stability is achieved, though
-not a symmetrical one. If we press down the one side of the canoe
-(A) this will cause the canoe to turn round a longitudinal axis,
-so that its other side (B) is raised, Fig. I (3). The log (C) will
-be lifted out of the water, and its weight will produce a momentum
-(turning force) proportional to the displacement, and the rest of the
-canoe will come to equilibrium. This momentum is represented in the
-diagram by the arrow R. Thus a great stability relative to any stress
-exercised upon A, will be achieved. A stress on B causes the log to
-be immersed, to which its buoyancy opposes a slight resistance. But
-it can easily be seen that the stability on this side is much smaller
-than on the other. This asymmetrical [43] stability plays a great
-part in the technique of sailing. Thus, as we shall see, the canoe
-is always so sailed that its outrigger float (C) remains in the wind
-side. The pressure of the sail then lifts the canoe, so that A is
-pressed into the water, and B and C are lifted, a position in which
-they are extremely stable, and can stand great force of wind. Whereas
-the slightest breeze would cause the canoe to turn turtle, if it fell
-on the other side, and thus pressed B--C into the water.
-
-Another look at Fig. I (2) and (3) will help us to realise that the
-stability of the canoe will depend upon (i) the volume, and especially
-the depth of the dug-out; (ii) the distance B--C between the dug-out
-and the log; (iii) the size of the log C. The greater all these three
-magnitudes are, the greater the stability of the canoes. A shallow
-canoe, without much freeboard, will be easily forced into the water;
-moreover, if sailed in rough weather, waves will break over it,
-and fill it with water.
-
-(i) The volume of the dug-out log naturally depends upon the length,
-and thickness of the log. Fairly stable canoes are made of simply
-scooped-out logs. There are limits, however, to the capacity of these,
-which are very soon reached. But by building out the side, by adding
-one or several planks to them, as shown in Figure I (4) the volume and
-the depth can be greatly increased without much increase in weight. So
-that such a canoe has a good deal of freeboard to prevent water from
-breaking in. The longitudinal boards in Kiriwinian canoes are closed
-in at each end by transversal prow-boards, which are also carved with
-more or less perfection (see Plates XXIV c, XLVII).
-
-(ii) The greater the distance B--C between dug-out and outrigger float,
-the greater the stability of the canoe. Since the momentum of rotation
-is the product of B--C (Fig. I), and the weight of the log C, it is
-clear, therefore, that the greater the distance, the greater will be
-the momentum. Too great a distance, however, would interfere with the
-wieldiness of the canoe. Any force acting on the log would easily
-tip the canoe, and as the natives, in order to manage the craft,
-have to walk upon the outrigger, the distance B--C must not be too
-great. In the Trobriands the distance B--C is about one-quarter, or
-less, of the total length of the canoe. In the big, sea-going canoes,
-it is always covered with a platform. In certain other districts, the
-distance is much bigger, and the canoes have another type of rigging.
-
-(iii) The size of the log (C) of which the float is formed. This,
-in sea-going canoes, is usually of considerable dimensions. But, as
-a solid piece of wood becomes heavy if soaked by water, too thick a
-log would not be good.
-
-These are all the essentials of construction in their functional
-aspect, which will make clear further descriptions of sailing,
-of building, and of using. For, indeed, though I have said that
-technicalities are of secondary importance, still without grasping
-them, we cannot understand references to the managing and rigging of
-the canoes.
-
-The Trobrianders use their craft for three main purposes, and
-these correspond to the three types of canoe. Coastal transport,
-especially in the Lagoon, requires small, light, handy canoes called
-kewo'u (see Fig. II (1), and Plates XXIV, top foreground, and XXXVI,
-to the right); for fishing, bigger and more seaworthy canoes called
-kalipoulo (see Fig. II (2), and Plates XXIV, and XXXVI, to the left,
-also XXXVII) are used; finally, for deep sea sailing, the biggest type
-is needed, with a considerable carrying capacity, greater displacement,
-and stronger construction. These are called masawa (see Fig. II (3)
-and Plates XXI, XXIII, etc.). The word waga is a general designation
-for all kinds of sailing craft.
-
-Only a few words need to be said about the first two types, so as to
-make, by means of comparison, the third type clearer. The construction
-of the smallest canoes is sufficiently illustrated by the diagram (1)
-in Fig. II. From this it is clear that it is a simple dug-out log,
-connected with a float. It never has any built-up planking, and no
-carved boards, nor as a rule any platform. In its economic aspect, it
-is always owned by one individual, and serves his personal needs. No
-mythology or magic is attached to it.
-
-Type (2), as can be seen in Fig. II (2), differs in construction from
-(1), in so far that it has its well enclosed by built-out planking and
-carved prow-boards. A framework of six ribs helps to keep the planks
-firmly attached to the dug-out and to hold them together. It is used in
-fishing villages. These villages are organised into several fishing
-detachments, each with a headman. He is the owner of the canoe,
-he performs the fish magic, and among other privileges, obtains
-the main yield of fish. But all his crew de facto have the right to
-use the canoe and share in the yield. Here we come across the fact
-that native ownership is not a simple institution, since it implies
-definite rights of a number of men, combined with the paramount right
-and title of one. There is a good deal of fishing magic, taboos and
-customs connected with the construction of these canoes, and also
-with their use, and they form the subject of a number of minor myths.
-
-By far the most elaborate technically, the most seaworthy and
-carefully built, are the sea-going canoes of the third type (see
-Fig. II (3)). These are undoubtedly the greatest achievement of
-craftsmanship of these natives. Technically, they differ from
-the previously described kinds, in the amount of time spent over
-their construction and the care given to details, rather than in
-essentials. The well is formed by a planking built over a hollowed
-log and closed up at both ends by carved, transversal prow-boards,
-kept in position by others, longitudinal and of oval form. The whole
-planking remains in place by means of ribs, as in the second type
-of canoes, the kalipoulo, the fishing canoes, but all the parts are
-finished and fitted much more perfectly, lashed with a better creeper,
-and more thoroughly caulked. The carving, which in the fishing canoes
-is often quite indifferent, here is perfect. Ownership of these canoes
-is even more complex, and its construction is permeated with tribal
-customs, ceremonial, and magic, the last based on mythology. The
-magic is always performed in direct association with Kula expeditions.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-After having thus spoken about, first, the general impression made by
-a canoe and its psychological import, and then about the fundamental
-features of its technology, we have to turn to the social implications
-of a masawa (sea-going canoe).
-
-The canoe is constructed by a group of people, it is owned, used and
-enjoyed communally, and this is done according to definite rules. There
-is therefore a social organisation underlying the building, the
-owning, and the sailing of a canoe. Under these three headings, we
-shall give an outline of the canoe's sociology, always bearing in mind
-that these outlines have to be filled in in the subsequent account.
-
-(A) Social organisation of labour in constructing a Canoe.
-
-In studying the construction of a canoe, we see the natives engaged
-in an economic enterprise on a big scale. Technical difficulties
-face them, which require knowledge, and can only be overcome by
-a continuous, systematic effort, and at certain stages must be
-met by means of communal labour. All this obviously implies some
-social organisation. All the stages of work, at which various people
-have to co-operate, must be co-ordinated, there must be someone in
-authority who takes the initiative and gives decisions; and there
-must be also someone with a technical capacity, who directs the
-construction. Finally, in Kiriwina, communal labour, and the services
-of experts have to be paid for, and there must be someone who has
-the means and is prepared to do it. [44] This economic organisation
-rests on two fundamental facts--(1) the sociological differentiation
-of functions, and (2) the magical regulation of work.
-
-(1) The sociological differentiation of functions.--First of all there
-is the owner of the canoe, that is, the chief, or the headman of a
-village or of a smaller sub-division, who takes the responsibility
-for the undertaking. He pays for the work, engages the expert, gives
-orders, and commands communal labour.
-
-Besides the owner, there is next another office of great sociological
-importance, namely, that of the expert. He is the man who knows how
-to construct the canoe, how to do the carvings, and, last, not least,
-how to perform the magic. All these functions of the expert may be,
-but not necessarily are, united in one person. The owner is always
-one individual, but there may be two or even three experts.
-
-Finally, the third sociological factor in canoe-building, consists
-of the workers. And here there is a further division. First there
-is a smaller group, consisting of the relations and close friends of
-the owner or of the expert, who help throughout the whole process of
-construction; and, secondly, there is, besides them, the main body of
-villagers, who take part in the work at those stages where communal
-labour is necessary.
-
-(2) The magical regulation of work.--The belief in the efficiency of
-magic is supreme among the natives of Boyowa, and they associate it
-with all their vital concerns. In fact, we shall find magic interwoven
-into all the many industrial and communal activities to be described
-later on, as well as associated with every pursuit where either danger
-or chance conspicuously enter. We shall have to describe, besides the
-magic of canoe-making, that of propitious sailing, of shipwreck and
-salvage, of Kula and of trade, of fishing, of obtaining spondylus and
-Conus shell, and of protection against attack in foreign parts. It
-is imperative that we should thoroughly grasp what magic means
-to the natives and the rôle it plays in all their vital pursuits,
-and a special chapter will be devoted to magical ideas and magical
-practices in Kiriwina. Here, however, it is necessary to sketch the
-main outlines, at least as far as canoe magic is concerned.
-
-First of all, it must be realised that the natives firmly believe
-in the value of magic, and that this conviction, when put to the
-test of their actions, is quite unwavering, even nowadays when so
-much of native belief and custom has been undermined. We may speak
-of the sociological weight of tradition, that is of the degree to
-which the behaviour of a community is affected by the traditional
-commands of tribal law and customs. In the Trobriands, the general
-injunction for always building canoes under the guidance of magic is
-obeyed without the slightest deviation, for the tradition here weighs
-very heavily. Up to the present, not one single masawa canoe has been
-constructed without magic, indeed without the full observance of all
-the rites and ceremonial. The forces that keep the natives to their
-traditional course of behaviour are, in the first place, the specific
-social inertia which obtains in all human societies and is the basis
-of all conservative tendencies, and then the strong conviction that
-if the traditional course were not taken, evil results would ensue. In
-the case of canoes, the Trobrianders would be so firmly persuaded that
-a canoe built without magic would be unseaworthy, slow in sailing,
-and unlucky in the Kula, that no one would dream of omitting the
-magic rites.
-
-In the myths related elsewhere (Chap. XII) we shall see plainly the
-power ascribed to magic in imparting speed and other qualities to a
-canoe. According to native mythology, which is literally accepted,
-and strongly believed, canoes could be even made to fly, had not the
-necessary magic fallen into oblivion.
-
-It is also important to understand rightly the natives' ideas
-about the relation between magical efficiency and the results
-of craftsmanship. Both are considered indispensable, but both
-are understood to act independently. That is, the natives will
-understand that magic, however efficient, will not make up for bad
-workmanship. Each of these two has its own province: the builder
-by his skill and knowledge makes the canoe stable and swift, and
-magic gives it an additional stability and swiftness. If a canoe
-is obviously badly built, the natives will know why it sails slowly
-and is unwieldy. But if one of two canoes, both apparently equally
-well constructed surpasses the other in some respect, this will be
-attributed to magic.
-
-Finally, speaking from a sociological point of view, what is the
-economic function of magic in the process of canoe making? Is it
-simply an extraneous action, having nothing to do with the real work
-or its organisation? Is magic, from the economic point of view, a mere
-waste of time? By no means. In reading the account which follows,
-it will be seen clearly that magic puts order and sequence into
-the various activities, and that it and its associated ceremonial
-are instrumental in securing the co-operation of the community,
-and the organisation of communal labour. As has been said before, it
-inspires the builders with great confidence in the efficiency of their
-work, a mental state essential in any enterprise of complicated and
-difficult character. The belief that the magician is a man endowed
-with special powers, controlling the canoe, makes him a natural
-leader whose command is obeyed, who can fix dates, apportion work,
-and keep the worker up to the mark.
-
-Magic, far from being a useless appendage, or even a burden on
-the work, supplies the psychological influence, which keeps people
-confident about the success of their labour, and provides them with
-a sort of natural leader. [45] Thus the organisation of labour in
-canoe-building rests on the one hand on the division of functions,
-those of the owner, the expert and the helpers, and on the other on
-the co-operation between labour and magic.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-(B) Sociology of Canoe Ownership.
-
-Ownership, giving this word its broadest sense, is the relation,
-often very complex, between an object and the social community in
-which it is found. In ethnology it is extremely important not to
-use this word in any narrower sense than that just defined, because
-the types of ownership found in various parts of the world differ
-widely. It is especially a grave error to use the word ownership with
-the very definite connotation given to it in our own society. For
-it is obvious that this connotation presupposes the existence of
-very highly developed economic and legal conditions, such as they
-are amongst ourselves, and therefore the term "own" as we use it is
-meaningless, when applied to a native society. Or indeed, what is
-worse, such an application smuggles a number of preconceived ideas
-into our description, and before we have begun to give an account of
-the native conditions, we have distorted the reader's outlook.
-
-Ownership has naturally in every type of native society, a different
-specific meaning, as in each type, custom and tradition attach a
-different set of functions, rites and privileges to the word. Moreover,
-the social range of those who enjoy these privileges varies. Between
-pure individual ownership and collectivism, there is a whole scale
-of intermediate blendings and combinations.
-
-In the Trobriands, there is a word which may be said approximately to
-denote ownership, the prefix toli--followed by the name of the object
-owned. Thus the compound word (pronounced without hiatus) toli-waga,
-means "owner" or "master" of a canoe (waga); toli-bagula, the master of
-the garden (bagula--garden); toli-bunukwa, owner of the pig; toli-megwa
-(owner, expert in magic, etc.) This word has to be used as a clue to
-the understanding of native ideas, but here again such a clue must
-be used with caution. For, in the first place, like all abstract
-native words, it covers a wide range, and has different meanings
-in different contexts. And even with regard to one object, a number
-of people may lay claim to ownership, claim to be toli--with regard
-to it. In the second place, people having the full de facto right of
-using an object, might not be allowed to call themselves toli--of this
-object. This will be made clear in the concrete example of the canoe.
-
-The word toli--in this example is restricted to one man only, who calls
-himself toli-waga. Sometimes his nearest maternal relatives, such as
-his brothers and maternal nephews, might call themselves collectively
-toli-waga, but this would be an abuse of the term. Now, even the mere
-privilege of using exclusively this title is very highly valued by
-the natives. With this feature of the Trobriand social psychology,
-that is with their characteristic ambition, vanity and desire to be
-renowned and well spoken of, the reader of the following pages will
-become very familiar. The natives, to whom the Kula and the sailing
-expeditions are so important, will associate the name of the canoe
-with that of its toli; they will identify his magical powers and
-its good luck in sailing and in the Kula; they will often speak of
-So-and-so's sailing here and there, of his being very fast in sailing,
-etc., using in this the man's name for that of the canoe.
-
-Turning now to the detailed determination of this relationship, the
-most important point about it is that it always rests in the person
-of the chief or headman. As we have seen in our short account of the
-Trobrianders' sociology, the village community is always subject to
-the authority of one chief or headman. Each one of these, whether his
-authority extends over a small sectional village, or over a whole
-district, has the means of accumulating a certain amount of garden
-produce, considerable in the case of a chief, relatively small in
-that of a headman, but always sufficient to defray the extra expenses
-incidental to all communal enterprise. He also owns native wealth
-condensed into the form of the objects of value called vaygu'a. Again,
-a headman will have little, a big chief a large amount. But everyone
-who is not a mere nobody, must possess at least a few stone blades,
-a few kaloma belts, and some kuwa (small necklets). Thus in all types
-of tribal enterprises, the chief or headman is able to bear the burden
-of expense, and he also derives the main benefit from the affair. In
-the case of the canoe, the chief, as we saw, acts as main organiser
-in the construction, and he also enjoys the title of toli.
-
-This strong economic position runs side by side with his direct
-power, due to high rank, or traditional authority. In the case of
-a small headman, it is due to the fact that he is at the head of a
-big kinship group (the totemic sub-clan). Both combined, allow him
-to command labour and to reward for it.
-
-This title of toliwaga, besides the general social distinction which
-it confers, implies further a definite series of social functions
-with regard to its individual bearer.
-
-(1) There are first the formal and ceremonial privileges. Thus, the
-toliwaga has the privilege of acting as spokesman of his community
-in all matters of sailing or construction. He assembles the council,
-informal or formal as the case may be, and opens the question of
-when the sailing will take place. This right of initiative is purely
-a nominal one, because both in construction and sailing, the date
-of enterprise is determined by outward causes, such as reciprocity
-to overseas tribes, seasons, customs, etc. Nevertheless, the formal
-privilege is strictly confined to the toliwaga, and highly valued. The
-position of master and leader of ceremonies, of general spokesman,
-lasts right through the successive stages of the building of the
-canoe, and its subsequent use, and we shall meet with it in all the
-ceremonial phases of the Kula.
-
-(2) The economic uses and advantages derived from a canoe are not
-limited to the toliwaga. He, however, gets the lion's share. He has,
-of course, in all circumstances, the privilege of absolute priority
-in being included in the party. He also receives always by far the
-greatest proportion of Kula valuables, and other articles on every
-occasion. This, however, is in virtue of his general position as chief
-or headman, and should perhaps not be included under this heading. But
-a very definite and strictly individual advantage is that of being
-able to dispose of the canoe for hire, and of receiving the payment
-for it. The canoe can be, and often is, hired out from a headman,
-who at a given season has no intention of sailing, by another one,
-as a rule from a different district, who embarks on an expedition. The
-reason of this is, that the chief or headman who borrows, may at that
-time not be able to have his own canoe repaired, or construct another
-new one. The payment for hire is called toguna, and it consists of
-a vaygu'a. Besides this, the best vaygu'a obtained on the expedition
-would be kula'd to the man from whom the canoe was hired. [46]
-
-(3) The toliwaga has definite social privileges, and exercises definite
-functions, in the running of a canoe. Thus, he selects his companions,
-who will sail in his canoe, and has the nominal right to choose or
-reject those who may go on the expedition with him. Here again the
-privilege is much shorn of its value by many restrictions imposed on
-the chief by the nature of things. Thus, on the one hand, his veyola
-(maternal kinsmen) have, according to all native ideas of right and
-law, a strong claim on the canoe. Again, a man of rank in a community
-could be excluded from an expedition only with difficulty, if he
-wished to go and there were no special grievance against him. But if
-there were such a cause, if the man had offended the chief, and were
-on bad terms with him, he himself would not even try to embark. There
-are actual examples of this on record. Another class of people having
-a de facto right to sail are the sailing experts. In the coastal
-villages like Sinaketa there are many of these; in inland ones,
-like Omarakana, there are few. So in one of these inland places,
-there are men who always go in a canoe, whenever it is used; who
-have even a good deal to say in all matters connected with sailing,
-yet who would never dare to use the title of toliwaga, and would
-even definitely disclaim it if it were given to them. To sum up:
-the chief's privilege of choice is limited by two conditions, the
-rank and the seamanship of those he may select. As we have seen,
-he fulfils definite functions in the construction of the canoe. We
-shall see later on that he has also definite functions in sailing.
-
-(4) A special feature, implied in the title of toliwaga, is the
-performance of magical duties. It will be made clear that magic during
-the process of construction is done by the expert, but magic done in
-connection with sailing and Kula is done by the toliwaga. The latter
-must, by definition, know canoe magic. The rôle of magic in this,
-and the taboos, ceremonial activities, and special customs associated
-with it, will come out clearly in the consecutive account of a Kula
-expedition.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-(C) The Social Division of Functions in the Manning and Sailing of
-the Canoe.
-
-Very little is to be said under this heading here, since to understand
-this we must know more about the technicalities of sailing. We shall
-deal with this subject later on (Chap. IX, Div. II), and there
-the social organisation within the canoe--such as it is--will be
-indicated. Here it may be said that a number of men have definite
-tasks assigned to them, and they keep to these. As a rule a man will
-specialise, let us say, as steersman, and will always have the rudder
-given to his care. Captainship, carrying with it definite duties,
-powers and responsibilities, as a position distinct from that of the
-toliwaga, does not exist. The owner of the canoe will always take the
-lead and give orders, provided that he is a good sailor. Otherwise the
-best sailor from the crew will say what is to be done when difficulties
-or dangers arise. As a rule, however, everyone knows his task, and
-everyone performs it in the normal course of events.
-
-A short outline of the concrete details referring to the distribution
-of canoes in the Trobriands must be given here. A glance at the map of
-Boyowa shows that various districts have not the same opportunities
-for sailing, and not all of them direct access to the sea. Moreover,
-the fishing villages on the Lagoon, where fishing and sailing have
-constantly to be done, will naturally have more opportunities for
-cultivating the arts of sailing and ship-building. And indeed we find
-that the villages of the two inland districts, Tilataula and Kuboma,
-know nothing about ship-building and sailing, and possess no canoes;
-the villages in Kiriwina and Luba, on the east coast, with indirect
-access to the sea, have only one canoe each, and few building experts;
-while some villagers on the Lagoon are good sailors and excellent
-builders. The best centres for canoe-building are found in the islands
-of Vakuta and Kayleula and to a lesser degree this craft flourishes
-in the village of Sinaketa. The island of Kitava is the traditional
-building centre, and at present the finest canoes as well as the best
-canoe carvings come from there. In this description of canoes, this
-island, which really belongs to the Eastern rather than to the Western
-branch of the N. Massim, must be included in the account, since all
-Boyowan canoe mythology and canoe industry is associated with Kitava.
-
-There are at present some sixty-four Masawa canoes in the Trobriands
-and Kitava. Out of these, some four belong to the Northern district,
-where Kula is not practised; all the rest are built and used for the
-Kula. In the foregoing chapters I have spoken about "Kula communities,"
-that is, such groups of villages as carry on the Kula as a whole,
-sail together on overseas expeditions, and do their internal Kula
-with one another. We shall group the canoes according to the Kula
-community to which they belong.
-
-
-            Kiriwina                         8 canoes.
-            Luba                             3   ,,
-            Sinaketa                         8   ,,
-            Vakuta                          22   ,,
-            Kayleula               about    20   ,,
-            Kitava                 about    12   ,,
-                                            ----------
-            Total for all Kula communities  60 canoes.
-
-
-To this number, the canoes of the Northern district must be added,
-but they are never used in the Kula. In olden days, this figure was,
-on a rough estimate, more than double of what it is now, because,
-first of all, there are some villages which had canoes in the old
-days and now have none, and then the number of villages which became
-extinct a few generations ago is considerable. About half a century
-ago, there were in Vakuta alone about sixty canoes, in Sinaketa
-at least twenty, in Kitava thirty, in Kiriwina twenty, and in Luba
-ten. When all the canoes from Sinaketa and Vakuta sailed south, and
-some twenty to thirty more joined them from the Amphletts and Tewara,
-quite a stately fleet would approach Dobu.
-
-Turning now to the list of ownership in Kiriwina, the most important
-canoe is, of course, that owned by the chief of Omarakana. This
-canoe always leads the fleet; that is to say, on big ceremonial Kula
-sailings, called uvalaku, it has the privileged position. It lives
-in a big shed on the beach of Kaulukuba (see Plates XXII, XXX),
-distant about one mile from the village, the beach on which also
-each new canoe is made. The present canoe (see Plates XXI and XLI)
-is called Nigada Bu'a--"begging for an areca-nut." Every canoe has a
-personal name of its own, sometimes just an appropriate expression,
-like the one quoted, sometimes derived from some special incident. When
-a new canoe is built, it often inherits the name of its predecessor,
-but sometimes it gets a new name. The present Omarakana canoe was
-constructed by a master-builder from Kitava, who also carved the
-ornamental prow-board. There is no one now in Omarakana who can
-build or carve properly. The magic over the latter stages ought to
-have been recited by the present chief, To'uluwa, but as he has very
-little capacity for remembering spells, the magic was performed by
-one of his kinsmen.
-
-All the other canoes of Kiriwina are also housed in hangars, each
-on a beach of clean, white sand on the Eastern coast. The chief or
-headman of each village is the toliwaga. In Kasana'i, the sub-village
-of Omarakana, the canoe, called in feigned modesty tokwabu (something
-like "landlubber"), was built by Ibena, a chief of equal rank, but
-smaller power than To'uluwa, and he is also the toliwaga. Some other
-characteristic names of the canoes are:--Kuyamataym'--"Take care of
-yourself," that is, "because I shall get ahead of you"; the canoe
-of Liluta, called Siya'i, which is the name of a Government station,
-where some people from Liluta were once imprisoned; Topusa--a flying
-fish; Yagwa'u--a scarecrow; Akamta'u--"I shall eat men," because the
-canoe was a gift from the cannibals of Dobu.
-
-In the district of Luba there are at present only three canoes; one
-belongs to the chief of highest rank in the village of Olivilevi. This
-is the biggest canoe in all the Trobriands. Two are in the village
-of Wawela, and belong to two headmen, each ruling over a section of
-the village; one of them is seen being relashed on Plate XXVII.
-
-The big settlement of Sinaketa, consisting of sectional villages,
-has also canoes. There are about four expert builders and carvers,
-and almost every man there knows a good deal about construction. In
-Vakuta the experts are even more numerous, and this is also the case
-in Kayleula and Kitava.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-THE CEREMONIAL BUILDING OF A WAGA
-
-
-I
-
-The building of the sea-going canoe (masawa) is inextricably bound
-up with the general proceedings of the Kula. As we have said before,
-in all villages where Kula is practised the masawa canoes are built
-and repaired only in direct connection with it. That is, as soon as
-a Kula expedition is decided upon, and its date fixed, all the canoes
-of the village must be overhauled, and those too old for repair must
-be replaced by new ones. As the overhauling differs only slightly
-from building in the later, ceremonial stages of the procedure,
-the account in this chapter covers both.
-
-To the native, the construction of the canoe is the first link in
-the chain of the Kula performances. From the moment that the tree is
-felled till the return of the oversea party, there is one continuous
-flow of events, following in regular succession. Not only that:
-as we shall see, the technicalities of construction are interrupted
-and punctuated by magical rites. Some of these refer to the canoe,
-others belong to the Kula. Thus, canoe-building and the first stage
-of Kula dovetail into one another. Again, the launching of the canoe,
-and especially the kabigidoya (the formal presentation visit) are
-in one respect the final acts of canoe-building, and in another
-they belong to the Kula. In giving the account of canoe-building,
-therefore, we start on the long sequence of events which form a Kula
-expedition. No account of the Kula could be considered complete in
-which canoe-building had been omitted.
-
-In this chapter, the incidents will be related one after the other
-as they happen in the normal routine of tribal life, obeying the
-commands of custom, and the indications of belief, the latter acting
-more rigidly and strongly even than the former. It will be necessary,
-in following this consecutive account, to keep in mind the definite,
-sociological mechanism underlying the activities, and the system of
-ideas at work in regulating labour and magic. The social organisation
-has been described in the previous chapter. We shall remember that
-the owner, the expert or experts, a small group of helpers, and
-the whole community are the social factors, each of which fulfils a
-different function in the organisation and performance of work. As
-to the magical ideas which govern the various rites, they will be
-analysed later on in the course of this and some of the following
-chapters, and also in Chapter XVII. Here it must suffice to say that
-they belong to several different systems of ideas. The one based on
-the myth of the flying canoe refers directly to the canoe; it aims
-at imparting a general excellence, and more especially the quality of
-speed to the canoe. The rites of the other type are really exorcisms
-directed against evil bewitchment (bulubwalata) of which the natives
-are much afraid. The third system of magic (performed during canoe
-construction) is the Kula magic, based on its own mythological cycle,
-and although performed on the canoe, yet aiming at the imparting of
-success to the toliwaga in his Kula transactions. Finally, at the
-beginnings of the proceedings there is some magic addressed to the
-tokway, the malignant wood-sprite.
-
-The construction of the canoe is done in two main stages, differing
-from one another in the character of the work, in the accompanying
-magic, and in the general sociological setting. In the first stage,
-the component parts of the canoe are prepared. A big tree is cut,
-trimmed into a log, then hollowed out and made into the basic dug-out;
-the planks, boards, poles, and sticks are prepared. This is achieved
-by slow, leisurely work, and it is done by the canoe-builder with
-the assistance of a few helpers, usually his relatives or friends
-or else those of the toliwaga. This stage generally takes a long
-time, some two to six months, and is done in fits and starts, as
-other occupations allow, or the mood comes. The spells and rites
-which accompany it belong to the tokway magic, and to that of the
-flying canoe cycle. To this first stage also belongs the carving of
-the decorative prow-boards. This is done sometimes by the builder,
-sometimes by another expert, if the builder cannot carve.
-
-The second stage is done by means of intense communal labour. As a
-rule this stage is spread over a short time, only perhaps a week or
-two--including the pauses between work. The actual labour, in which
-the whole community is energetically engaged, takes up only some three
-to five days. The work consists of the piecing together of the planks
-and prow-boards, and, in case these do not fit well, of trimming them
-appropriately, and then of the lashing them together. Next comes the
-piecing and lashing of the outrigger, caulking and painting of the
-canoe. Sail-making is also done at this time, and belongs to this
-stage. As a rule, the main body of the canoe is constructed at one
-sitting, lasting about a day; that is, the prow-boards are put in,
-the ribs and planks fitted together, trimmed and lashed. Another day
-is devoted to the attaching of the float and binding of the outrigger
-frame and the platform. Caulking and painting are done at another
-sitting, or perhaps at two more, while the sail is made on yet another
-day. These times are only approximate, since the size of the canoe,
-as well as the number of people participating in communal labour,
-greatly varies. The second stage of canoe-building is accompanied
-by Kula magic, and by a series of exorcisms on the canoe, and the
-magic is performed by the owner of the canoe, and not by the builder
-or expert. This latter, however, directs the technicalities of the
-proceedings, in which he is assisted and advised by builders from
-other villages; by sailing experts, and by the toliwaga and other
-notables. The lashing of the canoe with a specially strong creeper,
-called wayugo, is accompanied by perhaps the most important of the
-rites and spells belonging to the flying canoe magic.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-After the decision to build a waga has been taken, a tree suitable
-for the main log has to be chosen. This, in the Trobriands, is not a
-very easy task. As the whole plain is taken up by garden land, only
-the small patches of fertile soil in the coral ridge which runs all
-round the island, remain covered with jungle. There the tree must be
-found, there felled, and thence transported to the village.
-
-Once the tree is chosen, the toliwaga, the builder and a few helpers
-repair to the spot, and a preliminary rite must be performed, before
-they begin to cut it down. A small incision is made into the trunk,
-so that a particle of food, or a bit of areca-nut can be put into
-it. Giving this as an offering to the tokway (wood-sprite), the
-magician utters an incantation:--
-
-
-                          VABUSI TOKWAY SPELL.
-
-    "Come down, O wood-sprites, O Tokway, dwellers in branches, come
-    down! Come down, dwellers in branch forks, in branch shoots! Come
-    down, come, eat! Go to your coral outcrop over there; crowd there,
-    swarm there, be noisy there, scream there!
-
-    "Step down from our tree, old men! This is a canoe ill spoken of;
-    this is a canoe out of which you have been shamed; this is a canoe
-    out of which you have been expelled! At sunrise and morning, you
-    help us in felling the canoe; this our tree, old men, let it go
-    and fall down!"
-
-
-This spell, given in free translation, which, however, follows the
-original very closely, word for word, is far clearer than the average
-sample of Trobriand magic. In the first part, the tokway is invoked
-under various names, and invited to leave his abode, and to move to
-some other place, and there to be at his ease. In the second part,
-the canoe is mentioned with several epithets, all of which denote an
-act of discourtesy or ill-omen. This is obviously done to compel the
-tokway to leave the tree. In Boyowa, the yoba, the chasing away, is
-under circumstances a great insult, and at times it commands immediate
-compliance. This is always the case when the chaser belongs to the
-local sub-clan of a village, and the person expelled does not. But the
-yoba is always an act of considerable consequence, never used lightly,
-and in this spell, it carries these sociological associations with
-it. In the usual anticipatory way, characteristic of native speech,
-the tree is called in the spell "canoe" (waga).
-
-The object of this spell is written very plainly in every word of
-it, and the natives also confirm it by saying that it is absolutely
-necessary to get rid of the tokway. What would happen, however, if
-the tokway were not expelled, is not so unequivocally laid down by
-tradition, and it cannot be read out of the spell or the rite. Some
-informants say that the canoe would be heavy; others that the wood
-would be full of knots, and that there would be holes in the canoe,
-or that it would quickly rot.
-
-But though the rationale of the expulsion is not so well defined, the
-belief in the tokway's evil influence, and in the dangers associated
-with his presence is positive. And this is in keeping with the general
-nature of the tokway, as we find him delineated by native belief. The
-tokway is on the whole a harmful being, though the harm he does is
-seldom more than an unpleasant trick, perhaps a sudden fright, an
-attack of shooting pains, or a theft. The tokway live in trees or in
-coral rocks and boulders, usually in the raybwag, the primeval jungle,
-growing on the coastal ridge, full of outcrops and rocks. Some people
-have seen a tokway, although he is invisible at will. His skin is
-brown, like that of any Boyowan, but he has long, sleek hair, and
-a long beard. He comes often at night, and frightens people. But,
-though seldom seen, the tokway's wailing is often heard from the
-branches of a big tree, and some trees evidently harbour more tokways
-than others, since you can hear them very easily there. Sometimes,
-over such trees, where people often hear the tokway and get a fright,
-the above quoted incantation and rite are performed.
-
-In their contact with men, the tokway show their unpleasant side;
-often they come at night and steal food. Many cases can be quoted
-when a man, as it seemed, was surprised in the act of stealing yams
-out of a storehouse, but lo! when approached he disappeared--it was
-a tokway. Then, sickness in some of its lighter forms is caused by
-the tokway. Shooting pains, pricking and stabbing in one's inside,
-are often due to him, for he is in possession of magic by which
-he can insert small, sharp-edged and sharp-pointed objects into
-the body. Fortunately some men know magic by which to extract
-such objects. These men, of course, according to the general rule
-of sorcery, can also inflict the same ailments. In olden days,
-the tokway gave both the harmful and beneficent magic to some men,
-and ever since, this form of sorcery and of concomitant healing have
-been handed on from one generation to another.
-
-Let us return to our canoe, however. After the rite has been performed,
-the tree is felled. In olden days, when stone implements were used,
-this must have been a laborious process, in which a number of men
-were engaged in wielding the axe, and others in re-sharpening the
-blunted or broken blades. The old technique was more like nibbling
-away the wood in small chips, and it must have taken a long time to
-cut out a sufficiently deep incision to fell the tree. After the tree
-is on the ground, the preliminary trimming is done on the spot. The
-branches are lopped off, and the log of appropriate length is made
-out of the tree. This log is cut into the rough shape of a canoe,
-so as to make it as light as possible, for now it has to be pulled
-to the village or to the beach.
-
-The transporting of the log is not an easy task, as it has to be
-taken out of the uneven, rocky raybwag, and then pulled along very
-bad roads. Pieces of wood are put on the ground every few metres,
-to serve as slips on which the log can more easily glide than on the
-rocks and uneven soil. In spite of that, and in spite of the fact that
-many men are summoned to assist, the work of pulling the log is very
-heavy. The men receive food in payment for it. Pig flesh is cooked
-and distributed with baked yams; at intervals during the work they
-refresh themselves with green coco-nut drinks and with sucking sugar
-cane. Gifts of such food, given during work in payment of communal
-labour, are called puwaya. To describe how heavy the work sometimes
-is, the native will say, in a characteristically figurative manner:
-
-
-    "The pig, the coco drinks, the yams are finished, and yet we
-    pull--very heavy!"
-
-
-In such cases the natives resort to a magical rite which makes
-the canoe lighter. A piece of dry banana leaf is put on top of the
-log. The owner or builder beats the log with a bunch of dry lalang
-grass and utters the following spell:
-
-
-                           KAYMOMWA'U SPELL.
-
-    "Come down, come down, defilement by contact with excrement! Come
-    down, defilement by contact with refuse! Come down, heaviness! Come
-    down, rot! Come down fungus! ..." and soon, invoking a number of
-    deteriorations to leave the log, and then a number of defilements
-    and broken taboos. In other words, the heaviness and slowness,
-    due to all these magical causes, are thrown out of the log.
-
-
-This bunch of grass is then ritually thrown away. It is called momwa'u,
-or the "heavy bunch." Another handful of the long lalang grass,
-seared and dry, is taken, and this is the gagabile, the "light bunch,"
-and with this the canoe is again beaten. The meaning of the rite is
-quite plain: the first bunch takes into it the heaviness of the log,
-and the second imparts lightness to it. Both spells also express this
-meaning in plain terms. The second spell, recited with the gagabile
-bunch, runs thus:
-
-
-                           KAYGAGABILE SPELL.
-
-    "He fails to outrun me" (repeated many times). "The canoe trembles
-    with speed" (many times). A few untranslatable words are uttered;
-    then a long chain of ancestral names is invoked. "I lash you,
-    O tree; the tree flies; the tree becomes like a breath of wind;
-    the tree becomes like a butterfly; the tree becomes like a cotton
-    seed fluff. One sun" (i.e., time) "for my companions, midday
-    sun, setting sun; another sun for me----" (here the reciter's
-    name is uttered)--"the rising sun, the rays of the (rising) sun,
-    (the time of) opening the huts, (the time of the) rising of the
-    morning star!" The last part means: "My companions arrive at
-    sunset, while I arrive with the rising sun"--(indicating how far
-    my canoe exceeds them in speed.) [47]
-
-
-These formulæ are used both to make the log lighter for the present
-purpose of pulling it into the village, and in order to give it
-greater speed in general, when it is made up into a waga.
-
-After the log has been finally brought into the village, and left
-on the baku, the main central place, the creeper by means of which
-it has been pulled and which is called in this connection duku,
-is not cut away at once. This is done ceremonially on the morning
-of the following day, sometimes after even two or three days have
-passed. The men of the community assemble, and the one who will scoop
-out the canoe, the builder (tota'ila waga, "the cutter of the canoe")
-performs a magical rite. He takes his adze (ligogu) and wraps some very
-light and thin herbs round the blade with a piece of dried banana leaf,
-itself associated with the idea of lightness. This he wraps only half
-round, so that a broad opening is left, and the breath and voice have
-free access to the herbs and blade of the adze. Into this opening,
-the magician chants the following long spell:
-
-
-                         KAPITUNENA DUKU SPELL.
-
-    "I shall wave them back, (i.e., prevent all other canoes from
-    overtaking me)!" repeated many times. "On the top of Si'a Hill;
-    women of Tokuna; my mother a sorceress, myself a sorcerer. It
-    dashes forward, it flies ahead. The canoe body is light; the
-    pandanus streamers are aflutter; the prow skims the waves;
-    the ornamental boards leap, like dolphins; the tabuyo (small
-    prow-board) breaks the waves; the lagim' (transversal prow-board)
-    breaks the waves. Thou sleepest in the mountain, thou sleepest
-    in Kuyawa Island. We shall kindle a small fire of lalang grass,
-    we shall burn aromatic herbs (i.e., at our destination in the
-    mountains)! Whether new or old, thou goest ahead."
-
-    This is the exordium of the formula. Then comes a very long middle
-    part, in a form very characteristic of Trobriand magic. This
-    form resembles a litany, in so far as a key word or expression
-    is repeated many times with a series of complementary words and
-    expressions. Then the first key word is replaced by another, which
-    in its turn, is repeated with the same series of expressions;
-    then comes another key word, and so on. We have thus two series
-    of words; each term of the first is repeated over and over again,
-    with all terms of the second, and in this manner, with a limited
-    number of words, a spell is very much lengthened out, since its
-    length is the product of the length of both series. In shorter
-    spells, there may be only one key word, and in fact, this is the
-    more usual type. In this spell, the first series consists of nouns
-    denoting different parts of the canoe; the second are verbs, such
-    as: to cut, to fly, to speed, to cleave a fleet of other canoes,
-    to disappear, to skim over the waves. Thus the litany runs in such
-    a fashion: "The tip of my canoe starts, the tip of my canoe flies,
-    the tip of my canoe speeds, etc., etc." After the long litany has
-    been chanted, the magician repeats the exordium, and finishes it
-    off with the conventional onomatopoetic word saydididi--which is
-    meant to imitate the flying of the witches.
-
-
-After the recital of this long spell over the herbs and blade of his
-adze, the magician wraps up the dry banana leaf, thus imprisoning
-the magical virtue of the spell round the blade, and with this, he
-strikes and cuts through the duku (the creeper used for the pulling
-of the canoes.)
-
-With this, the magic is not over yet, for on the same evening, when
-the canoe is put on transversal logs (nigakulu), another rite has to
-be carried out. Some herbs are placed on the transversals between them
-and the body of the big canoe log. Over these herbs, again, another
-spell has to be uttered. In order not to overload this account with
-magical texts, I shall not adduce this spell in detail. Its wording
-also plainly indicates that it is speed magic, and it is a short
-formula running on directly, without cross-repetitions.
-
-After that, for some days, the outside of the canoe body is worked. Its
-two ends must be cut into tapering shape, and the bottom evened and
-smoothed. After that is done, the canoe has to be turned over, this
-time into its natural position, bottom down, and what is to be the
-opening, upwards. Before the scooping out begins, another formula has
-to be recited over the kavilali, a special ligogu (adze), used for
-scooping out, which is inserted into a handle with a moveable part,
-which then allows the cutting to be done at varying angles to the
-plane of striking.
-
-The rite stands in close connection to the myth of the flying
-canoe, localised in Kudayuri, a place in the Island of Kitava, and
-many allusions are made to this myth. [48] After a short exordium,
-containing untranslatable magical words, and geographical references,
-the spell runs:
-
-
-                             LIGOGU SPELL.
-
-    "I shall take hold of an adze, I shall strike! I shall enter my
-    canoe, I shall make thee fly, O canoe, I shall make thee jump! We
-    shall fly like butterflies, like wind; we shall disappear in
-    mist, we shall vanish. You will pierce the straits of Kadimwatu
-    (between the islands of Tewara and Uwama) you will break the
-    promontory of Saramwa (near Dobu), pierce the passage of Loma (in
-    Dawson Straits), die away in the distance, die away with the wind,
-    fade away with the mist, vanish away. Break through your seaweeds
-    (i.e., on coming against the shore). Put on your wreath (probably
-    an allusion to the seaweeds), make your bed in the sand. I turn
-    round, I see the Vakuta men, the Kitava men behind me; my sea,
-    the sea of Pilolu (i.e., the sea between the Trobriands and the
-    Amphletts); to-day the Kudayuri men will burn their fires (i.e.,
-    on the shores of Dobu). Bind your grass skirt together, O canoe"
-    (here the personal name of the canoe is mentioned), "fly!" The
-    last phrase contains an implicit hint that the canoe partakes
-    of the nature of a flying witch, as it should, according to the
-    Kudayuri myth.
-
-
-After this, the canoe-builder proceeds to scoop out the log. This is
-a long task, and a heavy one, and one which requires a good deal of
-skill, especially towards the end, when the walls of the dug-out have
-to be made sufficiently thin, and when the wood has to be taken off
-evenly over the whole surface. Thus, although at the beginning the
-canoe carpenter is usually helped by a few men--his sons or brothers
-or nephews who in assisting him also learn the trade--towards the end
-he has to do the work single-handed. It, therefore, always happens
-that this stage takes a very long time. Often the canoe will lie
-for weeks, untouched, covered with palm leaves against the sun,
-and filled with some water to prevent drying and cracking (see Plate
-XXV). Then the carpenter will set to work for a few days, and pause
-again. In almost all villages, the canoe is put up in the central
-place, or before the builder's hut. In some of the Eastern villages,
-the scooping out is done on the sea beach, to avoid pulling the heavy
-log to and from the village.
-
-Parallel with the process of hollowing out, the other parts of the
-canoe are made ready to be pieced together. Four broad and long
-planks form the gunwale; L-shaped pieces of wood are cut into ribs;
-long poles are prepared for longitudinal support of the ribs, and
-for platform rafters; short poles are made ready as transversals of
-the platform and main supports of the outrigging; small sticks to
-connect the float with the transversals; finally, the float itself,
-a long, bulky log. These are the main, constituent parts of a canoe,
-to be made by the builder. The four carved boards are also made by
-him if he knows how to carve, otherwise another expert has to do this
-part of the work (see Plate XXVI).
-
-When all the parts are ready, another magical rite has to be
-performed. It is called "kapitunela nanola waga": "the cutting off
-of the canoe's mind," an expression which denotes a change of mind,
-a final determination. In this case, the canoe makes up its mind to
-run quickly. The formula is short, contains at the beginning a few
-obscure words, and then a few geographical references to some places
-in the d'Entrecasteaux Archipelago. It is recited over a few drops
-of coco-nut oil, which is then wrapped up in a small bundle. The same
-spell is then again spoken over the ligogu blade, round which a piece
-of dry banana has been wrapped in the manner described above. The
-canoe is turned bottom up, the bundle with coco-nut oil placed on it
-and struck with the adze. With this the canoe is ready to be pieced
-together, and the first stage of its construction is over.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-As has been said above, the two stages differ from one another in
-the nature of work done and in their sociological and ceremonial
-setting. So far, we have seen only a few men engaged in cutting the
-tree and scooping it out and then preparing the various parts of the
-canoe. Industriously, but slowly and deliberately, with many pauses,
-they toil over their work, sitting on the brown, trodden soil of the
-village in front of the huts, or scooping the canoe in the central
-place. The first part of the task, the felling of the tree, took us
-to the tall jungle and intricate undergrowth, climbing and festooned
-around the fantastic shapes of coral rocks.
-
-Now, with the second stage, the scene shifts to the clean, snow-white
-sand of a coral beach, where hundreds of natives in festive array
-crowd around the freshly scraped body of the canoe. The carved boards,
-painted in black, white and red, the green fringe of palms and jungle
-trees, the blue of the sea--all lend colour to the vivid and lively
-scene. Thus I saw the building of a canoe done on the East shore
-of the Trobriands, and in this setting I remember it. In Sinaketa,
-instead of the blue, open sea, breaking in a belt of white foam
-outside on the fringing reef and coming in limpid waves to the beach,
-there are the dull, muddy browns and greens of the Lagoon, playing
-into pure emerald tints where the clean sandy bottom begins.
-
-Into one of these two scenes, we must now imagine the dug-out
-transported from the village, after all is ready, and after the summons
-of the chief or headman has gone round the neighbouring villages. In
-the case of a big chief, several hundreds of natives will assemble
-to help, or to gaze on the performance. When a small community with
-a second-rate headman construct their canoe, only a few dozen people
-will come, the relatives-in-law of the headman and of other notables,
-and their close friends.
-
-After the body of the canoe and all the accessories have been placed
-in readiness, the proceedings are opened by a magical rite, called
-Katuliliva tabuyo. This rite belongs to the Kula magic, for which
-the natives have a special expression; they call it mwasila. It is
-connected with the inserting of the ornamental prow-boards into their
-grooves at both ends of the canoe. These ornamental parts of the canoe
-are put in first of all, and this is done ceremonially. A few sprigs
-of the mint plant are inserted under the boards, as they are put in,
-and the toliwaga (owner of the canoe) hammers the boards in by means
-of a special stone imported from Dobu, and ritually repeats a formula
-of the mwasila magic. The mint plant (sulumwoya) plays an important
-part in the mwasila (Kula magic) as well as in love spells, and in
-the magic of beauty. Whenever a substance is to be medicated for the
-purpose of charming, seducing, or persuading, as a rule sulumwoya
-is used. This plant figures also in several myths, where it plays a
-similar part, the mythical hero always conquering the foe or winning
-a woman by the use of the sulumwoya.
-
-I shall not adduce the magical formulæ in this account, with the
-exception of the most important one. Even a short summary of each
-of them would obstruct the narrative, and it would blur completely
-the outline of the consecutive account of the various activities. The
-various complexities of the magical ritual and of the formulæ will be
-set forth in Chapter XVII. It may be mentioned here, however, that not
-only are there several types of magic performed during canoe building,
-such as the mwasila (Kula magic), the canoe speed magic, exorcisms
-against evil magic, and exorcism of the tokway, but within each of
-these types, there are different systems of magic, each with its own
-mythological basis, each localised in a different district, and each
-having of course different formulæ and slightly different rites. [49]
-
-After the prow-boards are put in, and before the next bit of technical
-work is done, another magical rite has to be performed. The body of
-the canoe, now bright with the three-coloured boards, is pushed into
-the water. A handful of leaves, of a shrub called bobi'u, is charmed
-by the owner or by the builder, and the body of the canoe is washed in
-sea water with the leaves. All the men participate in the washing, and
-this rite is intended to make the canoe fast, by removing the traces of
-any evil influence, which might still have remained, in spite of the
-previous magic, performed on the waga. After the waga has been rubbed
-and washed, it is pulled ashore again and placed on the skid logs.
-
-Now the natives proceed to the main and most important constructive
-part of their work; this consists of the erection of the gunwale
-planks at the sides of the dug-out log, so as to form the deep and
-wide well of the built-up canoe. They are kept in position by an
-internal framework of some twelve to twenty pairs of ribs, and all
-of this is lashed together with a special creeper called wayugo,
-and the holes and interstices are caulked with a resinous substance.
-
-I cannot enter here into details of building, though from the
-technological point of view, this is the most interesting phase,
-showing us the native at grips with real problems of construction. He
-has a whole array of component parts, and he must make them fit
-together with a considerable degree of precision, and that without
-having any exact means of measurement. By a rough appreciation based on
-long experience and great skill, he estimates the relative shapes and
-sizes of the planks, the angles and dimensions of the ribs, and the
-lengths of the various poles. Then, in shaping them out, the builder
-tests and fits them in a preliminary manner as work goes on, and as a
-rule the result is good. But now, when all these component parts have
-to be pieced finally together, it nearly always happens that some bit
-or other fails to fit properly with the rest. These details have to
-be adjusted, a bit taken off the body of the canoe, a plank or pole
-shortened, or even a piece added. The natives have a very efficient
-way of lashing on a whole bit of a plank, if this proves too short,
-or if, by some accident, it breaks at the end. After all has been
-finally fitted, and made to tally, the framework of ribs is put into
-the canoe (see Plate XXVII), and the natives proceed to lash them to
-the body of the dug-out, and to the two longitudinal poles to which
-the ribs are threaded.
-
-And now a few words must be said about the wayugo, the lashing
-creeper. Only one species of creeper is used for the lashing of boats,
-and it is of the utmost importance that this creeper should be sound
-and strong. It is this alone that maintains the cohesion of the various
-parts, and in rough weather, very much depends on how the lashings
-will stand the strain. The other parts of the canoe--the outrigger
-poles--can be more easily tested, and as they are made of strong,
-elastic wood, they usually stand any weather quite well. Thus the
-element of danger and uncertainty in a canoe is due mainly to the
-creeper. No wonder, therefore, that the magic of the creeper is
-considered as one of the most important ritual items in canoe-building.
-
-In fact, wayugo, the name of that creeper species, is also used as
-a general term for canoe magic. When a man has the reputation of
-building or owning a good and fast canoe, the usual way of explaining
-it is to say that he has, or knows "a good wayugo." For, as in all
-other magic, there are several types of wayugo spells. The ritual is
-always practically the same: five coils of the creeper are, on the
-previous day, placed on a large wooden dish and chanted over in the
-owner's hut by himself. Only exceptionally can this magic be done by
-the builder. Next day they are brought to the beach ceremonially on
-the wooden plate. In one of the wayugo systems, there is an additional
-rite, in which the toliwaga (canoe owner) takes a piece of the creeper,
-inserts it into one of the holes pierced in the rim of the dug-out for
-the lashing, and pulling it to and fro, recites once more the spell.
-
-In consideration of the importance of this magic, the formula will
-be here adduced in full. It consists of an exordium (u'ula), a double
-main part (tapwana), and a concluding period (dogina). [50]
-
-
-                             WAYUGO SPELL.
-
-    In the u'ula he first repeats "Sacred (or ritual) eating of fish,
-    sacred inside," thus alluding to a belief that the toliwaga
-    has in connection with this magic to partake ritually of baked
-    fish. Then come the words--"Flutter, betel plant, leaving behind,"
-    all associated with leading ideas of canoe magic--the flutter of
-    pandanus streamers; the betel-nut, which the ancestral spirits
-    in other rites are invited to partake of; the speed by which all
-    comrades will be left behind!
-
-    A list of ancestral names follows. Two of them, probably
-    mythical personages, have significative names; "Stormy sea" and
-    "Foaming." Then the baloma (spirits) of these ancestors are asked
-    to sit on the canoe slips and to chew betel, and they are invoked
-    to take the pandanus streamer of the Kudayuri--a place in Kitava,
-    where the flying canoe magic originated--and plant it on top of
-    Teula or Tewara, the small island off the East coast of Fergusson.
-
-    The magician after that chants: "I shall turn, I shall turn
-    towards you, O men of Kitava, you remain behind on the To'uru
-    beach (in the Lagoon of Vakuta). Before you lies the sea arm of
-    Pilolu. To-day, they kindle the festive fire of the Kudayuri, thou,
-    O my boat" (here the personal name of the boat is uttered), "bind
-    thy skirts together and fly!" In this passage--which is almost
-    identical with one in the previously quoted Ligogu spell--there
-    is a direct allusion to the Kudayuri myth, and to the custom of
-    festive fires. Again the canoe is addressed as a woman who has to
-    bind her grass petticoat together during her flight, a reference
-    to the belief that a flying witch binds her skirts when starting
-    into the air and to the tradition that this myth originates from
-    Na'ukuwakula, one of the flying Kudayuri sisters. The following
-    main part continues with this mythical allusion: Na'ukuwakula
-    flew from Kitava through Sinaketa and Kayleula to Simsim, where
-    she settled down and transmitted the magic to her progeny. In
-    this spell the three places: Kuyawa (a creek and hillock near
-    Sinaketa), Dikutuwa (a rock near Kayleula), and La'u (a cleft
-    rock in the sea near Simsim, in the Lousançay Islands) are the
-    leading words of the tapwana.
-
-    The last sentence of the first part, forming a transition into
-    the tapwana, runs as follows: "I shall grasp the handle of the
-    adze, I shall grip all the component parts of the canoe"--perhaps
-    another allusion to the mythical construction of the Kudayuri canoe
-    (comp. Chap. XII, Div. IV)--"I shall fly on the top of Kuyawa,
-    I shall disappear; dissolve in mist, in smoke; become like a wind
-    eddy, become alone--on top of Kuyawa." The same words are then
-    repeated, substituting for Kuyawa the two other above-mentioned
-    spots, one after the other, and thus retracing the flight of
-    Na'ukuwakula.
-
-    Then the magician returns to the beginning and recites the
-    spell over again up to the phrase: "bind thy skirt together and
-    fly," which is followed this time by a second tapwana: "I shall
-    outdistance all my comrades with the bottom of my canoe; I shall
-    out-distance all my comrades with the prow-board of my canoe,
-    etc., etc.," repeating the prophetic boast with all the parts of
-    the canoe, as is usual in the middle part of magical spells.
-
-    In the dogina, the last part, the magician addresses the waga
-    in mythological terms, with allusions to the Kudayuri myth, and
-    adds: "Canoe thou art a ghost, thou art like a wind eddy; vanish,
-    O my canoe, fly; break through your sea-passage of Kadimwatu,
-    cleave through the promontory of Saramwa, pass through Loma;
-    die away, disappear, vanish with an eddy, vanish with the mist;
-    make your imprint in the sand, cut through the seaweed, go,
-    put on your wreath of aromatic herbs." [51]
-
-
-After the wayugo has been ritually brought in, the lashing of the
-canoe begins. First of all the ribs are lashed into position then
-the planks, and with this the body of the canoe is ready. This
-takes a varying time, according to the number of people at work,
-and to the amount of tallying and adjusting to be done at the final
-fitting. Sometimes one whole day's work is spent on this stage,
-and the next piece of work, the construction of the outrigger, has
-to be postponed to another day. This is the next stage, and there is
-no magic to punctuate the course of technical activities. The big,
-solid log is put alongside the canoe, and a number of short, pointed
-sticks are driven into it. The sticks are put in crossways on the top
-of the float (lamina). Then the tops of these sticks are again attached
-to a number of horizontal poles, which have to be thrust through one
-side of the canoe-body, and attached to the other. All this naturally
-requires again adjusting and fitting. When these sticks and poles are
-bound together, there results a strong yet elastic frame, in which
-the canoe and the float are held together in parallel positions,
-and across them transversely there run the several horizontal poles
-which keep them together. Next, these poles are bridged over by many
-longitudinal sticks lashed together, and thus a platform is made
-between the edge of the canoe and the tops of the float sticks.
-
-When that is done, the whole frame of the canoe is ready, and there
-remains only to caulk the holes and interstices. The caulking substance
-is prepared in the hut of the toliwaga, and a spell is recited over
-it on the evening before the work is begun. Then again, the whole
-community turn out and do the work in one day's sitting.
-
-The canoe is now ready for the sea, except for the painting, Which is
-only for ornamentation. Three more magical rites have to be performed,
-however, before it is painted and then launched. All three refer
-directly to the canoe, and aim at giving it speed. At the same time all
-three are exorcisms against evil influences, resulting from various
-defilements or broken taboos, which possibly might have desecrated
-the waga. The first is called Vakasulu, which means something like
-"ritual cooking" of the canoe. The toliwaga has to prepare a real
-witches' cauldron of all sorts of things, which afterwards are burnt
-under the bottom of the canoe, and the smoke is supposed to exercise a
-speed-giving and cleansing influence. The ingredients are: the wings
-of a bat, the nest of a very small bird called posisiku, some dried
-bracken leaves, a bit of cotton fluff, and some lalang grass. All
-the substances are associated with flying and lightness. The wood
-used for kindling the fire is that of the light-timbered mimosa tree
-(liga). The twigs have to be obtained by throwing at the tree a
-piece of wood (never a stone), and when the broken-off twig falls,
-it must be caught in the hand, and not allowed to touch the ground.
-
-The second rite, called Vaguri, is an exorcism only, and it consists
-of charming a stick, and then knocking the body of the canoe all
-over with it. This expels the evil witchery (bulubwalata), which
-it is only wise to suspect has been cast by some envious rivals,
-or persons jealous of the toliwaga.
-
-Finally, the third of these rites, the Kaytapena waga, consists
-in medicating a torch of coco-leaf with the appropriate spell, and
-fumigating with it the inside of the canoe. This gives speed and once
-more cleanses the canoe.
-
-After another sitting of a few days, the whole outside of the canoe
-is painted in three colours. Over each of them a special spell is
-chanted again, the most important one over the black colour. This
-is never omitted, while the red and white spells are optional. In
-the rite of the black colour, again, a whole mixture of substances
-is used--a dry bracken leaf, grass, and a posisiku nest--all this
-is charred with some coco-nut husk, and the first strokes of the
-black paint are made with the mixture. The rest is painted with a
-watery mixture of charred coco-nut. For red colour, a sort of ochre,
-imported from the d'Entrecasteaux Islands, is used; the white one is
-made of a chalky earth, found in certain parts of the sea shore.
-
-Sail-making is done on another day, usually in the village, by
-communal labour, and, with a number of people helping, the tedious
-and complicated work is performed in a relatively short time. The
-triangular outline of the sail is first pegged out on the ground,
-as a rule the old sail being used as a pattern. After this is done,
-tapes of dried pandanus leaf (see Plates XXVIII, XXIX) are stretched
-on the ground and first fixed along the borders of the sail. Then,
-starting at the apex of the triangle, the sail-makers put tapes
-radiating towards the base, sewing them together with awls of flying
-fox bone, and using as thread narrow strips of specially toughened
-pandanus leaf. Two layers of tapes are sewn one on top of the other
-to make a solid fabric.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-The canoe is now quite ready to be launched. But before we go on to an
-account of the ceremonial launching and the associated festivities,
-one or two general remarks must be made retrospectively about the
-proceedings just described.
-
-The whole of the first stage of canoe-building, that is, the cutting
-of the tree, the scooping out of the log, and the preparation of the
-other component parts, with all their associated magic, is done only
-when a new canoe is built.
-
-But the second stage has to be performed over all the canoes before
-every great overseas Kula expedition. On such an occasion, all
-the canoes have to be re-lashed, re-caulked, and re-painted. This
-obviously requires that they should all be taken to pieces and then
-lashed, caulked and painted exactly as is done with a new canoe. All
-the magic incidental to these three processes is then performed, in
-its due order, over the renovated canoe. So that we can say about the
-second stage of canoe-building that not only is it always performed
-in association with the Kula, but that no big expedition ever takes
-place without it.
-
-We have had a description of the magical rites, and the ideas which are
-implied in every one of them have been specified. But there are one or
-two more general characteristics which must be mentioned here. First,
-there is what could be called the "ceremonial dimension" of magical
-rites. That is, how far is the performance of the rite attended by
-the members of the community, if at all; and if so, do they actively
-take part in it, or do they simply pay keen attention and behave as
-an interested audience; or, though being present, do they pay little
-heed and show only small interest?
-
-In the first stage of canoe-building, the rites are performed by the
-magician himself, with only a few helpers in attendance. The general
-village public do not feel sufficiently interested and attracted to
-assist, nor are they bound by custom to do so. The general character
-of these rites is more like the performance of a technicality of work
-than of a ceremony. The preparing of herbs for the ligogu magic, for
-instance, and the charming it over, is carried out in a matter-of-fact,
-businesslike manner, and nothing in the behaviour of the magician
-and those casually grouped around him would indicate that anything
-specially interesting in the routine work is happening.
-
-The rites of the second stage are ipso facto attended by all those who
-help in piecing together and lashing, but on the whole those present
-have no special task assigned to them in the performance of these
-rites. As to the attention and behaviour during the performance of the
-magic, much depends of course on whether the magician officiating is
-a chief of great importance or someone of low rank. A certain decorum
-and even silence would be observed in any case. But many of those
-present would turn aside and go away, if they wanted to do so. The
-magician does not produce the impression of an officiating high priest
-performing a solemn ceremony, but rather of a specialised workman
-doing a particularly important piece of work. It must be remembered
-that all the rites are simple, and the chanting of the spells in
-public is done in a low voice, and quickly, without any specially
-effective vocal production. Again, the caulking and the wayugo rites
-are, in some types of magic at least, performed in the magician's hut,
-without any attendance whatever, and so is that of the black paint.
-
-Another point of general importance is what could be called the
-stringency of magic rites. In canoe magic, for instance, the expulsion
-of the tokway, the ritual cutting of the pulling rope, the magic of the
-adze (ligogu), that of the lashing creeper (wayugo), of the caulking,
-and of the black paint can never be omitted. Whereas the other
-rites are optional, though as a rule some of them are performed. But
-even those which are considered indispensable do not all occupy the
-same place of importance in native mythology and in native ideas,
-which is clearly expressed in the behaviour of the natives and their
-manner of speaking of them. Thus, the general term for canoe magic is
-either wayugo or ligogu, from which we can see that these two spells
-are considered the most important. A man will speak about his wayugo
-being better than that of the other, or of having learnt his ligogu
-from his father. Again, as we shall see in the canoe myth, both these
-rites are explicitly mentioned there. Although the expulsion of the
-tokway is always done, it is definitely recognised by the natives as
-being of lesser importance. So are also the magic of caulking and of
-the black paint.
-
-A less general point, of great interest, however, is that of evil
-magic (bulubwalata) and of broken taboos. I had to mention several
-exorcisms against those influences, and something must be said about
-them here. The term bulubwalata covers all forms of evil magic or
-witchery. There is that which, directed against pigs, makes them
-run away from their owners into the bush; there is bulubwalata for
-alienating the affections of a wife or sweetheart; there is evil magic
-against gardens, and--perhaps the most dreaded one--evil magic against
-rain, producing drought and famine. The evil magic against canoes,
-making them slow, heavy, and unseaworthy, is also much feared. Many
-men profess to know it, but it is very difficult for the Ethnographer
-to obtain a formula, and I succeeded only in taking down one. It is
-always supposed to be practised by canoe-owners upon the craft which
-they regard as dangerous rivals of their own.
-
-There are many taboos referring to an already constructed canoe, and we
-shall meet with them later when speaking about sailing and handling
-the canoe. But before that stage is reached, any defilement with
-any unclean substance of the log out of which the canoe is scooped,
-would make it slow and bad; or if anybody were to walk over a canoe
-log or stand on it there would be the same evil result.
-
-One more point must be mentioned here. As we have seen, the first
-magical rite, of the second stage of construction, is performed
-over the prow-boards. The question obtrudes itself as to whether
-the designs on these boards have any magical meaning. It must be
-clearly understood that any guesswork or speculations about origins
-must be rigidly excluded from ethnographic field work like this. For
-a sociologically empirical answer, the Ethnographer must look to two
-classes of facts. First of all, he may directly question the natives as
-to whether the prow-boards themselves or any of the motives upon them
-are done for magical purposes. Whether he questions the average man, or
-even the specialist in canoe magic and carving, to this he will always
-receive in Kiriwina a negative answer. He can then enquire whether
-in the magical ritual for formulæ there are no references to the
-prow-boards, or to any of the decorative motives on them. Here also,
-the evidence on the whole is negative. In one spell perhaps, and that
-belonging not to canoe but to the Kula magic (comp. below, Chap. XIII,
-Div. II, the Kayikuna Tabuyo spell), there can be found an allusion
-to the prow-boards, but only to the term describing them in general,
-and not to any special decorative motive. Thus the only association
-between canoe decoration and canoe magic consists in the fact that
-two magical rites are performed over them, one mentioned already,
-and the other to be mentioned at the beginning of the next chapter.
-
-The description of canoe-building, in fact, all the data given in
-this chapter, refer only to one of the two types of sea-going canoe
-to be found in the Kula district. For the natives of the Eastern half
-of the ring use craft bigger, and in certain respects better, than
-the masawa. The main difference between the Eastern and Western type
-consists in the fact that the bigger canoes have a higher gunwale or
-side, and consequently a greater carrying capacity, and they can be
-immersed deeper. The larger water board offers more resistance against
-making leeway, and this allows the canoes to be sailed closer to the
-wind. Consequently, the Eastern canoes can beat, and these natives
-are therefore much more independent of the direction of the wind
-in their sailings. With this is connected the position of the mast,
-which in this type is stepped in the middle, and it is also permanently
-fixed, and is not taken down every time after sailing. It obviously,
-therefore, need not be changed in its position every time the canoe
-goes on another tack.
-
-I have not seen the construction of a nagega, as these canoes are
-called, but I think that it is technically a much more difficult
-task than the building of a masawa. I was told that both magic and
-ceremonial of construction are very much the same in the building of
-both canoes.
-
-The nagega, that is the larger and more seaworthy type, is used on the
-section of the Kula ring beginning in Gawa and ending in Tubetube. It
-is also used in certain parts of the Massim district, which lie outside
-the Kula ring, such as the Island of Sud-Est, and surrounding smaller
-islands, and it is used among the Southern Massim of the mainland. But
-though its use is very widely spread, its manufacture is confined to
-only a few places. The most important centres of nagega building are
-Gawa, a few villages on Woodlark Islands, the island of Panayati,
-and perhaps one or two places on Misima. From there, the canoes are
-traded all over the district, and indeed this is one of the most
-important forms of trade in this part of the world. The masawa canoes
-are used and manufactured in the district of Dobu, in the Amphletts,
-in the Trobriands, in Kitava and Iwa.
-
-One point of great importance in the relation of these two forms
-of canoe is that one of them has, within the last two generations,
-been expanding at the expense of the other. According to reliable
-information, gathered at several points in the Trobriands and the
-Amphletts, the nagega type, that is the heavier, more seaworthy and
-better-sailing canoe, was driven out some time ago from the Amphletts
-and Trobriands. The masawa, in many respects inferior, but less
-difficult to build, and swifter, has supplanted the bigger type. In
-olden days, that is, about two or three generations ago, the nagega
-was used exclusively in Iwa, Kitava, Kiriwina, Vakuta, and Sinaketa,
-while the Amphlettans and the natives of Kayleula would usually use
-the nagega, though sometimes they would sail in masawa canoes. Dobu
-was the real home and headquarters of the masawa. When the shifting
-began, and when it was completed, I could not ascertain. But the fact
-is that nowadays even the villages of Kitava and Iwa manufacture the
-smaller masawa canoe. Thus, one of the most important cultural items
-is spreading from South to North. There is, however, one point on
-which I could not obtain definite information: that is, whether in
-the Trobriands the nagega in olden days was imported from Kitava,
-or whether it was manufactured locally by imported craftsmen (as is
-done even nowadays in Kiriwina at times), or whether the Trobrianders
-themselves knew how to make the big canoes. There is no doubt, however,
-that in olden days, the natives of Kitava and Iwa used themselves to
-make the nagega canoes. The Kudayuri myth (see Chapter XII), and the
-connected magic, refer to this type of canoe. Thus in this district
-at any rate, and probably in the Trobriands and Amphletts as well,
-not only the use, but also the manufacture of the bigger canoe has
-been superseded by that of the smaller one, the masawa, now found in
-all these parts.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-LAUNCHING OF A CANOE AND CEREMONIAL VISITING--TRIBAL ECONOMICS IN
-THE TROBRIANDS
-
-
-I
-
-The canoe, painted and decorated, stands now ready to be launched,
-a source of pride to the owners and to the makers, and an object of
-admiration to the other beholders. A new sailing craft is not only
-another utility created; it is more: it is a new entity sprung into
-being, something with which the future destinies of the sailors
-will be bound up, and on which they will depend. There can be no
-doubt that this sentiment is also felt by the natives and expressed
-in their customs and behaviour. The canoe receives a personal name,
-it becomes an object of intense interest to the whole district. Its
-qualities, points of beauty, and of probable perfection or faultiness
-are canvassed round the fires at night. The owner and his kinsmen
-and fellow villagers will speak of it with the usual boasting and
-exaggerations, and the others will all be very keen to see it, and to
-watch its performances. Thus the institution of ceremonial launching
-is not a mere formality prescribed by custom; it corresponds to the
-psychological needs of the community, it rouses a great interest,
-and is very well attended even when the canoe belongs to a small
-community. When a big chief's canoe is launched, whether that of
-Kasana'i or Omarakana, Olivilevi or Sinaketa, up to a thousand natives
-will assemble on the beach.
-
-This festive and public display of a finished canoe, with its
-full paint and ornament, is not only in harmony with the natives'
-sentiments towards a new sailing craft; it also agrees with the way
-they treat in general the results of their economic activities. Whether
-in gardening or in fishing, in the building of houses or in industrial
-achievements, there is a tendency to display the products, to arrange
-them, and even adorn at least certain classes of them, so as to
-produce a big, æsthetic effect. In fishing, there are only traces of
-this tendency, but in gardening, it assumes very great proportions,
-and the handling, arranging and display of garden produce is one of
-the most characteristic features of their tribal life, and it takes
-up much time and work. [52]
-
-Soon after the painting and adorning of the canoe, a date is fixed for
-the ceremonial launching and trial run, the tasasoria festivities,
-as they are called. Word is passed to the chiefs and headmen of the
-neighbouring villages. Those of them who own canoes and who belong
-to the same Kula community have always to come with their canoes
-and take part in a sort of regatta held on the occasion. As the new
-canoe is always constructed in connection with a Kula expedition,
-and as the other canoes of the same Kula community have to be either
-done up or replaced, it is the rule that on the tasasoria day a
-whole fleet of brand new or renovated canoes assemble on the beach,
-all resplendent in fresh colours and decoration of cowrie shells and
-bleached pandanus streamers.
-
-The launching itself is inaugurated with a rite of the mwasila
-(Kula magic), called Kaytalula wadola waga ("staining red of the
-mouth of the canoe"). After the natives have taken off the plaited
-coco-nut leaves with which the canoe is protected against the sun,
-the toliwaga chants a spell over some red ochre, and stains both
-bow and stern of the canoe. A special cowrie shell, attached to the
-prow-board (tabuyo) is stained at each end. After that the canoe is
-launched, the villagers pushing it into the water over pieces of wood
-transversely placed which act as slips (see Plate XXX). This is done
-amidst shouts and ululations, such as are made on all occasions when
-some piece of work has to be done in a festive and ceremonial manner,
-when, for instance, the harvest is brought in and given ceremonially
-by a man to his brother-in-law, or when a gift of yams or taro is
-laid down before a fisherman's house by an inland gardener, or the
-return gift of fish is made.
-
-Thus the canoe is finally launched after the long series of mingled
-work and ceremony, technical effort and magical rite.
-
-After the launching is done, there takes place a feast, or, more
-correctly, a distribution of food (sagali) under observation of
-all sorts of formalities and ritual. Such a distribution is always
-made when the toliwaga has not built the canoe himself, and when he
-therefore has to repay the cutter of the canoe and his helpers. It also
-takes place whenever the canoe of a big chief is launched, in order
-to celebrate the occasion, to show off his wealth and generosity,
-and to give food to the many people who have been summoned to assist
-in the construction.
-
-After the sagali (ceremonial distribution of food) is over, as a rule,
-in the afternoon, the new canoe is rigged, the mast is put up, the sail
-attached, and this and all the other boats make a trial run. It is not
-a competitive race in the strict sense of the word. The chief's canoe,
-which indeed would as a rule be best and fastest, in any case always
-wins the race. If it did not sail fastest, the others would probably
-keep back. The trial run is rather a display of the new canoe, side
-by side with the others.
-
-In order to give one concrete illustration of the ceremonial connected
-with canoe building and launching, it may be well to relate an
-actual event. I shall therefore describe the tasasoria, seen on
-the beach of Kaulukuba, in February, 1916, when the new canoe of
-Kasana'i was launched. Eight canoes took part in the trial run, that
-is, all the canoes of Kiriwina, which forms what I have called the
-"Kula community," the social group who make their Kula expeditions
-in a body, and who have the same limits within which they carry on
-their exchange of valuables.
-
-The great event which was the cause of the building and renovating of
-the canoes, was a Kula expedition planned by To'ulawa and his Kula
-community. They were to go to the East, to Kitava, to Iwa or Gawa,
-perhaps even to Muruwa (Woodlark Island), though with this island the
-natives do not carry on the Kula directly. As is usual in such cases,
-months before the approximate date of sailing, plans and forecasts
-were made, stories of previous voyages were recounted, old men dwelt
-on their own reminiscences and reported what they had been told by
-their elders of the days when iron was unknown and everyone had to
-sail to the East in order to get the green stone quarried in Suloga
-on Woodlark Island. And so, as it always happens when future events
-are talked over round village fires, imagination outran all bounds of
-probability; and the hopes and anticipations grew bigger and bigger. In
-the end, everyone really believed his party would go at least to the
-Easternmost Marshall Bennetts (Gawa), whereas, as events turned out,
-they did not sail beyond Kitava.
-
-For this occasion a new canoe had to be constructed in Kasana'i, and
-this was done by Ibena himself, the chief of that village, a man of
-rank equal to the highest chief (his kinsman, in fact) but of smaller
-power. Ibena is a skilled builder as well as a fair carver, and there
-is no class of magic in which he does not profess to be versed. The
-canoe was built, under his guidance; he carved the boards himself,
-he also performed the magic, and he was, of course, the toliwaga.
-
-In Omarakana, the canoe had to be slightly altered in construction;
-it had to be re-lashed and re-painted. To do this To'uluwa, the chief,
-had summoned a master builder and carver from the island of Kitava,
-the same one who a couple of years before, had built this canoe. Also
-a new sail had to be made for the Omarakana boat, as the old one
-was too small. The ceremony of tasasoria (launching and regatta)
-ought by rights to have been held on the beach of Kasana'i, but as
-its sister village, Omarakana, is so much more important, it took
-place on Kaulukuba, the sea-shore of the latter.
-
-As the date approached, the whole district was alive with preparations,
-since the coastal villages had to put their canoes in order, while
-in the inland communities, new festive dresses and food had to be
-made ready. The food was not to be eaten, but to be offered to the
-chief for his sagali (ceremonial distribution). Only in Omarakana,
-the women had to cook for a big festive repast to be eaten on return
-from the tasasoria. In the Trobriands it is always a sign that a
-festive event is pending when all the women go in the evening to the
-bush to collect plenty of firewood. Next morning, this will be used
-for the kumkumuli, the baking of food in the ground, which is one of
-the forms of cooking used on festive occasions. On the evening of
-the tasasoria ceremony, people in Omarakana and Kasana'i were also
-busy with the numerous other preparations, running to the shore and
-back, filling baskets with yams for the sagali, getting ready their
-festive dress and decorations for the morrow. Festive dress means,
-for a woman, a new grass skirt, resplendent in fresh red, white and
-purple, and for the man a newly bleached, snow-white pubic leaf,
-made of the stalk of areca palm leaf.
-
-Early in the morning of the appointed day, the food was packed into
-baskets of plaited leaf, the personal apparel on top of it, all covered
-as usual with folded mats and conveyed to the beach. The women carried
-on their heads the large baskets, shaped like big inverted bells,
-the men shouldered a stick with two bag-shaped baskets at each
-end. Other men had to carry the oars, paddles, rigging and sail,
-as these paraphernalia are always kept in the village. From one of
-the villages, one of the large, prismatic receptacles for food made
-of sticks was carried by several men right over the raybwag (coral
-ridge) to be offered to the chief of Omarakana as a share in the
-sagali. The whole village was astir, and on its outskirts, through the
-surrounding groves, parties from inland could be seen making their way
-rapidly to the shore. I left the village with a party of notables at
-about eight o'clock in the morning. After leaving the grove of fruit
-and palm trees which grows especially densely around the village
-of Omarakana, we entered between the two walls of green, the usual
-monotonous Trobriand road, which passes through the low scrub. Soon,
-emerging on a garden space, we could see, beyond a gentle declivity,
-the rising slope of the raybwag, a mixture of rank vegetation with
-monumental boulders of grey coral standing out here and there. Through
-this, the path led on, following in an intricate course between small
-precipices and towering outcrops, passing huge, ancient ficus trees,
-spreading around them their many trunks and aerial roots. At the top
-of the ridge, all of a sudden the blue sea shone through the foliage,
-and the roar of waves breaking on the reef struck our ears. Soon we
-found ourselves among the crowd assembled on the beach, near to the
-big boat-shed of Omarakana.
-
-By about nine o'clock, everybody was ready on the beach. It was fully
-exposed to the Eastern sun, but this was not yet sufficiently high
-to drop its light right from above, and thus to produce that deadly
-effect of tropical mid-day, where the shadows instead of modelling
-out the details, blur every vertical surface and make everything dull
-and formless. The beach appeared bright and gaudy, and the lively
-brown bodies looked well against the background of green foliage and
-white sand. The natives were anointed with coco-nut oil, and decorated
-with flowers and facial paint. Large red hibiscus blossoms were stuck
-into their hair, and wreaths of the white, wonderfully scented butia
-flowers crowned the dense black mops. There was a good display of ebony
-carvings, sticks and lime spoons. There were decorated lime pots,
-and such objects of personal adornment as belts of red shell discs
-or of small cowrie shells, nose sticks (very rarely used nowadays),
-and other articles so well known to everybody from ethnological
-collections in museums, and usually called "ceremonial," though, as
-said above (Chapter III, Div. III) the description "objects of parade"
-would be much more in agreement with the correct meaning of the words.
-
-Such popular festivities as the one just being described are the
-occasions on which these objects of parade, some of which astonish
-us by their artistic perfection, appear in native life. Before I had
-opportunities to see savage art in actual display, in its proper,
-"living" setting, there seemed to me always to exist some incongruity
-between the artistic finish of such objects and the general crudity
-of savage life, a crudity marked precisely on the æsthetic side. One
-imagines greasy, dirty, naked bodies, moppy hair full of vermin, and
-other realistic features which make up one's idea of the "savage," and
-in some respects reality bears out imagination. As a matter of fact
-though, the incongruity does not exist when once one has seen native
-art actually displayed in its own setting. A festive mob of natives,
-with the wonderful golden-brown colour of their skins brought out by
-washing and anointing and set off by the gaudy white, red and black of
-facial paint, feathers and ornaments, with their exquisitely carved
-and polished ebony objects, with their finely worked lime pots, has
-a distinct elegance of its own, without striking one as grotesque
-or incongruous in any æsthetic detail. There is an evident harmony
-between their festive mood, the display of colours and forms, and
-the manner in which they put on and bear their ornaments.
-
-Those who have come from a distance, and who would spoil their
-decorations by the long march, wash with water and anoint themselves
-with coco-nut grease immediately before arriving at the scene of
-festivities. As a rule the best paint is put on later on, when
-the climax of the proceedings approaches. On this occasion, after
-the preliminaries (distribution of food, arrival of other canoes)
-were over, and when the races were just going to be started, the
-aristocracy of Omarakana--the wives and children of To'uluwa, his
-relatives and himself--withdrew behind the shelters, near the boat
-shed, and proceeded to put on the red, white and black of full facial
-paint. They crushed young betel-nut, mixed it with lime, and put it
-on with the pestles of betel mortars; then some of the aromatic black
-resin (sayaku) and white lime were applied. As the habit of mirrors
-is not quite well established yet in the Trobriands, the painting
-was done by one person on the face of another, and great care and
-patience were displayed on both sides.
-
-The numerous crowd spent the day without taking much refreshment--a
-feature strongly differentiating Kiriwinian festivities from our ideal
-of an entertainment or picnic. No cooking was done, and only a few
-bananas were eaten here and there, and green coco-nuts were drunk and
-eaten. But even these refreshments were consumed with great frugality.
-
-As always on such occasions, the people collected together in sets, the
-visitors from each village forming a group apart. The local natives
-kept to their own boat houses, those of Omarakana and Kurokaiwa
-having their natural centres on the beach of Kaulukuba. The other
-visitors similarly kept together in their position on the beach,
-according to their local distribution; thus, men from the Northern
-villages would keep to the Northern section of the beach, those from
-the South would stick to that point of the compass, so that villages
-which were neighbours in reality would also be side by side on the
-shore. There was no mingling in the crowd, and individuals would
-not walk about from one group to another. The aristocrats, out of
-personal dignity, humble folk because of a modesty imposed by custom,
-would keep in their places. To'uluwa sat practically still during
-the whole performance, on the platform erected for this purpose,
-except when he went over to his boat, to trim it for the race.
-
-The boat shed of Omarakana, round which the chief, his family
-and the other villagers were grouped, was the centre of all the
-proceedings. Under one of the palms, a fairly high platform was put up
-to accommodate To'uluwa. In a row in front of the sheds and shelters,
-there stood the prismatic food receptacles (pwata'i). They had been
-erected by the inhabitants of Omarakana and Kasana'i, on the previous
-day, and partially filled with yams. The rest had to be supplied by
-people from the other villages, on the day of the boat races. As
-the natives came to the beach on that day, village after village,
-they brought their contribution, and before settling down on their
-particular spot on the shore, they paid a visit to the chief and
-offered him their tributes. These would be put into one of the
-pwata'i. All the villages did not contribute their share, but the
-majority did, though some of them brought only a few baskets. One
-of the villages brought one complete pwata'i, filled with yams,
-and offered the whole to the chief.
-
-In the meantime, the eight canoes arrived, including that of Kasana'i,
-which had been ceremonially launched that morning with the accompanying
-magical rite, on its own beach about half a mile away. The canoe of
-Omarakana had also been launched on this morning (Plate XXX), and the
-same rite performed over it. It ought to have been done by To'uluwa,
-the chief. As he, however, is quite incapable of remembering magical
-spells--in fact, he never does any of the magic which his rank and
-office impose on him--the rite was performed on this occasion by one
-of his kinsmen. This is a typical case of a rule very stringently
-formulated by all informants when you ask about it, yet in reality
-often observed with laxity. If you inquire directly, everyone will
-tell you that this rite, as all others of the mwasila (Kula magic)
-has to be done by the toliwaga. But every time when he ought to
-perform it, To'uluwa will find some excuse, and delegate it to another.
-
-When all the canoes were present, as well as all the important
-villages, at about eleven o'clock a.m., there took place the sagali
-(ceremonial distribution). The food was given to people from various
-villages, especially such as took part in the races, or had assisted
-in the building of the new canoe. So we see that food contributed by
-all the villages before the sagali was simply redistributed among them,
-a considerable quantity having been added first by the chief; and this
-indeed is the usual procedure at a sagali. In this case, of course,
-the lion's share was taken by the Kitavans who helped at the building.
-
-After the sagali was over, the canoes were all brought up to one spot,
-and the natives began to prepare them for the race. The masts were
-stepped, the fastenings trimmed, the sails made ready (see Plate
-XXXI). After that the canoes all put off and gathered about half a
-mile off the shore, beyond the fringing reef; and at a sign given
-by some one on one of them, they all started. As said before, such a
-run is not a race properly speaking, in which the canoes would start
-scrupulously at the same minute, have the same distance to cover,
-and which would clearly show which is the fastest. In this case, it
-was merely, as always, a review of the boats sailing along as well
-as they were able, a review in which they all began to move, more
-or less at the same time, went in the same direction, and covered
-practically the same distance.
-
-As to the time table of the events, the sagali was over before
-mid-day. There was a pause; and then, at about one p.m., the natives
-began rigging the canoes. Then all hands had a spell, and not before
-three p.m. were the races started. The whole affair was over by about
-four o'clock, and half an hour later, the boats from the other villages
-started to sail home, the people on the shore dispersed, so that by
-sunset, that is, about six o'clock, the beach was almost deserted.
-
-Such was the tasasoria ceremony which I saw in February, 1916. It
-was a fine sight from the spectacular point of view. A superficial
-onlooker could have hardly perceived any sign of white man's influence
-or interference. I was the only white man present, and besides myself
-only some two or three native missionary teachers were dressed in white
-cotton. Amongst the rest of us there could be seen sparsely a coloured
-rag, tied round as a neckerchief or head-dress. But otherwise there
-was only a swarm of naked brown bodies, shining with coco-nut oil,
-adorned in new festive dress, with here and there the three-coloured
-grass skirt of a woman (see Plates XXX and XXXI).
-
-But alas, for one who could look below the surface and read the
-various symptoms of decay, deep changes would be discernible
-from what must have been the original conditions of such a native
-gathering. In fact, some three generations ago, even its appearances
-would have been different. The natives then would have been armed
-with shields and spears; some would have borne decorative weapons,
-such as the big sword-clubs of hard wood, or massive ebony cudgels,
-or small throwing-sticks. A closer inspection would have shown many
-more decorations and ornaments, such as nose-sticks, finely carved
-lime spatulæ, gourds with burnt-in designs, some of which are now out
-of use, or those used of inferior workmanship or without decoration.
-
-But other and much deeper changes have taken place in the social
-conditions. Three generations ago both the canoes in the water and the
-people on the shore would have been more numerous. As mentioned above,
-in the olden days there would have been some twenty canoes in Kiriwina,
-as against eight at the present time. Again, the far stronger influence
-of the chief, and the much greater relative importance of the event
-would have attracted a larger proportion out of the then more numerous
-population. Nowadays, other interests, such as diving for pearls,
-working on white man's plantations, divert the native attention,
-while many events connected with Missions, Government and trading,
-eclipse the importance of old customs.
-
-Again, the people on the shore would have had to adhere in olden
-days even more closely to the local distribution, men of the same
-village community keeping together still more strictly, and looking
-with mistrust and perhaps even hostility, at other groups, especially
-those with whom they had hereditary feuds. The general tension would
-often be broken by squabbles or even miniature fights, especially at
-the moment of dispersing, and on the way home.
-
-One of the important features of the performance, and the one of
-which the natives think perhaps most--the display of food--would
-also have been quite different. The chief whom I saw sitting on a
-platform surrounded by a few wives only, and with small attendance
-would, under the old conditions, have been the owner of thrice as many
-wives and consequently relatives-in-law, and as it is these from whom
-he derives most of his income, he would have provided a much bigger
-sagali than he is able to do nowadays.
-
-Three generations ago the whole event would have been much more solemn
-and dramatic to the natives. The very distance to the neighbouring
-island of Kitava is nowadays dwarfed. In the past, it would not,
-as now, be quickly obliterated by a white man's steam-launch. Then,
-the canoes on the beach were the only means of arriving there, and
-their value in the eyes of the natives must have, therefore, been
-even higher, although they think so much of them now. The outlines
-of the distant island and the small fleet of canoes on the beach
-formed for the natives the first act of a big over seas expedition,
-an event of far deeper significance to them then than now. A rich haul
-of arm-shells, the arrival of many much-coveted utilities, the bringing
-back of news from the far-off land, all this meant much more in older
-days than it can mean at present. War, dancing, and the Kula supplied
-tribal life with its romantic and heroic elements. Nowadays, with war
-prohibited by the Government, with dancing discredited by missionary
-influence, the Kula alone remains, and even that is stripped of some
-of its glamour.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Before we proceed to the next stage, we must pause in following
-the events of a Kula expedition, and consider one or two points
-of more general importance. I have touched in the narrative, but
-not dwelt upon, certain problems of the sociology of work. At the
-outset of the preceding chapter it was mentioned that canoe-building
-requires a definite organisation of work, and in fact we saw that in
-the course of construction, various kinds of labour were employed,
-and more especially towards the end, much use was made of communal
-labour. Again, we saw that during the launching ceremony payment
-was given by the owner to the expert and his helpers. These two
-points therefore, the organisation of labour and communal labour
-in particular, and the system of payment for experts' work must be
-here developed.
-
-Organisation of Labour.--First of all, it is important to realise
-that a Kiriwinian is capable of working well, efficiently and in a
-continuous manner. But he must work under an effective incentive:
-he must be prompted by some duty imposed by tribal standards, or
-he must be lured by ambitions and values also dictated by custom
-and tradition. Gain, such as is often the stimulus for work in more
-civilised communities, never acts as an impulse to work under the
-original native conditions. It succeeds very badly, therefore, when
-a white man tries to use this incentive to make a native work.
-
-This is the reason why the traditional view of the lazy and indolent
-native is not only a constant refrain of the average white settler, but
-finds its way into good books of travel, and even serious ethnographic
-records. With us, labour is, or was till fairly recently, a commodity
-sold as any other, in the open market. A man accustomed to think in
-terms of current economic theory will naturally apply the conceptions
-of supply and demand to labour, and he applies them therefore to
-native labour. The untrained person does the same, though in less
-sophisticated terms, and as they see that the native will not work
-well for the white man, even if tempted by considerable payment and
-treated fairly well, they conclude that his capacity for labour is very
-small. This error is due to the same cause which lies at the bottom
-of all our misconceptions about people of different cultures. If you
-remove a man from his social milieu, you eo ipso deprive him of almost
-all his stimuli to moral steadfastness and economic efficiency and
-even of interest in life. If then you measure him by moral, legal or
-economic standards, also essentially foreign to him, you cannot but
-obtain a caricature in your estimate.
-
-But the natives are not only capable of energetic, continuous and
-skilful work; their social conditions also make it possible for
-them to employ organised labour. At the beginning of Chapter IV, the
-sociology of canoe-building was given in outline, and now, after the
-details of its successive stages have been filled in, it is possible to
-confirm what has been said there, and draw some conclusions as to this
-organisation of labour. And first, as we are using this expression so
-often, I must insist again on the fact that the natives are capable
-of it, and that this contention is not a truism, as the following
-considerations should show. The just mentioned view of the lazy,
-individualistic and selfish savage, who lives on the bounties of
-nature as they fall ripe and ready for him, implicitly precludes the
-possibility of his doing effective work, integrated into an organised
-effort by social forces. Again, the view, almost universally accepted
-by specialists, is that the lowest savages are in the pre-economic
-stage of individualistic search for food, whereas the more developed
-ones, such as the Trobrianders, for instance, live at the stage of
-isolated household economy. This view also ignores, when it does not
-deny explicitly, the possibility of socially organised labour.
-
-The view generally held is that, in native communities each individual
-works for himself, or members of a household work so as to provide
-each family with the necessities of life. Of course, a canoe, even a
-masawa, could obviously be made by the members of a household, though
-with less efficiency and in a longer time. So that there is a priori
-nothing to foretell whether organised labour, or the unaided efforts
-of an individual or a small group of people should be used in the
-work. As a matter of fact, we have seen in canoe-building a number
-of men engaged in performing each a definite and difficult task,
-though united to one purpose. The tasks were differentiated in their
-sociological setting; some of the workers were actually to own the
-canoe; others belonged to a different community, and did it only as
-an act of service to the chief. Some worked in order to derive direct
-benefit from the use of the canoe, others were to be paid. We saw also
-that the work of felling, of scooping, of decorating, would in some
-cases be performed by various men, or it might be performed by one
-only. Certainly the minute tasks of lashing, caulking and painting,
-as well as sail-making, were done by communal labour as opposed to
-individual. And all these different tasks were directed towards one
-aim: the providing the chief or headman with the title of ownership
-of a canoe, and his whole community with its use.
-
-It is clear that this differentiation of tasks, co-ordinated to
-a general purpose, requires a well developed social apparatus to
-back it up, and that on the other hand, this social mechanism must
-be associated and permeated with economic elements. There must be a
-chief, regarded as representative of a group; he must have certain
-formal rights and privileges, and a certain amount of authority, and
-also he must dispose of part of the wealth of the community. There
-must also be a man or men with knowledge sufficient to direct and
-co-ordinate the technical operations. All this is obvious. But it must
-be clearly set forth that the real force which binds all the people
-and ties them down in their tasks is obedience to custom, to tradition.
-
-Every man knows what is expected from him, in virtue of his position,
-and he does it, whether it means the obtaining of a privilege,
-the performance of a task, or the acquiescence in a status quo. He
-knows that it always has been thus, and thus it is all around him,
-and thus it always must remain. The chief's authority, his privileges,
-the customary give and take which exist between him and the community,
-all that is merely, so to speak, the mechanism through which the force
-of tradition acts. For there is no organised physical means by which
-those in authority could enforce their will in a case like this. Order
-is kept by direct force of everybody's adhesion to custom, rules and
-laws, by the same psychological influences which in our society prevent
-a man of the world doing something which is not "the right thing." The
-expression "might is right" would certainly not apply to Trobriand
-society. "Tradition is right, and what is right has might"--this
-rather is the rule governing the social forces in Boyowa, and I dare
-say in almost all native communities at this stage of culture.
-
-All the details of custom, all the magical formulæ, the whole fringe
-of ceremonial and rite which accompany canoe-building, all these
-things add weight to the social scheme of duties. The importance of
-magical ideas and rites as integrating forces has been indicated
-at the outset of this description. It is easy to see how all the
-appurtenances of ceremony, that is, magic, decoration, and public
-attendance welded together into one whole with labour, serve to put
-order and organisation into it.
-
-Another point must be enlarged upon somewhat more. I have spoken
-of organised labour, and of communal labour. These two conceptions
-are not synonymous, and it is well to keep them apart. As already
-defined, organised labour implies the co-operation of several
-socially and economically different elements. It is quite another
-thing, however, when a number of people are engaged side by side,
-performing the same work, without any technical division of labour,
-or social differentiation of function. Thus, the whole enterprise of
-canoe-building is, in Kiriwina, the result of organised labour. But
-the work of some twenty to thirty men, who side by side do the lashing
-or caulking of the canoe, is communal labour. This latter form of
-work has a great psychological advantage. It is much more stimulating
-and more interesting, and it allows of emulation, and therefore of a
-better quality of work. For one or two men, it would require about a
-month to do the work which twenty to thirty men can do in a day. In
-certain cases, as in the pulling of the heavy log from the jungle to
-the village, the joining of forces is almost indispensable. True,
-the canoe could be scooped out in the raybwag, and then a few men
-might be able to pull it along, applying some skill. But it would
-entail great hardships. Thus, in some cases, communal labour is of
-extreme importance, and in all casesit furthers the course of work
-considerably. Sociologically, it is important, because it implies
-mutual help, exchange of services, and solidarity in work within a
-wide range.
-
-Communal labour is an important factor in the tribal economy
-of the Trobriand natives. They resort to it in the building of
-living-huts and storehouses, in certain forms of industrial work,
-and in the transport of things, especially at harvest time, when great
-quantities of produce have to be shifted from one village to another,
-often over a great distance. In fishing, when several canoes go out
-together and fish each for itself, then we cannot speak of communal
-labour. When on the other hand, they fish in one band, each canoe
-having an appointed task, as is sometimes done, then we have to do
-with organised labour. Communal labour is also based upon the duties
-of urigubu, or relatives-in-law. That is, a man's relatives-in-law
-have to assist him, whenever he needs their co-operation. In the
-case of a chief, there is an assistance on a grand scale, and whole
-villages will turn out. In the case of a commoner, only a few people
-will help. There is always a distribution of food after the work has
-been done, but this can hardly be considered as payment, for is is
-not proportional to the work each individual does.
-
-By far the most important part communal labour has to play, is in
-gardening. There are as many as five different forms of communal labour
-in the gardens, each called by a different name, and each distinct in
-its sociological nature. When a chief or headman summons the members
-of a village community, and they agree to do their gardens communally,
-it is called tamgogula. When this is decided upon, and the time grows
-near for cutting the scrub for new gardens, a festive eating is held
-on the central place, and there all men go, and takayva (cut down)
-the scrub on the chief's plot. After that, they cut in turn the
-garden plots of everyone, all men working on the one plot during a
-day, and getting on that day food from the owner. This procedure is
-reproduced at each successive stage of gardening; at the fencing,
-planting of yams, bringing in supports, and finally, at the weeding,
-which is done by women. At certain stages, the gardening is often
-done by each one working for himself, namely at the clearing of the
-gardens after they are burnt, at the cleaning of the roots of yams
-when they begin to produce tubers, and at harvesting.
-
-There are, as a rule, several communal feasts during the progress,
-and one at the end of a tamgogula period. Gardens are generally worked
-in this fashion, in years when big ceremonial dancing or some other
-tribal festivity is held. This usually makes the work very late,
-and it has then to be done quickly and energetically, and communal
-labour has evidently been found suitable for this purpose.
-
-When several villages agree to work their gardens by communal labour,
-this is called lubalabisa. The two forms do not differ very much except
-by name, and also by the fact that, in the latter form, more than one
-chief or headman has to direct the process. The lubalabisa would only
-be held when there are several small villages, clustered together,
-as is the case in the village compounds of Sinaketa, Kavataria,
-Kabwaku or Yalaka.
-
-When a chief or headman, or man of wealth and influence summons his
-dependents or his relatives-in-law to work for him, the name kabutu
-is given to the proceedings. The owner has to give food to all those
-co-operating. A kabutu may be instituted for one bit of gardening,
-for example, a headman may invite his villagers to do his cutting
-for him, or his planting or his fencing. It is clear that whenever
-communal labour is required by one man in the construction of his
-house or yam store, the labour is of the kabutu type, and it is thus
-called by the natives.
-
-The fourth form of communal labour is called ta'ula, and takes place
-whenever a number of villagers agree to do one stage of gardening in
-common, on the basis of reciprocity. No great or special payments take
-place. The same sort of communal labour extending over all stages of
-gardening, is called kari'ula, and it may be counted as the fifth form
-of communal labour in the gardens. Finally, a special word, tavile'i,
-is used when they wish to say that the gardens are done by individual
-labour, and that everyone works on his own plot. It is a rule, however,
-that the chief's plots, especially those of an influential chief of
-high rank, are always gardened by communal labour, and this latter
-is also used with regard to certain privileged plots, on which,
-in a given year, the garden magic is performed first, and with the
-greatest display.
-
-Thus there is a number of distinct forms of communal labour, and they
-show many more interesting features which cannot be mentioned in this
-short outline. The communal labour used in canoe-building is obviously
-of the kabutu type. In having a canoe made, the chief is able to summon
-big numbers of the inhabitants of a whole district, the headman of
-an important village receives the assistance of his whole community,
-whereas a man of small importance, such as one of the smaller headmen
-of Sinaketa or Vakuta, would have to rely on his fellow villagers and
-relations-in-law. In all these cases, it would be the call of duty,
-laid down by custom, which would make them work. The payment would be
-of secondary importance, though in certain circumstances, it would be
-a considerable one. The distribution of food during launching forms
-such a payment, as we have seen in Division I of this chapter. In
-olden days, a meal of Pigs, an abundance of betel-nut and coco-nut
-and sugar cane would have made a veritable feast for the natives.
-
-Another point of importance from the economic aspect is the payment
-given by the chief to the builder of the canoe. The canoe of Omarakana
-was made, as we saw, for To'uluwa by a specialist from Kitava,
-who was well paid with a quantity of food, pigs and vaygua (native
-valuables). Nowadays, when the power of the chiefs is broken, when
-they have much less wealth than formerly to back up their position,
-and cannot use even the little force they ever did and when the general
-breaking up of custom has undermined the traditional deference and
-loyalty of their subjects, the production of canoes and other forms
-of wealth by the specialist for the chief is only a vestige of what
-it once was. In olden days it was, economically, one of the most
-important features of the Trobriand tribal life. In the construction
-of the canoe, Which a chief in olden days would never build himself,
-we meet with an example of this.
-
-Here it will be enough to say that whenever a canoe is built for a
-chief or headman by a builder, this has to be paid for by an initial
-gift of food. Then, as long as the man is at work, provisional gifts
-of food are given him. If he lives away from home, like the Kitavan
-builder on the beach of Omarakana, he is fed by the toliwaga and
-supplied with dainties such as coco-nut, betel-nut, pigs' flesh,
-fish and fruits. When he works in his own home, the toliwaga will
-bring him choice food at frequent intervals, inspecting, as he
-does so, the progress of the work. This feeding of the worker or
-bringing him extra choice food is called vakapula. After the canoe
-is finished, a substantial gift is given to the master-builder during
-the ceremonial distribution of food. The proper amount would be a few
-hundred basketfuls of yams, a pig or two, bunches of betel-nut, and
-a great number of coco-nuts; also, a large stone blade or a pig, or a
-belt of red shell discs, and some smaller vaygua of the non-Kula type.
-
-In Vakuta, where chieftainship is not very distinct, and the difference
-in wealth less great, a toliwaga also has to feed the workers during
-the time of hollowing out, preparing, and building a canoe. Then, after
-the caulking, some fifty basketfuls are given to the builder. After
-the launching and trial run, this builder gives a rope, symbol of
-the canoe, to his wife, who, blowing the conch shell, presents the
-rope to the toliwaga. He, on the spot, gives her a bunch of betel or
-bananas. Next day, a considerable present of food, known as yomelu,
-is given by the chief, and then at the next harvest, another fifty
-or sixty basketfuls of yams as karibudaboda or closing up gift.
-
-I have chosen the data from two concrete cases, one noted in
-Kiriwina, the other in Vakuta--that is, in the district where the
-chief's power is greatest, and in that where there never has been
-more than a rudimentary distance in rank and wealth between chief
-and commoner. In both cases there is a payment, but in Kiriwina the
-payment is greater. In Vakuta, it is obviously rather an exchange of
-services, whereas in Kiriwina the chief maintains, as well as rewards
-his builder. In both cases we have the exchange of skilled services
-against maintenance by supply of food.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-We shall pass now to the next ceremonial and customary performance
-in the succession of Kula events, to the display of a new canoe to
-the friends and relatives of the toliwaga. This custom is called
-kabigidoya. The tasasoria (launching and trial run) is obviously at
-the same time the last act of ship-building, and by its associated
-magical rite, by the foretaste of sailing, it is also one of the
-beginning stages of the Kula. The kabigidoya being a presentation
-of the new canoe, belongs to the series of building ceremonials;
-but in so far as it is a provisioning trip, it belongs to the Kula.
-
-The canoe is manned with the usual crew, it is rigged and fitted out
-with all its paraphernalia, such as paddles, baler, and conch shell,
-and it sets out on a short trip to the beaches of the neighbouring
-villages. When the canoe belongs to a compound settlement like
-Sinaketa, then it will stop at every beach of the sister villages. The
-conch shell is blown, and people in the village will know "The
-kabigidoya men have arrived." The crew remains in the canoe, the
-toliwaga goes ashore, taking one paddle with him. He goes to the house
-of his fellow-headman, and thrusts the paddle into the frame of the
-house, with the words: "I offer thee thy bisila (pandanus streamer);
-take a vaygua (valuable), catch a pig and break the head of my new
-canoe." To which the local headman will answer--giving a present:
-"This is the katuvisala dabala (the breaking of the head) of thy
-new canoe!" This is an example of the quaint, customary wording used
-in the exchange of gifts, and in other ceremonial transactions. The
-bisila (pandanus streamer) is often used as a symbol for the canoe,
-in magical spells, in customary expressions, and in idiomatic terms
-of speech. Bleached pandanus streamers are tied to the mast, rigging
-and sail; a specially medicated strip is often attached to the prow
-of the canoe to give it speed, and there is also other bisila magic
-to make a district partner inclined for Kula.
-
-The gifts given are not always up to the standard of those mentioned
-in the above customary phrase. The kabigidoya, especially from the
-neighbouring villages, often brings only a few mats, a few dozen
-coco-nuts, some betel-nut, a couple of paddles, and such articles of
-minor value. And even in these trifles there is not much gain from
-the short kabigidoya. For as we know, at the beginning of the Kula
-all the canoes of, say, Sinaketa or Kiriwina are either rebuilt
-or renewed. What therefore one canoe receives on its kabigidoya
-round, from all the others, will have to be more or less returned to
-them, when they in their turn kabigidoya one after the other. Soon
-afterwards, however, on an appointed day, all the canoes sail together
-on a visit to the other districts, and on this kabigidoya, they
-receive as a rule much more substantial presents, and these they will
-only have to return much later, after a year or two, when the visited
-district will come back to them on their own kabigidoya. Thus, when the
-canoes of Kirwina are built and renovated for a big Kula expedition,
-they will sail South along the coast, and stop first in Olivilevi,
-receiving presents from the chief there, and walking on a round of
-the inland villages of Luba. Then they will proceed to the next sea
-village, that of Wawela, leaving their canoes there, and going from
-there across to Sinaketa. Thence they proceed still further South,
-to Vakuta. The villages on the Lagoon, such as Sinaketa and Vakuta,
-will return these visits, sailing North along the Western shore on
-the Lagoon side. Then they stop at Tukwaukwa or Kavataria, and from
-there walk inland to Kiriwina, where they receive presents (see Map
-IV, p. 50).
-
-The kabigidoya trips of the Vakutans and Sinaketans are more important
-than those of the Northern or Eastern districts, because they are
-combined with a preliminary trade, in which the visitors replenish
-their stock of goods, which they will need presently on their trip
-South to Dobu. The reader will remember that Kuboma is the industrial
-district of the Trobriands, where are manufactured most of the
-useful articles, for which these islands are renowned in the whole
-of Eastern New Guinea. It lies in the Northern half of the island,
-and from Kiriwina it is only a few miles walk, but to reach it from
-Sinaketa or Vakuta it is necessary to sail North. The Southern villages
-therefore go to Kavataria, and from there walk inland to Bwoytalu,
-Luya, Yalaka and Kadukwaykela, where they make their purchases. The
-inhabitants of these villages also when they hear that the Sinaketans
-are anchored in Kavataria, bring their wares to the canoes.
-
-A brisk trade is carried on during the day or two that the Sinaketans
-remain in Kavataria. The natives of Kuboma are always eager to buy
-yams, as they live in an unfertile district, and devote themselves
-more to industrial productions than to gardening. And they are still
-more eager to acquire coco-nuts and betel-nut, of which they have a
-great scarcity. They desire besides to receive in exchange for their
-produce the red shell discs manufactured in Sinaketa and Vakuta, and
-the turtle-shell rings. For objects of great value, the Sinaketans
-would give the big clay pots which they receive directly from the
-Amphletts. For that they obtain different articles according to the
-villages with which they are exchanging. From Bwoytalu, they get
-the wonderfully fashioned and decorated wooden dishes of various
-sizes, depths and finish, made out of either hard or soft wood; from
-Bwaytelu, Wabutuma and Buduwaylaka, armlets of plaited fern fibre,
-and wooden combs; from Buduwaylaka, Yalaka, and Kadukwaykela, lime
-pots of different qualities and sizes. From the villages of Tilataula,
-the district North-east of Kuboma, the polished axe blades used to
-be acquired in olden days.
-
-I shall not enter into the technicalities of this exchange, nor shall I
-give here the approximate list of prices which obtain. We shall have to
-follow the traded goods further on to Dobu, and there we shall see how
-they change hands again, and under what conditions. This will allow us
-to compare the prices and thus to gauge the nature of the transaction
-as a whole. It will be better therefore to defer all details till then.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Here, however, its seems necessary to make another digression from
-the straight narrative of the Kula, and give an outline of the various
-forms of trade and exchange as we find them in the Trobriands. Indeed,
-the main theme of this volume is the Kula, a form of exchange, and
-I would be untrue to my chief principle of method, were I to give
-the description of one form of exchange torn out of its most intimate
-context; that is, were I to give an account of the Kula without giving
-at least a general outline of the forms of Kiriwinian payments and
-gifts and barter.
-
-In Chapter II, speaking of some features of Trobriand tribal life, I
-was led to criticise the current views of primitive economic man. They
-depict him as a being indolent, independent, happy-go-lucky, yet at
-the same time governed exclusively by strictly rational and utilitarian
-motives, and logical and consistent in his behaviour. In this chapter
-again, in Division II, I pointed out another fallacy implied in this
-conception, a fallacy which declares that a savage is capable only
-of very simple, unorganised and unsystematic forms of labour. Another
-error more or less explicitly expressed in all writings on primitive
-economics, is that the natives possess only rudimentary forms of
-trade and exchange; that these forms play no essential part in the
-tribal life, are carried on only spasmodically and at rare intervals,
-and as necessity dictates.
-
-Whether we have to deal with the wide-spread fallacy of the primitive
-Golden Age, characterised mainly by the absence of any distinction
-between mine and thine; or whether we take the more sophisticated
-view, which postulates stages of individual search for food, and of
-isolated household catering; or if we consider for the moment the
-numerous theories which see nothing in primitive economics but simple
-pursuits for the maintenance of existence--in none of these can we
-find reflected even a hint of the real state of affairs as found in
-the Trobriands; namely, that the whole tribal life is permeated by a
-constant give and take; that every ceremony, every legal and customary
-act is done to the accompaniment of material gift and counter gift;
-that wealth, given and taken, is one of the main instruments of social
-organisation, of the power of the chief, of the bonds of kinship,
-and of relationship in law. [53]
-
-These views on primitive trade, prevalent though erroneous, appear
-no doubt quite consistent, that is, if we grant certain premises. Now
-these premises seem plausible, and yet they are false, and it will be
-good to have a careful look at them so that we can discard them once
-and for all. They are based on some sort of reasoning, such as the
-following one: If, in tropical conditions, there is a plenty of all
-utilities, why trouble about exchanging them? Then, why attach any
-value to them? Is there any reason for striving after wealth, where
-everyone can have as much as he wants without much effort? Is there
-indeed any room for value, if this latter is the result of scarcity
-as well as utility, in a community, in which all the useful things
-are plentiful? On the other hand, in those savage communities where
-the necessities of life are scarce, there is obviously no possibility
-of accumulating them, and thus creating wealth.
-
-Again, since, in savage communities, whether bountifully or badly
-provided for by nature, everyone has the same free access to all the
-necessities, is there any need to exchange them? Why give a basketful
-of fruit or vegetables, if everybody has practically the same quantity
-and the same means of procuring it? Why make a present of it, if it
-cannot be returned except in the same form? [54]
-
-There are two main sources of error at the bottom of this faulty
-reasoning. The first is that the relation of the savage to
-material goods is a purely rational one, and that consequently,
-in his conditions, there is no room for wealth or value. The second
-erroneous assumption is that there can be no need for exchange if
-anyone and everyone can, by industry and skill, produce all that
-represents value through its quantity or its quality.
-
-As regards the first proposition, it is not true either with regard
-to what may be called primary wealth, that is, food stuffs, nor
-with regard to articles of luxury, which are by no means absent
-in Trobriand society. First as to food-stuffs, they are not merely
-regarded by the natives as nourishment, not merely valued because
-of their utility. They accumulate them not so much because they know
-that yams can be stored and used for a future date, but also because
-they like to display their possessions in food. Their yam houses
-are built so that the quantity of the food can be gauged, and its
-quality ascertained through the wide interstices between the beams
-(see Plates XXXII and XXXIII). The yams are so arranged that the best
-specimens come to the outside and are well visible. Special varieties
-of yams, which grow up to two metres length, and weigh as much as
-several kilograms each, are framed in wood and decorated with paint,
-and hung on the outside of the yam houses. That the right to display
-food is highly valued can be seen from the fact that in villages
-where a chief of high rank resides, the commoners' storehouses have
-to be closed up with coco-nut leaves, so as not to compete with his.
-
-All this shows that the accumulation of food is not only the result
-of economic foresight, but also prompted by the desire of display
-and enhancement of social prestige through possession of wealth.
-
-When I speak about ideas underlying accumulation of food stuffs in
-the Trobriands, I refer to the present, actual psychology of the
-natives, and I must emphatically declare that I am not offering
-here any conjectures about the "origins" or about the "history" of
-the customs and their psychology, leaving this to theoretical and
-comparative research.
-
-Another institution which illuminates the native ideas about food
-storage is the magic called vilamalya, performed over the crops after
-harvest, and at one or two other stages. This magic is intended to
-make the food last long. Before the store-house is filled with yams,
-the magician places a special kind of heavy stone on the floor, and
-recites a long magical spell. On the evening of the same day, after
-the food houses have been filled, he spits over them with medicated
-ginger root, and he also performs a rite over all the roads entering
-into the village, and over the central place. All this will make food
-plentiful in that village, and will make the supplies last long. But,
-and this is the important point for us, this magic is conceived
-to act, not on the food, but on the inhabitants of the village. It
-makes their appetites poor, it makes them, as the natives put it,
-inclined to eat wild fruit of the bush, the mango and bread fruit of
-the village grove, and refuse to eat yams, or at least be satisfied
-with very little. They will boast that when this magic is performed
-well, half of the yams will rot away in the storehouses, and be
-thrown on the wawa, the rubbish heap at the back of the houses, to
-make room for the new harvest. Here again we meet the typical idea
-that the main aim of accumulating food is to keep it exhibited in
-the yam houses till it rots, and then can be replaced by a new étalage.
-
-The filling of the storehouses involves a double display of food,
-and a good deal of ceremonial handling. When the tubers are taken
-out of the ground they are first displayed in the gardens. A shed
-of poles is erected, and covered with taitu vine, which is thrown
-thickly over it. In such arbours, a circle is pegged out on the ground,
-and within this the taitu (the ordinary small yams of the Trobriands
-which form the staple harvest) are carefully piled up into a conical
-heap. A great deal of care is lavished on this task, the biggest
-are selected, scrupulously cleaned, and put on the outside of the
-heap. After a fortnight or more of keeping the yams in the garden,
-where they are much admired by visiting parties, the owner of the
-garden plot summons a party of friends or relatives-in-law, and these
-transport them into a village. As we know already, from Chapter II,
-such yams will be offered to the owner's sister's husband. It is to
-his village that they are brought, where again they are displayed in
-conical heaps, placed before his yam house. Only after they have thus
-remained for several days--sometimes up to a fortnight--are they put
-into the storehouse (see Plate XXXIII).
-
-Indeed, it would be enough for anyone to see how the natives handle
-the yams, how they admire big tubers, how they pick out freaks and
-sports and exhibit them, to realise that there is a deep, socially
-standardised sentiment centring round this staple product of their
-gardens. In many phases of their ceremonial life, big displays of food
-form the central feature. Extensive mortuary distributions called
-sagali, are, in one of their aspects, enormous exhibitions of food,
-connected with their re-apportionment (see Plate XXXIV). At harvest
-of the early yams (kuvi) there is an offering of first fruits to the
-memory of the recently dead. At the later, main harvest of taitu
-(small yams), the first tubers are dug out ceremonially brought
-into the village and admired by the whole community. Food contests
-between two villages at harvest, in olden days often followed by
-actual fighting, are also one of the characteristic features which
-throw light on the natives' attitude towards edible wealth. In fact,
-one could almost speak of a "cult of food" among these natives, in so
-far as food is the central object of most of their public ceremonies.
-
-In the preparation of food, it must be noted that many taboos are
-associated with cooking, and especially with the cooking pots. The
-wooden dishes on which the natives serve their food are called kaboma,
-which means "tabooed wood." The act of eating is as a rule strictly
-individual. People eat within their family circles, and even when there
-is public ceremonial cooking of the taro pudding (mona) in the big clay
-pots, especially tabooed for this purpose (see Plate XXXV), they do not
-eat in one body, but in small groups. A clay pot is carried into the
-different parts of the village, and men from that part squat round it
-and eat, followed afterwards by the women. Sometimes again the pudding
-is taken out, placed on wooden dishes, and eaten within the family.
-
-I cannot enter here into the many details of what could be called the
-social psychology of eating, but it is important to note that the
-centre of gravity of the feast lies, not in the eating, but in the
-display and ceremonial preparation of the food (see Plate XXXV). When
-a pig is to be killed, which is a great culinary and festive event, it
-will be first carried about, and shown perhaps in one or two villages;
-then roasted alive, the whole village and neighbours enjoying the
-spectacle and the squeals of the animal. It is then ceremonially, and
-with a definite ritual, cut into pieces and distributed. But the eating
-of it is a casual affair; it will take place either within a hut, or
-else people will just cook a piece of flesh and eat it on the road,
-or walking about in the village. The relics of a feast such as pigs'
-jaws and fish tails, however, are often collected and displayed in
-houses or yam stores. [55]
-
-The quantity of food eaten, whether in prospect or retrospect, is
-what matters most. "We shall eat, and eat till we vomit," is a stock
-phrase, often heard at feasts, intended to express enjoyment of the
-occasion, a close parallel to the pleasure felt at the idea of stores
-rotting away in the yam house. All this shows that the social act of
-eating and the associated conviviality are not present in the minds
-or customs of the Trobrianders, and what is socially enjoyed is the
-common admiration of fine and plentiful food, and the knowledge of its
-abundance. Naturally, like all animals, human or otherwise, civilised
-or savage, the Trobrianders enjoy their eating as one of the chief
-pleasures of life, but this remains an individual act, and neither
-its performance nor the sentiments attached to it have been socialised.
-
-It is this indirect sentiment, rooted of course in reality in the
-pleasures of eating, which makes for the value of food in the eyes
-of the natives. This value again makes accumulated food a symbol,
-and a vehicle of power. Hence the need for storing and displaying
-it. Value is not the result of utility and rarity, intellectually
-compounded, but is the result of a sentiment grown round things,
-which, through satisfying human needs, are capable of evoking emotions.
-
-The value of manufactured objects of use must also be explained
-through man's emotional nature, and not by reference to his logical
-construction of utilitarian views. Here, however, I think that
-the explanation must take into account, not so much the user of
-these objects, as the workman who produces them. These natives are
-industrious, and keen workers. They do not work under the spur of
-necessity, or to gain their living, but on the impulse of talent and
-fancy, with a high sense and enjoyment of their art, which they often
-conceive as the result of magical inspiration. This refers especially
-to those who produce objects of high value, and who are always
-good craftsmen and are fond of their workmanship. Now these native
-artists have a keen appreciation of good material, and of perfection
-in craft. When they find a specially good piece of material it lures
-them on to lavish on it an excess of labour, and to produce things too
-good to be used, but only so much the more desirable for possession.
-
-The careful manner of working, the perfection of craftmanship, the
-discrimination in material, the inexhaustible patience in giving the
-final touches, have been often noted by those who have seen natives
-at work. These observations have also come under the notice of some
-theoretical economists, but it is necessary to see these facts in
-their bearing upon the theory of value. That is, namely, that this
-loving attitude towards material and work must produce a sentiment of
-attachment to rare materials and well-worked objects, and that this
-must result in their being valued. Value will be attached to rare
-forms of such materials as the craftsman generally uses: classes of
-shell which are scarce, lending themselves especially to fashioning
-and polishing; kinds of wood which are also rare, like ebony; and more
-particularly, special varieties of that stone out of which implements
-are made. [56]
-
-We can now compare our results with the fallacious views on Primitive
-Economic Man, sketched out at the beginning of this Division. We see
-that value and wealth exist, in spite of abundance of things, that
-indeed this abundance is valued for its own sake. Great quantities
-are produced beyond any possible utility they could possess, out of
-mere love of accumulation for its own sake; food is allowed to rot,
-and though they have all they could desire in necessities, yet the
-natives want always more, to serve in its character of wealth. Again,
-in manufactured objects, and more especially in objects of the
-vaygu'a type (comp. Chapter III, Div. III), it is not rarity within
-utility which creates value, but a rarity sought out by human skill
-within the workable materials. In other words, not those things
-are valued, which being useful or even indispensable are hard to
-get, since all the necessities of life are within easy reach of the
-Trobriand Islander. But such an article is valued where the workman,
-having found specially fine or sportive material, has been induced
-to spend a disproportionate amount of labour on it. By doing so, he
-creates an object which is a kind of economic monstrosity, too good,
-too big, too frail, or too overcharged with ornament to be used,
-yet just because of that, highly valued.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-Thus the first assumption is exploded, "that there is no room for
-wealth or value in native societies." What about the other assumption,
-namely, "That there is no need to exchange if anyone can by industry
-and skill, produce all that represents value through its quantity or
-its quality?" This assumption is confuted by realising a fundamental
-fact of native usage and psychology: the love of give and take for
-its own sake; the active enjoyment in possession of wealth, through
-handing it over.
-
-In studying any sociological questions in the Trobriands, in
-describing the ceremonial side of tribal life, or religion and magic,
-we constantly meet with this give and take, with exchange of gifts
-and payments. I had occasion several times to mention this general
-feature, and in the short outline of the Trobriand sociology in
-Chapter II, I gave some examples of it. Even a walk across the island,
-such as we imagined in that chapter, would reveal to an open-eyed
-Ethnographer this economic truth. He would see visiting parties--women
-carrying big food baskets on their head, men with loads on their
-shoulders--and on inquiring he would learn that these were gifts to
-be presented under one of the many names they bear, in fulfilment
-of some social obligation. Offerings of first fruits are given to
-the chief or to relatives-in-law, when the mango or bread fruit or
-sugar cane are ripe. Big quantities of sugar cane being borne to a
-chief, carried by some twenty to thirty men running along the road,
-produce the impressions of a tropical Birnam Wood moving through the
-jungle. At harvest time all the roads are full of big parties of men
-carrying food, or returning with empty baskets. From the far North of
-Kiriwina a party will have to run for some twelve miles to the creek of
-Tukwa'ukwa, get into canoes, punt for miles along the shallow Lagoon,
-and have another good walk inland from Sinaketa; and all this is in
-order to fill the yam house of a man who could do it quite well for
-himself, if it were not that he is under obligation to give all the
-harvest to his sister's husband! Displays of gifts associated with
-marriage, with sagali (food distributions), with payments for magic,
-all these are some of the most picturesque characteristics of the
-Trobriand garden, road and village, and must impress themselves upon
-even a superficial observer.
-
-The second fallacy, that man keeps all he needs and never spontaneously
-gives it away, must therefore be completely discarded. Not that the
-natives do not possess a strongly retentive tendency. To imagine that
-they differ from other human beings in this, would be to fall out
-of one fallacy into the opposite one also already mentioned, namely
-that there is a sort of primitive communism among the natives. On the
-contrary, just because they think so much of giving, the distinction
-between mine and thine is not obliterated but enhanced; for the
-presents are by no means given haphazardly, but practically always in
-fulfilment of definite obligations, and with a great deal of formal
-punctilio. The very fundamental motive of giving, the vanity of a
-display of possession and power, a limine rules out any assumption
-of communistic tendencies or institutions. Not in all cases, but
-in many of them, the handing over of wealth is the expression
-of the superiority of the giver over the recipient. In others,
-it represents subordination to a chief, or a kinship relation or
-relationship-in-law. And it is important to realise that in almost
-all forms of exchange in the Trobriands, there is not even a trace
-of gain, nor is there any reason for looking at it from the purely
-utilitarian and economic standpoint, since there is no enhancement
-of mutual utility through the exchange.
-
-Thus, it is quite a usual thing in the Trobriands for a type of
-transaction to take place in which A gives twenty baskets of yams to
-B, receiving for it a small polished blade, only to have the whole
-transaction reversed in a few weeks' time. Again, at a certain stage of
-mortuary ritual, a present of valuables is given, and on the same day
-later on, the identical articles are returned to the giver. Cases like
-that described in the kabigidoya custom (Div. III of this chapter),
-where each owner of a new canoe made a round of all the others,
-each thus giving away again what he receives, are typical. In the
-wasi--exchange of fish for yams, to be described presently--through
-a practically useless gift, a burdensome obligation is imposed, and
-one might speak of an increase of burdens rather than an increase
-of utilities.
-
-The view that the native can live in a state of individual search
-for food, or catering for his own household only, in isolation from
-any interchange of goods, implies a calculating, cold egotism, the
-possibility of enjoyment by man of utilities for their sake. This view,
-and all the previously criticised assumptions, ignore the fundamental
-human impulse to display, to share, to bestow. They ignore the deep
-tendency to create social ties through exchange of gifts. Apart from
-any consideration as to whether the gifts are necessary or even useful,
-giving for the sake of giving is one of the most important features of
-Trobriand sociology, and, from its very general and fundamental nature,
-I submit that it is a universal feature of all primitive societies.
-
-I have dwelt at length on economic facts which on the surface are not
-directly connected with the Kula. But if we realise that in these
-facts we may be able to read the native's attitude towards wealth
-and value, their importance for the main theme becomes obvious. The
-Kula is the highest and the most dramatic expression of the native's
-conception of value, and if we want to understand all the customs and
-actions of the Kula in their real bearings we must, first and foremost,
-grasp the psychology that lies at its basis.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-I have on purpose spoken of forms of exchange, of gifts and
-counter-gifts, rather than of barter or trade, because, although there
-exist forms of barter pure and simple, there are so many transitions
-and gradations between that and simple gift, that it is impossible
-to draw any fixed line between trade on the one hand, and exchange
-of gifts on the other. Indeed, the drawing of any lines to suit
-our own terminology and our own distinctions is contrary to sound
-method. In order to deal with these facts correctly it is necessary
-to give a complete survey of all forms of payment or present. In this
-survey there will be at one end the extreme case of pure gift, that
-is an offering for which nothing is given in return. Then, through
-many customary forms of gift or payment, partially or conditionally
-returned, which shade into each other, there come forms of exchange,
-where more or less strict equivalence is observed, arriving finally
-at real barter. In the following survey I shall roughly classify each
-transaction according to the principle of its equivalence.
-
-Such tabularised accounts cannot give the same clear vision of
-facts as a concrete description might do, and they even produce
-the impression of artificiality, but, and this must be emphatically
-stated, I shall not introduce here artificial categories, foreign to
-the native mind. Nothing is so misleading in ethnographic accounts
-as the description of facts of native civilisations in terms of
-our own. This, however, shall not be done here. The principles of
-arrangement, although quite beyond the comprehension of the natives,
-are nevertheless contained in their social organisation, customs,
-and even in their linguistic terminology. This latter always affords
-the simplest and surest means of approach towards the understanding of
-native distinctions and classifications. But it also must be remembered
-that, though important as a clue to native ideas, the knowledge of
-terminology is not a miraculous short-cut into the native's mind. As
-a matter of fact, there exist many salient and extremely important
-features of Trobriand sociology and social psychology, which are not
-covered by any term, whereas their language distinguishes sub-divisions
-and subtleties which are quite irrelevant with regard to actual
-conditions. Thus, a survey of terminology must always be supplemented
-by a direct analysis of ethnographic fact and inquiry into the native's
-ideas, that is, by collecting a body of opinions, typical expressions,
-and customary phrases by direct cross-questioning. The most conclusive
-and deepest insight, however, must always be obtained by a study of
-behaviour, by analysis of ethnographic custom and concrete cases of
-traditional rules.
-
-
-
-LIST OF GIFTS, PAYMENTS, AND COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS.
-
-1. Pure Gifts.--By this, as just mentioned, we understand an act,
-in which an individual gives an object or renders a service without
-expecting or getting any return. This is not a type of transaction
-very frequently met in Trobriand tribal life. It must be remembered
-that accidental or spontaneous gifts, such as alms or charities, do
-not exist, since everybody in need would be maintained by his or her
-family. Again, there are so many well-defined economic obligations,
-connected with kinship and relationship-in-law, that anyone wanting
-a thing or a service would know where to go and ask for it. And then,
-of course, it would not be a free gift, but one imposed by some social
-obligation. Moreover, since gifts in the Trobriands are conceived
-as definite acts with a social meaning, rather than transmissions of
-objects, it results that where social duties do not directly impose
-them, gifts are very rare.
-
-The most important type of free gift are the presents characteristic
-of relations between husband and wife, and parents and children. Among
-the Trobrianders, husband and wife own their things separately. There
-are man's and woman's possessions, and each of the two partners
-has a special part of the household goods under control. When one
-of them dies, his or her relations inherit the things. But though
-the possessions are not joint, they very often give presents to one
-another, more especially a husband to his wife.
-
-As to the parents' gifts to the children, it is clear that in a
-matrilineal society, where the mother is the nearest of kin to
-her children in a sense quite different to that in our society,
-they share in and inherit from her all her possessions. It is more
-remarkable that the father, who, according to native belief and law,
-is only the mother's husband, and not the kinsman of the children, is
-the only relation from whom free gifts are expected. [57] The father
-will give freely of his valuables to a son, and he will transmit to
-him his relationships in the Kula, according to the definite rules by
-which it is done (see Chapter XI, Division II). Also, one of the most
-valuable and valued possessions, the knowledge of magic, is handed
-over willingly, and free of any counter-gift, from father to son. The
-ownership of trees in the village grove and ownership in garden plots
-is ceded by the father to his son during the lifetime of the former. At
-his death, it often has to be returned to the man's rightful heirs,
-that is, his sister's children. All the objects of use embraced by
-the term gugua will be shared with him as a matter of course by a
-man's children. Also, any special luxuries in food, or such things as
-betel-nut or tobacco, he will share with his children as well as with
-his wife. In all such small articles of indulgence, free distribution
-will also obtain between the chief or the headman and his vassals,
-though not in such a generous spirit, as within the family. In fact,
-everyone who possesses betel-nut or tobacco in excess of what he can
-actually consume on the spot, would be expected to give it away. This
-very special rule, which also happens to apply to such articles as
-are generally used by white men for trade, has largely contributed to
-the tenacity of the idea of the communistic native. In fact, many a
-man will carefully conceal any surplus so as to avoid the obligation
-of sharing it and yet escape the opprobrium attaching to meanness.
-
-There is no comprehensive name for this class of free gifts in native
-terminology. The verb "to give" (sayki) would simply be used, and on
-inquiry as to whether there was repayment for such a gift, the natives
-would directly answer that this was a gift without repayment; mapula
-being the general term for return gifts, and retributions, economic
-as well as otherwise. The natives undoubtedly would not think of
-free gifts as forming one class, as being all of the same nature. The
-acts of liberality on the part of the chief, the sharing of tobacco
-and betel-nut by anybody who has some to spare, would be taken as a
-matter of course. Gifts by a husband to a wife are considered also as
-rooted in the nature of this relationship. They have as a matter of
-fact a very coarse and direct way of formulating that such gifts are
-the mapula (payment) for matrimonial relations, a conception in harmony
-with the ideas underlying another type of gift, of which I shall speak
-presently, that given in return for sexual intercourse. Economically
-the two are entirely different, since those of husband to wife are
-casual gifts within a permanent relationship, whereas the others are
-definite payment for favours given on special occasions.
-
-The most remarkable fact, however, is that the same explanation
-is given for the free gifts given by the father to his children;
-that is to say, a gift given by a father to his son is said to be a
-repayment for the man's relationship to the son's mother. According to
-the matrilineal set of ideas about kinship, mother and son are one,
-but the father is a stranger (tomakava) to his son, an expression
-often used when these matters are discussed. There is no doubt,
-however, that the state of affairs is much more complex, for there is
-a very strong direct emotional attitude between father and child. The
-father wants always to give things to his child, as I have said,
-(compare Chapter II, Division VI), and this is very well realised by
-the natives themselves.
-
-As a matter of fact, the psychology underlying these conditions is
-this: normally a man is emotionally attached to his wife, and has a
-very strong personal affection towards his children, and expresses
-these feelings by gifts, and more especially by trying to endow his
-children with as much of his wealth and position as he can. This,
-however, runs counter to the matrilineal principle as well as to the
-general rule that all gifts require repayment, and so these gifts
-are explained away by the natives in a manner that agrees with these
-rules. The above crude explanation of the natives by reference to sex
-payment is a document, which in a very illuminating manner shows up
-the conflict between the matrilineal theory and the actual sentiments
-of the natives, and also how necessary it is to check the explicit
-statements of natives, and the views contained in their terms and
-phraseology by direct observation of full-blooded life, in which we
-see man not only laying down rules and theories, but behaving under
-the impulse of instinct and emotion.
-
-2. Customary payments, re-paid irregularly, and without strict
-equivalence.--The most important of these are the annual payments
-received at harvest time by a man from his wife's brothers
-(cf. Chapter II, Divisions IV and V). These regular and unfailing
-gifts are so substantial, that they form the bulk of a man's income
-in food. Sociologically, they are perhaps the strongest strand
-in the fabric of the Trobriands tribal constitution. They entail a
-life-long obligation of every man to work for his kinswomen and their
-families. When a boy begins to garden, he does it for his mother. When
-his sisters grow up and marry, he works for them. If he has neither
-mother nor sisters, his nearest female blood relation will claim the
-proceeds of his labour. [58]
-
-The reciprocity in these gifts never amounts to their full value,
-but the recipient is supposed to give a valuable (vaygu'a) or a pig
-to his wife's brother from time to time. Again if he summons his
-wife's kinsmen to do communal work for him, according to the kabutu
-system, he pays them in food. In this case also the payments are not
-the full equivalent of the services rendered. Thus we see that the
-relationship between a man and his wife's kinsmen is full of mutual
-gifts and services, in which repayment, however, by the husband, is
-not equivalent and regular, but spasmodic and smaller in value than
-his own share; and even if for some reason or other it ever fails,
-this does not relieve the others from their obligations. In the
-case of a chief, the duties of his numerous relatives-in-law have
-to be much more stringently observed; that is, they have to give him
-much bigger harvest gifts, and they also have to keep pigs, and grow
-betel and coco-nut palms for him. For all this, they are rewarded by
-correspondingly large presents of valuables, which again, however,
-do not fully repay them for their contributions.
-
-The tributes given by vassal village communities to a chief
-and usually repaid by small counter-gifts, also belong to this
-class. Besides these, there are the contributions given by one kinsman
-to another, when this latter has to carry out a mortuary distribution
-(sagali). Such contributions are sometimes, but irregularly and
-spasmodically, repaid by objects of small value.
-
-The natives do not embrace this class under one term, but the
-word urigubu, which designates harvest gifts from the wife's
-brothers, stands for one of the most important conceptions of native
-sociology and economics. They have quite a clear idea about the many
-characteristics of the urigubu duties, which have been described here,
-and about their far-reaching importance. The occasional counter gifts
-given by the husband to his wife's kinsmen are called youlo. The
-chief's tributes which we have put in this category are called
-pokala. The placing of these two types of payment in one category is
-justified both by the similar mechanism, and by the close resemblance
-between the urigubu gifts, when given to a chief, and the pokala
-received by him. There are even resemblances in the actual ceremonial,
-which however, would require too much of a detailed description
-to be more than mentioned here. The word pokala is a general term
-for the chief's tributes, and there are several other expressions
-which cover gifts of first fruit, gifts at the main harvest,
-and some other sub-divisions. There are also terms describing the
-various counter-gifts given by a chief to those who pay him tribute,
-according to whether they consist of pig's flesh or yams or fruit. I
-am not mentioning all these native words, in order not to overload
-the account with details, which would be irrelevant here.
-
-3. Payment for services rendered. This class differs from the foregoing
-one in that here the payment is within limits defined by custom. It has
-to be given each time the service is performed, but we cannot speak
-here of direct economic equivalence, since one of the terms of the
-equation consists of a service, the value of which cannot be assessed,
-except by conventional estimates. All services done by specialists
-for individuals or for the community, belong here. The most important
-of these are undoubtedly the services of the magician. The garden
-magician, for instance, receives definite gifts from the community and
-from certain individuals. The sorcerer is paid by the man who asks him
-to kill or who desires to be healed. The presents given for magic of
-rain and fair weather are very considerable. I have already described
-the payments given to a canoe-builder. I shall have to speak later
-on of those received by the specialists who make the various types
-of vaygu'a.
-
-Here also belong the payments, always associated with love
-intrigues. Disinterested love is quite unknown among these people
-of great sexual laxity. Every time a girl favours her lover, some
-small gift has to be given immediately. This is the case in the normal
-intrigues, going on every night in the village between unmarried girls
-and boys, and also in more ceremonial cases of indulgence, like the
-katuyausi custom, or the mortuary consolations, mentioned in Chapter
-II, Division II. A few areca-nuts, some betel pepper, a bit of tobacco,
-some turtle-shell rings, or spondylus discs, such are the small tokens
-of gratitude and appreciation never omitted by the youth. An attractive
-girl need never go unprovided with the small luxuries of life.
-
-The big mortuary distributions of food, sagali, have already been
-mentioned several times. On their economic side, these distributions
-are payments for funerary services. The deceased man's nearest maternal
-kinsman has to give food gifts to all the villagers for their assuming
-mourning, that is to say, for blackening their faces and cutting their
-hair. He pays some other special people for wailing and grave digging;
-a still smaller group for cutting out the dead man's ulna and using
-it as a lime spoon; and the widow or widower for the prolonged and
-scrupulously to be observed period of strict mourning.
-
-All these details show how universal and strict is the idea that
-every social obligation or duty, though it may not on any account
-be evaded, has yet to be re-paid by a ceremonial gift. The function
-of these ceremonial re-payments is, on the surface of it, to thicken
-the social ties from which arise the obligations.
-
-The similarity of the gifts and payments which we have put into
-this category is expressed by the native use of the word mapula
-(repayment, equivalent) in connection with all these gifts. Thus
-in giving the reason why a certain present is made to a magician,
-or why a share is allotted to a man at the sagali (distribution),
-or why some valuable object is given to a specialist, they would
-say: "This is the mapula for what he has done." Another interesting
-identification contained in linguistic usage is the calling of both
-magical payments and payments to specialists: a 'restorative,' or,
-literally, a  'poultice.' Certain extra fees given to a magician are
-described as 'katuwarina kaykela' or 'poultice for his leg'; as the
-magician, especially he of the garden or the sorcerer, has to take
-long walks in connection with his magic. The expression 'poultice of
-my back,' will be used by a canoe-builder who has been bending over
-his work, or 'poultice of my hand' by a carver or stone-polisher. But
-the identity of these gifts is not in any way expressed in the detailed
-terminology. In fact, there is a list of words describing the various
-payments for magic, the gifts given to specialists, love payments,
-and the numerous types of gifts distinguished at the sagali. Thus a
-magical payment, of which a small part would be offered to ancestral
-spirits, is called ula'ula; a substantial magical gift is called
-sousula; a gift to a sorcerer is described by the verb ibudipeta,
-and there are many more special names. The gifts to the specialists
-are called vewoulo--the initial gift; yomelu--a gift of food given
-after the object has been ceremonially handed over to the owner;
-karibudaboda--a substantial gift of yams given at the next harvest. The
-gifts of food, made while the work is in progress are called vakapula;
-but this latter term has much wider application, as it covers all the
-presents of cooked or raw food given to workers by the man, for whom
-they work. The sexual gifts are called buwana or sebuwana. I shall
-not enumerate the various terminological distinctions of sagali gifts,
-as this would be impossible to do, without entering upon the enormous
-subject of mortuary duties and distributions.
-
-The classification of love gifts and sagali gifts in the same category
-with gifts to magicians and specialists, is a generalisation in which
-the natives would not be able to follow us. For them, the gifts given
-at sagali form a class in themselves and so do the love gifts. We may
-say that, from the economic point of view, we were correct in classing
-all these gifts together, because they all represent a definite type of
-equivalence; also they correspond to the native idea that every service
-has to be paid for, an idea documented by the linguistic use of the
-word mapula. But within this class, the sub-divisions corresponding
-to native terminology represent important distinctions made by the
-natives between the three sub-classes; love gifts, sagali gifts,
-and gifts for magical and professional services.
-
-4. Gifts returned in economically equivalent form.--We are enumerating
-the various types of exchange, as they gradually assume the appearance
-of trade. In this fourth class have been put such gifts as must be
-re-paid with almost strict equivalence. But it must be stressed
-that strict equivalence of two gifts does not assimilate them to
-trade altogether. There can be no more perfect equivalence between
-gift and counter-gift, than when A gives to B an object, and B on
-the same day returns the very same object to A. At a certain stage
-of the mortuary proceedings, such a gift is given and received back
-again by a deceased man's kinsmen and his widow's brothers. Yet it
-is obvious at once that no transaction could be further removed from
-trade. The above described gifts at the presentation of new canoes
-(kabigidoya) belong to this class. So do also numerous presents given
-to one community by another, on visits which are going to be returned
-soon. Payments for the lease of a garden plot are at least in certain
-districts of the Trobriands returned by a gift of equivalent value.
-
-Sociologically, this class of gifts is characteristic of the
-relationship between friends (luba'i). Thus the kabigidoya takes
-place between friends, the Kula takes place between overseas partners
-and inland friends, but of course relations-in-law also belong par
-excellence to this category.
-
-Other types of equivalent gifts which have to be mentioned here
-shortly, are the presents given by one household to another, at
-the milamala, the festive period associated with the return of the
-ancestral spirits to their villages. Offerings of cooked food are
-ceremonially exposed in houses for the use of the spirits, and after
-these have consumed the spiritual substance, the material one is
-given to a neighbouring household. These gifts are always reciprocal.
-
-Again, a series of mutual gifts exchanged immediately after marriage
-between a man and his wife's father (not matrilineal kinsman in this
-case), have to be put into this category.
-
-The economic similarity of these gifts is not expressed in terminology
-or even in linguistic use. All the gifts I have enumerated have
-their own special names, which I shall not adduce here, so as not
-to multiply irrelevant details of information. The natives have no
-comprehensive idea that such a class as I have spoken of exists. My
-generalisation is based upon the very interesting fact, that all
-through the tribal life we find scattered cases of direct exchange
-of equivalent gifts. Nothing perhaps could show up so clearly, how
-much the natives value the give and take of presents for its own sake.
-
-5. Exchange of Material Goods against Privileges, Titles and
-non-material Possessions. Under this heading, I class transactions
-which approach trade, in so far as two owners, each possessing
-something they value highly, exchange it for something they value
-still more. The equivalence here is not so strict, at any rate
-not so measurable, as in the previous class, because in this one,
-one of the terms is usually a non-material possession, such as the
-knowledge of magic, the privilege to execute a dance, or the title
-to a garden plot, which latter very often is a mere title only. But
-in spite of this smaller measure of equivalence, their character of
-trade is more marked, just because of the element of mutual desire
-to carry out the transaction and of the mutual advantage.
-
-Two important types of transaction belong to this class. One of them
-is the acquisition by a man of the goods or privileges which are due
-to him by inheritance from his maternal uncle or elder brother, but
-which he wishes to acquire before the elder's death. If a maternal
-uncle is to give up in his life time a garden, or to teach and hand
-over a system of magic, he has to be paid for that. As a rule several
-payments, and very substantial ones, have to be given to him, and
-he gradually relinquishes his rights, giving the garden land, bit
-by bit, teaching the magic in instalments. After the final payment,
-the title of ownership is definitely handed over to the younger man.
-
-I have drawn attention already in the general description of the
-Trobriand Sociology (Chapter II, Division VI) to the remarkable
-contrast between matrilineal inheritance and that between father
-and son. It is noteworthy that what is considered by the natives
-rightful inheritance has yet to be paid for, and that a man who
-knows that in any case he would obtain a privilege sooner or later,
-if he wants it at once, must pay for it, and that heavily. None the
-less, this transaction takes place only when it appears desirable to
-both parties. There is no customary obligation on either of the two
-to enter on the exchange, and it has to be considered advantageous
-to both before it can be completed. The acquisition of magic is of
-course different, because that must naturally always be taught by
-the elder man to the younger in his life time.
-
-The other type of transaction belonging to this class, is the payment
-for dances. Dances are "owned"; that is, the original inventor
-has the right of "producing" his dance and song in his village
-community. If another village takes a fancy to this song and dance,
-it has to purchase the right to perform it. This is done by handing
-ceremonially to the original village a substantial payment of food
-and valuables, after which the dance is taught to the new possessors.
-
-In some rare cases, the title to garden-lands would pass from one
-community to another. For this again, the members and headman of the
-acquiring community would have to pay substantially to those who hand
-over their rights.
-
-Another transaction which has to be mentioned here is the hire of
-a canoe, where a temporary transference of ownership takes place in
-return for a payment.
-
-The generalisation by which this class has been formed, although it
-does not run counter to native terminology and ideas, is beyond their
-own grasp, and contains several of their sub-divisions, differentiated
-by distinct native terms. The name for the ceremonial purchase of a
-task or for the transfer of a garden plot is laga. This term denotes a
-very big and important transaction. For example, when a small pig is
-purchased by food or minor objects of value, they call this barter
-(gimwali) but when a more valuable pig is exchanged for vaygu'a,
-they call it laga.
-
-The important conception of gradual acquisition in advance of
-matrilineal inheritance, is designated by the term pokala, a word
-which we have already met as signifying the tributes to the chief. It
-is a homonym, because its two meanings are distinct, and are clearly
-distinguished by the natives. There can be no doubt that these two
-meanings have developed out of a common one by gradual differentiation,
-but I have no data even to indicate this linguistic process. At
-present, it would be incorrect to strain after any connection
-between them, and indeed this is an example how necessary it is to
-be careful not to rely too much on native terminology for purposes
-of classification.
-
-The term for the hire of a canoe is toguna waga.
-
-6. Ceremonial barter with deferred payment.--In this class we have to
-describe payments which are ceremonially offered, and must be received
-and re-paid later on. The exchange is based on a permanent partnership,
-and the articles have to be roughly equivalent in value. Remembering
-the definition of the Kula in Chapter III, it is easy to see that
-this big, ceremonial, circulating exchange belongs to this class. It
-is ceremonial barter based on permanent partnership, where a gift
-offered is always accepted, and after a time has to be re-paid by an
-equivalent counter-gift.
-
-There is also a ceremonial form of exchange of vegetable food for fish,
-based on a standing partnership, and on the obligation to accept and
-return an initial gift. This is called wasi. The members of an inland
-village, where yams and taro are plentiful have partners in a Lagoon
-village, where much fishing is done but garden produce is scarce. Each
-man has his partner, and at times, when new food is harvested and
-also during the main harvest, he and his fellow villagers will bring
-a big quantity of vegetable food into the Lagoon village (see Plate
-XXXVI), each man putting his share before his partner's house. This
-is an invitation, which never can be rejected, to return the gift by
-its fixed equivalent in fish.
-
-As soon as weather and previous engagements allow, the fishermen go
-out to sea and notice is given to the inland village of the fact. The
-inlanders arrive on the beach, awaiting the fishermen, Who come back
-in a body, and their haul of fish is taken directly from the canoes
-and carried to the inland village. Such large quantities of fish
-are always acquired only in connection with big distributions of
-food (sagali). It is remarkable that in the inland villages these
-distributions must be carried out in fish, whereas in the Lagoon
-villages, fish never can be used for ceremonial purposes, vegetables
-being the only article considered proper. Thus the motive for exchange
-here is not to get food in order to satisfy the primary want of eating,
-but in order to satisfy the social need of displaying large quantities
-of conventionally sanctioned eatables. Often when such a big fishing
-takes place, great quantities of fish perish by becoming rotten
-before they reach the man for whom they are finally destined. But
-being rotten in no way detracts from the value of fish in a sagali.
-
-The equivalence of fish, given in return for vegetable food, is
-measured only roughly. A standard sized bunch of taro, or one of the
-ordinary baskets of taytu (small yams) will be repaid by a bundle of
-fish, some three to five kilograms in weight. The equivalence of the
-two payments, as well as the advantage obtained by one party at least,
-make this exchange approach barter. [59] But the element of trust
-enters into it largely, in the fact that the equivalence is left to
-the repayer; and again, the initial gift which as a rule is always
-given by the inlanders, cannot be refused. And all these features
-distinguish this exchange from barter.
-
-Similar to this ceremonial exchange are certain arrangements in which
-food is brought by individuals to the industrial villages of Kuboma,
-and the natives of that place return it by manufactured objects when
-these are made. In certain cases of production of vaygu'a (valuables)
-it is difficult to judge whether we have to do with the payment for
-services rendered (Class 3), or with the type of ceremonial barter
-belonging to this class. There is hardly any need to add that the two
-types of exchange contained in this class, the Kula and the wasi (fish
-barter) are kept very distinct in the minds of the natives. Indeed,
-the ceremonial exchange of valuables, the Kula, stands out as such a
-remarkable form of trade that in all respects, not only by the natives,
-but also by ourselves, it must be put into a class by itself. There
-is no doubt, however, that the technique of the wasi must have
-been influenced by the ideas and usages of the Kula, which is by
-far the more important and widespread of the two. The natives, when
-explaining one of these trades, often draw parallels to the other. And
-the existence of social partnership, of ceremonial sequence of gift,
-of the free yet unevadible equivalence, all these features appear
-in both forms. This shows that the natives have a definite mental
-attitude towards what they consider an honourable, ceremonial type of
-barter. The rigid exclusion of haggling, the formalities observed in
-handing over the gift, the obligation of accepting the initial gift
-and of returning it later on, all these express this attitude.
-
-7. Trade, Pure and Simple.--The main characteristic of this form
-of exchange is found in the element of mutual advantage: each side
-acquires what is needed, and gives away a less useful article. Also
-we find here the equivalence between the articles adjusted during
-the transaction by haggling or bargaining.
-
-This bartering, pure and simple, takes place mainly between the
-industrial communities of the interior, which manufacture on a large
-scale the wooden dishes, combs, lime pots, armlets and baskets and
-the agricultural districts of Kiriwina, the fishing communities of
-the West, and the sailing and trading communities of the South. The
-industrials, who are regarded as pariahs and treated with contumely,
-are nevertheless allowed to hawk their goods throughout the other
-districts. When they have plenty of articles on hand, they go to
-the other places, and ask for yams, coco-nuts, fish, and betel-nut,
-and for some ornaments, such as turtle shell, earrings and spondylus
-beads. They sit in groups and display their wares, saying "You have
-plenty of coco-nuts, and we have none. We have made fine wooden
-dishes. This one is worth forty nuts, and some betel-nut, and some
-betel pepper." The others then may answer, "Oh, no, I do not want
-it. You ask too much." "What will you give us?" An offer may be made,
-and rejected by the pedlars, and so on, till a bargain is struck.
-
-Again, at certain times, people from other villages may need some of
-the objects made in Kuboma, and will go there, and try to purchase
-some manufactured goods. People of rank as a rule will do it in the
-manner described in the previous paragraph, by giving an initial gift,
-and expecting a repayment. Others simply go and barter. As we saw
-in the description of the kabigidoya, the Sinaketans and Vakutans
-go there and purchase goods before each Kula expedition to serve for
-the subsidiary trade.
-
-Thus the conception of pure barter (gimwali) stands out very clearly,
-and the natives make a definite distinction between this and other
-forms of exchange. Embodied in a word, this distinction is made more
-poignant still by the manner in which the word is used. When scornfully
-criticising bad conduct in Kula, or an improper manner of giving gifts,
-a native will say that "it was done like a gimwali." When asked,
-about a transaction, whether it belongs to one class or another,
-they will reply with an accent of depreciation "That was only a
-gimwali--(gimwali wala!)" In the course of ethnographic investigation,
-they give clear descriptions, almost definitions of gimwali, its lack
-of ceremony, the permissibility of haggling, the free manner in which
-it can be done between any two strangers. They state correctly and
-clearly its general conditions, and they tell readily which articles
-may be exchanged by gimwali.
-
-Of course certain characteristics of pure barter, which we can
-perceive clearly as inherent in the facts, are quite beyond their
-theoretical grasp. Thus for instance, that the element of mutual
-advantage is prominent in gimwali; that it refers exclusively to
-newly manufactured goods, because second-hand things are never
-gimwali, etc., etc. Such generalisations the ethnographer has to
-make for himself. Other properties of the gimwali embodied in custom
-are: absence of ceremonial, absence of magic, absence of special
-partnership--all these already mentioned above. In carrying out the
-transaction, the natives also behave quite differently here than in
-the other transactions. In all ceremonial forms of give and take,
-it is considered very undignified and against all etiquette, for the
-receiver to show any interest in the gift or any eagerness to take
-it. In ceremonial distributions as well as in the Kula, the present is
-thrown down by the giver, sometimes actually, sometimes only given in
-an abrupt manner, and often it is not even picked up by the receiver,
-but by some insignificant person in his following. In the gimwali,
-on the contrary, there is a pronounced interest shown in the exchange.
-
-There is one instance of gimwali which deserves special attention. It
-is a barter of fish for vegetables, and stands out in sharp contrast
-therefore to the wasi, the ceremonial fish and yam exchange. It is
-called vava, and takes place between villages which have no standing
-wasi partnership and therefore simply gimwali their produce when
-necessary (see Plate XXXVII).
-
-This ends the short survey of the different types of exchange. It was
-necessary to give it, even though in a condensed form, in order to
-provide a background for the Kula. It gives us an idea of the great
-range and variety of the material give and take associated with the
-Trobriand tribal life. We see also that the rules of equivalence,
-as well as the formalities accompanying each transaction, are very
-well defined.
-
-
-
-
-VII
-
-It is easy to see that almost all the categories of gifts, which I
-have classified according to economic principles, are also based
-on some sociological relationship. Thus the first type of gifts,
-that is, the free gifts, take place in the relationship between
-husband and wife, and in that between parents and children. Again,
-the second class of gifts, that is, the obligatory ones, given without
-systematic repayment, are associated with relationship-in-law, mainly,
-though the chief's tributes also belong to this class.
-
-If we drew up a scheme of sociological relations, each type of them
-would be defined by a special class of economic duties. There would
-be some parallelism between such a sociological classification of
-payments and presents, and the one given above. But such parallelism
-is only approximate. It will be therefore interesting to draw up a
-scheme of exchanges, classified according to the social relationship,
-to which they correspond. This will give us good insight into the
-economics of Trobriand sociology, as well as another view of the
-subject of payments and presents.
-
-Going over the sociological outline in Chapter II, Divisions V and VI,
-we see that the family, the clan and sub-clan, the village community,
-the district and the tribe are the main social divisions of the
-Trobriands. To these groupings correspond definite bonds of social
-relationship. Thus, to the family, there correspond no less than three
-distinct types of relationship, according to native ideas. First of
-all there is the matrilineal kinship (veyola) which embraces people,
-who can trace common descent through their mothers. This is, to the
-natives, the blood relationship, the identity of flesh, and the real
-kinship. The marriage relation comprises that between husband and wife,
-and father and children. Finally, the relationship between the husband
-and the wife's matrilineal kinsmen forms the third class of personal
-ties corresponding to family. These three types of personal bonds are
-clearly distinguished in terminology, in the current linguistic usage,
-in custom, and in explicitly formulated ideas.
-
-To the grouping into clans and sub-clans, there pertain the ties
-existing between clansmen and more especially between members of
-the same sub-clan, and on the other hand, the relationship between a
-man and members of different clans. Membership in the same sub-clan
-is a kind of extended kinship. The relationship to other clans is
-most important, where it assumes the form of special friendship
-called luba'i. The grouping into village communities results in the
-very important feature of fellow membership in the same village
-community. The distinction of rank associated with clanship, the
-division into village communities and districts, result, in the
-manner sketched out in Chapter II, in the subordination of commoners
-to chiefs. Finally, the general fact of membership in the tribe
-creates the bonds which unite every tribesman with another and which
-in olden days allowed of a free though not unlimited intercourse, and
-therefore of commercial relations. We have, therefore, eight types of
-personal relationship to distinguish. In the following table we see
-them enumerated with a short survey of their economic characteristics.
-
-1. Matrilineal kinship.--The underlying idea that this means identity
-of blood and of substance is by no means forcibly expressed on its
-economic side. The right of inheritance, the common participation
-in certain titles of ownership, and a limited right to use one
-another's implements and objects of daily use are often restricted
-in practice by private jealousies and animosities. In economic gifts
-more especially, we find here the remarkable custom of purchasing
-during lifetime, by instalments, the titles to garden plots and trees
-and the knowledge of magic, which by right ought to pass at death
-from the older to the younger generation of matrilineal kinsmen. The
-economic identity of matrilineal kinsmen comes into prominence at the
-tribal distributions--sagali--where all of them have to share in the
-responsibilities of providing food.
-
-2. Marriage ties.--(Husband and wife; and derived from that, father and
-children). It is enough to tabulate this type of relationship here,
-and to remind the reader that it is characterised by free gifts, as
-has been minutely described in the foregoing classification of gifts,
-under (1).
-
-3. Relationship-in-law.--These ties are in their economic aspect not
-reciprocal or symmetrical. That is, one side in it, the husband of
-the woman, is the economically favoured recipient, while the wife's
-brothers receive from him gifts of smaller value in the aggregate. As
-we know, this relationship is economically defined by the regular
-and substantial harvest gifts, by which the husband's storehouse is
-filled every year by his wife's brothers. They also have to perform
-certain services for him. For all this, they receive a gift of vaygu'a
-(valuables) from time to time, and some food in payment for services
-rendered.
-
-4. Clanship.--The main economic identification of this group takes
-place during the sagali, although the responsibility for the food
-rests only with those actually related by blood with the deceased
-man. All the members of the sub-clan, and to a smaller extent members
-of the same clan within a village community, have to contribute by
-small presents given to the organisers of the sagali.
-
-5. The Relationship of Personal Friendship.--Two men thus bound as
-a rule will carry on Kula between themselves, and, if they belong to
-an inland and Lagoon village respectively, they will be partners in
-the exchange of fish and vegetables (wasi).
-
-6. Fellow-citizenship in a Village Community.--There are many types
-of presents given by one community to another. And, economically, the
-bonds of fellow-citizenship mean the obligation to contribute one's
-share to such a present. Again, at the mortuary divisions, sagali,
-the fellow-villagers of clans, differing from the deceased man's,
-receive a series of presents for the performance of mortuary duties.
-
-7. Relationship between Chiefs and Commoners.--The tributes and
-services given to a chief by his vassals on the one hand, and
-the small but frequent gifts which he gives them, and the big and
-important contribution which he makes to all tribal enterprises are
-characteristic of this relationship.
-
-8. Relationship between any two tribesmen.--This is characterised by
-payments and presents, by occasional trade between two individuals,
-and by the sporadic free gifts of tobacco or betel-nut which no man
-would refuse to another unless they were on terms of hostility.
-
-With this, the survey of gifts and presents is finished. The general
-importance of give and take to the social fabric of Boyowan society,
-the great amount of distinctions and sub-divisions of the various
-gifts can leave no doubt as to the paramount rôle which economic acts
-and motives play in the life of these natives.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII
-
-THE DEPARTURE OF AN OVERSEAS EXPEDITION
-
-
-We have brought the Kula narrative to the point where all the
-preparations have been made, the canoe is ready, its ceremonial
-launching and presentation have taken place, and the goods for the
-subsidiary trade have been collected. It remains only to load the
-canoes and to set sail. So far, in describing the construction, the
-tasasoria and kabigidoya, we spoke of the Trobrianders in general. Now
-we shall have to confine ourselves to one district, the southern part
-of the Island, and we shall follow a Kula expedition from Sinaketa to
-Dobu. For there are some differences between the various districts and
-each one must be treated separately. What is said of Sinaketa, however,
-will hold good so far as the other southern community, that of Vakuta,
-is concerned. The scene, therefore, of all that is described in the
-following two chapters will be set in one spot, that is, the group of
-some eight component villages lying on the flat, muddy shore of the
-Trobriand Lagoon, within about a stone's throw of one another. There
-is a short, sandy beach under a fringe of palm trees, and from there
-we can take a comprehensive view of the Lagoon, the wide semi-circle
-of its shore edged with the bright green of mangroves, backed by the
-high jungle on the raised coral ridge of the Raybwag. A few small,
-flat islands on the horizon just faintly thicken its line, and on a
-clear day the mountains of the d'Entrecasteaux are visible as blue
-shadows in the far distance.
-
-From the beach, we step directly into one of the villages, a row of
-houses faced by another of yam-stores. Through this, leaving on our
-right a circular village, and passing through some empty spaces with
-groves of betel and coco-nut palms, we come to the main component
-village of Sinaketa, to Kasiyetana. There, overtopping the elegant
-native huts, stands an enormous corrugated iron shed, built on piles,
-but with the space between the floor and the ground filled up carefully
-with white coral stones. This monument testifies both to native vanity
-and to the strength of their superstitions--vanity in aping the white
-man's habit of raising the house, and native belief in the fear of the
-bwaga'u (sorcerer), whose most powerful sorcery is applied by burning
-magical herbs, and could not be warded off, were he able to creep
-under the house. It may be added that even the missionary teachers,
-natives of the Trobriands, always put a solid mass of stones to fill
-the space beneath their houses. To'udawada, the chief of Kasiyetana,
-is, by the way, the only man in Boyowa who has a corrugated iron
-house, and in fact in the whole of the island there are not more
-than a dozen houses which are not built exactly according to the
-traditional pattern. To'udawada is also the only native whom I ever
-saw wearing a sun-helmet; otherwise he is a decent fellow (physically
-quite pleasant looking), tall, with a broad, intelligent face. Opposite
-his iron shanty are the fine native huts of his four wives.
-
-Walking towards the North, over the black soil here and there pierced
-by coral, among tall trees and bits of jungle, fields and gardens,
-we come to Kanubayne, the village of Kouta'uya, the second most
-important chief in Sinaketa. Very likely we shall see him sitting on
-the platform of his hut or yam-house, a shrivelled up, toothless old
-man, wearing a big native wig. He, as well as To'udawada, belongs
-to the highest ranks of chieftainship, and they both consider
-themselves the equals of the chiefs of Kiriwina. But the power of
-each one is limited to his small, component village, and neither in
-ceremonial nor in wealth did they, at least in olden days, approach
-their kinsmen in the North. There is still another chief of the same
-rank in Sinaketa, who governs the small village of Oraywota. This is
-Sinakadi, a puffed up, unhealthy looking, bald and toothless old man,
-and a really contemptible and crooked character, despised by black and
-white alike. He has a well-established reputation of boarding white
-men's boats as soon as they arrive, with one or two of his young wives
-in the canoe, and of returning soon after, alone, but with plenty of
-tobacco and good merchandise. Lax as is the Trobriander's sense of
-honour and morality in such matters, this is too much even for them,
-and Sinakadi is accordingly not respected in his village.
-
-The rest of the villages are ruled by headmen of inferior rank, but
-of not much less importance and power than the main chiefs. One of
-them, a queer old man, spare and lame but with an extremely dignified
-and deliberate manner, called Layseta, is renowned for his extensive
-knowledge of all sorts of magic, and for his long sojourns in foreign
-countries, such as the Amphletts and Dobu. We shall meet some of these
-chiefs later on in our wanderings. Having described the villages and
-headmen of Sinaketa let us return to our narrative.
-
-A few days before the appointed date of the departure of the Kula
-expedition there is a great stir in the villages. Visiting parties
-arrive from the neighbourhood, bringing gifts mostly of food, to serve
-as provisions for the journey. They sit in front of the huts, talking
-and commenting, while the local people go about their business. In
-the evenings, long conferences are held over the fires, and late hours
-are kept. The preparation of food is mainly woman's work, whereas the
-men put the finishing touches to the canoes, and perform their magic.
-
-Sociologically the group of the departing differentiates itself of
-course from those who remain. But even within that group a further
-differentiation takes place, brought about by their respective
-functions in the Kula. First of all there are the masters of the
-canoe, the toliwaga, who will play quite a definite part for the next
-few weeks. On each of them fall with greater stringency the taboos,
-whether those that have to be kept in Sinaketa or in Dobu. Each has
-to perform the magic and act in ceremonies. Each will also enjoy the
-main honours and privileges of the Kula. The members of the crew, the
-usagelu, some four to six men in each canoe, form another group. They
-sail the craft, perform certain magical rites, and as a rule do the
-Kula each on his own account. A couple of younger men in each canoe,
-who do not yet kula, but who help in the work of sailing, form another
-class, and are called silasila. Here and there a small boy will go
-with his father on a Kula expedition--such are called dodo'u--and
-makes himself useful by blowing the conch shell. Thus the whole
-fleet consists of four classes, that of the toliwaga, the usagelu,
-the helpers and the children. From Sinaketa, women, whether married or
-unmarried, never go on overseas expeditions, though a different custom
-prevails in the eastern part of the Trobriands. Each toliwaga has to
-give a payment in food to his usagelu, and this is done in the form of
-a small ceremony of distribution of food called mwalolo, and held after
-the return from the expedition, in the central place of the village.
-
-A few days before the sailing, the toliwaga starts his series of
-magical rites and begins to keep his taboos, the women busy themselves
-with the final Preparation of the food, and the men trim the waga
-(canoe) for the imminent, long journey.
-
-The taboo of the toliwaga refers to his sexual life. During the last
-two nights, he has in any case to be up late in connection with his
-magical performances, and with the visits of his friends and relatives
-from other villages, who bring provisions for the voyage, presents
-in trade goods, and who chat about the forthcoming expedition. But he
-has also to keep vigil far into the night as a customary injunction,
-and he has to sleep alone, though his wife may sleep in the same house.
-
-The preparations of the canoe are begun by covering it with plaited
-mats called yawarapu. They are put on the platform, thus making
-it convenient for walking, sitting and spreading about of small
-objects. This, the first act of canoe trimming, is associated with a
-magical rite. The plaited leaves are chanted over by the toliwaga on
-the shore as they are put on the canoe. Or, in a different system of
-Kula magic the toliwaga medicates some ginger root and spits it on
-the mats in his hut. This is a specimen of the magical formula which
-would be used in such a rite:
-
-
-                            YAWARAPU SPELL.
-
-    "Betel-nut, betel-nut, female betel-nut; betel-nut, betel-nut,
-    male betel-nut; betel-nut of the ceremonial spitting!"
-
-    "The chiefs' comrades; the chiefs and their followers; their
-    sun, the afternoon sun; their pig, a small pig. One only is
-    my day"--here the reciter utters his own name--"their dawn,
-    their morning."
-
-    This is the exordium of the spell. Then follows the main body. The
-    two words boraytupa and badederuma, coupled together, are repeated
-    with a string of other words. The first word of the couple means,
-    freely translated, 'quick sailing,' and the second one, 'abundant
-    haul.' The string of words which are in succession tacked on
-    to this couple describe various forms of Kula necklaces. The
-    necklaces of different length and of different finish have each
-    their own class names, of which there are about a dozen. After
-    that, a list of words, referring to the human head, are recited:
-
-    "My head, my nose, my occiput, my tongue, my throat, my larynx,
-    etc., etc." Finally, the various objects carried on a Kula
-    expedition are mentioned. The goods to be given (pari); a ritually
-    wrapped up bundle (lilava); the personal basket; the sleeping mat;
-    big baskets; the lime stick; the lime pot and comb are uttered
-    one after the other.
-
-    Finally the magician recites the end part of the spell;
-    "I shall kick the mountain, the mountain moves, the mountain
-    tumbles down, the mountain starts on its ceremonial activities,
-    the mountain acclaims, the mountain falls down, the mountain lies
-    prostrate! My spell shall go to the top of Dobu Mountain, my spell
-    will penetrate the inside of my canoe. The body of my canoe will
-    sink; the float of my canoe will get under water. My fame is like
-    thunder, my treading is like the roar of the flying witches."
-
-
-The first part of this spell contains a reference to the betel-nut,
-this being one of the things which the natives expect to receive in
-the Kula. On the other hand, it is one of the substances which the
-natives charm over and give to the partner to induce him to kula with
-them. To which of these two acts the spell refers, it is impossible
-to decide, nor can the natives tell it. The part in which he extols
-his speed and success are typical of the magic formulæ, and can be
-found in many others.
-
-The main part of the spell is as usual much easier to interpret. It
-implies, broadly speaking, the declaration: "I shall speed and be
-successful with regard to the various forms of vaygu'a; I shall speed
-and be successful with my head, with my speech, with my appearance;
-in all my trade goods and personal belongings." The final part of the
-spell describes the impression which is to be made by the man's magic
-upon 'the mountain,' which stands here for the district of Dobu and
-its inhabitants. In fact, the districts in the d'Entrecasteaux to which
-they are sailing are always called koya (mountain). The exaggerations,
-the metaphors, and the implicit insistence on the power of the spell
-are very characteristic of all magical spells.
-
-The next day, or the day after, as there is often a delay in starting,
-a pig or two are given by the master of the expedition to all the
-participants. In the evening of that day, the owner of each canoe goes
-into the garden, and finds an aromatic mint plant (sulumwoya). Taking
-a sprig of it into his hand, he moves it to and fro, uttering a spell,
-and then he plucks it. This is the spell:
-
-
-                         SULUMWOYA SPELL. [60]
-
-    "Who cuts the sulumwoya of Laba'i? I, Kwoyregu, with my father,
-    we cut the sulumwoya of Laba'i! The roaring sulumwoya, it roars;
-    the quaking sulumwoya, it quakes; the soughing sulumwoya, it
-    soughs; the boiling sulumwoya, it boils."
-
-    "My sulumwoya, it boils, my lime spoon, it boils, my lime pot, it
-    boils, my comb ... my basket ... my small basket ... my mat ... my
-    lilava bundle ... my presentation goods (pari) ..." And with each
-    of these terms, the word 'boils' or 'foams up' is repeated often
-    several times. After that, the same verb 'it boils' is repeated
-    with all parts of the head, as in the previously quoted formula.
-
-    The last part runs thus: "Recently deceased spirit of my
-    maternal uncle Mwoyalova, breathe thy spell over the head of
-    Monikiniki. Breathe the spell upon the head of my light canoe. I
-    shall kick the mountain; the mountain tilts over; the mountain
-    subsides; the mountain opens up; the mountain jubilates; it
-    topples over. I shall kula so as to make my canoe sink. I shall
-    kula so as to make my outrigger go under. My fame is like thunder,
-    my treading is like the roar of the flying witches."
-
-
-The exordium of this spell contains some mythical references, of which,
-however, my informants could give me only confused explanations. But
-it is clear in so far as it refers directly to the magical mint,
-and describes its magical efficiency. In the second part, there is
-again a list of words referring to objects used in the Kula, and to
-the personal appearance and persuasiveness of the magician. The verb
-with which they are repeated refers to the boiling of the mint and
-coco-nut oil which I shall presently have to mention, and it indicates
-that the magical properties of the mint are imparted to the toliwaga
-and his goods. In the last part, the magician invokes the spirit of
-his real maternal kinsman, from whom he obtained this spell, and
-asks him to impart magical virtue to his canoe. The mythological
-name, Monikiniki, with which there is no myth connected, except
-the tradition that he was the original owner of all these spells,
-stands here as synonym of the canoe. At the very end in the dogina,
-which contains several expressions identical with those in the end
-part of the Yawarapu spell, we have another example of the strongly
-exaggerated language so often used in magic.
-
-After having thus ritually plucked the mint plant, the magician
-brings it home. There he finds one of his usagelu (members of crew)
-who helps him by boiling some coco-nut oil (bulami) in a small native
-clay pot. Into the boiling oil the mint plant is put, and, while it
-boils, a magical formula is uttered over it.
-
-
-                           KAYMWALOYO SPELL.
-
-    "No betel-nut, no doga (ornament of circular boar's tusk),
-    no betel-pod! My power to change his mind; my mwasila magic,
-    my mwase, mwasare, mwaserewai." This last sentence contains a
-    play on words very characteristic of Kiriwinian magic. It is
-    difficult to interpret the opening sentence. Probably it means
-    something like this: "No betel-nut or pod, no gift of a doga,
-    can be as strong as my mwasila and its power of changing my
-    partner's mind in my favour!"
-
-    Now comes the main part of the spell: "There is one sulumwoya
-    (mint) of mine, a sulumwoya of Laba'i which I shall place on top
-    of Gumasila."
-
-    "Thus shall I make a quick Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall I
-    hide away my Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall I rob my Kula on
-    top of Gumasila; thus shall I forage my Kula on top of Gumasila;
-    thus shall I steal my Kula on top of Gumasila."
-
-    These last paragraphs are repeated several times, inserting
-    instead of the name of the island of Gumasila the following
-    ones: Kuyawaywo, Domdom, Tewara, Siyawawa, Sanaroa, Tu'utauna,
-    Kamsareta, Gorebubu. All these are the successive names of places
-    in which Kula is made. In this long spell, the magician follows
-    the course of a Kula expedition, enumerating its most conspicuous
-    landmarks. The last part in this formula is identical with the
-    last part of the Yawarapu Spell, previously quoted: "I shall kick
-    the mountain, etc."
-
-
-After the recital of this spell over the oil and mint, the magician
-takes these substances, and places them in a receptacle made of banana
-leaf toughened by grilling. Nowadays a glass bottle is sometimes used
-instead. The receptacle is then attached to a stick thrust through the
-prow boards of the canoe and protruding slantwise over the nose. As
-we shall see later on, the aromatic oil will be used in anointing
-some objects on arrival at Dobu.
-
-With this, however, the series of magical rites is not finished. The
-next day, early in the morning, the ritual bundle of representative
-trade goods, called lilava, is made up with the recital of a magical
-spell. A few objects of trade, a plaited armlet, a comb, a lime pot,
-a bundle of betel-nut are placed on a clean, new mat, and into the
-folded mat the spell is recited. Then the mat is rolled up, and over
-it another mat is placed, and one or two may be wrapped round; thus it
-contains, hermetically sealed, the magical virtue of the spell. This
-bundle is placed afterwards in a special spot in the centre of the
-canoe, and is not opened till the expedition arrives in Dobu. There is
-a belief that a magical portent (kariyala) is associated with it. A
-gentle rain, accompanied by thunder and lightning, sets in whenever
-the lilava is opened. A sceptical European might add, that in the
-monsoon season it almost invariably rains on any afternoon, with the
-accompaniment of thunder, at the foot or on the slopes of such high
-hills as are found in the d'Entrecasteaux group. Of course when, in
-spite of that, a kariyala does not make its appearance, we all know
-something has been amiss in the performance of the magical rite over
-the lilava! This is the spell recited over the tabooed lilava bundle.
-
-
-                             LILAVA SPELL.
-
-    "I skirt the shore of the beach of Kaurakoma; the beach of Kayli,
-    the Kayli of Muyuwa." I cannot add any explanation which would
-    make this phrase clearer. It obviously contains some mythological
-    references to which I have no key. The spell runs on:
-
-    "I shall act magically on my mountain... Where shall I lie? I
-    shall lie in Legumatabu; I shall dream, I shall have dream visions;
-    rain will come as my magical portent... his mind is on the alert;
-    he lies not, he sits not, he stands up and trembles, he stands
-    up and is agitated; the renown of Kewara is small, my own renown
-    flares up..."
-
-    This whole period is repeated over and over again, each time
-    the name of another place being inserted instead of that of
-    Legumatabu. Legumatabu is a small coral island some two hundred
-    yards long and a hundred yards wide, with a few pandanus trees
-    growing on it, wild fowl and turtle laying their eggs in its
-    sand. In this island, half way between Sinaketa and the Amphletts,
-    the Sinaketan sailors often spend a night or two, if overtaken
-    by bad weather or contrary winds.
-
-    This period contains first a direct allusion to the magical
-    portent of the lilava. In its second half it describes the state
-    of agitation of the Dobuan partner under the influence of this
-    magic, a state of agitation which will prompt him to be generous
-    in the Kula. I do not know whether the word Kewara is a proper
-    name or what else it may mean, but the phrase contains a boast
-    of the magician's own renown, very typical of magical formulæ.
-
-    The localities mentioned instead of Legumatabu in the successive
-    repetitions of the period are: Yakum, another small coral
-    island, Urasi, the Dobuan name for Gumasila, Tewara, Sanaro'a,
-    and Tu'utauna, all localities known to us already from our
-    description of Dobu.
-
-    This is a very long spell. After the recital, and a very lengthy
-    one, of the last period with its variants, yet another change
-    is introduced into it. Instead of the first phrase "where shall
-    I lie? etc." the new form runs "Where does the rainbow stand
-    up? It stands up on the top of Koyatabu," and after this the
-    rest of the period is repeated: "I shall dream, I shall have
-    dream visions, etc." This new form is again varied by uttering
-    instead of Koyatabu, Kamsareta, Koyava'u, and Gorebubu. [61] This
-    again carries us through the landscape; but here, instead of the
-    sleeping places we follow the beacons of the sailing expedition
-    by mentioning the tops of the high mountains. The end part of
-    this spell is again identical with that of the Yawarapu Spell.
-
-
-This magical rite takes place on the morning of the last
-day. Immediately after the recital of the spell, and the rolling up
-of the lilava, it is carried to the canoe, and put into its place of
-honour. By that time the usagelu (members of the crew) have already
-made the canoe ready for sailing.
-
-Each masawa canoe is divided into ten, eleven, or twelve compartments
-by the stout, horizontal poles called riu, which join the body of the
-canoe with the outrigger. Such a compartment is called liku, and each
-liku has its name and its function. Starting from the end of the canoe,
-the first liku, which, as is easily seen, is both narrow and shallow,
-is called ogugwau, 'in the mist,' and this is the proper place for
-the conch-shell. Small boys will sit there and blow the conch-shell
-on ceremonial occasions.
-
-The next compartment is called likumakava, and there some of the food
-is stowed away. The third division is called kayliku and water-bottles
-made of coco-nut shells have their traditional place in it. The fourth
-liku, called likuguya'u, is, as its name indicates, the place for
-the guya'u or chief, which, it may be added, is unofficially used as
-a courtesy title for any headman, or man of importance. The baler,
-yalumila, always remains in this compartment. Then follow the central
-compartments, called gebobo, one, two or three, according to the
-size of the canoe. This is the place where the lilava is put on the
-platform, and where are placed the best food, not to be eaten till
-the arrival in Dobu, and all valuable trade articles. After that
-central division, the same divisions, as in the first part are met
-in inverse order (see Plate XXXIX).
-
-When the canoe is going to carry much cargo, as is always the case on
-an expedition to Dobu, a square space is fenced round corresponding
-to the gebobo part of the canoe. A big sort of square hen-coop, or
-cage, is thus erected in the middle of the canoe, and this is full
-of bundles wrapped up in mats, and at times when the canoe is not
-travelling, it is usually covered over with a sail. In the bottom of
-the canoe a floor is made by a framework of sticks. On this, people
-can walk and things can rest, while the bilgewater flows underneath,
-and is baled out from time to time. On this framework, in the gebobo,
-four coco-nuts are placed, each in the corner of the square, while a
-spell is recited over them. It is after that, that the lilava and the
-choice food, and the rest of the trade are stowed away. The following
-spell belongs to the class which is recited over the four coco-nuts.
-
-
-                             GEBOBO SPELL.
-
-    "My father, my mother ... Kula, mwasila." This short exordium,
-    running in the compressed style proper to magical beginnings, is
-    rather enigmatic, except for the mention of the Kula and mwasila,
-    which explain themselves. The second part is less obscure:
-
-    "I shall fill my canoe with bagido'u, I shall fill my canoe with
-    bagiriku, I shall fill my canoe with bagidudu, etc." All the
-    specific names of the necklaces are enumerated. The last part runs
-    as follows: "I shall anchor in the open sea, and my renown will go
-    to the Lagoon, I shall anchor in the Lagoon, and my renown will go
-    to the open sea. My companions will be on the open sea and on the
-    Lagoon. My renown is like thunder, my treading is like earthquake."
-
-
-This last part is similar to several of the other formulæ. This rite
-is obviously a Kula rite, judging from the spell, but the natives
-maintain that its special virtue is to make the food stuffs, loaded
-into the canoe, last longer. After this rite is over, the loading is
-done quickly, the lilava is put into its place of honour, and with it
-the best food to be eaten in Dobu. Some other choice food to serve
-as pokala (offerings) is also put in the gebobo, to be offered to
-overseas partners; on it, the rest of the trade, called pari, is piled,
-and right on top of all are the personal belongings of the usagelu and
-the toliwaga in their respective baskets, shaped like travelling bags.
-
-The people from the inland villages, kulila'odila, as they are called,
-are assembled on the beach. With them stand the women, the children,
-the old men, and the few people left to guard the village. The master
-of the fleet gets up and addresses the crowd on the shore, more or
-less in these words:
-
-
-    "Women, we others sail; you remain in the village and look after
-    the gardens and the houses; you must keep chaste. When you get
-    into the bush to get wood, may not one of you lag behind. When
-    you go to the gardens to do work keep together. Return together
-    with your younger sisters."
-
-
-He also admonishes the people from the other villages to keep away,
-never to visit Sinaketa at night or in the evening, and never to come
-singly into the village. On hearing that, the headman of an inland
-village will get up and speak in this fashion:
-
-
-    "Not thus, oh, our chief; you go away, and your village will remain
-    here as it is. Look, when you are here we come to see you. You
-    sail away, we shall keep to our villages. When you return, we
-    come again. Perhaps you will give us some betel-nut, some sago,
-    some coco-nuts. Perhaps you will kula to us some necklace of
-    shell beads."
-
-
-After these harangues are over, the canoes sail away in a body. Some
-of the women on the beach may weep at the actual departure, but it
-is taboo to weep afterwards. The woman are also supposed to keep
-the taboo, that is, not to walk alone out of the village, not to
-receive male visitors, in fact, to remain chaste and true to their
-husbands during their absence. Should a woman commit misconduct,
-her husband's canoe would be slow. As a rule there are recriminations
-between husbands and wives and consequent bad feeling on the return
-of the party; whether the canoe should be blamed or the wife it is
-difficult to say.
-
-The women now look out for the rain and thunder, for the sign that
-the men have opened the lilava (special magical bundle). Then they
-know that the party has arrived on the beach of Sarubwoyna, and
-performs now its final magic, and prepares for its entrance into the
-villages of Tu'utauna, and Bwayowa. The women are very anxious that
-the men should succeed in arriving at Dobu, and that they should not
-be compelled by bad weather to return from the Amphletts. They have
-been preparing special grass skirts to put on, when they meet the
-returning canoes on the beach; they also hope to receive the sago,
-which is considered a dainty, and some of the ornaments, which their
-men bring them back from Dobu. If for any reason the fleet returns
-prematurely, there is great disappointment throughout the village,
-because this means the expedition has been a failure, nothing has been
-brought back to those left at home, and they have no opportunity of
-wearing their ceremonial dress.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII
-
-THE FIRST HALT OF THE FLEET ON MUWA
-
-
-I
-
-After so many preparations and preliminaries, we might expect that,
-once embarked, the natives would make straight for the high mountains,
-which beckon them alluringly from the distant South. Quite on the
-contrary, they are satisfied with a very short stage the first day,
-and after sailing a few miles, they stop on a big sand bank called
-Muwa, lying to the southwest of the village of Sinaketa. Here, near
-the sandy shore, edged with old, gnarled trees, the canoes are moored
-by sticks, while the crews prepare for a ceremonial distribution of
-food, and arrange their camp for the night on the beach.
-
-This somewhat puzzling delay is less incomprehensible, if we reflect
-that the natives, after having prepared for a distant expedition, now
-at last for the first time find themselves together, separated from the
-rest of the villagers. A sort of mustering and reviewing of forces,
-as a rule associated with a preliminary feast held by the party,
-is characteristic of all the expeditions or visits in the Trobriands.
-
-I have spoken already about big and small expeditions, but I have
-not perhaps made quite clear that the natives themselves make a
-definite distinction between big, competitive Kula expeditions, called
-uvalaku, and sailings on a smaller scale, described as 'just Kula,'
-("Kula wala"). The uvalaku are held every two or three years from
-each district, though nowadays, as in everything else, the natives
-are getting slack. One would be held, whenever there is a great
-agglomeration of vaygu'a, due to reasons which I shall describe
-later on. Sometimes, a special event, such as the possession by
-one of the head men of an exceptionally fine pig, or of an object
-of high value, might give rise to an uvalaku. Thus, in 1918, a big
-competitive expedition (uvalaku) from Dobu was held ostensibly for
-the reason that Kauyaporu, one of the head men of Tu'utauna, owned a
-very large boar with tusks almost curling over into a circle. Again,
-plenty of food, or in olden days the completion of a successful war
-expedition, would form the raison d'être of an uvalaku. Of course
-these reasons, explicitly given by the natives, are, so to speak,
-accessory causes, for in reality an uvalaku would be held whenever
-its turn came, that is, barring great scarcity of food or the death
-of an important personage.
-
-The uvalaku is a Kula expedition on an exceptionally big scale,
-carried on with a definite social organisation under scrupulous
-observance of all ceremonial and magical rites, and distinguished
-from the smaller expeditions by its size, by a competitive element,
-and by one or two additional features. On an uvalaku, all the canoes
-in the district will sail, and they will sail fully manned. Everybody
-will be very eager to take part in it. Side by side with this natural
-desire, however, there exists the idea that all the members of the
-crews are under an obligation to go on the expedition. This duty they
-owe to the chief, or master of the uvalaku. The toli'uvalaku, as he
-is called, is always one of the sectional chiefs or headmen. He plays
-the part of a master of ceremonies, on leaving the beach of Sinaketa,
-at the distributions of food, on arrival in the overseas villages,
-and on the ceremonial return home. A streamer of dried and bleached
-pandanus leaf, attached to the prows of his canoe on a stick, is the
-ostensible sign of the dignity. Such a streamer is called tarabauba'u
-in Kiriwinian, and doya in the Dobuan language. The headman, who
-is toli'uvalaku on an expedition, will as a rule receive more Kula
-gifts than the others. On him also will devolve the glory of this
-particular expedition. Thus the title of toli, in this case, is one
-of honorary and nominal ownership, resulting mainly in renown (butura)
-for its bearer, and as such highly valued by the natives.
-
-From the economic and legal point of view, however, the obligation
-binding the members of the expedition to him is the most important
-sociological feature. He gives the distribution of food, in which the
-others participate, and this imposes on them the duty of carrying out
-the expedition, however hard this might be, however often they would
-have to stop or even return owing to bad weather, contrary winds,
-or, in olden days, interference by hostile natives. As the natives say,
-
-
-    "We cannot return on uvalaku, for we have eaten of the pig,
-    and we have chewed of the betel-nut given by the toli'uvalaku."
-
-
-Only after the most distant community with whom the Sinaketans
-kula has been reached, and after due time has been allowed for the
-collection of any vaygu'a within reach, will the party start on the
-return journey. Concrete cases are quoted in which expeditions had
-to start several times from Sinaketa, always returning within a few
-days after all the provisions had been eaten on Muwa, from where a
-contrary wind would not allow the canoes to move south. Or again,
-a memorable expedition, some few decades ago, started once or twice,
-was becalmed in Vakuta, had to give a heavy payment to a wind magician
-in the village of Okinai, to provide them with a propitious northerly
-wind, and then, sailing South at last, met with a vineylida, one of the
-dreadful perils of the sea, a live stone which jumps from the bottom
-of the sea at a canoe. But in spite of all this, they persevered,
-reached Dobu in safety, and made a successful return.
-
-Thus we see that, from a sociological point of view, the uvalaku is
-an enterprise partially financed by the toli'uvalaku, and therefore
-redounding to his credit, and bringing him honour; while the obligation
-imposed on others by the food distributed to them, is to carry on
-the expedition to a successful end.
-
-It is rather puzzling to find that, although everyone is eager for
-the expedition, although they all enjoy it equally and satisfy
-their ambition and increase their wealth by it, yet the element
-of compulsion and obligation is introduced into it; for we are not
-accustomed to the idea of pleasure having to be forced on people. None
-the less, the uvalaku is not an isolated feature, for in almost
-all tribal enjoyments and festive entertainments on a big scale,
-the same principle obtains. The master of the festivities, by an
-initial distribution of food, imposes an obligation on the others,
-to carry through dancing, sports, or games of the season. And indeed,
-considering the ease with which native enthusiasms flag, with which
-jealousies, envies and quarrels creep in, and destroy the unanimity
-of social amusements, the need for compulsion from without to amuse
-oneself appears not so preposterous as at first sight.
-
-I have said that an uvalaku expedition is distinguished from an
-ordinary one, in so far also as the full ceremonial of the Kula has to
-be observed. Thus all the canoes must be either new or relashed, and
-without exception they must be also repainted and redecorated. The full
-ceremonial launching, tasasoria, and the presentation, kabigodoya,
-are carried out with every detail only when the Kula takes the
-form of an uvalaku. The pig or pigs killed in the village before
-departure are also a special feature of the competitive Kula. So is
-the kayguya'u ceremonial distribution held on Muwa, just at the point
-of the proceedings at which we have now arrived. The tanarere, a big
-display of vaygu'a and comparison of the individual acquisitions at the
-end of an expedition, is another ceremonial feature of the uvalaku and
-supplies some of the competitive element. There is also competition as
-to the speed, qualities and beauties of the canoes at the beginning of
-such an expedition. Some of the communities who present their vaygu'a
-to an uvalaku expedition vie with one another, as to who will give
-most, and in fact the element of emulation or competition runs right
-through the proceedings. In the following chapters, I shall have,
-in several more points, occasion to distinguish an uvalaku from an
-ordinary Kula sailing.
-
-It must be added at once that, although all these ceremonial features
-are compulsory only on an uvalaku sailing, and although only then
-are they one and all of them unfailingly observed, some and even all
-may also be kept during an ordinary Kula expedition, especially if it
-happens to be a somewhat bigger one. The same refers to the various
-magical rites--that is to say the most important ones--which although
-performed on every Kula expedition, are carried out with more punctilio
-on an uvalaku.
-
-Finally, a very important distinctive feature is the rule, that no
-vaygu'a can be carried on the outbound sailing of an uvalaku. It must
-not be forgotten that a Kula overseas expedition sails, in order mainly
-to receive gifts and not to give them, and on an uvalaku this rule is
-carried to its extreme, so that no Kula valuables whatever may be given
-by the visiting party. The natives sailing from Sinaketa to Dobu on
-ordinary Kula may carry a few armshells with them, but when they sail
-on a ceremonial competitive uvalaku, no armshell is ever taken. For
-it must be remembered that Kula exchanges, as has been explained in
-Chapter III, never take place simultaneously. It is always a gift
-followed after a lapse of time by a counter-gift. Now on a uvalaku
-the natives would receive in Dobu a certain amount of gifts, which,
-within a year or so, would be returned to the Dobuans, when these
-pay a visit to Sinaketa. But there is always a considerable amount of
-valuables which the Dobuans owe to the Sinaketans, so that when now the
-Sinaketans go to Dobu, they will claim also these gifts due to them
-from previous occasions. All these technicalities of Kula exchange
-will become clearer in one of the subsequent chapters (Chapter XIV).
-
-To sum up, the uvalaku is a ceremonial and competitive
-expedition. Ceremonial it is, in so far as it is connected with
-the special initial distribution of food, given by the master of
-the uvalaku. It is also ceremonial in that all the formalities of
-the Kula are kept rigorously and without exception, for in a sense
-every Kula sailing expedition is ceremonial. Competitive it is mainly
-in that at the end of it all the acquired articles are compared and
-counted. With this also the prohibition to carry vaygu'a, is connected,
-so as to give everyone an even start.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Returning now to the Sinaketan fleet assembled at Muwa, as soon as
-they have arrived there, that is, some time about noon, they proceed
-to the ceremonial distribution. Although the toli'uvalaku is master
-of ceremonies, in this case he as a rule sits and watches the initial
-proceedings from a distance. A group of his relatives or friends of
-lesser rank busy themselves with the work. It might be better perhaps
-here to give a more concrete account, since it is always difficult
-to visualise exactly how such things will proceed.
-
-This was brought home to me when in March, 1918, I assisted at these
-initial stages of the Kula in the Amphlett Islands. The natives had
-been preparing for days for departure, and on the final date, I spent
-the whole morning observing and photographing the loading and trimming
-of the canoes, the farewells, and the setting out of the fleet. In the
-evening, after a busy day, as it was a full-moon night, I went for a
-long pull in a dinghy. Although in the Trobriands I had had accounts
-of the custom of the first halt, yet it gave me a surprise when on
-rounding a rocky point I came upon the whole crowd of Gumasila natives,
-who had departed on the Kula that morning, sitting in full-moon light
-on a beach, only a few miles from the village which they had left
-with so much to-do some ten hours before. With the fairly strong
-wind that day, I was thinking of them as camping at least half way
-to the Trobriands, on one of the small sand banks some twenty miles
-North. I went and sat for a moment among the morose and unfriendly
-Amphlett Islanders, who, unlike the Trobrianders, distinctly resented
-the inquisitive and blighting presence of an Ethnographer.
-
-To return to our Sinaketan party, we can imagine the chiefs sitting
-high up on the shore under the gnarled, broad-leafed branches of the
-shady trees. They might perhaps be resting in one group, each with a
-few attendants, or else every headman and chief near his own canoe,
-To'udawada silently chewing betel-nut, with a heavy and bovine dignity,
-the excitable Koutauya chattering in a high pitched voice with some of
-his grown-up sons, among whom there are two or three of the finest men
-in Sinaketa. Further on, with a smaller group of attendants, sits the
-infamous Sinakadi, in conference with his successor to chieftainship,
-his sister's son, Gomaya, also a notorious scoundrel. On such occasions
-it is good form for chiefs not to busy themselves among the groups,
-nor to survey the proceedings, but to keep an aloof and detached
-attitude. In company with other notables, they discuss in the short,
-jerky sentences which make native languages so difficult to follow,
-the arrangements and prospects of the Kula, making now and then a
-mythological reference, forecasting the weather, and discussing the
-merits of the canoes.
-
-In the meantime, the henchmen of the toli'uvalaku, his sons, his
-younger brothers, his relatives-in-law, prepare the distribution. As
-a rule, either To'udawada or Koutauya would be the toli'uvalaku. The
-one who at the given time has more wealth on hand and prospects
-of receiving more vaygu'a, would take over the dignity and the
-burdens. Sinakadi is much less wealthy, and probably it would be an
-exception for him and his predecessors and successors to play the
-part. The minor headmen of the other compound villages of Sinaketa
-would never fill the rôle.
-
-Whoever is the master of the expedition for the time being will have
-brought over a couple of pigs, which will now be laid on the beach and
-admired by the members of the expedition. Soon some fires are lit,
-and the pigs, with a long pole thrust through their tied feet, are
-hung upside down over the fires. A dreadful squealing fills the air
-and delights the hearers. After the pig has been singed to death, or
-rather, into insensibility, it is taken off and cut open. Specialists
-cut it into appropriate parts, ready for the distribution. Yams,
-taro, coco-nuts and sugar cane have already been put into big heaps,
-as many as there are canoes--that is, nowadays, eight. On these heaps,
-some hands of ripe bananas and some betel-nut bunches are placed. On
-the ground, beside them, on trays of plaited coco-nut leaves,
-the lumps of meat are displayed. All this food has been provided
-by the toli'uvalaku, who previously has received as contributions
-towards it special presents, both from his own and from his wife's
-kinsmen. In fact, if we try to draw out all the strands of gifts and
-contributions connected with such a distribution we would find that
-it is spun round into such an intricate web, that even the lengthy
-account of the foregoing chapter does not quite do it justice.
-
-After the chief's helpers have arranged the heaps, they go over them,
-seeing that the apportionment is correct, shifting some of the food
-here and there, and memorising to whom each heap will be given. Often
-in the final round, the toli'uvalaku inspects the heaps himself,
-and then returns to his former seat. Then comes the culminating act
-of the distribution. One of the chief's henchmen, always a man of
-inferior rank, accompanied by the chief's helpers, walks down the
-row of heaps, and at each of them screams out in a very loud voice:
-
-
-    "O, Siyagana, thy heap, there, O Siyagana, O!" At the next one he
-    calls the name of another canoe: "O Gumawora, thy heap, there! O
-    Gumawora O!"
-
-
-He goes thus over all the heaps, allotting each one to a canoe. After
-that is finished, some of the younger boys of each canoe go and fetch
-their heap. This is brought to their fire, the meat is roasted, and
-the yams, the sugar cane and betel-nut distributed among the crew, who
-presently sit down and eat, each group by itself. We see that, although
-the toli'uvalaku is responsible for the feast, and receives from the
-natives all the credit for it, his active part in the proceedings is a
-small one, and it is more nominal than real. On such occasions it would
-perhaps be incorrect to call him 'master of ceremonies,' although he
-assumes this rôle, as we shall see, on other occasions. Nevertheless,
-for the natives, he is the centre of the proceedings. His people do
-all the work there is to be done, and in certain cases he would be
-referred to for a decision, on some question of etiquette.
-
-After the meal is over, the natives rest, chew betel-nut and smoke,
-looking across the water towards the setting sun--it is now probably
-late in the afternoon--towards where, above the moored canoes, which
-rock and splash in the shallows, there float the faint silhouettes
-of the mountains. These are the distant Koya, the high hills in the
-d'Entrecasteaux and Amphletts, to which the elder natives have often
-already sailed, and of which the younger have heard so many times in
-myth, tales and magical spells. Kula conversations will predominate on
-such occasions, and names of distant partners, and personal names of
-specially valuable vaygu'a will punctuate the conversation and make
-it very obscure to those not initiated into the technicalities and
-historical traditions of the Kula. Recollections how a certain big
-spondylus necklace passed a couple of years ago through Sinaketa,
-how So-and-so handed it to So-and-so in Kiriwina, who again gave it
-to one of his partners in Kitava (all the personal names of course
-being mentioned) and how it went from there to Woodlark Island, where
-its traces become lost--such reminiscences lead to conjectures as
-to where the necklace might now be, and whether there is a chance
-of meeting it in Dobu. Famous exchanges are cited, quarrels over
-Kula grievances, cases in which a man was killed by magic for his
-too successful dealings in the Kula, are told one after the other,
-and listened to with never failing interest. The younger men amuse
-themselves perhaps with less serious discussions about the dangers
-awaiting them on the sea, about the fierceness of the witches and
-dreadful beings in the Koya, while many a young Trobriander would be
-warned at this stage of the unaccommodating attitude of the women in
-Dobu, and of the fierceness of their men folk.
-
-After nightfall a number of small fires are lit on the beach. The stiff
-pandanus mats, folded in the middle, are put over each sleeper so as
-to form a small roof, and the whole crowd settle down for the night.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-Next morning, if there is a fair wind, or a hope of it, the natives
-are up very early, and all are feverishly active. Some fix up the
-masts and rigging of the canoes, doing it much more thoroughly and
-carefully than it was done on the previous morning, since there may
-be a whole day's sailing ahead of them perhaps with a strong wind,
-and under dangerous conditions. After all is done, the sails ready
-to be hoisted, the various ropes put into good trim, all the members
-of the crew sit at their posts, and each canoe waits some few yards
-from the beach for its toliwaga (master of the canoe). He remains on
-shore, in order to perform one of the several magical rites which,
-at this stage of sailing, break through the purely matter-of-fact
-events. All these rites of magic are directed towards the canoes,
-making them speedy, seaworthy and safe. In the first rite, some leaves
-are medicated by the toliwaga as he squats over them on the beach and
-recites a formula. The wording of this indicates that it is a speed
-magic, and this is also the explicit statement of the natives.
-
-
-                           KADUMIYALA SPELL.
-
-    In this spell, the flying fish and the jumping gar fish are
-    invoked at the beginning. Then the toliwaga urges his canoe
-    to fly at its bows and at its stern. Then, in a long tapwana,
-    he repeats a word signifying the magical imparting of speed,
-    and with the names of the various parts of the canoe. The last
-    part runs: "The canoe flies, the canoe flies in the morning,
-    the canoe flies at sunrise, the canoe flies like a flying witch,"
-    ending up with the onomatopoetic words "Saydidi, tatata, numsa,"
-    which represent the flapping of pandanus streamers in the wind,
-    or as others say, the noises made by the flying witches, as they
-    move through the air on a stormy night.
-
-
-After having uttered this spell into the leaves, the toliwaga gives
-them to one of the usagelu (members of the crew), who, wading round
-the waga, rubs with them first the dobwana, 'head' of the canoe, then
-the middle of its body, and finally its u'ula (basis). Proceeding
-round on the side of the outrigger, he rubs the 'head' again. It
-may be remembered here that, with the native canoes, fore and aft
-in the sailing sense are interchangeable, since the canoe must sail
-having always the wind on its outrigger side, and it often has to
-change stern to bows. But standing on a canoe so that the outrigger
-is on the left hand, and the body of the canoe on the right, a native
-will call the end of the canoe in front of him its head (dabwana),
-and that behind, its basis (u'ula).
-
-After this is over, the toliwaga enters the canoe, the sail is hoisted,
-and the canoe rushes ahead. Now two or three pandanus streamers which
-had previously been medicated in the village by the toliwaga are tied
-to the rigging, and to the mast. The following is the spell which
-had been said over them:
-
-
-                             BISILA SPELL.
-
-    "Bora'i, Bora'i (a mythical name). Bora'i flies, it will fly;
-    Bora'i Bora'i, Bora'i stands up, it will stand up. In company
-    with Bora'i--sidididi. Break through your passage in Kadimwatu,
-    pierce through thy Promontory of Salamwa. Go and attach your
-    pandanus streamer in Salamwa, go and ascend the slope of Loma."
-
-    "Lift up the body of my canoe; its body is like floating gossamer,
-    its body is like dry banana leaf, its body is like fluff."
-
-
-There is a definite association in the minds of the natives between
-the pandanus streamers, with which they usually decorate mast, rigging
-and sail, and the speed of the canoe. The decorative effect of the
-floating strips of pale, glittering yellow is indeed wonderful,
-when the speed of the canoe makes them flutter in the wind. Like
-small banners of some stiff, golden fabric they envelope the sail
-and rigging with light, colour and movement.
-
-The pandanus streamers, and especially their trembling, are a definite
-characteristic of Trobriand culture (see Plate XXIX). In some of their
-dances, the natives use long, bleached ribbons of pandanus, which the
-men hold in both hands, and set a-flutter while they dance. To do this
-well is one of the main achievements of a brilliant artist. On many
-festive occasions the bisila (pandanus streamers) are tied to houses
-on poles for decoration. They are thrust into armlets and belts as
-personal ornaments. The vaygu'a (valuables) when prepared for the Kula,
-are decorated with strips of bisila. In the Kula a chief will send to
-some distant partner a bisila streamer over which a special spell has
-been recited, and this will make the partner eager to bestow valuables
-on the sender. As we saw, a broad bisila streamer is attached to the
-canoe of a toli'uvalaku as his badge of honour. The flying witches
-(mulukwausi) are supposed to use pandanus streamers in order to
-acquire speed and levitation in their nightly flights through the air.
-
-After the magical pandanus strips have been tied to the rigging,
-beside the non-magical, purely ornamental ones, the toliwaga sits at
-the veva rope, the sheet by which the sail is extended to the wind,
-and moving it to and fro he recites a spell.
-
-
-                          KAYIKUNA VEVA SPELL.
-
-    Two verbs signifying magical influence are repeated with the
-    prefix bo---which implies the conception of 'ritual' or 'sacred'
-    or 'being tabooed.' [62] Then the toliwaga says: "I shall treat
-    my canoe magically in its middle part, I shall treat it in its
-    body. I shall take my butia (flower wreath), of the sweet-scented
-    flowers. I shall put it on the head of my canoe."
-
-    Then a lengthy middle strophe is recited, in which all the parts
-    of a canoe are named with two verbs one after the other. The verbs
-    are: "To wreathe the canoe in a ritual manner," and "to paint
-    it red in a ritual manner." The prefix bo-, added to the verbs,
-    has been here translated, "in a ritual manner."[62]
-
-    The spell ends by a conclusion similar to that of many other canoe
-    formulæ, "My canoe, thou art like a whirlwind, like a vanishing
-    shadow! Disappear in the distance, become like mist, avaunt!"
-
-
-These are the three usual rites for the sake of speed at the beginning
-of the journey. If the canoe remains slow, however, an auxiliary
-rite is performed; a piece of dried banana leaf is put between the
-gunwale and one of the inner frame sticks of the canoe, and a spell
-is recited over it. After that, they beat both ends of the canoe
-with this banana leaf. If the canoe is still heavy, and lags behind
-the others, a piece of kuleya (cooked and stale yam) is put on a
-mat, and the toliwaga medicates it with a spell which transfers the
-heaviness to the yam. The spell here recited is the same one which
-we met when the heavy log was being pulled into the village. The log
-was then beaten with a bunch of grass, accompanied by the recital of
-the spell, and then this bunch was thrown away. [63] In this case
-the piece of yam which has taken on the heaviness of the canoe is
-thrown overboard. Sometimes, however, even this is of no avail. The
-toliwaga then seats himself on the platform next to the steersman,
-and utters a spell over a piece of coco-nut husk, which is thrown into
-the water. This rite, called Bisiboda patile is a piece of evil-magic
-(bulubwalata), intended to keep all the other canoes back. If that
-does not help, the natives conclude that some taboos pertaining to
-the canoe might have been broken, and perhaps the toliwaga may feel
-some misgivings regarding the conduct of his wife or wives.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IX
-
-SAILING ON THE SEA-ARM OF PILOLU
-
-
-I
-
-Now at last the Kula expedition is properly set going. The canoes are
-started on a long stage, before them the sea-arm of Pilolu, stretching
-between the Trobriands and the d'Entrecasteaux. On the North, this
-portion of the sea is bounded by the Archipelago of the Trobriands,
-that is, by the islands of Vakuta, Boyowa and Kayleula, joining in
-the west on to the scattered belt of the Lousançay Islands. On the
-east, a long submerged reef runs from the southern end of Vakuta to
-the Amphletts, forming an extended barrier to sailing, but affording
-little protection from the eastern winds and seas. In the South,
-this barrier links on to the Amphletts, which together with the
-Northern coast of Fergusson and Goodenough, form the Southern shore
-of Pilolu. To the West, Pilolu opens up into the seas between the
-mainland of New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. In fact, what
-the natives designate by the name of Pilolu is nothing else but the
-enormous basin of the Lousançay Lagoon, the largest coral atoll in
-the world. To the natives, the name of Pilolu is full of emotional
-associations, drawn from magic and myth; it is connected with the
-experiences of past generations, told by the old men round the village
-fires and with adventure personally lived through.
-
-As the Kula adventurers speed along with filled sails, the shallow
-Lagoon of the Trobriands soon falls away behind; the dull green waters,
-sprinkled with patches of brown where seaweed grows high and rank,
-and lit up here and there with spots of bright emerald where a shallow
-bottom of clean sand shines through, give place to a deeper sea of
-strong green hue. The low strip of land, which surrounds the Trobriand
-Lagoon in a wide sweep, thins away and dissolves in the haze, and
-before them the southern mountains rise higher and higher. On a clear
-day, these are visible even from the Trobriands. The neat outlines of
-the Amphletts stand diminutive, yet firmer and more material, against
-the blue silhouettes of the higher mountains behind. These, like a
-far away cloud are draped in wreaths of cumuli, almost always clinging
-to their summits. The nearest of them, Koyatabu--the mountain of the
-taboo-- [64] on the North end of Fergusson Island, a slim, somewhat
-tilted pyramid, forms a most alluring beacon, guiding the mariners due
-South. To the right of it, as we look towards the South-West, a broad,
-bulky mountain, the Koyabwaga'u--mountain of the sorcerers--marks the
-North-western corner of Fergusson Island. The mountains on Goodenough
-Island are visible only in very clear weather, and then very faintly.
-
-Within a day or two, these disembodied, misty forms are to assume what
-for the Trobrianders seems marvellous shape and enormous bulk. They
-are to surround the Kula traders with their solid walls of precipitous
-rock and green jungle, furrowed with deep ravines and streaked with
-racing water-courses. The Trobrianders will sail deep, shaded bays,
-resounding with the, to them unknown, voice of waterfalls; with the
-weird cries of strange birds which never visit the Trobriands, such as
-the laughing of the kookooburra (laughing jackass), and the melancholy
-call of the South Sea crow. The sea will change its colour once more,
-become pure blue, and beneath its transparent waters, a marvellous
-world of multi-coloured coral, fish and seaweed will unfold itself,
-a world which, through a strange geographical irony, the inhabitants
-of a coral island hardly ever can see at home, and must come to this
-volcanic region to discover.
-
-In these surroundings, they will find also wonderful, heavy, compact
-stones of various colours and shapes, whereas at home the only stone is
-the insipid, white, dead coral. Here they can see, besides many types
-of granite and basalt and volcanic tuff, specimens of black obsidian,
-with its sharp edges and metallic ring, and sites full of red and
-yellow ochre. Besides big hills of volcanic ash, they will behold
-hot springs boiling up periodically. Of all these marvels the young
-Trobriander hears tales, and sees samples brought back to his country,
-and there is no doubt that it is for him a wonderful experience to
-find himself amongst them for the first time, and that afterwards
-he eagerly seizes every opportunity that offers to sail again to the
-Koya. Thus the landscape now before them is a sort of promised land,
-a country spoken of in almost legendary tone.
-
-And indeed the scenery here, on the borderland of the two different
-worlds, is singularly impressive. Sailing away from the Trobriands
-on my last expedition, I had to spend two days, weatherbound, on a
-small sandbank covered with a few pandanus trees, about midway between
-the Trobriands and the Amphletts. A darkened sea lay to the North,
-big thunderclouds hanging over where I knew there was the large flat
-island of Boyowa--the Trobriands. To the South, against a clearer sky,
-were the abrupt forms of the mountains, scattered over half of the
-horizon. The scenery seemed saturated with myth and legendary tales,
-with the strange adventures, hopes and fears of generations of native
-sailors. On this sandbank they had often camped, when becalmed or
-threatened with bad weather. On such an island, the great mythical
-hero, Kasabwaybwayreta stopped, and was marooned by his companions,
-only to escape through the sky. Here again a mythical canoe once
-halted, in order to be re-caulked. As I sat there, looking towards
-the Southern mountains, so clearly visible, yet so inaccessible,
-I realised what must be the feelings of the Trobrianders, desirous
-to reach the Koya, to meet the strange people, and to kula with them,
-a desire made perhaps even more acute by a mixture of fear. For there,
-to the west of the Amphletts, they see the big bay of Gabu, where once
-the crews of a whole fleet of Trobriand canoes were killed and eaten
-by the inhabitants of unknown villages, in attempting to kula with
-them. And stories are also told of single canoes, drifted apart from
-the fleet and cast against the northern shore of Fergusson Island,
-of which all the crew perished at the hands of the cannibals. There
-are also legends of some inexperienced natives, who, visiting the
-neighbourhood of Deyde'i and arriving at the crystal water in the
-big stone basins there, plunged in, to meet a dreadful death in the
-almost boiling pool.
-
-But though the legendary dangers on the distant shores may appall
-the native imagination, the perils of actual sailing are even
-more real. The sea over which they travel is seamed with reefs,
-studded with sandbanks and coral rocks awash. And though in fair
-weather these are not so dangerous to a canoe as to a European
-boat, yet they are bad enough. The main dangers of native sailing,
-however, lie in the helplessness of a canoe. As we have said before,
-it cannot sail close to the wind, and therefore cannot beat. If the
-wind comes round, the canoe has to turn and retrace its course. This
-is very unpleasant, but not necessarily dangerous. If, however, the
-wind drops, and the canoe just happens to be in one of the strong
-tides, which run anything between three and five knots, or if it
-becomes disabled, and makes leeway at right angles to its course,
-the situation becomes dangerous. To the West, there lies the open
-sea, and once far out there, the canoe would have slender chances
-of ever returning. To the East, there runs the reef, on which in
-heavy weather a native canoe would surely be smashed. In May, 1918,
-a Dobuan canoe, returning home a few days after the rest of the fleet,
-was caught by a strong South-Easterly wind, so strong that it had
-to give up its course, and make North-West to one of the Lousançay
-Islands. It had been given up as lost, when in August it came back
-with a chance blow of the North-Westerly wind. It had had, however,
-a narrow escape in making the small island. Had it been blown further
-West, it would never have reached land at all.
-
-There exist other tales of lost canoes, and it is a wonder that
-accidents are not more frequent, considering the conditions under
-which they have to sail. Sailing has to be done, so to speak, on
-straight lines across the sea. Once they deviate from this course,
-all sorts of dangers crop up. Not only that, but they must sail
-between fixed points on the land. For, and this of course refers to
-the olden days, if they had to go ashore, anywhere but in the district
-of a friendly tribe, the perils which met them were almost as bad as
-those of reefs and sharks. If the sailors missed the friendly villages
-of the Amphletts and of Dobu, everywhere else they would meet with
-extermination. Even nowadays, though the danger of being killed would
-be smaller--perhaps not absolutely non-existent--yet the natives would
-feel very uncomfortable at the idea of landing in a strange district,
-fearing not only death by violence, but even more by evil magic. Thus,
-as the natives sail across Pilolu, only very small sectors of their
-horizon present a safe goal for their journey.
-
-On the East, indeed, beyond the dangerous barrier reef, there is a
-friendly horizon, marked for them by the Marshall Bennett Islands,
-and Woodlark, the country known under the term Omuyuwa. To the South,
-there is the Koya, also known as the land of the kinana, by which
-name the natives of the d'Entrecasteaux and the Amphletts are known
-generically. But to the South-West and West there is the deep open sea
-(bebega), and beyond that, lands inhabited by tailed people, and by
-people with wings, of whom very little more is known. To the North,
-beyond the reef of small coral islands, lying off the Trobriands,
-there are two countries, Kokopawa and Kaytalugi. Kokopawa is peopled
-with ordinary men and women, who walk about naked, and are great
-gardeners. Whether this country corresponds to the South coast of
-New Britain, where people really are without any clothing, it would
-be difficult to say.
-
-The other country, Kaytalugi, is a land of women only, in which no man
-can survive. The women who live there are beautiful, big and strong,
-and they walk about naked, and with their bodily hair unshaven (which
-is contrary to the Trobriand custom). They are extremely dangerous
-to any man through the unbounded violence of their passion. The
-natives never tire of describing graphically how such women would
-satisfy their sensuous lust, if they got hold of some luckless,
-shipwrecked man. No one could survive, even for a short time, the
-amorous yet brutal attacks of these women. The natives compare this
-treatment to that customary at the yousa, the orgiastic mishandling of
-any man, caught at certain stages of female communal labour in Boyowa
-(cf. Chapter II, Division II). Not even the boys born on this island of
-Kaytalugi can survive a tender age. It must be remembered the natives
-see no need for male co-operation in continuing the race. Thus the
-women propagate the race, although every male needs must come to an
-untimely end before he can become a man.
-
-None the less, there is a legend that some men from the village of
-Kaulagu, in eastern Boyowa, were blown in their canoe far North from
-the easterly course of a Kula expedition, and were stranded on the
-coast of Kaytalugi. There, having survived the first reception, they
-were apportioned individually and married. Having repaired their canoe,
-ostensibly for the sake of bringing some fish to their wives, one night
-they put food and water into it, and secretly sailed away. On their
-return to their own village, they found their women married to other
-men. However, such things never end tragically in the Trobriands. As
-soon as their rightful lords reappeared their women came back to
-them. Among other things these men brought to Boyowa a variety of
-banana called usikela, not known before.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Returning again to our Kula party, we see that, in journeying across
-Pilolu, they move within the narrow confines of familiar sailing
-ground, surrounded on all sides both by real dangers and by lands of
-imaginary horrors. On their track, however, the natives never go out of
-sight of land, and in the event of mist or rain, they can always take
-sufficient bearings to enable them to make for the nearest sand-bank or
-island. This is never more than some six miles off, a distance which,
-should the wind have dropped, may even be reached by paddling.
-
-Another thing that also makes their sailing not so dangerous as
-one would imagine, is the regularity of the winds in this part of
-the world. As a rule, in each of the two main seasons, there is one
-prevailing direction of wind, which does not shift more than within
-some ninety degrees. Thus, in the dry season, from May to October,
-the trade wind blows almost incessantly from the South-East or South,
-moving sometimes to the North-East, but never beyond that. As a matter
-of fact, however, this season, just because of the constancy of the
-wind, does not lend itself very well to native sailing. For although
-with this wind it is easy to sail from South to North, or East to West,
-it is impossible to retrace the course, and as the wind often blows
-for months without veering, the natives prefer to do their sailings
-between the seasons, or in the time when the monsoon blows. Between
-the seasons--November, December or March and April--the winds are not
-so constant, in fact they shift from one position on the compass to
-another. On the other hand, there is very seldom a strong blow at this
-time, and so this is the ideal season for sailing. In the hot summer
-months, December till March, the monsoon blows from the North-West or
-South-West, less regularly than a trade wind, but often culminating in
-violent storms which almost always come from the North-West. Thus the
-two strong winds to be met in these seas come from definite directions,
-and this minimises the danger. The natives also as a rule are able to
-foretell a day or two beforehand the approach of a squall. Rightly
-or wrongly, they associate the strength of the North-Westerly gales
-with the phases of the moon.
-
-There is, of course, a good deal of magic to make wind blow or to
-put it down. Like many other forms of magic, wind magic is localised
-in villages. The inhabitants of Simsim, the biggest village in
-the Lousançay Islands, and the furthest North-Westerly settlement
-of this district, are credited with the ability of controlling
-the North-Westerly wind, perhaps through association with their
-geographical position. Again, the control over the South-Easterly
-wind is granted to the inhabitants of Kitava, lying to the East of
-Boyowa. The Simsim people control all the winds which blow habitually
-during the rainy season, that is the winds on the western side of
-the compass, from North to South. The other half can be worked by
-the Kitavan spells.
-
-Many men in Boyowa have learnt both spells and they practise the
-magic. The spells are chanted broadcast into the wind, without
-any other ritual. It is an impressive spectacle to walk through a
-village, during one of the devastating gales, which always arise
-at night and during which people leave their huts and assemble in
-cleared spaces. They are afraid the wind may lift their dwellings
-off the ground, or uproot a tree which might injure them in falling,
-an accident which actually did happen a year or two ago in Wawela,
-killing the chief's wife. Through the darkness from the doors of
-some of the huts, and from among the huddled groups, there resound
-loud voices, chanting, in a penetrating sing-song, the spells for
-abating the force of the wind. On such occasions, feeling myself
-somewhat nervous, I was deeply impressed by this persistent effort
-of frail, human voice, fraught with deep belief, pitting itself so
-feebly against the monotonous, overpowering force of the wind.
-
-Taking the bearing by sight, and helped by the uniformity of winds,
-the natives have no need of even the most elementary knowledge of
-navigation. Barring accidents they never have to direct their course
-by the stars. Of these, they know certain Outstanding constellations,
-sufficient to indicate for them the direction, should they need
-it. They have names for the Pleiades, for Orion, for the Southern
-Cross, and they also recognise a few constellations of their own
-construction. Their knowledge of the stars, as we have mentioned
-already in Chapter II, Division V, is localised in the village of
-Wawela, where it is handed over in the maternal line of the chiefs
-of the village.
-
-In order to understand better the customs and problems of sailing,
-a few words must be said about the technique of managing a canoe. As
-we have said before, the wind must always strike the craft, on the
-outrigger side, so the sailing canoe is always tilted with its float
-raised, and the platform slanting towards the body of the canoe. This
-makes it necessary for it to be able to change bows and stern at
-will; for imagine that a canoe going due South, has to sail with
-a North-Easterly wind, then the lamina (outrigger) must be on the
-left hand, and the canoe sails with what the natives call its "head"
-forward. Now imagine that the wind turns to the North-West. Should
-this happen in a violent squall, without warning, the canoe would be
-at once submerged. But, as such a change would be gradual, barring
-accidents, the natives could easily cope with it. The mast, which is
-tied at the fourth cross-pole (ri'u) from the temporary bows of the
-canoe, would be unbound, the canoe would be turned 180 degrees around,
-so that its head would now form the stern, its u'ula (foundation)
-would face South, and become its bows, and the platform would be
-to our right, facing West. The mast would be attached again to the
-fourth cross-pole (ri'u), from the u'ula end, the sail hoisted, and
-the canoe would glide along with the wind striking it again on its
-outrigger side, but having changed bows to stern (see Plate XLI).
-
-The natives have a set of nautical expressions to describe the various
-operations of changing mast, of trimming the sail, of paying out the
-sheet rope, of shifting the sail, so that it stands up with its bottom
-end high, and its tip touching the canoe, or else letting it lie with
-both boom and gaff almost horizontal. And they have definite rules
-as to how the various manoeuvres should be carried out, according
-to the strength of the wind, and to the quarter on which it strikes
-the canoe. They have four expressions denoting a following wind,
-wind striking the outrigger beam, wind striking the canoe from the
-katala (built-out body), and wind striking the canoe on the outrigger
-side close to the direction of sailing. There is no point, however,
-in adducing this native terminology here, as we shall not any further
-refer to it; it is enough to know that they have got definite rules,
-and means of expressing them, with regard to the handling of a canoe.
-
-It has been often remarked here, that the Trobriand canoes cannot sail
-close to the wind. They are very light, and shallow, and have very
-little water board, giving a small resistance against making lee-way. I
-think that this is also the reason, why they need two men to do the
-steering for the steering oars act as lee-boards. One of the men wields
-a big, elongated steering oar, called kuriga. He sits at the stern,
-of course, in the body of the canoe. The other man handles a smaller
-steering paddle, leaf-shaped, yet with a bigger blade than the paddling
-oars; it is called viyoyu. He sits at the stern end of the platform,
-and does the steering through the sticks of the pitapatile (platform).
-
-The other working members of the crew are the man at the sheet, the
-tokwabila veva, as he is called, who has to let out the veva or pull
-it in, according as the wind shifts and varies in strength.
-
-Another man, as a rule, stands in the bows of the ship on the
-look-out, and if necessary, has to climb the mast in order to trim the
-rigging. Or again, he would have to bale the water from time to time,
-as this always leaks through, or splashes into the canoe. Thus four
-men are enough to man a canoe, though usually the functions of the
-baler and the man on the look-out and at the mast are divided.
-
-When the wind drops, the men have to take to the small, leaf-shaped
-paddles, while one, as a rule, wields a pulling oar. But in order to
-give speed to a heavy masawa canoe, at least ten men would have to
-paddle and pull. As we shall see, on certain ceremonial occasions,
-the canoes have to be propelled by paddling, for instance when they
-approach their final destination, after having performed the great
-mwasila magic. When they arrive at a halting place, the canoes,
-if necessary, are beached. As a rule, however, the heavily loaded
-canoes on a Kula expedition, would be secured by both mooring and
-anchoring, according to the bottom. On muddy bottoms, such as that
-of the Trobriand Lagoon, a long stick would be thrust into the slime,
-and one end of the canoe lashed to it. From the other, a heavy stone,
-tied with a rope, would be thrown down as an anchor. Over a hard,
-rocky bottom, the anchor stone alone is used.
-
-It can be easily understood that with such craft, and with such
-limitations in sailing, there are many real dangers which threaten the
-natives. If the wind is too strong, and the sea becomes too rough,
-a canoe may not be able to follow its course, and making lee-way,
-or even directly running before the wind, it may be driven into a
-quarter where there is no landfall to be made, or from where at best
-there is no returning at that season. This is what happened to the
-Dobuan boat mentioned before. Or else, a canoe becalmed and seized
-by the tide may not be able to make its way by means of paddling. Or
-in stormy weather, it may be smashed on rocks and sandbanks, or even
-unable to withstand the impact of waves. An open craft like a native
-canoe easily fills with sea water, and, in a heavy rain-storm, with
-rain water. In a calm sea this is not very dangerous, for the wooden
-canoe does not sink; even if swamped, the water can be baled out and
-the canoe floats up. But in rough weather, a water-logged canoe loses
-its buoyancy and gets broken up. Last and not least, there is the
-danger of the canoe being pressed into the water, outrigger first,
-should the wind strike it on the opposite side. With so many real
-dangers around it, it is a marvellous thing, and to the credit of
-native seamanship, that accidents are comparatively rare.
-
-We now know about the crew of the canoe and the different functions
-which every man has to fulfil. Remembering what has been said in
-Chapter IV, Division V, about the sociological division of functions in
-sailing, we can visualise concretely the craft with all its inmates,
-as it sails on the Pilolu; the toliwaga usually sits near the mast
-in the compartment called kayguya'u. With him perhaps is one of his
-sons or young relatives, while another boy remains in the bows, near
-the conch-shell ready to sound it, whenever the occasion arises. Thus
-are employed the toliwaga and the dodo'u (small boys). The usagelu
-or members of the crew, some four or five strong, are each at his
-post, with perhaps one supernumerary to assist at any emergency,
-where the task would require it. On the platform are lounging some
-of the silasila, the youths not yet employed in any work, and not
-participating in the Kula, but there for their pleasure, and to learn
-how to manage a boat (see Plate XL).
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-All these people have not only special posts and modes of occupation
-assigned to them, but they have also to keep certain rules. The canoe
-on a Kula expedition, is surrounded by taboos, and many observances
-have to be strictly kept, else this or that might go wrong. Thus it
-is not allowed to 'point to objects with the hand' (yosala yamada),
-or those who do it will become sick. A new canoe has many prohibitions
-connected with it, which are called bomala wayugo (the taboos of
-the lashing creeper). Eating and drinking are not allowed in a new
-canoe except after sunset. The breaking of this taboo would make
-the canoe very slow. On a very quick waga this rule might perhaps
-be disregarded, especially if one of the young boys were hungry or
-thirsty. The toliwaga would then bale in some sea-water, pour it over
-one of the lashings of the creeper with the words:
-
-
-    "I sprinkle thy eye, O kudayuri creeper, so that our crew might
-    eat."
-
-
-After that, he would give the boy something to eat and drink. Besides
-this eating and drinking taboo, on a new waga the other physiological
-needs must not be satisfied. In case of urgent necessity, a man jumps
-into the water, holding to one of the cross sticks of the outrigger,
-or if it were a small boy, he is lowered into the water by one of the
-elders. This taboo, if broken, would also make the canoe slow. These
-two taboos, however, as was said, are kept only on a new waga, that
-is on such a one which either sails for the first time, or else has
-been relashed and repainted before this trip. The taboos are in all
-cases not operative on the return journey. Women are not allowed to
-enter a new waga before it sails. Certain types of yams may not be
-carried on a canoe, which has been lashed with the rites of one of
-the wayugo magical systems. There are several systems of this magic
-(compare Chapter XVII, Division VII) and each has got its specific
-taboos. These last taboos are to be kept right through the sailing.
-On account of a magic to be described in the next chapter, the magic
-of safety as it might be called, a canoe has to be kept free from
-contact with earth, sand and stones. Hence the natives of Sinaketa
-do not beach their canoes if they can possibly avoid it.
-
-Among the specific taboos of the Kula, called bomala lilava (taboos of
-the magical bundle) there is a strict rule referring to the entering
-of a canoe. This must not be entered from any other point but on the
-vitovaria, that is, the front side of the platform, facing the mast.
-A native has to scale the platform at this place, then, crouching low,
-pass to the back or front, and there descend into the body of the
-canoe, or sit down where he is. The compartment facing the lilava
-(magical bundle) is filled out with other trade goods. In front of
-it sits the chief, behind it the man who handles the sheets. The
-natives have special expressions which denote the various manners
-of illicitly entering a canoe, and, in some of the canoe exorcisms,
-these expressions are used to undo the evil effects of the breaking of
-these taboos. Other prohibitions, which the natives call the taboo of
-the mwasila, though not associated with the lilava, are those which
-do not allow of using flower wreaths, red ornaments, or red flowers
-in decorating the canoe or the bodies of the crew. The red colour of
-such ornaments is, according to native belief, magically incompatible
-with the aim of the expedition--the acquisition of the red spondylus
-necklaces. Also, yams may not be roasted on the outward journey,
-while later on, in Dobu, no local food may be eaten, and the natives
-have to subsist on their own provisions, until the first Kula gifts
-have been received.
-
-There are, besides, definite rules, referring to the behaviour of one
-canoe towards another, but these vary considerably with the different
-villages. In Sinaketa, such rules are very few; no fixed sequence is
-observed in the sailing order of the canoes, anyone of them can start
-first, and if one of them is swifter it may pass any of the others,
-even that of a chief. This, however, has to be done so that the
-slower canoe is not passed on the outrigger side. Should this happen,
-the transgressing canoe has to give the other one a peace offering
-(lula), because it has broken a bomala lilava, it has offended the
-magical bundle.
-
-There is one interesting point with regard to priorities in Sinaketa,
-and to describe this we must hark back to the subject of canoe-building
-and launching. One of the sub-clans of the Lukwasisiga clan, the
-Tolabwaga sub-clan, have the right of priority in all the successive
-operations of piecing together, lashing, caulking, and painting of
-their canoes. All these stages of building and all the magic must first
-be done on the Tolabwaga canoe, and this canoe is also the first to
-be launched. Only afterwards, the chief's and the commoners' canoes
-may follow. A correct observance of this rule 'keeps the sea clean'
-(imilakatile bwarita). If it were broken, and the chiefs had their
-canoes built or launched before the Tolabwaga, the Kula would not
-be successful.
-
-
-    "We go to Dobu, no pig, no soulava necklace is given. We would
-    tell the chiefs: 'Why have you first made your canoes? The
-    ancestor spirits have turned against us, for we have broken the
-    old custom!'"
-
-
-Once at sea, however, the chiefs are first again, in theory at least,
-for in practice the swiftest canoe may sail first.
-
-In the sailing custom of Vakuta, the other South Boyowan community, who
-make the Kula with the Dobu, a sub-clan of the Lukwasisiga clan, called
-Tolawaga, have the privilege of priority in all the canoe-building
-operations. While at sea, they also retain one prerogative, denied to
-all the others: the man who steers with the smaller oar, the tokabina
-viyoyu, is allowed permanently to stand up on the platform. As the
-natives put it,
-
-
-    "This is the sign of the Tolawaga (sub-clan) of Vakuta: wherever
-    we see a man standing up at the viyoyu, we say: 'there sails the
-    canoe of the Tolawaga!'"
-
-
-The greatest privileges, however, granted to a sub-clan in sailing
-are those which are to be found in Kavataria. This fishing and
-sailing community from the North shore of the Lagoon makes distant and
-dangerous sailings to the North-Western end of Fergusson Island. These
-expeditions for sago, betel-nut, and pigs will be described in Chapter
-XXI. Their sea customs, however, have to be mentioned here.
-
-The Kulutula sub-clan of the Lukwasisiga clan enjoy all the same
-privileges of priority in building, as the Tolabwaga and Tolawaga
-clans in the southern villages, only in a still higher degree. For
-their canoe has to pass each stage of construction on the first day,
-and only the day after can the others follow. This refers even to
-launching, the Kulutula canoe being launched one day, and on the next
-those of the chiefs and commoners. When the moment of starting arrives,
-the Kulutula canoe leaves the beach first, and during the sailing no
-one is allowed to pass ahead of it. When they arrive at the sandbanks
-or at an intermediate place in the Amphletts, the Kulutula have to
-anchor first, and first go ashore and make their camp ready. Only after
-that can the others follow. This priority expires at the final point
-of destination. When they arrive at the furthest Koya the Kulutula
-go ashore first, and they are the first to be presented with the
-welcoming gift of the 'foreigner' (tokinana). He receives them with
-a bunch of betel-nut, which he beats against the head of the canoe,
-till the nuts scatter. On the return journey, the Kulutula clan sink
-again into their naturally inferior position.
-
-It may be noted that all the three privileged sub-clans in the three
-villages belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and that the names of two
-of them, Tolawaga, Tolabwaga have a striking resemblance to the word
-toliwaga, although these resemblances would have to be tested by some
-stricter methods of etymological comparison, than I have now at my
-disposal. The fact that these clans, under special circumstances of
-sailing, resume what may be a lost superiority points to an interesting
-historical survival. The name Kulutula is undoubtedly identical with
-Kulutalu, which is an independent totemic clan in the Eastern Marshall
-Bennetts and in Woodlark. [65]
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Let us return now to our Sinaketan fleet, moving southwards along
-the barrier reef and sighting one small island after the other. If
-they did not start very early from Muwa--and delay is one of the
-characteristics of native life--and if they were not favoured with
-a very good wind, they would probably have to put in at one of the
-small sand islands, Legumatabu, Gabuwana or Yakum. Here, on the
-western side, sheltered from the prevalent trade winds, there is a
-diminutive lagoon, bounded by two natural breakwaters of coral reef
-running from the Northern and Southern ends of the island. Fires are
-lit on the clean, white sand, under the scraggy pandanus trees, and
-the natives boil their yam food and the eggs of the wild sea fowl,
-collected on the spot. When darkness closes in and the fires draw
-them all into a circle, the Kula talk begins again.
-
-Let us listen to some such conversations, and try to steep ourselves
-in the atmosphere surrounding this handful of natives, cast for a
-while on to the narrow sandbank, far away from their homes, having
-to trust only to their frail canoes on the long journey which faces
-them. Darkness, the roar of surf breaking on the reef, the dry rattle
-of the pandanus leaves in the wind, all produce a frame of mind in
-which it is easy to believe in the dangers of witches and all the
-beings usually hidden away, but ready to creep out at some special
-moment of horror. The change of tone is unmistakable, when you get
-the natives to talk about these things on such an occasion, from the
-calm, often rationalistic way of treating them in broad daylight in
-an Ethnographer's tent. Some of the most striking revelations I have
-received of this side of native belief and psychology were made to me
-on similar occasions. Sitting on a lonely beach in Sanaroa, surrounded
-by a crew of Trobrianders, Dobuans, and a few local natives, I first
-heard the story of the jumping stones. On a previous night, trying to
-anchor off Gumasila in the Amphletts, we had been caught by a violent
-squall, which tore one of our sails, and forced us to run before the
-wind, on a dark night, in the pouring rain. Except for myself, all
-the members of the crew saw clearly the flying witches in the form
-of a flame at the mast head. Whether this was St. Elmo's fire I could
-not judge, as I was in the cabin, seasick and indifferent to dangers,
-witches, and even ethnographic revelations. Inspired by this incident,
-my crew told me how this is, as a rule, a sign of disaster, how such
-a light appeared a few years ago in a boat, which was sunk almost on
-the same spot where the squall had caught us; but fortunately all
-were saved. Starting from this, all sorts of dangers were spoken
-about, in a tone of deep conviction, rendered perfectly sincere by
-the experiences of the previous night, the surrounding darkness,
-and the difficulties of the situation--for we had to repair our sail
-and again attempt the difficult landing in the Amphletts.
-
-I have always found that whenever natives are found under similar
-circumstances, surrounded by the darkness and the imminent possibility
-of danger, they naturally drift into a conversation about the various
-things and beings into which the fears and apprehensions of generations
-have traditionally crystallised.
-
-Thus if we imagine that we listen to an account of the perils and
-horrors of the seas, sitting round the fire at Yakum or Legumatabu,
-we do not stray from reality. One of those who are specially versed in
-tradition, and who love to tell a story, might refer to one of his own
-experiences; or to a well-known case from the past, while others would
-chime in, and comment, telling their own stories. General statements
-of belief would be given, while the younger men would listen to the
-tales so familiar, but always heard with renewed interest.
-
-They would hear about an enormous octopus (kwita) which lies in wait
-for canoes, sailing over the open seas. It is not an ordinary kwita
-of exceptional size, but a special one, so gigantic that it would
-cover a whole village with its body; its arms are thick as coco-nut
-palms, stretching right across the sea. With typical exaggeration,
-the natives will say: 'ikanubwadi Pilolu,' ... 'he covers up all the
-Pilolu' (the sea-arm between the Trobriands and the Amphletts). Its
-proper home is in the East, 'o Muyuwa,' as the natives describe that
-region of sea and islands, where also it is believed some magic is
-known against the dreadful creature. Only seldom does it come to the
-waters between the Trobriands and Amphletts, but there are people who
-have seen it there. One of the old men of Sinaketa tells how, coming
-from Dobu, when he was quite young, he sailed in a canoe ahead of
-the fleet, some canoes being to the right and some to the left behind
-him. Suddenly from his canoe, they saw the giant kwita right in front
-of them. Paralysed with fear, they fell silent, and the man himself,
-getting up on the platform, by signs warned the other canoes of the
-danger. At once they turned round, and the fleet divided into two,
-took big bends in their course, and thus gave the octopus a wide
-berth. For woe to the canoe caught by the giant kwita! It would be
-held fast, unable to move for days, till the crew, dying of hunger
-and thirst, would decide to sacrifice one of the small boys of
-their number. Adorned with valuables, he would be thrown overboard,
-and then the kwita, satisfied, would let go its hold of the canoe,
-and set it free. Once a native, asked why a grown-up would not be
-sacrificed on such an occasion, gave me the answer:
-
-
-    "A grown-up man would not like it; a boy has got no mind. We take
-    him by force and throw him to the kwita."
-
-
-Another danger threatening a canoe on the high seas, is a big, special
-Rain, or Water falling from above, called Sinamatanoginogi. When in
-rain and bad weather a canoe, in spite of all the efforts to bale it
-out, fills with water, Sinamatanoginogi strikes it from above and
-breaks it up. Whether at the basis of this are the accidents with
-waterspouts, or cloud-bursts or simply extremely big waves breaking
-up the canoe, it is difficult to judge. On the whole, this belief is
-more easily accounted for than the previous one.
-
-The most remarkable of these beliefs is that there are big, live
-stones, which lie in wait for sailing canoes, run after them, jump
-up and smash them to pieces. Whenever the natives have reasons to
-be afraid of them, all the members of the crew will keep silence,
-as laughter and loud talk attracts them. Sometimes they can be seen,
-at a distance, jumping out of the sea or moving on the water. In fact
-I have had them pointed to me, sailing off Koyatabu, and although I
-could see nothing, the natives, obviously, genuinely believed they
-saw them. Of one thing I am certain, however, that there was no reef
-awash there for miles around. The natives also know quite well that
-they are different from any reefs or shallows, for the live stones
-move, and when they perceive a canoe will pursue it, break it up
-on purpose and smash the men. Nor would these expert fishermen ever
-confuse a jumping fish with anything else, though in speaking of the
-stones they may compare them to a leaping dolphin or stingaree.
-
-There are two names given to such stones. One of them, nuwakekepaki,
-applies to the stones met in the Dobuan seas. The other, vineylida,
-to those who live 'o Muyuwa.' Thus, in the open seas, the two
-spheres of culture meet, for the stones not only differ in name but
-also in nature. The nuwakekepaki are probably nothing but malevolent
-stones. The vineylida are inhabited by witches, or according to others,
-by evil male beings. [66] Sometimes a vineylida will spring to the
-surface, and hold fast the canoe, very much in the same manner as
-the giant octopus would do. And here again offerings would have to be
-given. A folded mat would first be thrown, in an attempt to deceive
-it; if this were of no avail, a little boy would be anointed with
-coco-nut oil, adorned with arm-shells and bagi necklaces, and thrown
-over to the evil stones.
-
-It is difficult to realise what natural phenomena or actual
-occurrences might be at the bottom of this belief, and the one of
-the giant octopus. We shall presently meet with a cycle of beliefs
-presenting the same striking features. We shall find a story told
-about human behaviour mixed up with supernatural elements, laying down
-the rules of what would happen, and how human beings would behave,
-in the same matter of fact way, as if ordinary events of tribal life
-were described. I shall have to comment on the psychology of these
-beliefs in the next chapter, where also the story is told. Of all
-the dangerous and frightful beings met with on a sailing expedition,
-the most unpleasant, the best known and most dreaded are the flying
-witches, the yoyova or mulukwausi. The former name means a woman
-endowed with such powers, whereas mulukwausi describes the second
-self of the woman, as it flies disembodied through the air. Thus,
-for instance, they would say that such and such a woman in Wawela
-is a yoyova. But sailing at night, one would have to be on the look
-out for mulukwausi, among whom might possibly be the double of that
-woman in Wawela. Very often, especially at moments when the speaker
-would be under the influence of fear of these beings, the deprecating
-euphemism--'vivila' (women) would be used. And probably our Boyowan
-mariners would speak of them thus in their talk round the campfire,
-for fear of attracting them by sounding their real name. Dangerous as
-they always are, at sea they become infinitely more dreaded. For the
-belief is deep that in case of shipwreck or mishap at sea, no real
-evil can befall the crows except by the agency of the dreaded women.
-
-As through their connection with shipwreck, they enter inevitably into
-our narrative, it will be better to leave our Kula expedition on the
-beach of Yakum in the midst of Pilolu, and to turn in the next chapter
-to Kiriwinian ethnography and give there an account of the natives'
-belief in the flying witches and their legend of shipwreck.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER X
-
-THE STORY OF SHIPWRECK
-
-
-I
-
-In this chapter an account will be given of the ideas and beliefs
-associated with shipwreck, and of the various precautions which
-the natives take to insure their own safety. We shall find here
-a strange mixture of definite, matter of fact information, and of
-fantastic superstitions. Taking a critical, ethnographic side view,
-it may be said directly that the fanciful elements are intertwined
-with the realities in such a manner, that it is difficult to make a
-distinction between what is mere mytho-poetic fiction and what is
-a customary rule of behaviour, drawn from actual experience. The
-best way of presenting this material will be to give a consecutive
-account of a shipwreck, as it is told in Kiriwinian villages by the
-travelled old men to the younger generation. I shall adduce in it
-the several magical formulæ, the rules of behaviour, the part played
-by the miraculous fish, and the complex ritual of the saved party as
-they flee from the pursuing mulukwausi.
-
-These--the flying witches--will play such an important part in the
-account, that I must begin with a detailed description of the various
-beliefs referring to them, though the subject has been touched upon
-once or twice before (Chapter II, Division VII, and other places). The
-sea and sailing upon it are intimately associated in the mind of a
-Boyowan with these women. They had to be mentioned in the description
-of canoe magic, and we shall see what an important part they play
-in the legends of canoe building. In his sailing, whether he goes to
-Kitava or further East, or whether he travels South to the Amphletts
-and Dobu, they form one of the main preoccupations of a Boyowan
-sailor. For they are not only dangerous to him, but to a certain
-extent, foreign. Boyowa, with the exception of Wawela and one or two
-other villages on the Eastern coast, and in the South of the island,
-is an ethnographic district, where the flying witches do not exist,
-although they visit it from time to time. Whereas all the surrounding
-tribes are full of women who practice this form of sorcery. Thus
-sailing South, the Boyowan is travelling straight into the heart of
-their domain.
-
-These women have the power of making themselves invisible, and flying
-at night through the air. The orthodox belief is that a woman who
-is a yoyova can send forth a double which is invisible at will,
-but may appear in the form of a flying fox or of a night bird or a
-firefly. There is also a belief that a yoyova develops within her a
-something, shaped like an egg, or like a young, unripe coco-nut. This
-something is called as a matter of fact kapuwana, which is the word
-for a small coco-nut. [67] This idea remains in the native's mind in
-a vague, indefinite, undifferentiated form, and any attempt to elicit
-a more detailed definition by asking him such questions, as to whether
-the kapuwana is a material object or not, would be to smuggle our own
-categories into his belief, where they do not exist. The kapuwana is
-anyhow believed to be the something which in the nightly flights leaves
-the body of the yoyova and assumes the various forms in which the
-mulukwausi appears. Another variant of the belief about the yoyova is,
-that those who know their magic especially well, can fly themselves,
-bodily transporting themselves through the air.
-
-But it can never be sufficiently emphasised that all these beliefs
-cannot be treated as consistent pieces of knowledge; they flow into
-one another, and even the same native probably holds several views
-rationally inconsistent with one another. Even their terminology
-(compare the last Division of the foregoing chapter), cannot be
-taken as implying a strict distinction or definition. Thus, the word
-yoyova is applied to the woman as we meet her in the village, and
-the word mulukwausi will be used when we see something suspicious
-flying through the air. But it would be incorrect to systematise
-this use into a sort of doctrine and to say: "An individual woman
-is conceived as consisting of an actual living personality called
-yoyova, and of an immaterial, spiritual principle called mulukwausi,
-which in its potential form is the kapuwana." In doing this we would
-do much what the Mediæval Scholastics did to the living faith of
-the early ages. The native feels and fears his belief rather than
-formulates it clearly to himself. He uses terms and expressions, and
-thus, as used by him, we must collect them as documents of belief,
-but abstain from working them out into a consistent theory; for this
-represents neither the native's mind nor any other form of reality.
-
-As we remember from Chapter II, the flying witches are a nefarious
-agency, second in importance to the bwaga'u (male sorcerer), but in
-efficiency far more deadly even than he himself. In contrast to the
-bwaga'u, who is simply a man in possession of a special form of magic,
-the yoyova have to be gradually initiated into their status. Only a
-small child, whose mother is a witch, can become a witch herself. When
-a witch gives birth to a female child, she medicates a piece of
-obsidian, and cuts off the navel string. The navel string is then
-buried, with the recital of a magical formula, in the house, and not,
-as is done in all ordinary cases, in the garden. Soon after, the witch
-will carry her daughter to the sea beach, utter a spell over some brine
-in a coco-nut cup, and give the child to drink. After that, the child
-is submerged in water and washed, a kind of witch's baptism! Then
-she brings back the baby into the house, utters a spell over a mat,
-and folds her up in it. At night, she carries the baby through the
-air, and goes to a trysting place of other yoyova, where she presents
-her child ritually to them. In contrast to the usual custom of young
-mothers of sleeping over a small fire, a sorceress lies with her baby
-in the cold. As the child grows up, the mother will take it into her
-arms and carry it through the air on her nightly rounds. Entering
-girlhood at the age when the first grass skirt is put on a maiden,
-the little prospective witch will begin to fly herself.
-
-Another system of training, running side by side with flying, consists
-in accustoming the child to participation in human flesh. Even before
-the growing witch will begin to fly on her own account, the mother
-will take her to the ghoulish repasts, where she and other witches
-sit over a corpse, eating its eyes, tongue, lungs, and entrails. There
-the little girl receives her first share of corpse flesh, and trains
-her taste to like this diet.
-
-There are other forms of training ascribed to mothers solicitous that
-their daughters should grow up into efficient yoyova and mulukwausi. At
-night the mother will stand on one side of the hut, with the child in
-her hands, and throw the little one over the roof. Then quickly, with
-the speed only possible to a yoyova, she will move round, and catch the
-child on the other side. This happens before the child begins to fly,
-and is meant to accustom it to passing rapidly through the air. Or
-again, the child will be held by her feet, head down, and remain in
-this position while the mother utters a spell. Thus gradually, by
-all these means, the child acquires the powers and tastes of a yoyova.
-
-It is easy to pick out such girls from other children. They will
-be recognisable by their crude tastes, and more especially by their
-habit of eating raw flesh of pigs or uncooked fish. And here we come
-to a point, where mythical superstition plays over into something more
-real, for I have been assured by reliable informants, and those not
-only natives, that there are cases of girls who will show a craving
-for raw meat, and when a pig is being quartered in the village will
-drink its blood and tear up its flesh. These statements I never could
-verify by direct observations, and they may be only the result of
-very strong belief projecting its own realities, as we see on every
-side in our own society in miraculous cures, spiritistic phenomena,
-etc., etc. If, however, the eating of raw flesh by girl children
-really occurs, this simply means that they play up to what they know
-is said and believed about them. This again is a phenomenon of social
-psychology met with in many phases of Trobriand society and in our own.
-
-This does not mean that the character of a yoyova is publicly
-donned. Indeed, though a man often owns up to the fact that he is
-a bwaga'u, and treats his speciality quite openly in conversation,
-a woman will never directly confess to being a yoyova, not even to
-her own husband. But she will certainly be marked by everyone as such
-a one, and she will often play up to the rôle, for it is always an
-advantage to be supposed to be endowed with supernatural powers. And
-moreover, being a sorceress is also a good source of income. A
-woman will often receive presents with the understanding that such
-and such a person has to be injured. She will openly take gifts,
-avowedly in payment for healing someone who has been hurt by another
-witch. Thus the character of a yoyova is, in a way, a public one,
-and the most important and powerful witches will be enumerated by
-name. But no woman will ever openly speak about being one. Of course
-to have such a character would in no way spoil matrimonial chances,
-or do anything but enhance the social status of a woman.
-
-So deep is the belief in the efficacy of magic, and in magic being the
-only means of acquiring extraordinary faculties, that all powers of a
-yoyova are attributed to magic. As we saw in the training of a young
-yoyova, magic has to be spoken at every stage in order to impart to
-her the character of a witch. A full blown yoyova has to utter special
-magic each time she wishes to be invisible, or when she wants to fly,
-or acquire higher speed, or penetrate darkness and distance in order to
-find out whether an accident is happening there. But like everything
-referring to this form of witchcraft, these formulæ never come to
-light. Although I was able to acquire a whole body of spells of the
-bwaga'u sorcery, I could not even lift the fringe of the impenetrable
-veil, surrounding the magic of the yoyova. As a matter of fact,
-there is not the slightest doubt for me that not one single rite,
-not one single word of this magic, have ever existed.
-
-Once a mulukwausi is fully trained in her craft, she will often
-go at night to feed on corpses or to destroy shipwrecked mariners,
-for these are her two main pursuits. By a special sense, acquired
-through magic, she can 'hear,' as the natives say, that a man has
-died at such and such a place, or that a canoe is in danger. Even
-a young apprenticed yoyova will have her hearing so sharpened that
-she will tell her mother: "Mother, I hear, they cry!" Which means
-that a man is dead or dying at some place. Or she will say: "Mother,
-a waga is sinking!" And then they both will fly to the spot.
-
-When she goes out on such an errand, the yoyova leaves her body
-behind. Then she climbs a tree, and reciting some magic, she ties
-a creeper to it. Then, she flies off, along this creeper, which
-snaps behind her. This is the moment when we see the fire flying
-through the sky. Whenever the natives see a falling star, they know
-it is a mulukwausi on her flight. Another version is that, when a
-mulukwausi recites a certain spell, a tree which stands somewhere
-near her destination bends down towards the other tree on which she
-is perched. She jumps from one top to the other, and it is then that
-we see the fire. According to some versions, the mulukwausi, that is,
-the witch in her flying state, moves about naked, leaving her skirt
-round the body, which remains asleep in the hut. Other versions depict
-her as tying her skirt tightly round her when flying, and beating her
-buttocks with a magical pandanus streamer. These latter versions are
-embodied in the magic quoted above in Chapter V.
-
-Arrived at the place where lies the corpse, the mulukwausi, with others
-who have also flown to the spot, perches on some high object, the top
-of a tree or the gable of a hut. There they all wait till they can
-feast on the corpse, and such is their greed and appetite that they
-are also very dangerous to living men. People who collect round the
-dead body to mourn and wake over it often have a special spell against
-the mulukwausi recited over them, by the one who knows it. They are
-careful not to stray away from the others, and, during burial of the
-dead and afterwards, they believe the air to be infested with these
-dangerous witches, who spread the smell of carrion around them.
-
-The mulukwausi will eat out the eyes, the tongue, and the 'insides'
-(lopoula) of the corpse; when they attack a living man they may
-simply hit him or kick him, and then he becomes more or less sick. But
-sometimes they get hold of an individual and treat him like a corpse
-and eat some of his organs, and then the man dies. It is possible
-to diagnose this, for such a person would quickly fail, losing his
-speech, his vision, sometimes suddenly being bereft of all power of
-movement. It is a less dangerous method to the living man when the
-mulukwausi instead of eating his 'insides' on the spot, simply remove
-them. They hide them in a place only known to themselves, in order
-to have provision for a future feast. In that case there is some hope
-for the victim. Another yoyova, summoned quickly by the relations of
-the dying and well paid by them, will, in the form of a mulukwausi,
-go forth, search for the missing organs, and, if she is fortunate
-enough to find and restore them, save the life of the victim.
-
-Kenoriya, the favourite daughter of To'ulawa, the chief of Omarakana,
-while on a visit to another village, was deprived of her internal
-organs by the mulukwausi. When brought home, she could neither move
-nor speak, and lay down as if dead. Her mother and other relatives
-already began their mortuary wailing over her, the chief himself
-broke out into loud lamentations. But nevertheless, as a forlorn
-hope, they sent for a woman from Wawela, a well-known yoyova, who
-after receiving valuables and food, flew out as a mulukwausi, and the
-very next night found Kenoriya's insides somewhere in the raybwag,
-near the beach of Kaulukuba, and restored her to health.
-
-Another authentic story is that of the daughter of a Greek trader
-and a Kiriwinian woman from Oburaku. This story was told me by the
-lady herself, in perfectly correct English, learnt in one of the
-white settlements of New Guinea, where she had been brought up in
-the house of a leading missionary. But the story was not spoilt by
-any scepticism; it was told with perfect simplicity and conviction.
-
-When she was a little girl, a woman called Sewawela, from the Island
-of Kitava, but married to a man of Wawela, came to her parents'
-house and wanted to sell a mat. They did not buy it, and gave her
-only a little food, which, as she was a renowned yoyova and accustomed
-therefore to deferential treatment, made her angry. When night came,
-the little one was playing on the beach in front of the house, when
-the parents saw a big firefly hovering about the child. The insect
-then flew round the parents and went into the room. Seeing that
-there was something strange about the firefly, they called the girl
-and put her to bed at once. But she fell ill immediately, could not
-sleep all night, and the parents, with many native attendants, had
-to keep watch over her. Next morning, added the Kiriwinian mother,
-who was listening to her daughter telling me the tale, the girl
-"boge ikarige; kukula wala ipipisi," "she was dead already, but her
-heart was still beating." All the women present broke out into the
-ceremonial lamentations. The father of the girl's mother, however,
-went to Wawela, and got hold of another yoyova, called Bomrimwari. She
-took some herbs and smeared her own body all over. Then she went
-out in the form of a mulukwausi in search of the girl's lopoulo
-(inside). She searched about and found it in the hut of Sewawela,
-where it lay on the shelf on which are kept the big clay-pots, in
-which the mona (taro pudding), is cooked ceremonially. There it lay
-"red as calico." Sewawela had left it there, while she went into the
-garden with her husband, meaning to eat it on her return. Had this
-happened, the girl could not have been saved. As soon as Bomrimwari
-found it, she made some magic over it then and there. Then she came
-back to the trader's compound, made some more magic over ginger-root,
-and water, and caused the lopoulo to return to its place. After that,
-the little girl soon got better. A substantial payment was given by
-the parents to the yoyova for saving their child.
-
-Living in Oburaku, a village on the Southern half of Boyowa, I was
-on the boundary between the district where the yoyova do not exist,
-and the other one, to the East, where they are plentiful. On the other
-side of the Island, which is very narrow at this part, is the village
-of Wawela, where almost every woman is reputed to be a witch, and some
-are quite notorious. Going over the raybwag at night, the natives
-of Oburaku would point out certain fireflies which would suddenly
-disappear, not to relight again. These were the mulukwausi. Again,
-at night, swarms of flying foxes used to flap over the tall trees,
-making for the big, swampy Island of Boymapo'u which closes in the
-Lagoon opposite the village. These too were mulukwausi, travelling
-from the East, their real home. They also used to perch on the tops
-of the trees growing on the water's edge, and this was therefore an
-especially dangerous spot after sunset. I was often warned not to
-sit there on the platforms of the beached canoes, as I liked to do,
-watching the play of colours on the smooth, muddy waters, and on the
-bright mangroves. When I fell ill soon after, everybody decided that
-I had been 'kicked' by the mulukwausi, and some magic was performed
-over me by my friend Molilakwa, the same who gave me some formulæ of
-kayga'u, the magic spoken at sea against witches. In this case his
-efforts were entirely successful, and my quick recovery was attributed
-by the natives solely to the spells.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-What interests us most about mulukwausi, is their association with
-the sea and shipwreck. Very often they will roam over the sea, and
-meet at a trysting place on a reef. There they will partake of a
-special kind of coral, broken off from a reef, a kind called by the
-natives nada. This whets their appetite for human flesh, exactly as
-the drinking of salt water does with the bwaga'u. They have also some
-indirect power over the elements in the sea. Although the natives
-do not quite agree on the point, there is no doubt that a definite
-connection exists between the mulukwausi and all the other dangers
-which may be met in the sea, such as sharks, the 'gaping depth'
-(ikapwagega wiwitu), many of the small sea animals, crabs, some of
-the shells and the other things to be mentioned presently, all of
-which are considered to be the cause of death of drowning men. Thus
-the belief is quite definite that, in being cast into the water
-by the shipwreck, men do not meet any real danger except by being
-eaten by the mulukwausi, the sharks, and the other animals. If by the
-proper magic these influences can be obviated, the drowning men will
-escape unscathed. The belief in the omnipotence of man, or rather,
-woman in this case, and of the equal power in antidoting by magic,
-governs all the ideas of these natives about shipwreck. The supreme
-remedy and insurance against any dangers lies in the magic of mist,
-called kayga'u, which, side by side with Kula magic, and the magic
-of the canoes, is the third of the indispensable magical equipments
-of a sailor.
-
-A man who knows well the kayga'u is considered to be able to travel
-safely through the most dangerous seas. A renowned chief, Maniyuwa,
-who was reputed as one of the greatest masters in kayga'u as well as
-in other magic, died in Dobu on an expedition about two generations
-ago. His son, Maradiana, had learnt his father's kayga'u. Although
-the mulukwausi are extremely dangerous in the presence of a corpse,
-and though the natives would never dream of putting a dead body on
-a canoe, and thus multiplying the probabilities of an attack by the
-witches, still, Maradiana, trusting to his kayga'u, brought the corpse
-back to Boyowa without mishap. This act, a testimony to the daring
-sailor's great prowess, and to the efficiency of the kayga'u magic,
-is kept alive in the memory and tradition of the natives. One of my
-informants, boasting of his kayga'u, told me how once, on a return
-from Dobu, he performed his rites. Such a mist arose as a consequence
-of it that the rest of the canoes lost their way, and arrived in the
-island of Kayleula. Indeed, if we can speak of a belief being alive,
-that is, of having a strong hold over human imagination, the belief
-in the danger from mulukwausi at sea is emphatically such a one. In
-times of mental stress, in times of the slightest danger at sea,
-or when a dying or dead person is near, the natives at once respond
-emotionally in terms of this belief. No one could live among these
-natives, speaking their language, and following their tribal life,
-without constantly coming up against the belief in mulukwausi, and
-in the efficiency of the kayga'u.
-
-As in all other magic, also here, there are various systems of kayga'u,
-that is, there are various formulæ, slightly differing in their
-expressions, though usually similar in their fundamental wordings
-and in certain 'key' expressions. In each system, there are two main
-types of spells, the giyotanawa, or the kayga'u of the Underneath,
-and the giyorokaywa, or the kayga'u of the Above. The first one usually
-consists of a short formula or formulæ spoken over some stones and some
-lime in a lime pot and over some ginger root. This giyotanawa, as its
-name indicates, is magic directed against the evil agencies, awaiting
-the drowning men from below. Its spells close up 'the gaping depth' and
-they screen off the shipwrecked men from the eyes of the sharks. They
-also protect them from the other evil things, which cause the death of
-a man in drowning. The several little sea worms found on the beach,
-the crabs, the poisonous fish, soka, and the spiky fish, baiba'i,
-as well as the jumping stones, whether vineylida or nu'akekepaki,
-are all warded off and blinded by the giyotanawa. Perhaps the most
-extraordinary belief in this connection is that the tokwalu, the
-carved human figures on the prow boards, the guwaya, the semi-human
-effigy on the mast top, as well as the canoe ribs would 'eat' the
-drowning men if not magically 'treated.'
-
-The kayga'u of the 'Above,' the giyorokaywa, consists of long spells,
-recited over some ginger root, on several occasions before sailing,
-and during bad weather or shipwreck. They are directed exclusively
-against the mulukwausi, and form therefore the more important
-class of the two. These spells must never be recited at night, as
-then the mulukwausi could see and hear the man, and make his magic
-inefficient. Again, the spell of the Above, when recited at sea,
-must be spoken so that the magician is not covered with spray, for
-if his mouth were wet with sea water, the smell would attract rather
-than disperse, the flying witches. The man who knows the kayga'u must
-also be very careful at meal times. Children may not speak, play about,
-or make any noise while he eats, nor should anyone go round him behind
-his back while he is thus engaged; normay they point out anything with
-the finger. Should the man be thus disturbed during his food, he would
-have to stop eating at once, and not resume it till the next meal time.
-
-Now the leading idea of kayga'u is that it produces some sort of
-mist. The mulukwausi who follow the canoe, the sharks and live stones
-which lie in wait for it, the depth with all its horror, and the débris
-of the canoe ready to harm the owner, all these are blinded by the mist
-that arises in obedience to these spells. Thus the paralysing effect of
-these two main forms of magic and the specialised sphere of influence
-of each of them, are definite and clear dogmas of native belief.
-
-But here again we must not try to press the interpretation of these
-dogmas too far. Some sort of mist covers the eyes of all the evil
-agencies or blinds them; it makes the natives invisible from them. But
-to ask whether the kayga'u produces a real mist, visible also to
-man, or only a supernatural one, visible only to the mulukwausi; or
-whether it simply blinds their eyes so that they see nothing, would
-be asking too much. The same native who will boast of having produced
-a real mist, so great that it led astray his companions, will next
-day perform the kayga'u in the village during a burial, and affirm
-that the mulukwausi are in a mist, though obviously a perfectly clear
-atmosphere surrounds the whole proceedings. The natives will tell how,
-sailing on a windy but clear day, after a kayga'u has been recited
-into the eye of the wind, they hear the shrieks of the mulukwausi,
-who, losing their companions and the scent of the trail, hail one
-another in the dark. Again, some expressions seem to represent the view
-that it is mainly an action on the eyes of the witches. 'Idudubila
-matala mulukwausi,'--'It darkens the eyes of the mulukwausi,' or
-'iguyugwayu'--'It blinds,' the natives will say. And when asked:
-
-
-    "What do the mulukwausi see, then?" they will answer: "They will
-    see mist only. They do not see the places, they do not see the men,
-    only mist."
-
-
-Thus here, as in all cases of belief, there is a certain latitude,
-within which the opinions and views may vary, and only the broad
-outline, which surrounds them, is definitely fixed by tradition,
-embodied in ritual, and expressed by the phraseology of magical
-formulæ or by the statements of a myth.
-
-I have thus defined the manner in which the natives face the dangers
-of the sea; we have found, that the fundamental conceptions underlying
-this attitude are, that in shipwreck, men are entirely in the hands
-of the witches, and that from this, only their own magical defence
-can save them. This defence consists in the rites and formulæ of the
-kayga'u, of which we have also learnt the leading principles. Now, a
-consecutive description must be given of how this magic is performed
-when a toliwaga sets out on an expedition. And following up this
-expedition, it must be told how the natives imagine a shipwreck,
-and what they believe the behaviour of the shipwrecked party would be.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-I shall give this narrative in a consecutive manner, as it was told
-to me by some of the most experienced and renowned Trobriand sailors
-in Sinaketa, Oburaku, and Omarakana. We can imagine that exactly
-such a narrative would be told by a veteran toliwaga to his usagelu
-on the beach of Yakum, as our Kula party sit round the camp fires
-at night. One of the old men, well-known for the excellence of his
-kayga'u, and boastful of it, would tell his story, entering minutely
-into all the details, however often the others might have heard about
-them before, or even assisted at the performance of his magic. He
-would then proceed to describe, with extreme realism, and dwelling
-graphically on every point, the story of a shipwreck, very much as if
-he had gone through one himself. As a matter of fact, no one alive
-at present has had any personal experience of such a catastrophe,
-though many have lived through frequent narrow escapes in stormy
-weather. Based on this, and on what they have heard themselves
-of the tradition of shipwrecks, natives will tell the story with
-characteristic vividness. Thus, the account given below is not only
-a summary of native belief, it is an ethnographic document in itself,
-representing the manner in which such type of narrative would be told
-over camp fires, the same subject being over and over again repeated
-by the same man, and listened to by the same audience, exactly as we,
-when children, or the peasants of Eastern Europe, will hearken to
-familiar fairy tales and Märchen. The only deviation here from what
-would actually take place in such a story-telling, is the insertion of
-magical formulæ into the narrative. The speaker might indeed repeat
-his magic, were he speaking in broad daylight, in his village, to a
-group of close kinsmen and friends. But being on a small island in
-the middle of the ocean, and at night, the recital of spells would be
-a taboo of the kayga'u; nor would a man ever recite his magic before
-a numerous audience, except on certain occasions at mortuary vigils,
-where people are expected to chant their magic aloud before hundreds
-of listeners.
-
-Returning then again to our group of sailors, who sit under the stunted
-pandanus trees of Yakum, let us listen to one of the companions of
-the daring Maradiana, now dead, to one of the descendants of the
-great Maniyuwa. He will tell us how, early in the morning, on the
-day of departure from Sinaketa, or sometimes on the next morning,
-when they leave Muwa, he performs the first rite of kayga'u. Wrapping
-up a piece of leyya (wild ginger root) in a bit of dried banana leaf,
-he chants over it the long spell of the giyorokaywa, the kayga'u of
-the Above. He chants this spell into the leaf, holding it cup-shaped,
-with the morsel of ginger root at the bottom, so that the spell
-might enter into the substance to be medicated. After that, the leaf
-is immediately wrapped round, so as to imprison the magical virtue,
-and the magician ties the parcel round his left arm, with a piece of
-bast or string. Sometimes he will medicate two bits of ginger and make
-two parcels, of which the other will be placed in a string necklet,
-and carried on his breast. Our narrator, who is the master of one
-of the canoes, will probably not be the only one within the circle
-round the camp fire, who carries these bundles of medicated ginger;
-for though a toliwaga must always perform this rite as well as know all
-the other magic of shipwreck, as a rule several of the older members
-of his crew also know it, and have also prepared their magical bundles.
-
-This is one of the spells of the giyorokaywa, such as the old man
-said over the ginger root:
-
-
-                   GIYOROKAYWA NO. 1 (LEYYA KAYGA'U).
-
-    "I will befog Muyuwa!" (repeated). "I will befog
-    Misima!" (repeated). "The mist springs up; the mist makes them
-    tremble. I befog the front, I shut off the rear; I befog the
-    rear, I shut off the front. I fill with mist, mist springs up;
-    I fill with mist, the mist which makes them tremble."
-
-    This is the opening part of the formula, very clear, and easy to
-    be translated. The mist is magically invoked, the word for mist
-    being repeated with several verbal combinations, in a rhythmic and
-    alliterative manner. The expression tremble, maysisi, refers to
-    a peculiar belief, that when a sorcerer or sorceress approaches
-    the victim, and this man paralyses them with a counter spell,
-    they lose their bearings, and stand there trembling.
-
-    The main part of this spell opens up with the word 'aga'u,' 'I
-    befog,' which, like all such leading words of a spell is first of
-    all intoned in a long, drawn-out chant, and then quickly repeated
-    with a series of words. Then the word 'aga'u' is replaced by 'aga'u
-    sulu,' 'I befog, lead astray,' which in its turn makes way for,
-    'aga'u boda,' 'I befog, shut off.' The list of words repeated
-    in succession with each of these three expressions is a long
-    one. It is headed by the words 'the eyes of the witches.' Then,
-    'the eyes of the sea-crab.' Then, always with the word 'eyes,'
-    the animals, worms and insects which threaten drowning men in the
-    sea, are enumerated. After they are exhausted, the various parts
-    of the body are repeated; then finally, a long list of villages
-    is recited, preceded by the word aga'u, forming phrases such as:
-    "I befog the eyes of the women of Wawela, etc."
-
-    Let us reconstruct a piece of this middle part in a consecutive
-    manner. "I befog ...! I befog, I befog, the eyes of the witches! I
-    befog the eyes of the little crabs! I befog the eyes of the hermit
-    crab! I befog the eyes of the insects on the beach! ... etc."
-
-    "I befog the hand, I befog the foot, I befog the head. I befog
-    the shoulders ... etc."
-
-    "I befog the eyes of the women of Wawela; I befog the eyes of the
-    women of Kaulasi; I befog the eyes of the women of Kumilabwaga,
-    I befog the eyes of the women of Vakuta ... etc., etc."
-
-    "I befog, lead astray, the eyes of the witches; I befog, lead
-    astray the eyes of the little crab! ... etc."
-
-    "I befog, shut off the eyes of the witches, I befog, shut off
-    the eyes of the little crab ... etc., etc."
-
-    It can easily be seen how long drawn such a spell is, especially
-    as in this middle part, the magician will often come back to where
-    he has started, and repeat the leading word over and over again
-    with the others. Indeed, this can be taken as a typical tapwana,
-    or middle part, of a long spell, where the leading words are,
-    so to speak, well rubbed into the various other expressions. One
-    feature of this middle part is remarkable, namely, that the
-    beings from below, the crabs, the sea insects and worms are
-    invoked, although the spell is one of the giyorokaywa type,
-    the magic of the Above. This is an inconsistency frequently met
-    with; a contradiction between the ideas embodied in the spell,
-    and the theory of the magic, as explicitly formulated by the
-    informants. The parts of the body enumerated in the tapwana
-    refer to the magician's own person, and to his companions in the
-    canoe. By this part of the spell, he surrounds himself and all
-    his companions with mist, which makes them invisible to all the
-    evil influences.
-
-    After the long tapwana has been recited, there follows the last
-    part, which, however, is not chanted in this case, but spoken in
-    a low, persuasive, tender voice.
-
-    "I hit thy flanks; I fold over thy mat, thy bleached mat of
-    pandanus; I shall make it into thy mantle. I take thy sleeping
-    doba (grass skirt), I cover thy loins; remain there, snore within
-    thy house! I alone myself" (here the reciter's name is uttered)
-    "I shall remain in the sea, I shall swim!"
-
-
-This last part throws some interesting sidelights on native belief
-in mulukwausi. We see here the expression of the idea that the body
-of the witch remains in the house, whilst she herself goes out on her
-nefarious errand. Molilakwa, the magician of Oburaku who gave me this
-spell, said in commentary to this last part:
-
-
-    "The yoyova casts off her body (inini wowola--which really means
-    'peals off her skin'); she lies down and sleeps, we hear her
-    snoring. Her covering (kapwalela that is, her outward body,
-    her skin) remains in the house, and she herself flies (titolela
-    biyova). Her skirt remains in the house, she flies naked. When
-    she meets men, she eats us. In the morning, she puts on her body,
-    and lies down in her hut. When we cover her loins with the doba,
-    she cannot fly any more."
-
-
-This last sentence refers to the magical act of covering, as expressed
-in the last part of the spell.
-
-Here we find another variant of belief as to the nature of the
-mulukwausi, to be added to those mentioned before. Previously we
-met the belief of the disassociation of the woman into the part that
-remains, and the part that flies. But here the real personality is
-located in the flying part, whereas what remains is the 'covering.' To
-imagine the mulukwausi, the flying part, as a 'sending,' in the light
-of this belief, would not be correct. In general, such categories
-as 'agent,' and 'sending,' or as 'real self' and 'emanation' etc.,
-etc., can be applied to native belief as rough approximations only,
-and the exact definition should be given in terms of native statement.
-
-The final sentence of this spell, containing the wish to remain alone
-in the sea, to be allowed to swim and drift, is a testimony to the
-belief that without mulukwausi, there is no danger to a man adrift
-on a piece of wreckage among the foaming waves of a stormy sea.
-
-After reciting this lengthy spell, the toliwaga, as he tells us in
-his narrative, has had to perform another rite, this time, over his
-lime-pot. Taking out the stopper of rolled palm leaf and plaited
-fibre from the baked and decorated gourd in which he keeps his lime,
-he utters another spell of the giyorokaywa cycle:
-
-
-                   GIYOROKAYWA NO. 2 (PWAKA KAYGA'U).
-
-    "There on Muruwa, I arise, I stand up! Iwa, Sewatupa, at
-    the head--I rumble, I disperse. Kasabwaybwayreta, Namedili,
-    Toburitolu, Tobwebweso, Tauva'u, Bo'abwa'u, Rasarasa. They are
-    lost, they disappear."
-
-    This beginning, full of archaic expressions, implicit meanings
-    and allusions and personal names, is very obscure. The first
-    words refer probably to the head-quarters of sorcery; Muruwa
-    (or Murua--Woodlark Island), Iwa, Sewatupa. The long list of
-    personal names following afterwards contains some mythical ones,
-    like Kasabwaybwayreta, and some others, which I cannot explain,
-    though the words Tobwebweso, Tauva'u, and Bo'abwa'u suggest that
-    this is a list in which some sorcerers' names figure. As a rule,
-    in such spells, a list of names signifies that all those who have
-    used and handed down this formula, are enumerated. In some cases
-    the people mentioned are frankly mythical heroes. Sometimes a
-    few mythical names are chanted, and then comes a string of actual
-    people, forming a sort of pedigree of the spell. If these in this
-    spell are ancestor names they all refer to mythical personalities,
-    and not to real ancestors. [68] The last words contained an
-    expression typical of the kayga'u. Then comes the middle part.
-
-    "I arise, I escape from bara'u; I arise, I escape from yoyova. I
-    arise, I escape from mulukwausi. I arise, I escape from bowo'u,
-    etc.," repeating the leading words "I arise, I escape from--"
-    with the words used to describe the flying witches in the various
-    surrounding districts. Thus the word bara'u comes from Muyuwa
-    (Woodlark Island), where it describes the sorceress, and not,
-    as in other Massim districts, a male sorcerer. The words yoyova,
-    mulukwausi need no explanation. Bowo'u is an Amphlettan word. Words
-    from Dobu, Tubetube, etc., follow. Then the whole period is
-    repeated, adding 'eyes of' in the middle of each phrase, so that
-    it runs:
-
-    "I arise, I escape from the eyes of the bara'u. I arise, I escape
-    from the eyes of the yoyova, etc." The leading words, 'I arise,
-    I escape from' are then replaced by: 'They wander astray,' which,
-    again, make way to 'the sea is cleared off.' This whole middle
-    part of the spell is clear, and needs no commentary. Then comes
-    the concluding period (dogina):
-
-    "I am a manuderi (small bird), I am a kidikidi (small sea bird),
-    I am a floating log, I am a piece of sea-weed; I shall produce
-    mist till it encloses all, I shall befog, I shall shut off with
-    fog. Mist, enveloped in mist, dissolving in mist am I. Clear is
-    the sea, (the mulukwausi are) straying in mist." This part also
-    needs no special commentary.
-
-
-This is again a long spell of the giyorokaywa type, that is, directed
-against the mulukwausi, and in this the spell is consistent, for the
-mulukwausi alone are invoked in the middle period.
-
-After the spell has been chanted into the lime pot, this is well
-stoppered, and not opened till the end of the journey. It must be noted
-that these two giyorokaywa spells have been spoken by our toliwaga in
-the village or on Muwa beach, and in day time. For, as said above,
-it is a taboo to utter them in the night or at sea. From the moment
-he has spoken these two spells, both medicated substances, the ginger
-root and the lime in the lime pot, remain near him. He has also in the
-canoe some stones of those brought from the Koya, and called binabina,
-in distinction to the dead coral, which is called dakuna. Over these
-stones, at the moment of the occurrence of danger, a spell of the
-Underneath, a giyotanawa will be recited. The following is a formula
-of this type, short as they always are.
-
-
-                   GIYOTANAWA NO. 1 (DAKUNA KAYGA'U).
-
-    "Man, bachelor, woman, young girl; woman, young girl, man,
-    bachelor! Traces, traces obliterated by cobwebs; traces,
-    obliterated by turning up (the material in which they were
-    left); I press, I close down! Sharks of Dukutabuya, I press,
-    I close down; Sharks of Kaduwaga, I press, I close down," etc.,
-    the sharks of Muwa, Galeya, Bonari, and Kaulokoki being invoked
-    in turn. All these words are names of marked parts of the sea,
-    in and around the Trobriand Lagoon. The formula ends up with
-    the following peroration: "I press down thy neck, I open up thy
-    passage of Kiyawa, I kick thee down, O shark. Duck down under
-    water, shark. Die, shark, die away."
-
-
-The commentary to the opening sentences given by my informant,
-Molilakwa of Oburaku, was:
-
-
-    "This magic is taught to people when they are quite young. Hence
-    the mention of young people."
-
-
-The obliterating of traces will be made clearer by the account
-which follows, in which we shall see that to obliterate traces, to
-put off the scent the shark and mulukwausi are the main concerns of
-the shipwrecked party. The middle part refers to sharks only, and so
-does the peroration. The passage of Kiyawa near Tuma is mentioned in
-several types of magical exorcisms, when the evil influence is being
-banished. This passage lies between the main island and the island
-of Tuma, and leads into the unknown regions of the North-Western seas.
-
-It will be best to quote here another formula of the giyotanawa type,
-and a very dramatic one. For this is the formula spoken at the critical
-moment of shipwreck. At the moment when the sailors decide to abandon
-the craft and to plunge into the sea, the toliwaga stands up in the
-canoe, and slowly turning round so as to throw his words towards all
-four winds, intones in a loud voice this spell:
-
-
-                           GIYOTANAWA NO. 2.
-
-    "Foam, foam, breaking wave, wave! I shall enter into the breaking
-    wave, I shall come out from behind it. I shall enter from behind
-    into the wave, and I shall come out in its breaking foam!"
-
-    "Mist, gathering mist, encircling mist, surround, surround me!"
-
-    "Mist, gathering mist, encircling mist, surround, surround me,
-    my mast!
-
-    Mist, gathering mist, etc. ... surround me, the nose of my canoe.
-
-    Mist, etc. ... surround me, my sail,
-
-    Mist, etc. ... surround me, my steering oar,
-
-    Mist, etc. ... surround me, my rigging,
-
-    Mist, etc. ... surround me, my platform,"
-
-    And so on, enumerating one after the other all the parts of the
-    canoe and its accessories. Then comes the final part of the spell:
-
-    "I shut off the skies with mist; I make the sea tremble with mist;
-    I close up your mouth, sharks, bonubonu (small worms), ginukwadewo
-    (other worms). Go underneath and we shall swim on top."
-
-
-Little is needed as a commentary to this magic. Its beginning is
-very clear, and singularly well depicts the situation in which it
-is uttered. The end refers directly to the primary aim of the magic,
-to the warding off of the Underneath, of the dangerous animals in the
-sea. The only ambiguity refers to the middle part, where the magical
-leading words of 'enveloping by mist' are associated with a list of
-names of the parts of the canoe. I am not certain whether this is to
-be interpreted, in the sense that the toliwaga wants to surround his
-whole canoe with mist so that it may not be seen by the sharks, etc.,
-or whether, on the contrary, just on the verge of abandoning his canoe,
-and anxious to cut himself off from its various parts which may turn
-on him and 'eat him,' he therefore wants to surround each of them
-with mist so that it may be blinded. The latter interpretation fits
-the above-quoted belief that certain parts of the canoe, especially
-the carved human figures on the prow-board and the mast, the ribs
-of the canoe, and certain other parts of its construction, 'eat' the
-shipwrecked men. But again, in this spell, there are enumerated not
-certain parts, but every part, and that undoubtedly is not consistent
-with this belief, so the question must remain open.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-I have anticipated some of the events of the consecutive narrative
-of shipwreck, in order to give the two last mentioned magical formulæ
-first, and not to have to interrupt the tale of our toliwaga, to which
-we now return. We left it at the point where, having said his first
-two kayga'u formulæ over the ginger and into the lime pot, he embarks,
-keeping these two things handy, and putting some binabina stones
-within his reach. From here, his narrative becomes more dramatic. He
-describes the approaching storm:
-
-
-                  NARRATIVE OF SHIPWRECK AND SALVAGE.
-
-    "The canoe sails fast; the wind rises; big waves come; the wind
-    booms, du-du-du-du.... The sails flutter; the lamina (outrigger)
-    rises high! All the usagelu crouch on the lamina. I speak magic to
-    calm the wind. The big spell of the Sim-sim. They know all about
-    yavata (North-Westerley Monsoon wind). They live in the eye of
-    the yavata. The wind abates not, not a little bit. It booms, it
-    gains strength, it booms loud du-du-du-du-du. All the usagelu are
-    afraid. The mulukwausi scream, u-ú, u-ú, u-ú, u; their voices are
-    heard in the wind. With the wind they scream and come flying. The
-    veva (sheet rope) is torn from the hands of the tokabinaveva. The
-    sail flutters freely in the wind; it is torn away. It flies
-    far into the sea; it falls on the waters. The waves break over
-    the canoe. I stand up. I take the binabina stones; I recite the
-    kayga'u over them, the giyotanawa, the spell of the Underneath. The
-    short spell, the very strong spell. I throw the stones into the
-    deep. They weigh down the sharks, the vineylida; they close the
-    Gaping Depth. The fish cannot see us. I stand up, I take my lime
-    pot; I break it. The lime I throw into the wind. It wraps us up
-    in mist. Such a mist that no one can see us. The mulukwausi lose
-    sight of us. We hear them shout near by. They shout u-û, u-û, u-û,
-    u. The sharks, the bonubonu, the soka do not see us; the water
-    is turbid. The canoe is swamped, the water is in it. It drifts
-    heavily, the waves break over us. We break the vatotuwa, (the
-    sticks joining the float to the platform). The lamina (outrigger
-    float) is severed; we jump from the waga; we catch hold of the
-    lamina. On the lamina we drift. I utter the great Kaytaria spell;
-    the big fish iraviyaka comes. It lifts us. It takes the lamina
-    on its back, and carries us. We drift, we drift, we drift."
-
-    "We approach a shore; the iraviyaka brings us there, the iraviyaka
-    puts us on the shallows. I take a stout pole, I lift it off;
-    I speak a spell. The iraviyaka turns back to the deep sea."
-
-    "We are all on the dayaga (fringing reef). We stand inwater. The
-    water is cold, we all shiver with cold. We do not go ashore. We
-    are afraid of the mulukwausi. They follow us ashore. They wait for
-    us ashore. I take a dakuna (piece of coral stone), I say a spell
-    over it. I throw the stone on the beach; it makes a big thud;
-    good; the mulukwausi are not there. We go ashore. Another time,
-    I throw a stone, we hear nothing: mulukwausi are on the beach;
-    they catch it; we hear nothing. We remain on the dayaga. I take
-    some leyya (ginger). I spit it at the beach. I throw another
-    stone. The mulukwausi do not see it. It falls down; we hear it. We
-    go ashore; we sit on the sand in a row. We sit in one row, one man
-    near another, as on the lamina (in the same order as they drifted
-    on the lamina). I make a charm over the comb; all the usagelu comb
-    their hair; they tease their hair a long time. They are very cold;
-    we do not make the fire. First, I put order on the beach; I take
-    the piece of leyya, I spit it over the beach. One time, when the
-    leyya is finished, I take some kasita leaves (the beach is always
-    full of these). I put them on the shore, I put a stone on them,
-    uttering a spell--afterwards, we make fire. All sit round and
-    warm themselves at the fire."
-
-    "At day time, we don't go to the village; the mulukwausi would
-    follow us. After dark, we go. Like on the lamina, we march in the
-    same order, one after the other. I go last; I chant a spell over
-    a libu plant. I efface our traces. I put the libu on our track;
-    I put the weeds together. I make the path confused. I say a charm
-    to the spider, that he might make a cobweb. I say a charm to the
-    bush-hen, that she might turn up the soil."
-
-    "We go to the village. We enter the village, we pass the main
-    place. No one sees us; we are in mist, we are invisible. We enter
-    the house of my veyola (maternal kinsman), he medicates some
-    leyya; he spits (magically) on all of us. The mulukwausi smell us;
-    they smell the salt water on our skins. They come to the house,
-    the house trembles. A big wind shakes the house, we hear big thuds
-    against the house. The owner of the house medicates the leyya and
-    spits over us; they cannot see us. A big fire is made in the house;
-    plenty of smoke fills the house. The leyya and the smoke blind
-    their eyes. Five days we sit in smoke, our skin smells of smoke;
-    our hair smells of smoke; the mulukwausi cannot smell us. Then
-    I medicate some water and coco-nut, the usagelu wash and annoint
-    themselves. They leave the house, they sit on the kaukweda (spot
-    before the house). The owner of the house chases them away. 'Go,
-    go to your wife;' we all go, we return to our houses."
-
-
-I have given here a reconstruction of a native account, as I have often
-heard it told with characteristic vividness: spoken in short, jerky
-sentences, with onamatopoetic representations of sound, the narrative
-exaggerates certain features, and omits others. The excellency of
-the narrator's own magic, the violence of the elements at critical
-moments, he would always reiterate with monotonous insistence. He would
-diverge into some correlated subject, jump ahead, missing out several
-stages, come back, and so on, so that the whole is quite incoherent
-and unintelligible to a white listener, though the native audience
-follows its trend perfectly well. For it must be remembered that,
-when a native tells such a story, the events are already known to
-his listeners, who have grown up gradually becoming familiar with
-the narrow range of their tribal folklore. Our toliwaga, telling this
-story over again on the sandbank of Yakum, would dwell on such points
-as allowed him to boast of his kayga'u, to describe the violence of
-the storm, to bear witness to the traditional effects of the magic.
-
-It is necessary for an Ethnographer to listen several times to such a
-narrative, in order to have a fair chance of forming some coherent
-idea of its trend. Afterwards, by means of direct examination,
-he can succeed in placing the facts in their proper sequence. By
-questioning the informants about details of rite and magic, it is
-possible then to obtain interpretations and commentaries. Thus the
-whole of a narrative can be constructed, the various fragments, with
-all their spontaneous freshness, can be put in their proper places,
-and this is what I have done in giving this account of shipwreck. [69]
-
-A few words of comment must now be given on the text of the above
-narrative. In it, a number of magical rites were mentioned, besides
-those which were described first with their spells. Something must
-be said more in detail about the spells of the subsequent magical
-performances. There are some eleven of them. First comes the ritual
-invocation of the fish which helps the shipwrecked sailors. The
-spell corresponding to this, is called kaytaria, and it is an
-important formula, which every toliwaga is supposed to know. The
-question arises, has this rite ever been practised in reality? Some
-of the actions taken by the shipwrecked natives, such as the cutting
-of the the outrigger float when the boat is abandoned, are quite
-rational. It would be dangerous to float on the big, unwieldy canoe
-which might be constantly turned round and round by the waves, and if
-smashed to pieces, might injure the sailors with its wreckage. In this
-fact, perhaps there is also the empirical basis for the belief that
-some fragments of the canoe 'eat' the shipwrecked men. The round,
-symmetrical log of the lamina, on the other hand, will serve as
-an excellent lifebuoy. Perhaps a toliwaga, arrived at such a pass,
-would really utter the kaytaria spell. And if the party were saved,
-they would probably all declare, and, no doubt believe, that the fish
-had come to their summons, and somehow or other helped in the rescue.
-
-It is less easy to imagine what elements in such an experience might
-have given rise to the myth that the natives, landed on the shore,
-magically lift the fish from the shallow waters by means of a charmed
-pole. This indeed seems a purely imaginary incident, and my main
-informant, Molilakwa of Oburaku, from whom I obtained the kaytaria
-spell, did not know the spell of the pole, and would have had to
-leave the iraviaka to its own fate in the shallows. Nor could I hear
-of anyone else professing to know this spell. The formula uttered
-over the stone to be thrown on the beach was equally unknown to the
-circle of my informants. Of course, in all such cases, when a man
-carrying on a system of magic would come to a gap in his knowledge, he
-would perform the rite without the spell, or utter the most suitable
-spell of the system. Thus here, as the stone is thrown in order to
-reconnoitre whether the mulukwausi are waiting for them, a spell of
-the giyorokaywa, the spell of the mulukwausi, might be uttered over
-the stone. Over the combs, as well as over the herbs on the beach,
-a giyorokaywa spell would be uttered, according to my informants,
-but probably, a different spell from the one spoken originally over
-the ginger root. Molilakwa, for instance, knows two spells of the
-giyorokaywa, both of which are suitable to be spoken over the ginger
-and over the beach respectively. Then there comes another spell,
-to be uttered over the libu plant, and in addressing the spider and
-the bush-hen. Molilakwa told me that the same spell would be said in
-the three cases, but neither he, nor anyone else, among my informants
-could give me this spell. The magic done in the village, while the
-shipwrecked men remained in the smoky hut, would be all accompanied
-by the leyya (ginger) spells.
-
-One incident in the above narrative might have struck the reader as
-contradictory of the general theory of the mulukwausi belief, that,
-namely, where the narrator declares that the party on the beach have to
-wait till nightfall before they enter the village. The general belief
-expressed in all the mulukwausi legends, as well as in the taboos of
-the kayga'u, is that the witches are really dangerous only at night,
-when they can see and hear better. Such contradictions, as I have said,
-are often met in native belief, and in this, by the way, the savages do
-not differ from ourselves. My informant, from whom I had this version,
-simply said that such was the rule and the custom, and that they had
-to wait till night. In another account, on the other hand, I was told
-that the party must proceed to the village immediately after having
-performed the several rites on the beach, whether night or day.
-
-There also arises the main question, regarding this narrative,
-to which allusion has been made already, namely, how far does it
-represent the normal behaviour in shipwreck, and how far is it a
-sort of standardised myth? There is no doubt that shipwreck in these
-seas, surrounded in many parts by islands, is not unlikely to end
-by the party's being saved. This again would result in some such
-explanation as that contained in our narrative. Naturally, I tried
-to record all the actual cases of shipwreck within the natives'
-memory. Some two generations ago, one of the chiefs of Omarakana,
-named Numakala, perished at sea, and with him all his crew. A canoe
-of another Eastern Trobriand village, Tilakaywa, was blown far North,
-and stranded in Kokopawa, from where it was sailed back by its crew,
-when the wind turned to the North-West. Although this canoe was not
-actually shipwrecked, its salvation is credited to kayga'u magic,
-and to the kind fish, iraviyaka. A very intelligent informant of
-mine explained this point of view in answer to some of my cavillings:
-"If this canoe had been wrecked, it would have been saved also."
-
-A party from Muyuwa (Woodlark Island) were saved on the shore of
-Boyowa. In the South of the Island, several cases are on record where
-canoes were wrecked and saved in the d'Entrecasteaux Islands or in the
-Amphletts. Once the whole crew were eaten by cannibals, getting ashore
-in a hostile district of Fergusson Island, and one man only escaped,
-and ran along the shore, south-eastwards towards Dobu. Thus there is
-a certain amount of historical evidence for the saving power of the
-magic, and the mixture of fanciful and real elements makes our story
-a good example of what could be called standardised or universalised
-myth--that is, a myth referring not to one historical event but to
-a type of occurrence, happening universally.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-Let us now give the text of the remaining spells which belong to the
-above narrative, but have not been adduced there, so as not to spoil
-its flow. First of all there is the kaytaria spell, that which the
-toliwaga, drifting alongside his crew on the detached canoe float,
-intones in a loud, slow voice, in order to attract the iraviyaka.
-
-
-                            KAYTARIA SPELL.
-
-    "I lie, I shall lie down in my house, a big house. I shall sharpen
-    my ear, I shall hear the roaring of the sea--it foams up, it makes
-    a noise. At the bottom of Kausubiyai, come, lift me, take me,
-    bring me to the top of Nabonabwana beach."
-
-    Then comes a sentence with mythological allusions which I could
-    not succeed in translating. After that follows the main part of
-    the spell:
-
-    "The suyusayu fish shall lift me up; my child, the suyusayu shall
-    lift me up; my child's things, the suyusayu shall lift me up; my
-    basket, etc.; my lime pot, etc.; my lime spoon, etc.; my house,
-    etc.;" repeating the words "the suyusayu fish shall lift me up"
-    with various expressions describing the toliwaga's equipment as
-    well as his child, presumably a member of the shipwrecked crew.
-
-
-There is no end part to this spell, as it was given to me; only
-the beginning is repeated after the main part. It is not impossible
-that Molilakwa himself, my informant, did not know the spell to the
-end. Such magic, once learnt by a native, never used, and recited
-perhaps once a year during a mortuary ceremony, or occasionally, in
-order to show off, is easily forgotten. There is a marked difference
-between the vacillating and uncertain way in which such spells are
-produced by informants, and the wonderful precision and the easy
-flow with which, for example, the spells, year after year performed
-in public, will trip off the tongue of the garden magician.
-
-I cannot give a correct commentary to the mythological names Kausubiyai
-and Nabonabwana, in the first part of the spell. What this part means,
-whether the reclining individual who hears the noises of the sea is
-the magician, or whether it represents the sensations of the fish who
-hears the calling for help, I could not make out. The meaning of the
-middle part is plain, however. Suyusayu is another name for iraviyaka,
-indeed, its magical name used only in spells, and not when speaking
-of it in ordinary conversations.
-
-The other formula to be given here is the other giyorokaywa spell,
-which would be used in spitting the ginger on the beach after rescue,
-and also in medicating the herbs, which will be put on the beach
-and beaten with a stone. This spell is associated with the myth
-of the origin of kayga'u, which must be related here, to make the
-formula clear.
-
-Near the beginning of time, there lived in Kwayawata, one of the
-Marshall Bennetts, a family strange to our ideas of family life, but
-quite natural in the world of Kiriwinian mythology. It consisted of
-a man, Kalaytaytu, his sister, Isenadoga, and the youngest brother,
-a dog, Tokulubweydoga. Like other mythological personages, their
-names suggest that originally they must have conveyed some sort of
-description. Doga means the curved, almost circular, boar's tusk used
-as ornament. The name of the canine member of the family might mean
-something like Man-with-circular-tusks-in-his-head, and his sister's
-name, Woman-ornamented-with-doga. The eldest brother has in his
-name the word taytu, which signifies the staple food (small yams) of
-natives, and a verb, kalay, signifying 'to put on ornaments.' Not much
-profit, however, can be deduced from this etymology, as far as I can
-see, for the interpretation of this myth. I shall quote in a literal
-translation the short version of this myth, as I obtained it first,
-when the information was volunteered to me by Molilakwa in Oburaku.
-
-
-                        MYTH OF TOKULUBWAYDOGA.
-
-    "They live in Kwayawata; one day Kalaytayta goes to fish, gets
-    into a small canoe (kewo'u). Behind him swims the dog. He comes to
-    Digumenu. They fish with the older brother. They catch fish! The
-    elder brother paddles; that one again goes behind; goes, returns
-    to Kwayawata. They died; came Modokei, he learned the kayga'u,
-    the inside of Tokulubwaydoga. The name of their mother, the mother
-    of Tokulubwaydoga, is Tobunaygu."
-
-
-This little fragment gives a good idea of what the first version
-is, even of so well fixed a piece of narrative as a myth. It has
-to be supplemented by inquiries as to the motives of the behaviour
-of the various personages, as to the relations of one event to the
-other. Thus, further questions revealed that the elder brother refused
-to take the dog with him on this fishing expedition. Tokulubwaydoga
-then determined to go all the same, and swam to Digumenu, following
-the canoe of his brother. This latter was astonished to see him, but
-none the less they went to work together. In fishing, the dog was more
-successful than his brother, and thus aroused his jealousy. The man
-then refused to take him back. Tokulubwaydoga then jumped into the
-water, and again swam and arrived safely in Kwayawata. The point of
-the story lies in the fact that the dog was able to do the swimming,
-because he knew the kayga'u, otherwise the sharks, mulukwausi, or
-other evil things would have eaten him. He got it from his mother,
-the lady Tobunaygu, who could teach him this magic because she
-was a mulukwausi herself. Another important point about this myth,
-also quite omitted from the first version volunteered to me, is its
-sociological aspect. First of all, there is the very interesting
-incident, unparalleled in Kiriwinian tradition: the mother of the
-three belonged to the Lukwasisiga clan. It was a most incongruous
-thing for a dog, who is the animal of the Lukuba clan, to be born
-into a Lukwasisiga family. However, there he was, and so he said:
-
-
-    "Good, I shall be a Lukuba, this is my clan."
-
-
-Now the incident of the quarrel receives its significance in so far as
-the dog, the only one to whom the mother gave the kayga'u, did not hand
-it over to his brother and sister who were of the Lukwasisiga clan,
-and so the magic went down only the dog's own clan, the Lukuba. It must
-be assumed (though this was not known to my informant) that Madokei,
-who learnt the magic from the dog, was also a Lukuba man.
-
-Like all mythological mother-ancestresses, Tobunaygu had no husband,
-nor does this circumstance call forth any surprise or comment on the
-part of the natives, since the physiological aspect of fatherhood is
-not known among them, as I have repeatedly observed.
-
-As can be seen, by comparing the original fragment, and the subsequent
-amplification by inquiries, the volunteered version misses out the
-most important points. The concatenation of events, the origin of the
-kayga'u, the important sociological details, have to be dragged out
-of the informant, or, to put it more correctly, he has to be made to
-enlarge on points, to roam over all the subjects covered by the myth,
-and from his statements then, one has to pick out and piece together
-the other bits of the puzzle. On the other hand, the names of the
-people, the unimportant statements of what they did and how they were
-occupied are unfailingly given.
-
-Let us adduce now the kayga'u, which is said to be derived from the
-dog, and ultimately from his mother:
-
-
-                       KAYGA'U OF TOKULUBWAYDOGA.
-
-    "Tobunaygu (repeated), Manemanaygu (repeated), my mother a snake,
-    myself a snake; myself a snake, my mother a snake. Tokulubwaydoga,
-    Isenadoga, Matagagai, Kalaytaytu; bulumava'u tabugu Madokei. I
-    shall befog the front, I shall shut off the rear; I shall befog
-    the rear, I shall shut off the front."
-
-    This exordium contains at first the invocation of the name of
-    the mulukwausi, who was the source of the spell. Its pendant
-    Manemanaygu is, according to my informant, derived from an archaic
-    word nema, equivalent to the present day yama, hand. "As the
-    right hand is to the left one, so is Tobunaygu to Manemanaygu,"
-    which was expressed as a matter of fact in the less grammatically
-    worded form; "this right hand, this left" (clapped together)
-    "so Tobunaygu, Manemanaygu."
-
-    Whether this analysis of my informant is correct must remain an
-    open question. It must be remembered that magic is not taken by the
-    natives as an ethnographic document, allowing of interpretations
-    and developments, but as an instrument of power. The words are
-    there to act, and not to teach. Questions as to the meaning of
-    magic, as a rule, puzzled the informants, and therefore it is
-    not easy to explain a formula or obtain a correct commentary upon
-    it. All the same there are some natives who obviously have tried
-    to get to the bottom of what the various words in magic represent.
-
-    To proceed with our commentary, the phrase "My mother a snake,
-    etc.," was thus explained to me by Molilakwa: "Supposing we strike
-    a snake, already it vanishes, it does not remain; thus also we
-    human beings, when mulukwausi catch us, we disappear." That
-    is, we disappear after having spoken this magical formula,
-    for in a formula the desired result is always expressed in
-    anticipation. Molilakwa's description of a snake's behaviour is,
-    according to my experience, not sound Natural History, but it
-    probably expresses the underlying idea, namely the elusiveness
-    of the snake, which would naturally be one of the metaphorical
-    figures used in the spell.
-
-    The string of words following the invocation of the snake are all
-    mythical names, four of which we found mentioned in the above
-    myth, while the rest remain obscure. The last-named, that of
-    Modokei, is preceded by the words bulumavau tabugu, which means,
-    'recent spirit of my ancestor,' which words are as a rule used
-    in spells with reference to real grandfathers of the reciters.
-
-    The middle part of the spell proceeds:--
-
-    "I shall cover the eyes of the witches of Kitava; I shall cover
-    the eyes of the witches of Kumwageya; I shall cover the eyes of
-    the witches of Iwa; I shall cover the eyes of the witches of Gawa,
-    etc., etc.," enumerating all the villages and islands renowned
-    for their witches. This list is again recited, substituting for
-    the expression "I shall cover," in succession, "I shall befog,"
-    and "dew envelopes." This middle part needs no commentary.
-
-    The end of this formula runs as follows:
-
-    "I shall kick thy body, I shall take thy spirit skirt, I shall
-    cover thy buttocks, I shall take thy mat, a pandanus mat, I
-    shall take thy mantle. I shall strike thee with my foot, go,
-    fly over Tuma, fly away. I myself in the sea (here the reciter's
-    name is mentioned), I shall drift away, well." This last part of
-    the spell is so much alike to the end of the spell first quoted
-    in this chapter, that no commentary is needed.
-
-
-The mythological and magical data presented in this chapter all bear
-upon the native belief in flying witches and dangers at sea, a belief
-in which elements of reality are strangely blended with traditionally
-fixed fancies, in a way, however, not uncommon to human belief in
-general. It is time now to return to our party on the beach at Yakum,
-who, after having spent the night there, next morning rig up their
-masts, and with a favourable wind, soon reach the waters of Gumasila
-and Domdom.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XI
-
-IN THE AMPHLETTS--SOCIOLOGY OF THE KULA
-
-
-I
-
-Our party, sailing from the North, reach first the main island
-of Gumasila, a tall, steep mountain with arched lines and great
-cliffs, suggesting vaguely some huge Gothic monument. To the left,
-a heavy pyramid, the island of Domdom, recedes behind the nearer
-mountain as the travellers approach. The fleet now sails along the
-westerly shore of Gumasila, on which side the jungle, interspersed
-with bald patches, ascends a steep slope, ribbed with rocky ridges,
-and creased by valleys which run at their foot into wide bays. Only
-here and there can be seen triangular clearings, signs of cultivation
-made by the natives from the other side of the island, where the two
-villages are situated. At the South-West end of Gumasila, a narrow
-promontory runs into a flat, low point with a sandy beach on both
-sides. On the North side of the point, hidden from the villages,
-the fleet comes to a halt, on the beach of Giyawana (called by the
-Trobrianders Giyasila). This is the place where all the fleets,
-arriving from the North, stop before approaching the villages. Here
-also the inhabitants of the Amphletts rest for a day, after the
-first false start they have made from the villages, and before they
-actually set off for the Trobriands. This beach, in short, is the
-Amphlettan counterpart of the sandbank Muwa. It was also here that I
-surprised the Gumasilan canoes on a full moon night, in March, 1918,
-after they had started to join the uvalaku expedition to Sinaketa.
-
-On this beach, the Sinaketans perform the final stage of Kula magic,
-before approaching their partners in Gumasila. The same magic will
-be repeated before arriving in Dobu, and as a matter of fact, when
-the objective of the big uvalaku is Dobu, the full and ceremonial
-performance of the magic might usually be deferred till then. It
-will be better therefore to postpone the description of this magic
-till we have brought our fleet to the beach of Sarubwoyna. Here it
-will be enough to mention that on occasions when magic is performed,
-after an hour's or half hour's pause on the beach of Giyawana, all
-the men get into their canoes, take the paddles and oars, and the
-fleet sails round the point where, in a small, very picturesque bay,
-there lies the smaller village of Gumasila, called Nu'agasi (see Plate
-I). This village in olden days was perched on a narrow ledge some one
-hundred metres above the sea level, a fastness difficult of access, and
-overlooking all its approaches. Now, after the white man's influence
-has rendered unnecessary all precautions against raiding parties,
-the village has come down to the narrow strip of foreshore, a bridge
-between the sea and a small swamp formed at the foot of the hill. Some
-of the canoes will come to this beach, the others will sail further,
-under a precipitous black rock of some 150 metres high and 300 metres
-wide (see Plate XLII). Turning another corner, they arrive at the big
-village of Gumasila, built on artificial stone terraces, surrounded
-by dykes of small stones, forming square lagoons and diminutive
-harbours (compare the description given above in Chapter I, Division
-V). This is the old village which, practically inaccessible by sea,
-formed a fastness of a different kind from the other, high-perched
-villages typical of this district. Exposed to the full onslaught of
-the South-Easterly winds and seas, against which it was protected by
-its stone bulwarks and dykes, it was approachable only in all weathers
-by a small channel to the South, where a big rock and a reef shelter
-it from the rough waters.
-
-Without any preliminary welcoming ceremony or formal reception,
-the Sinaketan guests now leave their canoes and disperse among the
-villagers, settle down in groups near the houses of their friends, and
-engage in betel chewing and conversations. They speak in Kiriwinian,
-a language which is universally known in the Amphletts. Almost as
-soon as they go ashore, they give to their partners presents of pari
-(opening gift), some small object, such as a comb, a lime pot, or
-a lime stick. After that, they await some Kula gifts to be given
-them. The most important headman will offer such a gift first to
-Kouta'uya, or To'udawada, whichever of them is the toli'uvalaku of the
-occasion. The soft, penetrating sound of a conch-shell soon announces
-that the first gift has been given. Other blasts of conch-shells
-follow, and the Kula is in full swing. But here again, what happens in
-the Amphletts, is only a minor interlude to the Sinaketan adventurers,
-bent on the bigger goal in Dobu. And in order for us to remain in
-harmony with the native perspective we shall also wait for the detailed
-and circumstantial description of the Kula proceedings till we arrive
-on the beach of Tu'utauna, in Dobu. The concrete account of how such
-a visiting fleet is received and behaves on arrival will be given,
-when I describe a scene I saw with my own eyes in the village of
-Nabwageta, another Amphlett island, when sixty Dobuan canoes arrived
-there on their uvalaku, en route for Boyowa.
-
-To give a definite idea of the conversations which take place between
-the visitors and the Amphlettans, I shall give a sample noted down,
-during a visit of some Trobrianders to Nu'agasi, the smaller village
-of Gumasila. A few canoes had arrived a day or two before, in the
-neighbouring island, Nabwageta, coming from the small Western islands
-of the Trobriands on a Kula. One of them paddled across to Nu'agasi
-with a crew of some six men, in order to offer pari gifts to their
-partners and see what was to be done in the way of Kula. The canoe
-was sighted from a distance, and its purpose was guessed at once,
-as word had been brought before of the arrival in Nabwageta of this
-small expedition. The headman of Nu'agasi, Tovasana, hurried back to
-his house from my tent, where I was taking great pains to obtain some
-ethnographic information from him.
-
-Tovasana is an outspoken character, and he is the most important
-headman in the Amphletts. I am not using the word 'chief,' for in
-the Amphletts, as I have said, the natives do not observe either
-the court ceremonial with crouching and bending, nor do the headmen
-have any power or economic influence, at all comparable with those
-of the Trobriands. Yet, although I came from the Trobriands, I was
-struck by the authoritative tone used, and the amount of influence
-evidently wielded by Tovasana. This is partly due undoubtedly to
-the lack of white man's interference, which has so undermined native
-authority and morality in the Trobriands, whereas the Amphletts have
-so far escaped to a large extent Missionary teaching and Government
-law and order. On the other hand, however, the very narrow sphere
-of his powers, the authority over a small village, consolidates the
-headman's influence. The oldest and the most aristocratic by descent
-of all the headmen, he is their acknowledged 'doyen.'
-
-In order to receive his visitors he went to the beach in front
-of his house and sat there on a log, looking impassively over the
-sea. When the Trobrianders arrived each man took a gift and went
-to his partner's house. The chief did not rise to meet them, nor
-did they come in a body to greet him. The toliwaga came towards the
-place where Tovasana was sitting; he carried a bundle of taro and a
-piece of gugu'a (objects of small value, such as combs, lime pots,
-etc.). These he laid down near the seated headman, who, however,
-took no notice of it. A small boy, a grandchild of Tovasana, I think,
-took up the gifts and put them into his house. Then, without having
-yet exchanged a word, the toliwaga sat down on the platform next to
-Tovasana. Under a shady tree, which spread its branches like a canopy
-above the bleached canoe, the men formed a picturesque group sitting
-cross-legged on the platform. Beside the slim, youthful figure of the
-Kaduwaga man, the old Tovasana, with his big, roughly carved features,
-with his large aquiline nose sticking out from under an enormous
-turban-like wig, looked like an old gnome. At first exchanging merely
-a word or two, soon they dropped into more animated conversation,
-and when other villagers and the rest of the visitors joined them,
-the talk became general. As they spoke in Kiriwinian, I was able to
-jot down the beginning of their conversation.
-
-
-    Tovasana asked:
-
-    "Where have you anchored?"
-
-    "In Nabwageta."
-
-    "When did you come?"
-
-    "Yesterday."
-
-    "From where did you start on the last day before arriving?"
-
-    "From Gabuwana."
-
-    "When?"
-
-    "The day before yesterday."
-
-    "What wind?"
-
-    "Started from home with yavata; wind changed. Arrived on sandbank
-    (Gabuwana); we slept; so-and-so made wind magic; wind changed
-    again; good wind."
-
-    Then Tovasana asked the visitors about one of the chiefs from
-    the island of Kayleula (to the West of Kiriwina), and when he
-    was going to give him a big pair of mwali. The man answered
-    they do not know; to their knowledge that chief has no big mwali
-    at present. Tovasana became very angry, and in a long harangue,
-    lapsing here and there into the Gumasila language, he declared that
-    he would never kula again with that chief, who is a topiki (mean
-    man), who has owed him for a long time a pair of mwali as yotile
-    (return gift), and who always is slow in making Kula. A string
-    of other accusations about some clay pots given by Tovasana to
-    the same chief, and some pigs promised and never given, were also
-    made by the angry headman. The visitors listened to it with polite
-    assent, uttering here and there some noncommital remark. They,
-    in their turn, complained about some sago, which they had hoped
-    to receive in Nabwageta, but which was churlishly refused for some
-    reason or other to all the men of Kaduwaga, Kaysiga and Kuyawa.
-
-    Tovasana then asked them, "How long are you going to stay?"
-
-    "Till Dobu men come."
-
-    "They will come," said Tovasana, "not in two days, not in three
-    days, not in four days; they will come tomorrow, or at the very
-    last, the day after tomorrow."
-
-    "You go with them to Boyowa?"
-
-    "I sail first to Vakuta, then to Sinaketa with the Dobu men. They
-    sail to Susuwa beach to fish, I go to your villages, to Kaduwaga,
-    to Kaysiga, to Kuyawa. Is there plenty of mwali in your villages?"
-
-    "Yes, there are. So-and-so has..."
-
-    Here followed a long string of personal names of big armshells,
-    the approximate number of smaller, nameless ones, and the names
-    of the people in whose possession they were at the time.
-
-
-The interest of both hearers and speakers was very obvious,
-and Tovasana gave the approximate dates of his movements to his
-visitors. Full moon was approaching, and the natives have got names
-for every day during the week before and after full moon, and the
-following and preceding days can therefore be reckoned. Also, every
-seven-day period within a moon is named after the quarter which falls
-in it. This allows the natives to fix dates with a fair exactitude. The
-present example shows the way in which, in olden times, the movements
-of the various expeditions were known over enormous areas; nowadays,
-when white men's boats with native crews often move from one island
-to the other, the news spreads even more easily. In former times,
-small preliminary expeditions such as the one we have just been
-describing, would fix the dates and make arrangements often for as
-much as a year ahead.
-
-The Kaduwaga men next inquired as to whether any strangers from the
-Trobriands were then staying in Gumasila. The answer was that there
-was in the village one man from Ba'u, and one from Sinaketa. Then
-inquiries were made as to how many Kula necklaces there were in
-Gumasila, and the conversation drifted again into Kula technicalities.
-
-It is quite customary for men from the Trobriands to remain
-for a long time in the Amphletts, that is, from one expedition
-to another. For some weeks or even months, they live in the
-house of their partner, friend, or relative, careful to keep to
-the customs of the country. They will sit about with the men of
-the village and talk. They will help in the work and go out on
-fishing expeditions. These latter will be specially attractive to a
-Trobriander, a keen fisherman himself, who here finds an entirely
-new type of this pursuit. Whether an expedition would be made on
-one of the sandbanks, where the fishermen remain for a few days,
-casting their big nets for dugong and turtle; or whether they would
-go out in a small canoe, trying to catch the jumping gar fish with
-a fishing kite; or throwing a fish trap into the deep sea--all these
-would be a novelty to the Trobriander, accustomed only to the methods
-suitable to the shallow waters of the Lagoon, swarming with fish.
-
-In one point the Trobriander would probably find his sojourn in
-the Amphletts uncongenial; he would be entirely debarred from any
-intercourse with women. Accustomed in his country to easy intrigues,
-here he has completely to abstain, not only from sexual relations with
-women married or unmarried, but even from moving with them socially,
-in the free and happy manner characteristic of Boyowa. One of my main
-informants, Layseta, a Sinaketa man, who spent several years in the
-Amphletts, confessed to me, not without shame and regret, that he
-never succeeded in having any intrigues with the women there. To
-save his face, he claimed that he had had several Amphlett belles
-declaring their love to him, and offering their favours, but he always
-refused them:
-
-
-    "I feared; I feared the bowo'u of Gumasila; they are very bad."
-
-
-The bowo'u are the local sorcerers of the Amphletts. Whatever we might
-think about Layseta's temptations--and his personal appearance and
-charm do not make his boastings very credible--and whether he was
-afraid of sorcery or of a sound thrashing, the fact remains that a
-Trobriander would have to change his usual mode of behaviour when
-in the Amphletts, and keep away from the women entirely. When big
-parties arrive in Gumasila, or Nabwageta, the women run away, and
-camp in the bush till the beach is clear.
-
-The Amphlettans, on the contrary, were used to receive favours from
-unmarried women in Sinaketa. Nowadays, the male inhabitants of that
-village, always disapproving of the custom, though not to the extent
-of taking any action, tell the Amphlettans that the white man's
-Government has prohibited the men from Gumasila and Nabwageta to
-have sexual relations in Sinaketa. One of the very few occasions,
-when the men from the Amphletts showed any interest in talking to me
-was when they asked me whether this was true.
-
-
-    "The Sinaketa men tell us that we will go to jail if we sleep
-    with girls in Sinaketa. Would the Government put us into jail,
-    in truth?"
-
-
-As usually, I simply disclaimed all knowledge of the white man's
-arcana in such matters.
-
-The small party of Kaduwaga men, whose visit to Tovasana I have just
-been describing, sat there for about two hours, smoked and chewed
-betel-nut, the conversation flagging now and then, and the men looking
-into the distance with the habitual self-important expression worn
-on such occasions. After the final words about mutual plans were
-exchanged, and a few pots had been brought by small boys to the canoe
-as taio'i (farewell gift to the visitors), they embarked, and paddled
-back three or four miles across to Nabwageta.
-
-We must imagine the big Kula party from Sinaketa, whom we just watched
-landing in the two villages of Gumasila, behaving more or less in the
-same manner; conducting similar conversations, offering the same type
-of pari gifts to their partners. Only everything happens of course on
-a much bigger scale. There is a big group seated before each house,
-parties walk up and down the village, the sea in front of it is covered
-with the gaudy, heavily laden canoes. In the little village, of which
-Tovasana is headman, the two chiefs, To'udawada and Kouta'uya, will
-be seated on the same platform, on which we saw the old man receiving
-his other guests. The other headmen of the Sinaketans will have gone
-to the bigger village round the corner, and will encamp there under
-the tall palms, looking across the straits towards the pyramidal forms
-of Domdom, and further South, to the main island fronting them with
-the majestic form of Koyatabu. Here, among the small houses on piles,
-scattered picturesquely through the maze of little harbours, lagoons
-and dykes, large groups of people will be seated on mats of plaited
-coco-nut, each man as a rule under the dwelling of his partner,
-chewing betel-nut stolidly, and watching stealthily the pots being
-brought out to be presented to them, and still more eagerly awaiting
-the giving of Kula gifts, although he remains to a superficial glance
-quite impassive.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-In Chapter III I spoke about the sociology of Kula, and gave a concise
-definition of partnership with its functions and obligations. I said
-there that people enter into this relationship in a definite manner,
-and remain in it for the rest of their life. I also said that the
-number of partners a man possesses, depends upon his social position
-and rank. The protective character of an overseas partner becomes
-now clearer, after we have realised the nervous tension with which
-each Kula party in olden days would have approached a land full of
-mulukwausi, bowo'u and other forms of sorcery, a land from which
-originate the very tauva'u themselves. [70] To have a friend there,
-one who will not on the surface of it have bad intentions, is a
-great boon. What this really means to the natives can, however, only
-be realised when we arrive at Dobu, learn the special safety magic
-performed there and find how genuinely serious these apprehensions are.
-
-We must now make another short digression from our consecutive account,
-and discuss the several aspects of the sociology of the Kula one
-after the other.
-
-1. Sociological Limitations to the Participation in the Kula.--Not
-everyone who lives within the cultural sphere of the Kula does
-participate in it. More especially in the Trobriand Islands, there
-are whole districts which do not practise the Kula. Thus a series of
-villages in the North of the main Island, the villages on the Island of
-Tuma, as well as the industrial villages of Kuboma and the agricultural
-ones of Tilataula do not practise Kula. In villages like Sinaketa,
-Vakuta, Gumasila and Nabwageta, every man carries on the Kula. The
-same applies to the small Islands which link up the big gaps of the
-Kula chain, the Islands of Kitava, Iwa, Gawa and Kwayawata, strewn on
-the seas between the Trobriands and Woodlark Island, to Tubetube and
-Wari, etc., etc. In the Dobuan speaking district, on the other hand,
-I think that certain village complexes either do not practice Kula
-at all, or else practice it on a small scale, that is, their headmen
-have only a few partners in the neighbouring villages.
-
-In some of the big chiefs' villages in Kiriwina there are certain
-people who never practice Kula. Thus, in a village where the
-headman has the rank of guya'u (chief) or gumguya'u (minor chief)
-the commoners of the lowest rank and unrelated to the headman are
-not supposed to carry on the Kula. In olden days this rule would be
-very strictly observed, and nowadays even, though somewhat relaxed,
-not many commoners of this description practice the Kula. Limitations
-as to entry into the Kula, therefore, exist only in big Kula districts
-such as that of Dobu and of the Trobriands, and they are partly local,
-excluding whole villages, and partly social, excluding certain people
-of low rank.
-
-2. The Relation of Partnership.--The name for an overseas partner
-is in the Trobriand language karayta'u; 'my partner' is styled ulo
-karayta'u, ulo being the possessive pronoun of remote relation. In
-Gumasila he is called ulo ta'u, which means simply 'my man'; in Dobuan,
-yegu gumagi. The inland partners are known in Kiriwinian by the term
-denoting a friend, 'lubaygu,' the suffixed possessive pronoun gu
-being that of nearest possession.
-
-Only after this relationship has been established between two men,
-can the two make Kula with one another. An overseas visitor would
-as a rule go to his partner's house and offer him a small present
-as pari. This again would be returned by the local man by means of
-a talo'i present. There would not be any great intimacy between two
-overseas partners. But, in sharp contrast to the essential hostility
-between two strange tribesmen, such a relationship of friendship would
-stand out as the most remarkable deviation from the general rule. In
-inland relations between two partners of neighbouring villages, the
-closeness and intimacy would be relatively small as compared to other
-ties. This relation was defined to me in these words:
-
-
-    "My partner same as my clansman (kakaveyogu)--he might fight
-    me. My real kinsman (veyogu), same navelstring, would always side
-    with us."
-
-
-The best way of obtaining detailed information, and of eliminating
-any errors which might have crept into ethnographic generalisations,
-is to collect concrete data. I have drawn up a complete list of the
-partners of Kouta'uya, who is one of the biggest Kula men in the
-whole Ring; another list of a smaller Sinaketa headman, Toybayoba;
-and of course I know several complements of partners of smaller men,
-who, as a rule, have about four to six partners each.
-
-The full list of Kouta'uya includes fifty-five men in the Northern
-Half of Boyowa, that is, in Luba, Kulumata and Kiriwina. From these
-the chief receives armshells. To the South, his partners in the
-Southern districts of Boyowa and Vakuta are twenty-three by number;
-in the Amphletts eleven, and twenty-seven in Dobu. Thus we see that the
-numbers to the South and North almost balance, the Southern exceeding
-the Northern by six. These numbers include his partners in Sinaketa,
-where he makes Kula with all his fellow chiefs, and with all the
-headmen of the divisional villages, and in his own little village
-he kulas with his sons. But even there, everyone of his partners is
-either South or North to him, that is, either gives him the necklaces
-or armshells.
-
-All the clans are represented in the list. Often when asked with
-regard to the name of some man, why he is in partnership with him,
-the answer would be--"Because he is my kinsman," which means, in
-this case, clansman of equal rank. Men of other clans are included,
-as 'friends' or relatives-in-law, or for some other reason more or
-less imaginary. I shall speak presently of the mechanism through
-which the man enters on this relation.
-
-The list of Toybayoba's partners includes twelve men to the North,
-four in Southern Boyowa, three in the Amphletts and eleven in Dobu,
-the balance here also being on the Southern side. As said above,
-minor men might have anything between four to ten partners all told,
-whereas there are men in northern Boyowa who have only two partners,
-one on each side of the ring, so to speak, with whom they make Kula.
-
-In drawing up these lists, which I shall not reproduce here in
-extenso, another striking feature comes to light: on both sides,
-there is a definite geographical limit, beyond which a man cannot have
-any partners. For all men in the village of Sinaketa, for instance,
-this limit, as regards the armshells, coincides with the furthest
-boundary of Kiriwina; that is, no man from Sinaketa has any partners
-in Kitava, which is the next Kula district beyond Kiriwina. South,
-in the direction from which the soulava are received, the villages
-at the South-East end of Fergusson Island are the last places where
-partners of Sinaketan men are still to be found. The small Island of
-Dobu itself lies just beyond this boundary, and no man in this Island
-or in any of the villages on Normanby Island makes Kula with the
-Sinaketans (compare the circles, indicating Kula Communities on Map V).
-
-Beyond these districts, the men still know the names of what could be
-called their partners-once-removed, that is, the partners of their
-partners. In the case of a man who has only a couple of partners on
-each side, who, again being modest men, have also only one or two,
-this relationship is not devoid of importance. If I, in Sinaketa, have
-one partner, say in Kiriwina, who again has one partner in Kitava, it
-is no small matter for me to learn that this Kitava man just obtained
-a splendid pair of armshells. For this means that there is about a
-quarter of a chance of my receiving these armshells, on the supposition
-that the Kitavan and Kiriwinian have two partners each between whom
-they can choose in bestowing them. In the case of a big chief like
-Kouta'uya, however, the number of once-removed partners becomes so
-great that they lose any personal significance for him. Kouta'uya has
-some twenty-five partners in Kiriwina; among them To'uluwa, the big
-chief, makes Kula with more than half of all the men in Kitava. Some
-other of Kouta'uya's partners in Kiriwina, of lesser rank, yet quite
-important, also make Kula with a great number, so that probably
-practically everybody in Kitava is Kouta'uya's partner-once-removed.
-
-If we were to imagine that on the Kula Ring there are many people who
-have only one partner on each side, then the Ring would consist of a
-large number of closed circuits, on each of which the same articles
-would constantly pass. Thus if A in Kiriwina always kulas with B in
-Sinaketa who kulas with C in Tubetube, who kulas with D in Murua,
-who kulas with E in Kitava, who kulas with A in Kiriwina, then A B
-C D E F would form such one strand in the big Kula circuit. If an
-armshell got into the hands of one of them, it could never leave this
-strand. But the Kula Ring is nothing approaching this, because every
-small Kula partner has, as a rule, on one side or the other, a big one,
-that is a chief. And every chief plays the part of a shunting-station
-for Kula objects. Having so many partners on each side, he constantly
-transfers an object from one strand to another. Thus, any article which
-on its rounds has travelled through the hands of certain men, may on
-its second round come through an entirely different channel. This,
-of course, supplies a large part of the zest and excitement of the
-Kula exchange.
-
-The designation of such a partner-once-removed in the language of
-Kiriwina is muri-muri. A man will say that such and such a one is 'my
-partner-once-removed,' 'ulo murimuri.' Another expression connected
-with this relationship is to inquire 'whose hand' has passed on
-such and such a vaygu'a. When To'uluwa gives a pair of armshells to
-Kouta'uya, this latter will ask: 'availe yamala' ('whose hand')? The
-answer is 'yamala Pwata'i,' ('the hand of Pwata'i'). And, as a rule,
-more or less the following conversation will ensue: "who gave this
-pair of armshells to Pwata'i?" "how long were they kept by a man in
-the Island of Yeguma, and then distributed on the occasion of a so'i
-(feast)?" "when they had been the last time in Boyowa?" etc., etc.
-
-3. Entering the Kula Relationship.--In order to become a practising
-member of the Kula, a man must have passed the stage of adolescence; he
-must have the status and rank required, that is in such villages where
-this condition is demanded; he must know the magic of the Kula; and
-last, not least, he must be in possession of a piece of vaygu'a. The
-membership, with all its concomitant implications, may be received
-from the father, who teaches his son the magic, gives him a piece of
-vaygu'a, and provides him with a partner, very often in his own person.
-
-Supposing one of the sons of Kouta'uya has reached the stage where
-a lad may begin to kula. The chief will have been teaching him the
-spells for some time already. Moreover the lad, who from childhood
-has taken part in overseas expeditions, has many a time seen the
-rites performed and heard the spells uttered. When the time is ripe,
-Kouta'uya, having the conch-shell blown, and with all due formalities,
-presents a soulava to his son. This latter, soon afterwards, goes
-somewhere North. Perhaps he goes only to one of the neighbouring
-villages within Sinaketa, perhaps he accompanies his father on a
-visit as far North as Omarakana, and in any case he makes Kula,
-either with one of his father's friends and partners, or with a
-special friend of his own. Thus, at one stroke, the lad is equipped
-with magic, vaygu'a, and two partners, one of whom is his father. His
-northern partner will give him in due course an armshell, and this
-he will probably offer to his father. The transactions once started
-continue. His father soon gives him another vaygu'a, which he may kula
-with the same northern partner, or he may try to establish another
-partnership. The next mwali (armshells) he receives from the North, he
-will probably give to another partner in the South, and thus establish
-a new relationship. A chief's son, who is always a commoner himself
-(since the chief cannot marry within his own sub-clan and the son has
-the status of his mother), would not multiply his partners beyond the
-limit numerically given by the above mentioned partners of Toybayoba.
-
-Not everyone, however, is as fortunate as to be the son of a chief,
-which in the Trobriands is, on the whole, one of the most enviable
-positions, since it confers many privileges, and entails no special
-responsibilities. A young chief himself would have to pay substantially
-for establishing his position in the Kula, for a chief is always
-the son of a woman of high rank, and the nephew of a chief, though
-his father may be a commoner of small influence only. In any case,
-his maternal uncle will expect from him some pokala (offerings by
-instalment), in payment for magic, vaygu'a, and finally for a leading
-position in the Kula. The young chief would marry, and thus acquire
-wealth within limits, and with this he would have to give presents
-to his maternal uncle, who in turn would introduce him into the Kula,
-exactly as a chief does his son, only not disinterestedly.
-
-A commoner enters into the Kula like a chief, with the only exception
-that everything is on a smaller scale, the amount of the pokala
-which he gives to his maternal uncle, the vaygu'a which he receives,
-and the number of partners with whom he kulas. When a man gives
-to another a piece of vaygu'a, of the Kula kind, but not as a Kula
-exchange but as a gift, let us say as youlo (gift in repayment for
-the harvest supply offerings, see above, Chapter VI, Division VI),
-this vaygu'a does not leave the Kula Ring. The receiver, if he had
-not been in the Kula yet, enters into it by acquiring the vaygu'a,
-and can then choose his partner, and go on with the exchange.
-
-There is one important qualification of the statement made at the
-beginning of this section. I said there that a man entering the Kula
-Ring, must learn the mwasila magic. This refers only to those who
-practise overseas Kula. For people who do only the inland exchange,
-magic is not necessary, and in fact it is never learned by them.
-
-4. Participation of Women in the Kula.--As I have said in the
-general descriptive chapter on the Kula tribes, the position of
-women among them is by no means characterised by oppression or social
-insignificance. They have their own sphere of influence, which, in
-certain cases and in certain tribes, is of great importance. The Kula,
-however, is essentially a man's type of activity. As mentioned above,
-in the section between Sinaketa and Dobu, women do not sail on the
-big expeditions. From Kiriwina young, unmarried girls would sail East
-to Kitava, Iwa, and Gawa, and from these Islands even old, married
-women, indeed whole families, come to Kiriwina. But they do not carry
-on overseas Kula exchange, neither among themselves, nor with men.
-
-In Kiriwina, some women, notably the chief's wives, are admitted to
-the honour and privilege of exchanging vaygu'a, though in such cases
-the transactions are done en famille. To take a concrete case, in
-October or November, 1915, To'uluwa, the chief of Omarakana, brought
-a fine haul of mwali from Kitava. The best pair of these he presented
-to his veteran wife, Bokuyoba, a wife whom he had inherited from his
-elder brother Numakala. Bokuyoba in turn gave the pair, without much
-delay, to Kadamwasila, the favourite wife of the chief, the mother
-of five sons and one daughter. She again gave it to her son, Namwana
-Guyau, who kula'd it on to some of his southern partners. Next time
-he receives a soulava necklace, he will give it, not to his father
-directly, but to his mother, who will hand it over to her senior
-colleague, and this venerable lady will give it to To'uluwa. The
-whole transaction is evidently a complimentary interpolation of the
-two giyovila (chief's wives) in between the simple transaction of
-the chief giving the vaygu'a to his son. This interpolation gives the
-women much pleasure, and is highly valued by them. In fact, at that
-time I heard more about that than about all the rest of the exchanges
-associated with this overseas trip.
-
-In Southern Boyowa, that is in Sinaketa and Vakuta, the rôle of women
-is similar, but they play besides another part. A man would sometimes
-send his wife with a Kula gift to his partner in the neighbouring
-village. On some occasions, when he needs vaygu'a very badly, as for
-instance when he is expecting some uvalaku visitors, his wife may help
-him to obtain the vaygu'a from that partner. For, though this latter
-might refuse to give it to his Sinaketan partner, he would not do so
-to his wife. It must be added that no sexual motives are associated
-with it, and that it is only a sort of customary compliment paid to
-the fair sex.
-
-In Dobu, the wife, or the sister of a man, is always credited with a
-great influence over his Kula decisions. Therefore, there is a special
-form of magic, used by the Sinaketans, in order to act on the minds
-of the Dobuan women. Although, in matters of sex, a Trobriander would
-have absolutely to keep aloof from Dobuan women, married or unmarried,
-he would approach them with nice speeches and gifts in matters of
-Kula. He would reproach an unmarried girl with her brother's conduct
-towards him. She would then ask for a piece of betel-nut. This would
-be given with some magic spoken over it, and the girl, it is believed,
-would then influence her brother to kula with his partner. [71]
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-In the short outline of the Amphlett tribe which was given in
-Chapter II, Division IV, I called them 'typical monopolists,'
-both with reference to their economic position and to their
-character. Monopolists they are in two respects, namely as
-manufacturers of the wonderful clay pots which form the only supply for
-the surrounding districts; and in the second place, as a commercial
-community, situated half-way between the populous country of Dobu,
-with its rich gardens and coco-nut plantations, on the one hand, and
-the Trobriands, the main industrial community in Eastern New Guinea
-on the other.
-
-The expression 'monopolists' must, however, be correctly
-understood. The Amphletts are not a centre of commercial middle-men,
-constantly busy importing and exporting desirable utilities. Only
-about once or twice a year, a big expedition comes to their Islands,
-and every few months they themselves will sail South-East or North
-and again receive visits from smaller expeditions from one of the
-neighbours or the other. It is through just such small expeditions
-that they collect a relatively considerable amount of utilities
-from all surrounding districts, and these they can give to such
-visitors as need and desire them. Nor would they impose high prices
-on any such exchange, but they are certainly considered less liberal,
-less ready to give or to trade and always on the look out for higher
-return gifts and extras. In their bartering away of the clay pots,
-they also cannot ask extortionate prices, such as, according to the
-laws of supply and demand, they could impose on their neighbours. For,
-no more than any other natives, can they run counter to customary
-rules, which regulate this exchange as much as all others. Indeed,
-considering the great amount of trouble which they have in obtaining
-the clay, and the high degree of skill necessary to produce the pots,
-the prices for which they sell them are very low. But here again,
-their manners over this transaction are distinctly haughty, and they
-are well aware of their value as potters and distributors of pots to
-the other natives.
-
-A few more words must be said about their pot making industry as well
-as about the trade in these islands.
-
-The natives of the Amphletts are exclusive manufacturers of pottery,
-within a wide radius. They are the only purveyors to the Trobrianders,
-to the inhabitants of the Marshall Bennett Islands, and also, I
-believe, all the clay-pots in Woodlark come from the Amphletts. [72]
-To the South, they export their pots to Dobu, Du'a'u, and further South
-as far as Milne Bay. This is not all, however, for although in some of
-these farther districts the Amphlett pots are used side by side with
-other ones, they are infinitely superior to any earthenware found in
-the whole of British New Guinea. Of a large size, yet extremely thin,
-they possess great durability, and in form they are extremely well
-shaped and finished (see Plate XLVI).
-
-The best Amphlett pots owe their high quality to the excellence
-of their material as well as their workmanship. The clay for them
-has to be imported into the Islands from Yayawana, a quarry on the
-Northern shore of Fergusson Island, about a day's journey from the
-Amphletts. Only a very inferior clay can be found in the islands of
-Gumasila and Nabwageta, good enough to make small pots, but quite
-useless for the big ones.
-
-There is a legend, explaining why the good clay cannot be obtained
-nowadays in the Amphletts. In olden days, two brothers, Torosipupu
-and Tolikilaki, lived on one of the summits of Gumasila called
-Tomonumonu. There was plenty of fine clay there at that time. One
-day Torosipupu went to fish with a trap. He caught a very fine giant
-clam-shell. When he came back, Tolikilaki said: "O my shell! I shall
-eat it!" Torosipupu refused it and answered with a very obscene
-allusion to the bivalvular mollusc and to the uses he was going
-to make of it. Tolikilaki asked again; Torosipupu refused. They
-quarrelled. Tolikilaki then took part of the clay with him, and went
-to Yayawana on the main island. Torosipupu afterwards took the rest
-and followed him. What were their further destinies, the legend does
-not say. But on Gumasila there remained only very poor clay, which
-is all that can be found there ever since.
-
-Since then, the men have to go about twice yearly to Yayawana in order
-to bring the clay from which the women afterwards will manufacture
-the pots. It takes them about a day to reach Yayawana, to which, as
-it lies to the South-West, they can travel with any of the prevailing
-winds and return equally well. They remain for a couple of days there,
-digging the clay, drying it and filling a few vataga baskets with it. I
-estimate that each canoe carries about two ton weight on its return
-journey. This will last the women for half a year's production. The
-pale, straw-coloured clay is kept under the houses in big troughs
-made of sides of discarded canoes.
-
-In olden days, before the white man's advent, the conditions were a
-little more complicated. Only one island, Kwatouto, being on friendly
-terms with the natives had the freedom of the Northern shore. Whether
-the other islands used also to fetch the clay from there, doing so
-armed and ready for attack; or whether they used to acquire the clay by
-barter from Kwatouto, I could not definitely establish. The information
-one receives in the Amphletts is exceedingly unsatisfactory, and my
-several informants gave contradictory accounts on this point. The fact
-seems clear, in my case, that Kwatouto, then as now, was the source
-of the best pottery, but that both Gumasila and Nabwageta also always
-manufactured pots, though perhaps inferior ones. The fourth island,
-Domdom, never participated in this trade, and up to the present there
-is not a single woman in Domdom who can shape a pot.
-
-The manufacturing of this article, as said, is exclusively the work of
-women. They sit in groups of two or three under the houses, surrounded
-by big clumps of clay and the implements of their craft, and produce in
-these very shabby and mean conditions, veritable masterpieces of their
-art. Personally I had only the opportunity of seeing groups of very
-old women at work, although I spent about a month in the Amphletts.
-
-With regard to the technology of pot-making, the method is that
-of first roughly moulding the clay into its form and then beating
-with a spatula and subsequently scraping the walls to the required
-thinness with a mussel-shell. To give the description in detail,
-a woman starts first by kneading a certain amount of clay for a long
-time. Of this material she makes two semi-circular clumps, or several
-clumps, if a big pot is to be made. These clumps are then placed in a
-ring, touching one another upon a flat stone or board, so that they
-form a thick, circular roll (Plate XLIV, top). The woman now begins
-to work this roll with both hands, gradually pressing it together,
-and at the same time bringing it up all round into a slanting wall
-(see Plate XLIV, bottom). Her left hand works as a rule on the inside,
-and her right on the outside of this wall; gradually it begins to
-shape into a semi-spherical dome. On the top of the dome there is a
-hole, through which the woman thrusts her left hand, working with it
-on the inside of the dome (see Plate XLV, top). At first the main
-movements of her hands were from downward up, flattening out the
-rolls into thin walls. The traces of her fingers going up and down
-on the outside leave longitudinal furrows (see details on Plate XLV,
-top). Towards the end of this stage her hands move round and round,
-leaving concentric, horizontal marks on the dome. This is continued
-until the pot has assumed a good curvature all round.
-
-It seems almost a miracle to see how, in a relatively short time, out
-of this after all brittle material, and with no implements whatever,
-a woman will shape a practically faultless hemisphere, often up to
-a metre in diameter.
-
-After the required shape has been obtained the woman takes a small
-spatula of light-wood into her right hand and she proceeds to tap
-the clay gently (see Plate XLV, bottom). This stage lasts a fairly
-long time, for big pots about an hour. After the dome has been
-sufficiently worked in this way small pieces of clay are gradually
-fitted in at the top, closing the orifice, and the top of the dome
-is beaten again. In the case of small pots the beating is done only
-after the orifice has been closed. The pot is put with the mat into
-the sun, where it remains for a day or two to harden. It is then
-turned round, so that its mouth is now uppermost, and its bottom is
-carefully placed into a basket. Then, round the rim of the mouth, a
-flat strip of clay is placed horizontally, turned towards the inside,
-forming a graceful lip. Three small lumps of clay are put 120° distance
-from each other near the lip as ornaments, and, with a pointed stick,
-a design is scratched in round the lip and sometimes down the outside
-of the body. In this state the pot is again left in the sun for some
-length of time.
-
-After it has sufficiently hardened to be handled with safety,
-though it must be done with the utmost care, it is placed on some
-dried sticks, mouth downwards, supported by stones put between
-the sticks. It is surrounded with twigs and pieces of wood on its
-outside, fire is kindled, the sticks below bake it from the inside,
-and those from above on the outside. The final result is a beautiful
-pot, of a brick red colour when new, though after several uses it
-becomes completely black. Its shape is not quite semi-spherical;
-it is rather half an ellipsoid, like the broader half of an egg,
-cut off in the middle. The whole gives the feeling of perfection in
-form and of elegance, unparalleled in any South Sea pottery I know
-(see Plate XLVI).
-
-These pots in Kiriwinian language kuria, are called by the Amphlett
-natives kuyana or va'ega. The biggest specimens are about a metre
-across their mouth, and some sixty centimetres deep; they are used
-exclusively for the ceremonial cooking of mona (see Plate XXXV), and
-are called kwoylamona (in the Amphletts: nokunu). The second size
-kwoylakalagila (in the Amphletts, nopa'eva) are used for ordinary
-boiling of yams or taro. Kwoylugwawaga (Amphletts, nobadala), are
-used for the same purposes but are much smaller. An especial size,
-kwoylamegwa (Amphletts, nosipoma) are used in sorcery. The smallest
-ones, which I do not remember ever having seen in the Trobriands
-though there is a Trobriand word for them, kwoylakekila, are used
-for everyday cooking in the Amphletts where they are called va'ega,
-in the narrower sense of the word.
-
-I have expatiated on this singular and artistic achievement of the
-natives of the Amphletts, because from all points of view it is
-important to know the details of a craft so far in advance of any
-similar achievement within the Melanesian region.
-
-A few words must now be said about trade in the Amphletts. The central
-position of this little archipelago situated between, on one side,
-the big, flat, extremely fertile coral islands, which, however, are
-deprived of many indispensable, natural resources; and on the other,
-the rich jungle and varied mineral supplies of the volcanic regions in
-the d'Entrecasteaux archipelago, indicates on which lines this trade
-would be likely to develop. To this natural inequality between them
-and their neighbours are added social elements. The Trobrianders are
-skilful, industrious, and economically highly organised. In this
-respect, even the Dobuans stand on a lower level, and the other
-inhabitants of the d'Entrecasteaux much more so.
-
-If we imagine a commercial diagram drawn on the map, we would first
-of all notice the export in pottery, radiating from the Amphletts
-as its source. In the inverse direction, flowing towards them,
-would be imports in food such as sago, pigs, coco-nut, betel-nut,
-taro and yams. An article very important in olden days, which had
-to be imported into the Amphletts, was the stone for implements
-coming via the Trobriands from Woodlark Island. These indeed would
-be traded on by the Amphlettans, as all the d'Entrecasteaux relied,
-for the most part at least, on the imports from Woodlark, according to
-information I obtained in the Amphletts. The Amphlett islands further
-depended on the Trobriands for the following articles: wooden dishes,
-manufactured in Bwoytalu; lime-pots manufactured in several villages
-of Kuboma; three-tiered baskets and folding baskets, made in Luya;
-ebony lime pots and mussel shells, these latter fished mainly by the
-village of Kavataria in the lagoon. These articles were paid for, or
-matched as presents by the following ones: first of all, of course the
-pots; secondly, turtle-shell earrings, special nose sticks, red ochre,
-pumice stone and obsidian, all of these obtainable locally. Further,
-the natives of the Amphletts procured on Fergusson Island, for the
-Trobrianders, wild banana seeds used for necklaces, strips of rattan
-used as belts and for lashing, feathers of the cassowary and red
-parrot, used for dancing decorations, plaited fibre-belts, bamboo
-and barbed spears.
-
-It may be added that in olden days, the natives in the Amphletts
-would not sail freely to all the places on the main island. Each
-Amphlett village community had a district on the mainland, with
-which they were on friendly terms and with which they could trade
-without incurring any danger. Thus, as said above, only the village
-of Kwatouto, in the southernmost inhabited Amphlett island, was free
-to go unmolested to the district round Yayawana, from whence they
-obtained the pale yellow clay, so excellent for pottery. The natives
-of Nabwageta had a few villages eastwards from Yayawana to deal
-with, and those of Gumasila went further East still. Domdom natives
-were never great traders or sailors. The trading conditions in the
-islands were further complicated by the constant internal quarrels and
-warfare between the districts. Kwatouto and Domdom on the one side,
-Gumasila and Nabwageta on the other were allies, and between these
-two factions there was a constant, smouldering hostility, preventing
-any development of friendly commercial intercourse, and breaking out
-now and then into open warfare. This was the reason why the villages
-were all perched on high, inaccessible ledges, or like Gumasila,
-were built so as to be protected by the sea and reefs from attack.
-
-The influence of the surrounding great districts, that is, of the
-Trobriands and of Dobu upon the Amphletts neither was nor is merely
-commercial. From the limited linguistic material collected in the
-Amphletts, I can only say that their language is related both to that
-of the Trobriands and of Dobu. Their social organisation resembles
-closely that of the Trobrianders with the exception of chieftainship,
-which is lacking in the Amphletts. In their beliefs as to sorcery,
-spirits, etc., they seem to be more akin to the Dobuans than to the
-Trobrianders. Their canoe magic has come from the Trobriands, but the
-art of building their canoes is that of Dobu, which as we have seen
-before is also the one adopted by the Trobrianders. The magic of the
-Kula, known in the Amphletts, is partly adopted from the Trobriands,
-and partly from Dobu. There is only one indigenous system of magic
-which originated in the islands. Long ago there lived a man of the
-Malasi clan, who had his abode in the rock of Selawaya, which stands
-out of the jungle, above the big village of Gumasila. This man knew
-the magic of ayowa, which is the name given to mwasila (Kula magic)
-in the language of the Amphletts and of Dobu. Some people passed
-near the stone while it was being recited within it; they learned it,
-and handed it over to their descendants.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-One more point of importance must be mentioned here, a point
-bearing upon the intertribal relations in this district. As we saw,
-some Trobriand people remain sometimes on prolonged visits in the
-Amphletts. This custom, however, is never reciprocated, and people
-from the Amphletts never visit for any length of time their Northern
-neighbours. The same refers to the relations between the Trobriands
-and the district of Dobu. In discussing the lists of Kula partners
-of Kouta'uya and Toybayoba, I was told about some of their Southern
-partners, that they were veyola (maternal kinsmen) of my informant. On
-further inquiry it appeared that these people were emigrants from
-the Trobriands, who settled down in Tewara, Sanaroa or the big Dobuan
-settlements on the North-West shores of Dawson Straits.
-
-When I asked whether, on the contrary, there were any cases of Dobuans
-settling in Boyowa, it was emphatically denied that such a thing
-could happen. And indeed, in the numerous genealogical data which
-I have collected from all over the district, there is no trace of
-migration from the South, although frequent migrations occur within
-the district and some from the Marshall Bennett Islands. In general,
-all these migrations within the Trobriands show also a marked tendency
-to move form North to South. Thus, the most aristocratic sub-clan,
-the Tabalu, originated in the Northernmost village of Laba'i. But now
-their stronghold is further South in Omarakana, and the members of
-the same sub-clan are ruling in Olivilevi, and Tukwa'ukwa, that is in
-the middle of the island. Some of them even migrated as far South as
-Vakuta, where they established a feeble imitation of chieftainship,
-never being able to subdue the other natives to any extent. Several
-sub-clans, now firmly established in the Middle and Southern portions
-of the island, trace their descent from the North, and in the Amphletts
-there are also a couple of cases of sub-clans immigrated from Boyowa.
-
-In contrast to this migration of people from North to South, we have
-noted the spread of one of the main cultural elements, of the canoe,
-from South to North. We saw how the nagega, the big, sea-worthy,
-but heavy and slow canoe has been superseded by the masawa or tadobu,
-which spread a few generations ago, till it arrived at the island of
-Kitava. It is more difficult to follow the movements of beliefs. But
-I have reason to assume that beliefs in sorcery, more especially in
-the mulukwausi and tauva'u, move from South to North.
-
-In the next Chapter, we shall return to our Sinaketan expedition,
-in order to move them for a short distance along their route into
-the first settlements of the Dobu speaking people. These places will
-suggest a new theme for a lengthy digression, this time into the
-mythological subjects and legends connected with the Kula.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XII
-
-IN TEWARA AND SANAROA--MYTHOLOGY OF THE KULA
-
-
-I
-
-At daybreak the party leave the Amphletts. This is the stage when
-the parting gifts, the talo'i are given. The clay pots, the several
-kinds of produce of the islands and of the Koya, which had been laid
-aside the previous day, are now brought to the canoes (see Plate
-XLVII). Neither the giver nor the main receiver, the toliwaga, take
-much notice of the proceedings, great nonchalance about give and take
-being the correct attitude prescribed by good manners. Children bring
-the objects, and the junior members of the crew stow them away. The
-general behaviour of the crowds, ashore and in the canoes, is as
-unostentatious at this moment of parting as it was at the arrival. No
-more farewells than greetings are spoken or shouted, nor are there
-any visible or formal signs of grief, or of hope of meeting again,
-or of any other emotions. The busy, self-absorbed crews push off
-stolidly, step the mast, set sail, and glide away.
-
-They now approach the broad front of Koyatabu, which with a favourable
-wind, they might reach within two hours or so. They probably sail near
-enough to get a clear view of the big trees standing on the edge of
-the jungle, and of the long waterfall dividing the mountain's flank
-right down the middle; of the triangular patches under cultivation,
-covered with the vine of yams and big leaves of taro. They could also
-perceive here and there smoke curling out of the jungle where, hidden
-under the trees, there lies a village, composed of a few miserable
-huts. Nowadays these villages have come down to the water's edge,
-in order to supplement their garden yield with fish. In olden days
-they were all high up on the slope, and their huts hardly ever visible
-from the sea.
-
-The inhabitants of these small and ramshackle villages are shy and
-timid, though in olden days they would have been dangerous to the
-Trobrianders. They speak a language which differs from that of Dobu
-and is usually called by the natives 'the Basima talk.' There seem to
-be about four or five various languages on the island of Fergusson,
-besides that of Dobu. My acquaintance with the Basima natives is
-very small, due only to two forced landings in their district. They
-struck me as being physically of a different type from the Dobuans,
-though this is only an impression. They have got no boats, and do the
-little sailing they require on small rafts of three or five logs tied
-together. Their houses are smaller and less well-made than those in
-Dobu. Further investigation of these natives would be very interesting,
-and probably also very difficult, as is always the case when studying
-very small communities, living at the same time right out of touch
-with any white man.
-
-This land must remain, for the present anyhow, veiled for ourselves,
-as it also is for the Trobriand natives. For these, indeed, the few
-attempts which they occasionally made to come into contact with these
-natives, and the few mishaps which brought them to their shores,
-were all far from encouraging in results, and only strengthened the
-traditional superstitious fear of them. Several generations ago, a
-canoe or two from Burakwa, in the island of Kayeula, made an exploring
-trip to the district of Gabu, lying in a wide bay under the North-West
-flank of Koyatabu. The natives of Gabu, receiving them at first with a
-show of interest, and pretending to enter into commercial relations,
-afterwards fell on them treacherously and slew the chief Toraya and
-all his companions. This story has become famous, and indeed one of the
-outstanding historical events of the Trobriands, because Tomakam, the
-slain chief's younger brother, went to the Koya of Gabu, and killed the
-head man of one of the villages, avenging thus his brother's death. He
-then composed a song and a dance which is performed to this day in
-Kiriwina, and has indeed one of the finest melodies in the islands.
-
-This is the verbatim account of the story as it was told to me by
-To'uluwa himself, the chief of Omarakana, who at present 'owns' this
-Gumagabu dance, his ancestors having acquired it from the descendants
-of Tomakam by a laga payment. [73] It is a commentary to the song,
-and begins only with the avenging expedition of Tomakam, which is
-also the theme of the song.
-
-
-                         THE STORY OF GUMAGABU
-
-    "Tomakam got a new waga. He blew the conch shell and went to
-    the Koya. He spoke to his mother" (that is, before leaving), "'My
-    mother, you remain, I shall sail. One conch shell you hear, it will
-    be a conch shell of a necklace.'" (That is, it will be a sign that
-    he has been successful in getting a good Kula necklace). "'The
-    second conch shell will be the conch shell of the dead man; the
-    sign that I have already carried out my revenge. I shall sail, I
-    shall anchor, I shall sleep. The second day I shall sail, I shall
-    anchor, I shall sleep. The third day I shall anchor in a village,
-    having already arrived in the Mountain. The fourth day I shall give
-    pari, the Kinana (the Southern foreigner) will come, I shall hit
-    him. The fifth day I shall return. I shall sail fast, till night
-    grows on the sea. The next day I shall anchor at Burakwa. You
-    hear the conch shell, you sleep in the house, arise. One blow you
-    hear of the shell--the blow of the bagi (necklace). Two blows you
-    hear, the blow of the dead man! Then the men of Burakwa will say:
-    'Two conch shells, two necklaces,' then, you come out of the house,
-    you speak: 'Men of Burakwa, from one side of the village and from
-    the other; indeed you mocked my son, Tomakam. Your speech was--go,
-    carry out thy vendetta in Gabu. The first conch shell is that of
-    the necklace, the second conch shell is that of the dead man. I
-    have spoken!'" (Here ends the speech of Tomakam to his mother.)
-
-    "He anchored in the village in the Koya. He told his younger
-    brother: 'Go, tell the Kinana men these words: Your friend has
-    a sore leg, well, if we together go to the canoe he will give
-    the pari!' The younger brother went and spoke those words to the
-    headman of the Kinana: 'Some green coco-nuts, some betel-nut, some
-    pig, bring this to us and we shall give you pari. Your arm-shells,
-    your big stone blade, your boar's tusk, your whale-bone spatula
-    await you in the canoe. The message for you is that your friend
-    has a sore leg and cannot walk.' Says the Kinana man: 'Well,
-    let us go!'"
-
-    "He caught a pig, he collected betel-nut, sugar cane, bananas,
-    necklaces, betel-pod, he said: 'Well, let us go together to the
-    canoe.' Pu'u he gives the necklace; pu'u, the pig; then he gave
-    the coco-nut, the betel-nut, the sugar cane, the bananas. Tomakam
-    lay on one side; his leg he wrapped up in a white, soft pandanus
-    mat. Before he had spoken to his younger brother": (i.e., he gave
-    him this instruction also, when he sent him to meet the people of
-    Gabu): "'You all come with the Kinana man. Do not remain in the
-    village.' Then" (after the first gifts were exchanged) "the Kinana
-    man stood up in the canoe. His betel-pod fell down. Spoke Tomakam,
-    addressing the Kinana man: 'My friend, pick up the betel-pod. It
-    fell and went down into the canoe.' The Kinana man bent down,
-    he took the betel-pod. Tomakam saw that the Kinana bent down,
-    he took an axe, and sitting he made a stroke at him. He cut off
-    his neck. Then Tomakam took the head, threw the body into the
-    sea. The head he stuck on a stick of his canoe. They sailed, they
-    arrived in their village. He caught a pig, prepared a taro pudding,
-    cut sugar cane, they had a big feast, he invented this song."
-
-
-Such was the story told me by the chief of Omarakana about the song
-and dance of Gumagabu, which at that time they were singing and
-performing in his village. I have adduced it in full, in an almost
-literal translation from the native text, in order to show it side by
-side with the song. The narrative thus reproduced shows characteristic
-gaps, and it does not cover even the incidents of the song.
-
-The following is a free translation of the song, which, in its
-original native text, is very condensed and impressionistic. A word
-or two indicates rather than describes whole scenes and incidents,
-and the traditional commentary, handed on in a native community side
-by side with the song, is necessary for a full understanding.
-
-
-                           THE GUMAGABU SONG
-
-        I
-
-        The stranger of Gumagabu sits on the top of the mountain.
-        'Go on top of the mountain, the towering mountain....'
-        ----They cry for Toraya...----
-        The stranger of Gumagabu sits on the slope of the mountain.
-        ----The fringe of small clouds lifts above Boyowa;
-        The mother cries for Toraya----
-        'I shall take my revenge.'
-        The mother cries for Toraya.
-
-
-        II
-
-        Our mother, Dibwaruna, dreams on the mat.
-        She dreams about the killing.
-        'Revenge the wailing;
-        Anchor; hit the Gabu strangers!'
-        ----The stranger comes out;
-        The chief gives him the pari;
-        'I shall give you the doga;
-        Bring me things from the mountain to the canoe!'
-
-
-        III
-
-        We exchange our vaygu'a;
-        The rumour of my arrival spreads through the Koya
-        We talk and talk.
-        He bends and is killed.
-        His companions run away;
-        His body is thrown into the sea;
-        The companions of the Kinana run away,
-        We sail home.
-
-
-        IV
-
-        Next day, the sea foams up,
-        The chief's canoe stops on the reef;
-        The storm approaches;
-        The chief is afraid of drowning.
-        The conch shell is blown:
-        It sounds in the mountain.
-        They all weep on the reef.
-
-
-        V
-
-        They paddle in the chief's canoe;
-        They circle round the point of Bewara.
-        'I have hung my basket.
-        I have met him.'
-        So cries the chief,
-        So cries repeatedly the chief.
-
-
-        VI
-
-        Women in festive decoration
-        Walk on the beach.
-        Nawaruva puts on her turtle rings;
-        She puts on her luluga'u skirt.
-        In the village of my fathers, in Burakwa,
-        There is plenty of food;
-        Plenty is brought in for distribution.
-
-
-The character of this song is extremely elliptic, one might even say
-futuristic, since several scenes are crowded simultaneously into the
-picture. In the first strophe we see the Kinana, by which word all
-the tribesmen from the d'Entrecasteaux Archipelago are designated in
-Boyowa, on the top of his Mountain in Gabu. Immediately afterwards, we
-are informed of the intentions of Tomakam to ascend the mountain, while
-the women cry for Toraya, for the slain chief--probably his kinswomen
-and widows. The next picture again spans over the wide seas, and on
-the one shore we see the Gabuan sitting on the slopes of his hill and
-far away on the other, under the fringe of small clouds lifting above
-Boyowa, the mother cries for her son, the murdered chief. Tomakam
-takes a resolve, 'I shall take my revenge,' hearing her cry.
-
-In the second strophe, the mother dreams about the expedition; the
-words about revenge to be taken on the Gabu men and the directions to
-anchor and hit him are probably taken from her dream. Then suddenly we
-are transported right across to the mountain, the expedition having
-arrived there already. The strangers, the Kinana are coming down to
-the canoe, and we assist at the words spoken between them and the
-people of Buakwa.
-
-Then in the third strophe, we arrive at the culminating scene of
-the drama; even here, however, the hero, who is also his own bard,
-could not help introducing a few boastful words about his renown
-resounding in the Koya. In a few words the tragedy is described:
-the Kinana bends down, is killed, and his body is thrown into the
-water. About his head we hear nothing in this verse.
-
-In the next one, a storm overtakes the returning party. Signals of
-distress are re-echoed by the mountain, and like Homeric heroes, our
-party are not ashamed to weep in fear and anguish. Somehow they escape,
-however, and in the next verse, they are already near their village and
-Tomakam, their leader, bursts into a pæan of triumph. It is not quite
-clear what the allusion to the basket means, whether he keeps there his
-Kula trophies or the slain enemy's head; this latter, in contradiction
-to what we heard in the prose story of its being impaled. The song ends
-with a description of a feast. The woman mentioned there is Tomakam's
-daughter, who puts on festive attire in order to welcome her father.
-
-Comparing now the song with the story, we see that they do not
-quite tally. In the story, there is the dramatic interest of the
-mother's intervention. We gather from it that Tomakam, goaded by
-the aspersions of his fellow-villagers, wishes to make his return
-as effective as possible. He arranges the signals of the two conch
-shell blasts with his mother, and asks her to harangue the people
-at the moment of his return. All this finds no expression in the
-song. The ruse of the chief's sore leg is also omitted from there,
-which, however, does not mean that the hero was ashamed of it. On
-the other hand, the storm described in the song is omitted from the
-story, and there is a discrepancy about the head of the Gabu man,
-and we do not know whether it really is conveyed in a basket as the
-song has it or impaled, as the story relates!
-
-I have adduced in detail the story and the song, because they are a
-good illustration of the native's attitude towards the dangers, and
-towards the heroic romance of the Koya. They are also interesting as
-documents, showing which salient points would strike the natives'
-imagination in such a dramatic occurrence. Both in the story
-and in the song, we find emphasised the motives of social duty,
-of satisfied self-regard and ambition; again, the dangers on the
-reef, the subterfuge in killing, finally the festivities on return
-home. Much that would interest us in the whole story is omitted,
-as anyone can see for himself.
-
-Other stories, though not made illustrious through being set into a
-song, are told about the Koya. I met myself an old man in the island
-of Vakuta, who, as a boy, had been captured with a whole party by a
-village community of Dobu-speaking people on Normanby Island. The men
-and another small boy of the party were killed and eaten, but some
-women took pity on him, and he was spared, to be brought up amongst
-them. There is another man, either alive or recently dead in Kavataria,
-who had a similar experience in Fergusson Island. Another man called
-Kaypoyla, from the small island of Kuyawa in the Western Trobriands,
-was stranded with his crew somewhere in the West of Fergusson Island,
-but not in the district where they used to trade. His companions
-were killed and eaten. He was taken alive and kept to fatten for a
-proximate feast. His host, or rather the host of the feast in which
-he was going to furnish the pièce de résistence, was away inland,
-to invite the guests, while the host's wife went for a moment
-behind the house, sweeping the ground. Kaypoyla jumped up and ran
-to the shore. Being chased by some other men from the settlement,
-he concealed himself in the branches of a big tree standing on the
-beach, and was not found by his pursuers. At night he came down, took
-a canoe or a raft, and paddled along the coast. He used to sleep on
-shore during the night, and paddle on in day time. One night he slept
-among some sago-palms, and, awakening in the morning, found himself,
-to his terror, surrounded by Kinana men. What was his joyful surprise
-after all, when he recognised among them his friend and Kula partner,
-with whom he always used to trade! After some time, he was sent back
-home in his partner's canoe.
-
-Many such stories have a wide currency, and they supply one of
-the heroic elements in tribal life, an element which now, with
-the establishment of white man's influence, has vanished. Yet
-even now the gloomy shores which our party are leaving to the
-right, the tall jungle, the deep valleys, the hill-tops darkened
-with trailing clouds, all this is a dim mysterious background,
-adding to the awe and solemnity of the Kula, though not entering
-into it. The sphere of activities of our traders lies at the foot
-of the high mountains, there, where a chain of rocks and islands
-lies scattered along the coast. Some of them are passed immediately
-after leaving Gumasila. Then, after a good distance, a small rock,
-called Gurewaya, is met, remarkable for the taboos associated with
-it. Close behind it, two islands, Tewara and Uwama, are separated
-by a narrow passage, the mythical straits of Kadimwatu. There is a
-village on the first-mentioned, and the natives of this make gardens
-on both islands. The village is not very big; it may have some sixty
-to eighty inhabitants, as it can man three canoes for the Kula. It
-has no commercial or industrial importance, but is notable because
-of its mythological associations. This island is the home of the
-mythological hero, Kasabwaybwayreta, whose story is one of the most
-important legends of the Kula. Here indeed, in Tewara, we are right
-within the mythological heart of the Kula. In fact, we entered its
-legendary area with the moment the Sinaketan fleet sailed out of the
-Lagoon into the deep waters of Pilolu.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Once more we must pause, this time in an attempt to grasp the
-natives' mental attitude towards the mythological aspect of the
-Kula. Right through this account it has been our constant endeavour
-to realise the vision of the world, as it is reflected in the minds
-of the natives. The frequent references to the scenery have not been
-given only to enliven the narrative, or even to enable the reader
-to visualise the setting of the native customs. I have attempted to
-show how the scene of his actions appears actually to the native,
-to describe his impressions and feelings with regard to it, as I was
-able to read them in his folk-lore, in his conversations at home,
-and in his behaviour when passing through this scenery itself.
-
-Here we must try to reconstruct the influence of myth upon this
-vast landscape, as it colours it, gives it meaning, and transforms
-it into something live and familiar. What was a mere rock, now
-becomes a personality; what was a speck on the horizon becomes a
-beacon, hallowed by romantic associations with heroes; a meaningless
-configuration of landscape acquires a significance, obscure no doubt,
-but full of intense emotion. Sailing with natives, especially with
-novices to the Kula, I often observed how deep was their interest
-in sections of landscape impregnated with legendary meaning, how the
-elder ones would point and explain, the younger would gaze and wonder,
-while the talk was full of mythological names. It is the addition of
-the human interest to the natural features, possessing in themselves
-less power of appealing to a native man than to us, which makes the
-difference for him in looking at the scenery. A stone hurled by one of
-the heroes into the sea after an escaping canoe; a sea passage broken
-between two islands by a magical canoe; here two people turned into
-rock; there a petrified waga--all this makes the landscape represent
-a continuous story or else the culminating dramatic incident of
-a familiar legend. This power of transforming the landscape, the
-visible environment, is one only of the many influences which myth
-exercises upon the general outlook of the natives. Although here we
-are studying myth only in its connection with the Kula, even within
-these narrow limits some of its broader connections will be apparent,
-notably its influence upon sociology, magic and ceremonial.
-
-The question which presents itself first, in trying to grasp the native
-outlook on the subject is: what is myth to the natives? How do they
-conceive and define it? Have they any line of demarcation between the
-mythical and the actual reality, and if so, how do they draw this line?
-
-Their folk-lore, that is, the verbal tradition, the store of tales,
-legends, and texts handed on by previous generations, is composed of
-the following classes: first of all, there is what the natives call
-libogwo, 'old talk,' but which we would call tradition; secondly,
-kukwanebu, fairy tales, recited for amusement, at definite seasons,
-and relating avowedly untrue events; thirdly, wosi, the various
-songs, and vinavina, ditties, chanted at play or under other
-special circumstances; and last, not least, megwa or yopa, the
-magical spells. All these classes are strictly distinguished from
-one another by name, function, social setting, and by certain formal
-characteristics. This brief outline of the Boyowan folk-lore in general
-must suffice here, as we cannot enter into more details, and the only
-class which interests us in the present connection is the first one,
-that called libogwo.
-
-This, the 'old talk,' the body of ancient tradition, believed to be
-true, consists on the one hand of historical tales, such as the deeds
-of past chiefs, exploits in the Koya, stories of shipwreck, etc. On
-the other hand, the libogwo class also contains what the natives call
-lili'u--myths, narratives, deeply believed by them, held by them in
-reverence, and exercising an active influence on their conduct and
-tribal life. Now the natives distinguish definitely between myth and
-historic account, but this distinction is difficult to formulate,
-and cannot be stated but in a somewhat deliberate manner.
-
-First of all, it must be borne in mind, that a native would not
-trouble spontaneously to analyse such distinctions and to put them
-into words. If an Ethnographer succeeded in making the problem clear
-to an intelligent informant (and I have tried and succeeded in doing
-this) the native would simply state:
-
-
-    "We all know that the stories about Tudava, about Kudayuri, about
-    Tokosikuna, are lili'u; our fathers, our kadada (our maternal
-    uncles) told us so; and we always hear these tales; we know them
-    well; we know that there are no other tales besides them, which
-    are lili'u. Thus, whenever we hear a story, we know whether it
-    is a lili'u or not."
-
-
-Indeed, whenever a story is told, any native, even a boy, would be
-able to say whether this is one of his tribal lili'u or not. For the
-other tales, that is the historical ones, they have no special word,
-but they would describe the events as happening among 'humans like
-ourselves.' Thus tradition, from which the store of tales is received,
-hands them on labelled as lili'u, and the definition of a lili'u,
-is that it is a story transmitted with such a label. And even this
-definition is contained by the facts themselves, and not explicitly
-stated by the natives in their current stock of expressions.
-
-For us, however, even this is not sufficient, and we have to search
-further, in order to see whether we cannot find other indices, other
-characteristic features which differentiate the world of mythical
-events from that of real ones. A reflection which would naturally
-present itself would be this: "Surely the natives place their myths
-in ancient, pre-historic times, while they put historical events
-into recent ages?" There is some truth in this, in so far as most of
-the historical events related by the natives are quite recent, have
-occurred within the community where they are told and can be directly
-connected with people and conditions existing at present, by memory
-of living man, by genealogies or other records. On the other hand,
-when historical events are told from other districts, and cannot be
-directly linked with the present, it would be erroneous to imagine that
-the natives place them into a definite compartment of time different
-from that of the myth. For it must be realised that these natives do
-not conceive of a past as of a lengthy duration, unrolling itself
-in successive stages of time. They have no idea of a long vista of
-historical occurrences, narrowing down and dimming as they recede
-towards a distant background of legend and myth, which stands out
-as something entirely different from the nearer planes. This view,
-so characteristic of the naive, historical thinking among ourselves,
-is entirely foreign to the natives. Whenever they speak of some event
-of the past, they distinguish whether it happened within their own
-memory or that of their fathers' or not. But, once beyond this line
-of demarcation, all the past events are placed by them on one plane,
-and there are no gradations of 'long ago' and 'very long ago.' Any
-idea of epochs in time is absent from their mind; the past is one
-vast storehouse of events, and the line of demarcation between myth
-and history does not coincide with any division into definite and
-distinct periods of time. Indeed, I have found very often that when
-they told me some story of the past, for me obviously mythological,
-they would deem it necessary to emphasise that this did not happen
-in their fathers' time or in their grand-fathers' time, but long ago,
-and that it is a lili'u.
-
-Again, they have no idea of what could be called the evolution of
-the world or the evolution of society; that is, they do not look back
-towards a series of successive changes, which happened in nature or
-in humanity, as we do. We, in our religious and scientific outlook
-alike, know that earth ages and that humanity ages, and we think of
-both in these terms; for them, both are eternally the same, eternally
-youthful. Thus, in judging the remoteness of traditional events, they
-cannot use the co-ordinates of a social setting constantly in change
-and divided into epochs. To give a concrete example, in the myths of
-Torosipupu and Tolikalaki, we saw them having the same interest and
-concerns, engaged in the same type of fishing, using the same means
-of locomotion as the present natives do. The mythical personages of
-the natives' legends, as we shall presently see, live in the same
-houses, eat the same food, handle the same weapons and implements as
-those in use at present. Whereas in any of our historical stories,
-legends or myths, we have a whole set of changed cultural conditions,
-which allow us to co-ordinate any event with a certain epoch, and
-which make us feel that a distant historical event, and still more,
-a mythological one, is happening in a setting of cultural conditions
-entirely different from those in which we are living now. In the
-very telling of the stories of, let us say, Joan of Arc, Solomon,
-Achilles, King Arthur, we have to mention all sorts of things and
-conditions long since disappeared from among us, which make even a
-superficial and an uneducated listener realise that it is a story of
-a remote and different past.
-
-I have said just now that the mythical personages in the Trobriand
-tradition are living the same type of life, under the same social
-and cultural conditions as the present natives. This needs one
-qualification, and in this we shall find a very remarkable criterion
-for a distinction between what is legendary and what is historical:
-in the mythical world, although surrounding conditions were similar,
-all sorts of events happened which do not happen nowadays, and people
-were endowed with powers such as present men and their historical
-ancestors do not possess. In mythical times, human beings come out of
-the ground, they change into animals, and these become people again;
-men and women rejuvenate and slough their skins; flying canoes speed
-through the air, and things are transformed into stone.
-
-Now this line of demarcation between the world of myth and that of
-actual reality--the simple difference that in the former things happen
-which never occur nowadays--is undoubtedly felt and realised by the
-natives, though they themselves could not put it into words. They know
-quite well that to-day no one emerges from underground; that people
-do not change into animals, and vice versa; nor do they give birth to
-them; that present-day canoes do not fly. I had the opportunity of
-grasping their mental attitude towards such things by the following
-occurrence. The Fijian missionary teacher in Omarakana was telling them
-about white man's flying machines. They inquired from me, whether this
-was true, and when I corroborated the Fijian's report and showed them
-pictures of aeroplanes in an illustrated paper, they asked me whether
-this happened nowadays or whether it were a lili'u. This circumstance
-made it clear to me then, that the natives would have a tendency,
-when meeting with an extraordinary and to them supernatural event,
-either to discard it as untrue, or relegate it into the regions of the
-lili'u. This does not mean, however, that the untrue and the mythical
-are the same or even similar to them. Certain stories told to them,
-they insist on treating as sasopa (lies), and maintain that they
-are not lili'u. For instance, those opposed to missionary teaching
-will not accept the view that Biblical stories told to them are a
-lili'u, but they reject them as sasopa. Many a time did I hear such
-a conservative native arguing thus:--
-
-
-    "Our stories about Tudava are true; this is a lili'u. If you go
-    to Laba'i you can see the cave in which Tudava was born, you can
-    see the beach where he played as a boy. You can see his footmark
-    in a stone at a place in the Raybwag. But where are the traces
-    of Yesu Keriso? Who ever saw any signs of the tales told by the
-    misinari? Indeed they are not lili'u."
-
-
-To sum up, the distinction between the lili'u and actual or historical
-reality is drawn firmly, and there is a definite cleavage between the
-two. Prima facie, this distinction is based on the fact that all myth
-is labelled as such and known to be such to all natives. A further
-distinctive mark of the world of lili'u lies in the super-normal,
-supernatural character of certain events which happen in it. The
-supernatural is believed to be true, and this truth is sanctioned
-by tradition, and by the various signs and traces left behind by
-mythical events, more especially by the magical powers handed on by the
-ancestors who lived in times of lili'u. This magical inheritance is
-no doubt the most palpable link between the present and the mythical
-past. But this past must not be imagined to form a pre-historic,
-very distant background, something which preceded a long evolution
-of mankind. It is rather the past, but extremely near reality, very
-much alive and true to the natives.
-
-As I have just said, there is one point on which the cleavage between
-myth and present reality, however deep, is bridged over in native
-ideas. The extraordinary powers which men possess in myths are mostly
-due to their knowledge of magic. This knowledge is, in many cases,
-lost, and therefore the powers of doing these marvellous things are
-either completely gone, or else considerably reduced. If the magic
-could be recovered, men would fly again in their canoes, they could
-rejuvenate, defy ogres, and perform the many heroic deeds which they
-did in ancient times. Thus, magic, and the powers conferred by it, are
-really the link between mythical tradition and the present day. Myth
-has crystallised into magical formulæ, and magic in its turn bears
-testimony to the authenticity of myth. Often the main function of
-myth is to serve as a foundation for a system of magic, and, wherever
-magic forms the backbone of an institution, a myth is also to be found
-at the base of it. In this perhaps, lies the greatest sociological
-importance of myth, that is, in its action upon institutions through
-the associated magic. The sociological point of view and the idea of
-the natives coincide here in a remarkable manner. In this book we see
-this exemplified in one concrete case, in that of the relation between
-the mythology, the magic, and the social institution of the Kula.
-
-Thus we can define myth as a narrative of events which are to the
-native supernatural, in this sense, that he knows well that to-day
-they do not happen. At the same time he believes deeply that they
-did happen then. The socially sanctioned narratives of these events;
-the traces which they left on the surface of the earth; the magic
-in which they left behind part of their supernatural powers, the
-social institutions which are associated with the practice of this
-magic--all this brings about the fact that a myth is for the native
-a living actuality, though it has happened long ago and in an order
-of things when people were endowed with supernatural powers.
-
-I have said before that the natives do not possess any historical
-perspective, that they do not range events--except of course,
-those of the most recent decades--into any successive stages. They
-also do not classify their myths into any divisions with regard
-to their antiquity. But in looking at their myths, it becomes at
-once obvious that they represent events, some of which must have
-happened prior to others. For there is a group of stories describing
-the origin of humanity, the emerging of the various social units
-from underground. Another group of mythical tales gives accounts of
-how certain important institutions were introduced and how certain
-customs crystallised. Again, there are myths referring to small
-changes in culture, or to the introduction of new details and minor
-customs. Broadly speaking, the mythical folk-lore of the Trobrianders
-can be divided into three groups referring to three different strata
-of events. In order to give a general idea of Trobriand mythology, it
-will be good to give a short characterisation of each of these groups.
-
-1. The Oldest Myths, referring to the origin of human beings; to
-the sociology of the sub-clans and villages; to the establishment
-of permanent relations between this world and the next. These myths
-describe events which took place just at the moment when the earth
-began to be peopled from underneath. Humanity existed, somewhere
-underground, since people emerged from there on the surface of Boyowa,
-in full decoration, equipped with magic, belonging to social divisions,
-and obeying definite laws and customs. But beyond this we know nothing
-about what they did underground. There is, however, a series of myths,
-of which one is attached to every one of the more important sub-clans,
-about various ancestors coming out of the ground, and almost at once,
-doing some important deed, which gives a definite character to the
-sub-clan. Certain mythological versions about the nether world belong
-also to this series.
-
-2. Kultur-myths.--Here belong stories about ogres and their conquerors;
-about human beings who established definite customs and cultural
-features; about the origin of certain institutions. These myths are
-different from the foregoing ones, in so far as they refer to a time
-when humanity was already established on the surface of the earth,
-and when all the social divisions had already assumed a definite
-character. The main cycle of myths which belong here, are those of
-a culture hero, Tudava, who slays an ogre and thus allows people
-to live in Boyowa again, whence they all had fled in fear of being
-eaten. A story about the origins of cannibalism belongs here also,
-and about the origin of garden making.
-
-3. Myths in which figure only ordinary human beings, though endowed
-with extraordinary magical powers. These myths are distinguished
-from the foregoing ones, by the fact that no ogres or non-human
-persons figure in them, and that they refer to the origin, not of
-whole aspects of culture, such as cannibalism or garden-making,
-but to definite institutions or definite forms of magic. Here comes
-the myth about the origins of sorcery, the myth about the origins
-of love magic, the myth of the flying canoe, and finally the several
-Kula myths. The line of division between these three categories is,
-of course, not a rigid one, and many a myth could be placed in two
-or even three of these classes, according to its several features
-or episodes. But each myth contains as a rule one main subject, and
-if we take only this, there is hardly ever the slightest doubt as to
-where it should be placed.
-
-A point which might appear contradictory in superficial reading is that
-before, we stressed the fact that the natives had no idea of change,
-yet here we spoke of myths about 'origins' of institutions. It is
-important to realise that, though natives do speak about times when
-humanity was not upon the earth, of times when there were no gardens,
-etc., yet all these things arrive ready-made; they do not change or
-evolve. The first people, who came from underground, came up adorned
-with the same trinkets, carrying their lime-pot and chewing their
-betel-nut. The event, the emergence from the earth was mythical,
-that is, such as does not happen now; but the human beings and the
-country which received them were such as exist to-day.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-The myths of the Kula are scattered along a section of the present
-Kula circuit. Beginning with a place in Eastern Woodlark Island,
-the village of Wamwara, the mythological centres are spread round
-almost in a semi-circle, right down to the island of Tewara, Where
-we have left for the present our party from Sinaketa.
-
-In Wamwara there lived an individual called Gere'u, who, according to
-one myth, was the originator of the Kula. In the island of Digumenu,
-West of Woodlark Island, Tokosikuna, another hero of the Kula, had
-his early home, though he finished his career in Gumasila, in the
-Amphletts. Kitava, the westernmost of the Marshall Bennetts, is the
-centre of canoe magic associated with the Kula. It is also the home
-of Monikiniki, whose name figures in many formulæ of the Kula magic,
-though there is no explicit myth about him, except that he was the
-first man to practice an important system of mwasila (Kula magic),
-probably the most widespread system of the present day. Further West,
-in Wawela, we are at the other end of the Kasabwaybwayreta myth, which
-starts in Tewara, and goes over to Wawela in its narrative of events,
-to return to Tewara again. This mythological narrative touches the
-island of Boyowa at its southernmost point, the passage Giribwa,
-which divides it from Vakuta. Almost all myths have one of their
-incidents laid in a small island between Vakuta and the Amphletts,
-called Gabuwana. One of the myths leads us to the Amphletts, that of
-Tokosikuna; another has its beginning and end in Tewara. Such is the
-geography of the Kula myths on the big sector between Murua and Dobu.
-
-Although I do not know the other half through investigations made
-on the spot, I have spoken with natives from those districts, and I
-think that there are no myths localised anywhere on the sector Murua
-(Woodlark Island), Tubetube, and Dobu. What I am quite certain of,
-however, is that the whole of the Trobriands, except the two points
-mentioned before, lie outside the mythological area of the Kula. No
-Kula stories, associated with any village in the Northern half of
-Boyowa exist, nor does any of the mythical heroes of the other stories
-ever come to the Northern or Western provinces of the Trobriands. Such
-extremely important centres as Sinaketa and Omarakana are never
-mentioned. This would point, on the surface of it, to the fact that
-in olden days, the island of Boyowa, except its Southern end and the
-Eastern settlement of Wawela, either did not enter at all or did not
-play an important part in the Kula.
-
-I shall give a somewhat abbreviated account of the various stories,
-and then adduce in extenso the one last mentioned, perhaps the most
-noteworthy of all the Kula myths, that of Kasabwaybwayreta, as well
-as the very important canoe myth, that of the flying waga of Kudayuri.
-
-The Muruan myth, which I obtained only in a very bald outline,
-is localised in the village of Wamwara, at the Eastern end of the
-island. A man called Gere'u, of the Lukuba clan, knew very well the
-mwasila magic, and wherever he went, all the valuables were given to
-him, so that all the others returned empty-handed. He went to Gawa
-and Iwa, and as Soon as he appeared, pu-pu went the conch shells,
-and everybody gave him the bagi necklaces. He returned to his village,
-full of glory and of Kula spoils. Then he went to Du'a'u, and obtained
-again an enormous amount of arm-shells. He settled the direction
-in which the Kula valuables have to move. Bagi necklaces have 'to
-go,' and the arm-shells 'to come.' As this was spoken on Boyowa,
-'go' meant to travel from Boyowa to Woodlark, 'come' to travel from
-Gere'u's village to Sinaketa. The culture hero Gere'u was finally
-killed, through envy of his success in the Kula.
-
-I obtained two versions about the mythological hero, Tokosikuna
-of Digumenu. In the first of them, he is represented as a complete
-cripple, without hands and feet, who has to be carried by his two
-daughters into the canoe. They sail on a Kula expedition through Iwa,
-Gawa, through the Straits of Giribwa to Gumasila. Then they put him
-on a platform, where he takes a meal and goes to sleep. They leave
-him there and go into a garden which they see on a hill above, in
-order to gather some food. On coming back, they find him dead. On
-hearing their wailing, an ogre comes out, marries one of them and
-adopts the other. As he was very ugly, however, the girls killed him
-in an obscene manner, and then settled in the island. This obviously
-mutilated and superficial version does not give us many clues to the
-native ideas about the Kula.
-
-The other version is much more interesting. Tokosikuna, according to
-it, is also slightly crippled, lame, very ugly, and with a pitted skin;
-so ugly indeed that he could not marry. Far North, in the mythical
-land of Kokopawa, they play a flute so beautifully that the chief of
-Digumenu, the village of Tokosikuna, hears it. He wishes to obtain the
-flute. Many men set out, but all fail, and they have to return half
-way, because it is so far. Tokosikuna goes, and, through a mixture of
-cunning and daring, he succeeds in getting possession of the flute,
-and in returning safely to Digumenu. There, through magic which
-one is led to infer he has acquired on his journey, he changes his
-appearance, becomes young, smooth-skinned and beautiful. The guya'u
-(chief) who is away in his garden, hears the flute played in his
-village, and returning there, he sees Tokosikuna sitting on a high
-platform, playing the flute and looking beautiful. "Well," he says,
-"all my daughters, all my granddaughters, my nieces and my sisters,
-you all marry Tokosikuna! Your husbands, you leave behind! You marry
-Tokosikuna, for he has brought the flute from the distant land!" So
-Tokosikuna married all the women.
-
-The other men did not take it very well, of course. They decided to get
-rid of Tokosikuna by stratagem. They said: "The chief would like to
-eat giant clam-shell, let us go and fish it." "And how shall I catch
-it?" asks Tokosikuna. "You put your head, where the clam-shell gapes
-open." (This of course would mean death, as the clam-shell would close,
-and, if a really big one, would easily cut off his head). Tokosikuna,
-however, dived and with his two hands, broke a clam-shell open, a deed
-of super-human strength. The others were angry, and planned another
-form of revenge. They arranged a shark-fishing, advising Tokosikuna to
-catch the fish with his hands. But he simply strangled the big shark,
-and put it into the canoe. Then, he tears asunder a boar's mouth,
-bringing them thus to despair. Finally they decide to get rid of him at
-sea. They try to kill him first by letting the heavy tree, felled for
-the waga, fall on him. But he supports it with his outstretched arms,
-and does no harm to himself. At the time of lashing, his companions
-wrap some wayaugo (lashing creeper) into a soft pandanus leaf; then
-they persuade him to use pandanus only for the lashing of his canoe,
-which he does indeed, deceived by seeing them use what apparently is
-the same. Then they sail, the other men in good, sea-worthy canoes,
-he in an entirely unseaworthy one, lashed only with the soft, brittle
-pandanus leaf.
-
-And here begins the real Kula part of the myth. The expedition
-arrives at Gawa, where Tokosikuna remains with his canoe on the beach,
-while the other men go to the village to kula. They collect all the
-smaller armshells of the soulava type, but the big ones, the bagi,
-remain in the village, for the local men are unwilling to give
-them. Then Tokosikuna starts for the village after all the others
-have returned. After a short while, he arrives from the village,
-carrying all the bagido'u bagidudu, and bagiriku--that is, all the
-most valuable types of spondylus necklaces. The same happens in Iwa
-and Kitava. His companions from the other canoes go first and succeed
-only in collecting the inferior kinds of valuables. He afterwards
-enters the village, and easily obtains the high grades of necklace,
-which had been refused to the others. These become very angry; in
-Kitava, they inspect the lashings of his canoe, and see that they
-are rotten. "Oh well, to-morrow, Vakuta! The day after, Gumasila,--he
-will drown in Pilolu." In Vakuta the same happens as before, and the
-wrath of his unsuccessful companions increases.
-
-They sail and passing the sandbank of Gabula (this is the Trobriand
-name for Gabuwana, as the Amphlettans pronounce it) Tokosikuna eases
-his helm; then, as he tries to bring the canoe up to the wind again,
-his lashings snap, and the canoe sinks. He swims in the waves, carrying
-the basket-full of valuables in one arm. He calls out to the other
-canoes: "Come and take your bagi! I shall get into your waga!" "You
-married all our women," they answer, "now, sharks will eat you! We
-shall go to make Kula in Dobu!" Tokosikuna, however, swims safely to
-the point called Kamsareta, in the island of Domdom. From there he
-beholds the rock of Selawaya standing out of the jungle on the eastern
-slope of Gumasila. "This is a big rock, I shall go and live there,"
-and turning towards the Digumenu canoes, he utters a curse:
-
-"You will get nothing in Dobu but poor necklaces, soulava of the
-type of tutumuyuwa and tutuyanabwa. The big bagido'u will stop with
-me." He remains in the Amphletts and does not return to Digumenu. And
-here ends the myth.
-
-I have given an extensive summary of this myth, including its first
-part, which has nothing to do with the Kula, because it gives a full
-character sketch of the hero as a daring sailor and adventurer. It
-shows, how Tokosikuna, after his Northern trip, acquired magic which
-allowed him to change his ugly and weak frame into a powerful body with
-a beautiful appearance. The first part also contains the reference to
-his great success with women, an association between Kula magic and
-love magic, which as we shall see, is not without importance. In this
-first part, that is, up to the moment when they start on the Kula,
-Tokosikuna appears as a hero, endowed with extraordinary powers,
-due to his knowledge of magic.
-
-In this myth, as we see, no events are related through which the
-natural appearance of the landscape is changed. Therefore this
-myth is typical of what I have called the most recent stratum of
-mythology. This is further confirmed by the circumstance that no
-allusion is made in it to any origins, not even to the origins of the
-mwasila magic. For, as the myth is at present told and commented upon,
-all the men who go on the Kula expedition with our hero, know a system
-of Kula magic, the mwasila of Monikiniki. Tokosikuna's superiority
-rests with his special beauty magic; with his capacity to display
-enormous strength, and to face with impunity great dangers; with his
-ability to escape from drowning, finally, with his knowledge of the
-evil magic, bulubwalata, with which he prevents his companions from
-doing successful Kula. This last point was contained in a commentary
-upon this myth, given to me by the man who narrated it. When I speak
-about the Kula magic more explicitly further on, the reader will
-see that the four points of superiority just mentioned correspond to
-the categories into which we have to group the Kula magic, when it
-is classified according to its leading ideas, according to the goal
-towards which it aims.
-
-One magic Tokosikuna does not know. We see from the myth that he
-is ignorant of the nature of the wayugo, the lashing creeper. He
-is therefore obviously not a canoe-builder, nor acquainted with
-canoe-building magic. This is the point on which his companions are
-able to catch him.
-
-Geographically, this myth links Digumenu with the Amphletts, as also
-did the previous version of the Tokosikuna story. The hero, here
-as there, settles finally in Gumasila, and the element of migration
-is contained in both versions. Again, in the last story, Tokosikuna
-decides to settle in the Amphletts, on seeing the Selawaya rock. If we
-remember the Gumasilan legend about the origin of Kula magic, it also
-refers to the same rock. I did not obtain the name of the individual
-who is believed to have lived on the Selawaya rock, but it obviously
-is the same myth, only very mutilated in the Gumasilan version.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Moving Westwards from Digumenu, to which the Tokosikuna myth belongs,
-the next important centre of Kula magic is the island of Kitava. With
-this place, the magical system of Monikiniki is associated by
-tradition, though no special story is told about this individual. A
-very important myth, on the other hand, localised in Kitava, is the
-one which serves as foundation for canoe magic. I have obtained three
-independent versions of this myth, and they agree substantially. I
-shall adduce at length the story as it was told to me by the best
-informant, and written down in Kiriwinian, and after that, I shall
-show on what points the other versions vary. I shall not omit from the
-full account certain tedious repetitions and obviously inessential
-details, for they are indispensable for imparting to the narrative
-the characteristic flavour of native folk-lore.
-
-To understand the following account, it is necessary to realise that
-Kitava is a raised coral island. Its inland part is elevated to a
-height of about three hundred feet. Behind the flat beach, a steep
-coral wall rises, and from its summit the land gently falls towards
-the central declivity. It is in this central part that the villages
-are situated, and it would be quite impossible to transport a canoe
-from any village to the beach. Thus, in Kitava, unlike what happens
-with some of the Lagoon villages of Boyowa, the canoes have to be
-always dug out and lashed on the beach.
-
-
-               THE MYTH OF THE FLYING CANOE OF KUDAYURI.
-
-    "Mokatuboda of the Lukuba clan and his younger brother Toweyre'i
-    lived in the village of Kudayuri. With them lived their three
-    sisters Kayguremwo, Na'ukuwakula and Murumweyri'a. They had
-    all come out from underground in the spot called Labikewo, in
-    Kitava. These people were the u'ula (foundation, basis, here:
-    first possessors) of the ligogu and wayugo magic."
-
-    "All the men of Kitava decided on a great Kula expedition to
-    the Koya. The men of Kumwageya, Kaybutu, Kabululo and Lalela
-    made their canoes. They scooped out the inside of the waga, they
-    carved the tabuyo and lagim (decorated prow boards), they made
-    the budaka (lateral gunwale planks). They brought the component
-    parts to the beach, in order to make the yowaga (to put and lash
-    them together)."
-
-    "The Kudayuri people made their canoe in the village. Mokatuboda,
-    the head man of the Kudayuri village, ordered them to do
-    so. They were angry: 'Very heavy canoe. Who will carry it to
-    the beach?' He said: 'No, not so; it will be well. I shall just
-    lash my waga in the village.' He refused to move the canoe;
-    it remained in the village. The other people pieced their canoe
-    on the beach; he pieced it together in the village. They lashed
-    it with the wayugo creeper on the beach; he lashed his in the
-    village. They caulked their canoes on the sea-shore; he caulked
-    his in the village. They painted their canoes on the beach with
-    black; he blackened his in the village. They made the youlala
-    (painted red and white) on the beach; he made the youlala in
-    the village. They sewed their sail on the beach; he did it in
-    the village. They rigged up the mast and rigging on the beach;
-    he in the village. After that, the men of Kitava made tasasoria
-    (trial run) and kabigidoya (visit of ceremonial presentation),
-    but the Kudayuri canoe did not make either."
-
-    "By and by, all the men of Kitava ordered their women to
-    prepare the food. The women one day put all the food, the gugu'a
-    (personal belongings), the pari (presents and trade goods) into the
-    canoe. The people of Kudayuri had all these things put into their
-    canoe in the village. The headman of the Kudayuri, Mokatuboda,
-    asked all his younger brothers, all the members of his crew,
-    to bring some of their pari, and he performed magic over it,
-    and made a lilava (magical bundle) of it."
-
-    "The people of other villages went to the beach; each canoe was
-    manned by its usagelu (members of the crew). The man of Kudayuri
-    ordered his crew to man his canoe in the village. They of the other
-    villages stepped the mast on the shore; he stepped the mast in
-    the village. They prepared the rigging on the shore; he prepared
-    the rigging in the village. They hoisted the sail on the sea;
-    he spoke 'May our sail be hoisted,' and his companions hoisted
-    the sail. He spoke: 'Sit in your places, every man!' He went into
-    the house, he took his ligogu (adze), he took some coco-nut oil,
-    he took a staff. He spoke magic over the adze, over the coco-nut
-    oil. He came out of the house, he approached the canoe. A small
-    dog of his called Tokulubweydoga jumped into the canoe. [74] He
-    spoke to his crew: 'Pull up the sail higher.' They pulled at the
-    halyard. He rubbed the staff with the coco-nut oil. He knocked
-    the canoe's skids with the staff. Then he struck with his ligogu
-    the u'ula of his canoe and the dobwana (that is, both ends of the
-    canoe). He jumped into the canoe, sat down, and the canoe flew!"
-
-    "A rock stood before it. It pierced the rock in two, and flew
-    through it. He bent down, he looked; his companions (that is,
-    the other canoes of Kitava) sailed on the sea. He spoke to
-    his younger brothers, (that is to his relatives in the canoe):
-    'Bail out the water, pour it out!' Those who sailed on the earth
-    thought it was rain, this water which they poured out from above."
-
-    "They (the other canoes) sailed to Giribwa, they saw a canoe
-    anchored there. They said: 'Is that the canoe from Dobu?' They
-    thought so, they wanted to lebu (take by force, but not necessarily
-    as a hostile act) the buna (big cowrie) shells of the Dobu
-    people. Then they saw the dog walking on the beach. They said:
-    'Wi-i-i! This is Tokulubweydoga, the dog of the Lukuba! This canoe
-    they lashed in the village, in the village of Kudayuri. Which way
-    did it come? It was anchored in the jungle!' They approached the
-    people of Kudayuri, they spoke: 'Which way did you come?' 'Oh,
-    I came together with you (the same way).' 'It rained. Did it rain
-    over you?' 'Oh yes, it has rained over me.'"
-
-    "Next day, they (the men of the other villages of Kitava), sailed
-    to Vakuta and went ashore. They made their Kula. The next day
-    they sailed, and he (Mokatuboda) remained in Vakuta. When they
-    disappeared on the sea, his canoe flew. He flew from Vakuta. When
-    they (the other crews) arrived in Gumasila, he was there on the
-    promontory of Lububuyama. They said: 'This canoe is like the
-    canoe of our companions,' and the dog came out. 'This is the dog
-    of the Lukuba clan of Kudayuri.' They asked him again which way he
-    came; he said he came the same way as they. They made the Kula in
-    Gumasila. He said: 'You sail first, I shall sail later on.' They
-    were astonished: 'Which way does he sail?' They slept in Gumasila."
-
-    "Next day they sailed to Tewara, they arrived at the beach
-    of Kadimwatu. They saw his canoe anchored there, the dog came
-    out and ran along the beach. They spoke to the Kudayuri men,
-    'How did you come here?' 'We came with you, the same way we
-    came.' They made Kula in Tewara. Next day, they sailed to Bwayowa
-    (village in Dobu district). He flew, and anchored at the beach
-    Sarubwoyna. They arrived there, they saw: 'Oh, look at the canoe,
-    are these fishermen from Dobu?' The dog came out. They recognised
-    the dog. They asked him (Mokatuboda) which way he came: 'I came
-    with you, I anchored here.' They went to the village of Bwayowa,
-    they made Kula in the village, they loaded their canoes. They
-    received presents from the Dobu people at parting, and the Kitava
-    men sailed on the return journey. They sailed first, and he flew
-    through the air."
-
-    On the return journey, at every stage, they see him first, they
-    ask him which way he went, and he gives them some sort of answer
-    as the above ones.
-
-    "From Giribwa they sailed to Kitava; he remained in Giribwa; he
-    flew from Giribwa; he went to Kitava, to the beach. His gugu'a
-    (personal belongings) were being carried to the village when his
-    companions came paddling along, and saw his canoe anchored and
-    the dog running on the beach. All the other men were very angry,
-    because his canoe flew."
-
-    "They remained in Kitava. Next year, they made their gardens,
-    all the men of Kitava. The sun was very strong, there was no
-    rain at all. The sun burned their gardens. This man (the head
-    man of Kudayuri, Mokatuboda) went into the garden. He remained
-    there, he made a bulubwalata (evil magic) of the rain. A small
-    cloud came and rained on his garden only, and their gardens the
-    sun burned. They (the other men of Kitava) went and saw their
-    gardens. They arrived there, they saw all was dead, already the
-    sun had burned them. They went to his garden and it was all wet:
-    yams, taitu, taro, all was fine. They spoke: 'Let us kill him
-    so that he might die. We shall then speak magic over the clouds,
-    and it will rain over our gardens.'"
-
-    "The real, keen magic, the Kudayuri man (i.e. Mokatuboda) did not
-    give to them; he gave them not the magic of the ligogu (adze);
-    he gave them not the magic of kunisalili (rain magic); he gave
-    them not the magic of the wayugo (lashing creeper), of the coco-nut
-    oil and staff. Toweyre'i, his younger brother, thought that he had
-    already received the magic, but he was mistaken. His elder brother
-    gave him only part of the magic, the real one he kept back."
-
-    "They came (to Mokatuboda, the head man of Kudayuri), he sat in
-    his village. His brothers and maternal nephews sharpened the spear,
-    they hit him, he died."
-
-    "Next year, they decided to make a big Kula expedition, to
-    Dobu. The old waga, cut and lashed by Mokatuboda, was no more good,
-    the lashings had perished. Then Toweyre'i, the younger brother,
-    cut a new one to replace the old. The people of Kumwageya and
-    Lalela (the other villages in Kitava) heard that Toweyre'i cuts
-    his waga, and they also cut theirs. They pieced and lashed their
-    canoes on the beach. Toweyre'i did it in the village."
-
-    Here the native narrative enumerates every detail of canoe making,
-    drawing the contrast between the proceedings on the beach of
-    the other Kitavans, and of Toweyre'i building the canoe in the
-    village of Kudayuri. It is an exact repetition of what was said
-    at the beginning, when Mokatuboda was building his canoe, and I
-    shall not adduce it here. The narrative arrives at the critical
-    moment when all the members of the crew are seated in the canoe
-    ready for the flight.
-
-    "Toweyre'i went into the house and made magic over the adze and
-    the coco-nut oil. He came out, smeared a staff with the oil,
-    knocked the skids of the canoe. He then did as his elder brother
-    did. He struck both ends of the canoe with the adze. He jumped
-    into the canoe and sat down; but the waga did not fly. Toweyre'i
-    went into the house and cried for his elder brother, whom he had
-    slain; he had killed him without knowing his magic. The people
-    of Kumwageya and Lalela went to Dobu and made their Kula. The
-    people of Kudayuri remained in the village."
-
-    "The three sisters were very angry with Toweyre'i, for he killed
-    the elder brother and did not learn his magic. They themselves
-    had learnt the ligogu, the wayugo magic; they had it already in
-    their lopoula (belly). They could fly through the air, they were
-    yoyova. In Kitava they lived on the top of Botigale'a hill. They
-    said: 'Let us leave Kitava and fly away.' They flew through the
-    air. One of them, Na'ukuwakula, flew to the West, pierced through
-    the sea-passage Dikuwa'i (Somewhere in the Western Trobriands);
-    she arrived at Simsim (one of the Lousançay). There she turned
-    into a stone, she stands in the sea."
-
-    "The two others flew first (due West) to the beach of Yalumugwa
-    (on the Eastern shore of Boyowa). There they tried to pierce the
-    coral rock named Yakayba--it was too hard. They went (further
-    South on the Eastern shore) through the sea-passage of Vilasasa
-    and tried to pierce the rock Kuyaluya--they couldn't. They went
-    (further South) and tried to pierce the rock of Kawakari--it
-    was too hard. They went (further South). They tried to pierce
-    the rocks at Giribwa. They succeeded. That is why there is now a
-    sea passage at Giribwa (the straits dividing the main island of
-    Boyowa from the island of Vakuta)."
-
-    "They flew (further South) towards Dobu. They came to the island of
-    Tewara. They came to the beach of Kadimwatu and pierced it. This
-    is where the straits of Kadimwatu are now between the islands of
-    Tewara and Uwama. They went to Dobu; they travelled further South,
-    to the promontory of Saramwa (near Dobu island). They spoke:
-    'Shall we go round the point or pierce right through?' They
-    went round the point. They met another obstacle and pierced
-    it through, making the Straits of Loma (at the Western end of
-    Dawson Straits). They came back, they returned and settled near
-    Tewara. They turned into stones; they stand in the sea. One of
-    them cast her eyes on Dobu, this is Murumweyri'a; she eats men,
-    and the Dobuans are cannibals. The other one, Kayguremwo, does
-    not eat men, and her face is turned towards Boyowa. The people
-    of Boyowa do not eat man."
-
-
-This story is extremely clear in its general outline, and very
-dramatic, and all its incidents and developments have a high degree
-of consistency and psychological motivation. It is perhaps the most
-telling of all myths from this part of the world which came under
-my notice. It is also a good example of what has been said before in
-Division II. Namely that the identical conditions, sociological and
-cultural, which obtain at the present time, are also reflected in
-mythical narratives. The only exception to this is the much higher
-efficiency of magic found in the world of myth. The tale of Kudayuri,
-on the one hand, describes minutely the sociological conditions of the
-heroes, their occupations and concerns, and all these do not differ
-at all from the present ones. On the other hand, it shows the hero
-endowed with a truly super-normal power through his magic of canoe
-building and of rain making. Nor could it be more convincingly stated
-than is done in this narrative that the full knowledge of the right
-magic was solely responsible for these supernatural powers.
-
-In its enumeration of the various details of tribal life, this myth is
-truly a fount of ethnographic information. Its statements, when made
-complete and explicit by native comment, contain a good deal of what
-is to be known about the sociology, technology and organisation of
-canoe-making, sailing, and of the Kula. If followed up into detail,
-the incidents of this narrative make us acquainted for instance,
-with the division into clans; with the origin and local character of
-these latter; with ownership of magic and its association with the
-totemic group. In almost all mythological narratives of the Trobriands,
-the clan, the sub-clan and the locality of the heroes are stated. In
-the above version, we see that the heroes have emerged at a certain
-spot, and that they themselves came from underground; that is, that
-they are the first representatives of their totemic sub-clan on the
-surface of the earth. In the two other versions, this last point was
-not explicitly stated, though I think it is implied in the incidents
-of this myth, for obviously the flying canoe is built for the first
-time, as it is for the last. In other versions, I was told that the
-hole from which this sub-clan emerged is also called Kudayuri, and
-that the name of their magical system is Viluvayaba.
-
-Passing to the following part of the tale, we find in it a description
-of canoe-building, and this was given to me in the same detailed
-manner in all three versions. Here again, if we would substitute for
-the short sentences a fuller account of what happens, such as could
-be elicited from any intelligent native informant; if for each word
-describing the stages of canoe-building we insert a full description
-of the processes for which these words stand--we would have in this
-myth an almost complete, ethnographic account of canoe-building. We
-would see the canoe pieced together, lashed, caulked, painted, rigged
-out, provided with a sail till it lies ready to be launched. Besides
-the successive enumeration of technical stages, we have in this
-myth a clear picture of the rôle played by the headman, who is
-the nominal owner of the canoe, and who speaks of it as his canoe
-and at the same time directs its building; overrides the wishes of
-others, and is responsible for the magic. We have even the mention
-of the tasasoria and kabigidoya, and several allusions to the Kula
-expedition of which the canoe-building in this myth is represented as a
-preliminary stage. The frequent, tedious repetitions and enumerations
-of customary sequences of events, interesting as data of folk-lore,
-are not less valuable as ethnographic documents, and as illustrations
-of the natives' attitude towards custom. Incidentally, this feature
-of native mythology shows that the task of serving as ethnographic
-informant is not so foreign and difficult to a native as might at
-first appear. He is quite used to recite one after the other the
-various stages of customary proceedings in his own narratives, and
-he does it with an almost pedantic accuracy and completeness, and it
-is an easy task for him to transfer these qualities to the accounts,
-which he is called upon to make in the service of ethnography.
-
-The dramatic effect of the climax of the story, of the unexpected
-flight of the canoe is clearly brought out in the narrative, and it
-was given to me in all its three versions. In all three, the members
-of the crew are made to pass through the numerous preparatory stages
-of sailing. And the parallel drawn between the reasonable proceedings
-of their fellows on the beach, and the absurd manner in which they
-are made to get ready in the middle of the village, some few hundred
-feet above the sea, makes the tension more palpable and the sudden
-denouement more effective. In all accounts of this myth, the magic
-is also performed just before the flight, and its performance is
-explicitly mentioned and included as an important episode in the story.
-
-The incident of bailing some water out of a canoe which never touched
-the sea, seems to show some inconsistency. If we remember, however,
-that water is poured into a canoe, while it is built, in order to
-prevent its drying and consequently its shrinking, cracking and
-warping, the inconsistency and flaw in the narrative disappear. I
-may add that the bailing and rain incident is contained in one of my
-three versions only.
-
-The episode of the dog is more significant and more important to
-the natives, and is mentioned in all three versions. The dog is the
-animal associated with the Lukuba clan; that is, the natives will say
-that the dog is a Lukuba, as the pig is a Malasi, and the igwana a
-Lukulabuta. In several stories about the origin and relative rank of
-the clans, each of them is represented by its totemic animal. Thus the
-igwana is the first to emerge from underground. Hence the Lukulabuta
-are the oldest clan. The dog and the pig dispute with one another the
-priority of rank, the dog basing his claims on his earlier appearance
-on the earth, for he followed immediately the igwana; the pig,
-asserting himself in virtue of not eating unclean things. The pig
-won the day, and therefore the Malasi clan are considered to be the
-clan of the highest rank, though this is really reached only in one
-of its sub-clans, that of the Tabalu of Omarakana. The incident of
-the lebu (taking by force) of some ornaments from the Dobuans refers
-to the custom of using friendly violence in certain Kula transactions
-(see chapter XIV, Division II).
-
-In the second part of the story, we find the hero endowed again with
-magical powers far superior to those of the present-day wizards. They
-can make rain, or stay the clouds, it is true, but he is able to
-create a small cloud which pours copious rain over his own gardens,
-and leaves the others to be shrivelled up by the sun. This part of the
-narrative does not touch the canoe problem, and it is of interest to
-us only in so far as it again shows what appears to the natives the
-real source of their hero's supernatural powers.
-
-The motives which lead to the killing of Mokatuboda are not stated
-explicitly in the narrative. No myth as a rule enters very much
-into the subjective side of its events. But, from the lengthy,
-indeed wearisome repetition of how the other Kitava men constantly
-find the Kudayuri canoe outrunning them, how they are astonished
-and angry, it is clear that his success must have made many enemies
-to Mokatuboda. What is not so easily explained, is the fact that he
-is killed, not by the other Kitava men, but by his own kinsmen. One
-of the versions mentions his brothers and his sister's sons as the
-slayers. One of them states that the people of Kitava ask Toweyre'i,
-the younger brother, whether he has already acquired the flying magic
-and the rain magic, and only after an affirmative is received, is
-Mokatuboda killed by his younger brother, in connivance with the other
-people. An interesting variant is added to this version, according
-to which Toweyre'i kills his elder brother in the garden. He then
-comes back to the village and instructs and admonishes Mokatuboda's
-children to take the body, to give it the mortuary attentions, to
-prepare for the burial. Then he himself arranges the sagali, the big
-mortuary distribution of food. In this we find an interesting document
-of native custom and ideas. Toweyre'i, in spite of having killed his
-brother, is still the man who has to arrange the mortuary proceedings,
-act as master of ceremonies, and pay for the functions performed in
-them by others. He personally may neither touch the corpse, nor do
-any act of mourning or burial; nevertheless he, as the nearest of kin
-of the dead man, is the bereaved one, is the one from whom a limb
-has been severed, so to speak. A man whose brother has died cannot
-mourn any more than he could mourn for himself. [75] To return to
-the motives of killing, as this was done according to all accounts
-by Mokatuboda's own kinsmen, with the approval of the other men,
-envy, ambition, the desire to succeed the headman in his dignity,
-must have been mixed with spite against him. In fact, we see that
-Toweyre'i proceeds confidently to perform the magic, and bursts out
-into wailing only after he has discovered he has been duped.
-
-Now we come to one of the most remarkable incidents of the whole myth,
-that namely which brings into connection the yoyova, or the flying
-witches, with the flying canoe, and with such speed of a canoe,
-as is imparted to it by magic. In the spells of swiftness there are
-frequent allusions to the yoyova or mulukwausi. This can be clearly
-seen in the spell of the wayugo, already adduced (Chapter V, Division
-III), and which is still to be analysed linguistically (Chapter XVIII,
-Divisions II to IV). The kariyala (magical portent, cf. Chapter XVII,
-Division VII) of the wayugo spell consists in shooting stars, that
-is, when a wayugo rite is performed at night over the creeper coils,
-there will be stars falling in the sky. And again, when a magician,
-knowing this system of magic, dies, shooting stars will be seen. Now,
-as we have seen (Chapter X, Division I), falling stars are mulukwausi
-in their flight.
-
-In this story of the Kudayuri we see the mythological ground for this
-association. The same magic which allowed the canoe to sail through
-the air gives the three sisters of Kudayuri their power of being
-mulukwausi, and of flying. In this myth they are also endowed with the
-power of cleaving the rocks, a power which they share with the canoe,
-which cleft a rock immediately after leaving the village. The three
-sisters cleave rocks and pierce the land in several places. My native
-commentators assured me that when the canoe first visited Giribwa and
-Kadimwatu at the beginning of this myth, the land was still joined at
-these places and there was a beach at each of them. The mulukwausi
-tried to pierce Boyowa at several spots along the Eastern coast,
-but succeeded only at Giribwa. The myth thus has the archaic stamp
-of referring to deep changes in natural features. The two sisters,
-who fly to the South return from the furthest point and settle near
-Tewara, in which there is some analogy to several other myths in which
-heroes from the Marshall Bennett Islands settle down somewhere between
-the Amphletts and Dobu. One of them turns her eyes northwards towards
-the non-cannibal people of Boyowa and she is said to be averse to
-cannibalism. Probably this is a sort of mythological explanation of why
-the Boyowan people do not eat men and the Dobuans do, an explanation
-to which there is an analogy in another myth shortly to be adduced,
-that of Atu'a'ine and Aturamo'a, and a better one still in a myth
-about the origins of cannibalism, which I cannot quote here.
-
-In all these traditions, so far, the heroes belonged to the clan of
-Lukuba. To it belong Gere'u, Tokosikuna, the Kudayuri family and
-their dog, and also the dog, Tokulubwaydoga of the myth told in
-Chapter X, Division V. I may add that, in some legends told about
-the origin of humanity, this clan emerges first from underground and
-in some it emerges second in time, but as the clan of highest rank,
-though in this it has to yield afterwards to the Malasi. The main
-Kultur-hero of Kiriwina, the ogre-slayer Tudava, belongs, also to the
-clan of Lukuba. There is even a historic fact, which agrees with this
-mythological primacy, and subsequent eclipse. The Lukuba were, some six
-or seven generations ago, the leading clan in Vakuta, and then they
-had to surrender the chieftainship of this place to the Malasi clan,
-when the sub-clan of the Tabalu, the Malasi chiefs of the highest
-rank in Kiriwina, migrated South, and settled down in Vakuta. In the
-myths quoted here, the Lukuba are leading canoe-builders, sailors,
-and adventurers, that is with one exception, that of Tokosikuna,
-who, though excelling in all other respects, knows nothing of canoe
-construction.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-Let us now proceed to the last named mythological centre, and
-taking a very big step from the Marshall Bennetts, return to Tewara,
-and to its myth of the origin of the Kula. I shall tell this myth
-in a translation, closely following the original account, obtained
-in Kiriwinian from an informant at Oburaku. I had an opportunity of
-checking and amending his narrative, by the information obtained from
-a native of Sanaro'a in pidgin English.
-
-
-           THE STORY OF KASABWAYBWAYRETA AND GUMAKARAKEDAKEDA
-
-    "Kasabwaybwayreta lived in Tewara. He heard the renown of a soulava
-    (spondylus necklace) which was lying (kept) in Wawela. Its name
-    was Gumakarakedakeda. He said to his children: 'Let us go to
-    Wawela, make Kula to get this soulava.' He put into his canoe
-    unripe coco-nut, undeveloped betel-nut, green bananas."
-
-    "They went to Wawela; they anchored in Wawela. His sons went
-    ashore, they went to obtain Gumakarakedakeda. He remained in the
-    canoe. His son made offering of food, they (the Wawela people)
-    refused. Kasabwaybwayreta spoke a charm over the betel-nut: it
-    yellowed (became ripe); he spoke the charm over the coco-nut:
-    its soft kernel swelled; he charmed the bananas they ripened. He
-    took off his hair, his gray hair; his wrinkled skin, it remained
-    in the canoe. He rose, he went he gave a pokala offering of food,
-    he received the valuable necklace as Kula gift, for he was already
-    a beautiful man. He went, he put it down, he thrust it into his
-    hair. He came to the canoe, he took his covering (the sloughed
-    skin); he donned the wrinkles, the gray hairs, he remained."
-
-    "His sons arrived, they took their places in the canoe, they
-    sailed to Giribwa. They cooked their food. He called his grandson;
-    'Oh, my grandson, come here, look for my lice.' The grandson came
-    there, stepped near him. Kasabwaybwayreta spoke, telling him: 'My
-    grandson, catch my lice in the middle (of my hair).' His grandson
-    parted his hair; he saw the valuable necklace, Gumakarakedakeda
-    remaining there in the hair of Kasabwaybwayreta. 'Ee...' he spoke
-    to his father, telling him, 'My father, Kasabwaybwayreta already
-    obtained Gumakarakedakeda.' 'O, no, he did not obtain it! I am a
-    chief, I am beautiful, I have not obtained that valuable. Indeed,
-    would this wrinkled old man have obtained the necklace? No,
-    indeed!' 'Truly, my father, he has obtained it already. I have
-    seen it; already it remains in his hair!'"
-
-    "All the water-vessels are empty already; the son went into the
-    canoe, spilled the water so that it ran out, and only the empty
-    vessels (made of coco-nut shell) remained. Later on they sailed,
-    they went to an island, Gabula (Gabuwana in Amphlettan and in
-    Dobuan). This man, Kasabwaybwayreta wanted water, and spoke to
-    his son. This man picked up the water vessels--no, they were all
-    empty. They went on the beach of Gabula, the usagelu (members
-    of the crew) dug out their water-holes (in the beach). This man
-    remained in the canoe and called out: 'O my grandson, bring me here
-    my water, go there and dip out my water!' The grandson said: 'No,
-    come here and dip out (yourself)!' Later on, they dipped out water,
-    they finished, and Kasabwaybwayreta came. They muddied the water,
-    it was muddy. He sat down, he waited."
-
-    "They went, they sailed in the canoe. Kasabwaybwayreta called out,
-    'O, my son, why do you cast me off?' Spoke the son: 'I think you
-    have obtained Gumakarakedakeda!' 'O, by and by, my son, when we
-    arrive in the village, I shall give it to you!' 'O, no!' 'Well,
-    you remain, I shall go!' He takes a stone, a binabina one, this
-    man Kasabwaybwayreta, he throws so that he might make a hole in
-    the canoe, and the men might go into the sea. No! they sped away,
-    they went, this stone stands up, it has made an island in the
-    sea. They went, they anchored in Tewara. They (the villagers)
-    asked: 'And where is Kasabwaybwayreta?' 'O, his son got angry
-    with him, already he had obtained Gumakarakedakeda!'"
-
-    "Well, then, this man Kasabwaybwayreta remained in the island
-    Gabula. He saw Tokom'mwawa (evening star) approach. He spoke:
-    'My friend, come here, let me just enter into your canoe!' 'O no,
-    I shall go to another place.' There came Kaylateku (Sirius). He
-    asked him: 'Let me go with you.' He refused. There came Kayyousi
-    (Southern Cross). Kasabwaybwayreta wanted to go with him. He
-    refused. There came Umnakayva'u, (Alpha and Beta Centauri). He
-    wanted a place in his canoe. He refused. There came Kibi
-    (three stars widely distant, forming no constellation in our
-    sky-chart). He also refused to take Kasabwaybwayreta. There came
-    Uluwa (the Pleiades). Kasabwaybwayreta asked him to take him. Uluwa
-    said: 'You wait, you look out, there will come Kaykiyadiga,
-    he will take you.' There came Kaykiyadiga (the three central
-    stars in Orion's belt). Kasabwaybwayreta asked him: 'My friend,
-    which way will you go?' 'I shall come down on top of Taryebutu
-    mountain. I shall go down, I shall go away.' 'Oh, my friend, come
-    here, let me just sit down (on you).' 'Oh come,--see on one side
-    there is a va'i (stingaree) on the other side, there is the lo'u
-    (a fish with poisonous spikes); you sit in the middle, it will
-    be well! Where is your village?' 'My village is Tewara.' 'What
-    stands in the site of your village?' 'In the site of my village,
-    there stands a busa tree!'"
-
-    "They went there. Already the village of Kasabwaybwayreta is
-    straight below them. He charmed this busa tree, it arose, it went
-    straight up into the skies. Kasabwaybwayreta changed place (from
-    Orion's belt on to the tree), he sat on the busa tree. He spoke:
-    'Oh, my friend, break asunder this necklace. Part of it, I shall
-    give you; part of it, I shall carry to Tewara.' He gave part of
-    it to his companion. This busa tree came down to the ground. He
-    was angry because his son left him behind. He went underground
-    inside. He there remained for a long time. The dogs came there,
-    and they dug and dug. They dug him out. He came out on top, he
-    became a tauva'u (evil spirit, see Chapter II, Division VII.) He
-    hits human beings. That is why in Tewara the village is that of
-    sorcerers and witches, because of Kasabwaybwayreta."
-
-
-To make this somewhat obscure narrative clearer, a short commentary
-is necessary. The first part tells of a Kula expedition in which the
-hero, his son, his grandson, and some other members of the crew take
-part. His son takes with him good, fresh food, to give as solicitory
-offering and thus tempt his partners to present him with the famous
-necklace. The son is a young man and also a chief of renown. The
-later stages are clearer; by means of magic, the hero changes
-himself into a young, attractive man, and makes his own unripe, bad
-fruit into splendid gifts to be offered to his partner. He obtains
-the prize without difficulty, and hides it in his hair. Then, in a
-moment of weakness, and for motives which it is impossible to find
-out from native commentators, he on purpose reveals the necklace
-to his grandson. Most likely, the motive was vanity. His son, and
-probably also the other companions, become very angry and set a trap
-for him. They arrange things so that he has to go for his own water
-on the beach of Gabula. When they have already got theirs and while
-he is dipping it out, they sail away, leaving him marooned on the
-sand-bank. Like Polyphemus after the escaping party of Odysseus,
-he throws a stone at the treacherous canoe, but it misses its mark,
-and becomes an outstanding rock in the sea.
-
-The episode of his release by the stars is quite clear. Arrived at
-the village, he makes a tree rise by his magic, and after he has
-given the bigger part of his necklace to his rescuer, he descends,
-with the smaller part. His going underground and subsequent turning
-into a tauva'u shows how bitter he feels towards humanity. As usual,
-the presence of such a powerful, evil personality in the village,
-gives its stamp to the whole community, and this latter produces
-sorcerers and witches. All these additions and comments I obtained
-in cross-questioning my original informant.
-
-The Dobuan informant from Sanaro'a introduced one or two variants into
-the second part of the narrative. According to him, Kasabwaybwayreta
-marries while in the sky, and remains there long enough to beget
-three male and two female children. After he has made up his mind to
-descend to earth again, he Makes a hole in the heavens, looks down and
-sees a betel-nut tree in his village. Then he speaks to his child,
-'When I go down, you pull at one end of the necklace.' He climbs
-down by means of the necklace on to the betel palm and pulls at
-one end of Gumakarakedakeda. It breaks, a big piece remains in the
-skies, the small one goes with him below. Arrived in the village,
-he arranges a feast, and invites all the villagers to it. He speaks
-some magic over the food and after they have eaten it, the villagers
-are turned into birds. This last act is quite in harmony with his
-profession of tauva'u, which he assumed in the previous version of
-the myth. My Dobuan informant also added, by way of commentary, that
-the companions of Kasabwaybwayreta were angry with him, because he
-obtained the necklace in Boyowa, which was not the right direction
-for a necklace to travel in the Kula. This, however, is obviously a
-rationalisation of the events of the myth.
-
-Comparing the previously related story of Tokosikuna with this
-one, we see at once a clear resemblance between them in several
-features. In both, the heroes start as old, decrepit, and very ugly
-men. By their magical powers, they rejuvenate in the course of the
-story, the one permanently, the other just sloughing off his skin
-for the purpose of a Kula transaction. In both cases, the hero is
-definitely superior in the Kula, and by this arouses the envy and
-hatred of his companions. Again, in both stories, the companions
-decide to punish the hero, and the island or sandbank of Gabuwana is
-the scene of the punishment. In both, the hero finally settles in the
-South, only in one case it is his original home, while in the other
-he has migrated there from one of the Marshall Bennett Islands. An
-anomaly in the Kasabwaybwayreta myth, namely, that he fetches his
-necklace from the North, whereas the normal direction for necklaces
-to travel is from South to North in this region, makes us suspect
-that perhaps this story is a transformation of a legend about a man
-who made the Kula from the North. Ill-treated by his companions, he
-settled in Tewara, and becoming a local Kultur-hero, was afterwards
-described as belonging to the place. However this might be, and the
-hypothetical interpretation is mine, and not obtained from the natives,
-the two stories are so similar that they must be regarded obviously
-as variants of the same myth, and not as independent traditions.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-So much about the ethnographic analysis of these myths. Let us now
-return to the general, sociological considerations with which we opened
-this digression into mythology. We are now better able to realise to
-what extent and in what manner Kula myths influence the native outlook.
-
-The main social force governing all tribal life could be described
-as the inertia of custom, the love of uniformity of behaviour. The
-great moral philosopher was wrong when he formulated his categorical
-imperative, which was to serve human beings as a fundamental guiding
-principle of behaviour. In advising us to act so that our behaviour
-might be taken as a norm of universal law, he reversed the natural
-state of things. The real rule guiding human behaviour is this:
-"what everyone else does, what appears as norm of general conduct,
-this is right, moral and proper. Let me look over the fence and see
-what my neighbour does, and take it as a rule for my behaviour." So
-acts every 'man-in-the-street' in our own society, so has acted the
-average member of any society through the past ages, and so acts the
-present-day savage; and the lower his level of cultural development,
-the greater stickler he will be for good manners, propriety and
-form, and the more incomprehensive and odious to him will be the
-non-conforming point of view. Systems of social philosophy have
-been built to explain and interpret or misinterpret this general
-principle. Tarde's 'Imitation,' Giddings' 'Consciousness of Kind,'
-Durkheim's 'Collective Ideas,' and many such conceptions as 'social
-consciousness,' 'the soul of a nation,' 'group mind' or now-a-days
-prevalent and highly fashionable ideas about 'suggestibility of the
-crowd,' 'the instinct of herd,' etc., etc., try to cover this simple
-empirical truth. Most of these systems, especially those evoking
-the Phantom of Collective Soul are futile, to my mind, in so far as
-they try to explain in the terms of a hypothesis that which is most
-fundamental in sociology, and can therefore be reduced to nothing
-else, but must be simply recognised and accepted as the basis of
-our science. To frame verbal definitions and quibble over terms does
-not seem to bring us much more forward in a new branch of learning,
-where a knowledge of facts is above all needed.
-
-Whatever might be the case with any theoretical interpretations of
-this principle, in this place, we must simply emphasise that a strict
-adherence to custom, to that which is done by everyone else, is the
-main rule of conduct among our natives in the Trobriands. An important
-corollary to this rule declares that the past is more important than
-the present. What has been done by the father--or, as the Trobriander
-would say, by the maternal uncle--is even more important as norm of
-behaviour than what is done by the brother. It is to the behaviour
-of the past generations that the Trobriander instinctively looks for
-his guidance. Thus the mythical events which relate what has been
-done, not by the immediate ancestors but by mythical, illustrious
-forbears, must evidently carry an enormous social weight. The stories
-of important past events are hallowed because they belong to the
-great mythical generations and because they are generally accepted
-as truth, for everybody knows and tells them. They bear the sanction
-of righteousness and propriety in virtue of these two qualities of
-preterity and universality.
-
-Thus, through the operation of what might be called the elementary law
-of sociology, myth possesses the normative power of fixing custom,
-of sanctioning modes of behaviour, of giving dignity and importance
-to an institution. The Kula receives from these ancient stories
-its stamp of extreme importance and value. The rules of commercial
-honour, of generosity and punctiliousness in all its operations,
-acquire through this their binding force. This is what we could call
-the normative influence of myth on custom.
-
-The Kula myth, however, exercises another kind of appeal. In the Kula,
-we have a type of enterprise where the vast possibilities of success
-are very much influenced by chance. A man, whether he be rich or poor
-in partners, may, according to his luck, return with a relatively
-big or a small haul from an expedition. Thus the imagination of the
-adventurers, as in all forms of gambling, must be bent towards lucky
-hits and turns of extraordinarily good chance. The Kula myths feed
-this imagination on stories of extreme good luck, and at the same time
-show that it lies in the hands of man to bring this luck on himself,
-provided he acquires the necessary magical lore.
-
-I have said before that the mythological events are distinct from
-those happening nowadays, in so far as they are extraordinary and
-super-normal. This adds both to their authoritative character and to
-their desirability. It sets them before the native as a specially
-valuable standard of conduct, and as an ideal towards which their
-desires must go out.
-
-
-
-
-VII
-
-But I also said before that, distinct as it is, the mythical world
-is not separated by an unbridgeable gulf from the present order of
-events. Indeed, though an ideal must be always beyond what actually
-exists, yet it must appear just within reach of realisation if it
-is to be effective at all. Now, after we have become acquainted with
-their stories, we can see clearly what was meant when it was said, that
-magic acts as a link between the mythical and the actual realities. In
-the canoe myth, for instance, the flying, the super-normal achievement
-of the Kudayuri canoe, is conceived only as the highest degree of the
-virtue of speed, which is still being imparted nowadays to canoes by
-magic. The magical heritage of the Kudayuri clan is still there, making
-the canoes sail fast. Had it been transmitted in its complete form,
-any present canoe, like the mythical one, could be seen flying. In
-the Kula myths also, magic is found to give super-normal powers of
-beauty, strength and immunity from danger. The mythological events
-demonstrate the truth of the claims of magic. Their validity is
-established by a sort of retrospective, mythical empiry. But magic,
-as it is practised nowadays, accomplishes the same effects, only in a
-smaller degree. Natives believe deeply that the formulæ and rites of
-mwasila magic make those who carry them out attractive, irresistible
-and safe from dangers (compare next chapter).
-
-Another feature which brings the mythical events into direct
-connection with the present state of affairs, is the sociology of
-mythical personages. They all are associated with certain localities,
-as are the present local groups. They belong to the same system of
-totemic division into clans and sub-clans as obtains nowadays. Thus,
-members of a sub-clan, or a local unit, can claim a mythical hero
-as their direct ancestor, and members of a clan can boast of him
-as of a clansman. Indeed, myths, like songs and fairy stories, are
-'owned' by certain sub-clans. This does not mean that other people
-would abstain from telling them, but members of the sub-clan are
-supposed to possess the most intimate knowledge of the mythical
-events, and to be an authority in interpreting them. And indeed,
-it is a rule that a myth will be best known in its own locality,
-that is, known with all the details and free from any adulterations
-or not quite genuine additions and fusions.
-
-This better knowledge can be easily understood, if we remember
-that myth is very often connected with magic in the Trobriands, and
-that this latter is a possession, kept by some members of the local
-group. Now, to know the magic, and to understand it properly, it is
-necessary to be well acquainted with the myth. This is the reason
-why the myth must be better known in the local group with which it is
-connected. In some cases, the local group has not only to practise the
-magic associated with the myth, but it has to look after the observance
-of certain rites, ceremonies and taboos connected with it. In this
-case, the sociology of the mythical events is intimately bound up with
-the social divisions as they exist now. But even in such myths as those
-of the Kula, which have become the property of all clans and local
-groups within the district, the explicit statement of the hero's clan,
-sub-clan and of his village gives the whole myth a stamp of actuality
-and reality. Side by side with magic, the sociological continuity
-bridges over the gap between the mythical and the actual. And indeed
-the magical and the sociological bridges run side by side.
-
-I spoke above (beginning of Division II) of the enlivening influence
-of myth upon landscape. Here it must be noted also that the mythically
-changed features of the landscape bear testimony in the native's mind
-to the truth of the myth. The mythical word receives its substance
-in rock and hill, in the changes in land and sea. The pierced
-sea-passages, the cleft boulders, the petrified human beings, all these
-bring the mythological world close to the natives, make it tangible and
-permanent. On the other hand, the story thus powerfully illustrated,
-re-acts on the landscape, fills it with dramatic happenings, which,
-fixed there for ever, give it a definite meaning. With this I shall
-close these general remarks on mythology though with myth and mythical
-events we shall constantly meet in further inquiries.
-
-
-
-
-VIII
-
-As we return to our party, who, sailing past the mythical centre of
-Tewara, make for the island of Sanaro'a, the first thing to be related
-about them, brings us straight to another mythological story. As
-the natives enter the district of Siayawawa, they pass a stone or
-rock, called Sinatemubadiye'i. I have not seen it, but the natives
-tell me it lies among the mangroves in a tidal creek. Like the stone
-Gurewaya, mentioned before, this one also enjoys certain privileges,
-and offerings are given to it.
-
-The natives do not tarry in this unimportant district. Their final goal
-is now in sight. Beyond the sea, which is here land-locked like a lake,
-the hills of Dobu, topped by Koyava'u loom before them. In the distance
-to their right as they sail South, the broad Easterly flank of Koyatabu
-runs down to the water, forming a deep valley; behind them spreads
-the wide plain of Sanaro'a, with a few volcanic cones at its Northern
-end, and far to the left the mountains of Normanby unfold in a long
-chain. They sail straight South, making for the beach of Sarubwoyna,
-where they will have to pause for a ritual halt in order to carry
-out the final preparations and magic. They steer towards two black
-rocks, which mark the Northern end of Sarubwoyna beach as they stand,
-one at the base, the other at the end of a narrow, sandy spit. These
-are the two rocks Atu'a'ine and Aturamo'a, the most important of
-the tabooed places, at which natives lay offerings when starting or
-arriving on Kula expeditions. The rock among the mangroves of Siyawawa
-is connected with these two by a mythical story. The three--two men
-whom we see now before us in petrified form, and one woman--came to
-this district from somewhere 'Omuyuwa,' that is, from Woodlark Island
-or the Marshall Bennetts. This is the story:
-
-
-           MYTH OF ATU'A'INE, ATURAMO'A AND SINATEMUBADIYE'I.
-
-    "They were two brothers and a sister. They came first to the creek
-    called Kadawaga in Siyawawa. The woman lost her comb. She spoke
-    to her brethren: 'My brothers, my comb fell down.' They answered
-    her: 'Good, return, take your comb.' She found it and took it,
-    and next day she said: 'Well, I shall remain here already,
-    as Sinatemubadiye'i.'"
-
-    "The brothers went on. When they arrived at the shore of the main
-    island, Atu'a'ine said: 'Aturamo'a, how shall we go? Shall we look
-    towards the sea?' Said Aturamo'a; 'O, no, let us look towards the
-    jungle.' Aturamo'a went ahead, deceiving his brother, for he was
-    a cannibal. He wanted to look towards the jungle, so that he might
-    eat men. Thus Aturamo'a went ahead, and his eyes turned towards the
-    jungle. Atu'a'ine turned his eyes, looked over the sea, he spoke:
-    'Why did you deceive me, Aturamo'a? Whilst I am looking towards the
-    sea, you look towards the jungle.' Aturamo'a later on returned and
-    came towards the sea. He spoke, 'Good, you Atu'a'ine, look towards
-    the sea, I shall look to the jungle!' This man, who sits near
-    the jungle, is a cannibal, the one who sits near the sea is good."
-
-
-This short version of the myth I obtained in Sinaketa. The story shows
-us three people migrating for unknown reasons from the North-East to
-this district. The sister, after having lost her comb, decides to
-remain in Siyawawa, and turns into the rock Sinatemubadiye'i. The
-brothers go only a few miles further, to undergo the same
-transformation at the Northern end of Sarubwoyna beach. There
-is the characteristic distinction between the cannibal and the
-non-cannibal. As the story was told to me in Boyowa, that is, in the
-district where they were not man-eaters, the qualification of 'good'
-was given to the non-cannibal hero, who became the rock further out
-to sea. The same distinction is to be found in the previously quoted
-myth of the Kudayuri sisters who flew to Dobu, and it is to be found
-also in a myth, told about the origins of cannibalism, which I shall
-not quote here. The association between the jungle and cannibalism on
-the one hand, and between the sea and abstention from human flesh on
-the other, is the same as the one in the Kudayuri myth. In that myth,
-the rock which looks towards the South is cannibal, while the Northern
-one is not, and for the natives this is the reason why the Dobuans
-do eat human flesh and the Boyowans do not. The designation of one
-of these rocks as a man-eater (tokamlata'u) has no further meaning,
-more especially it is not associated with the belief that any special
-dangers surround the rock.
-
-The importance of these two rocks, Atu'a'ine and Aturamo'a lies,
-however, not so much in the truncated myth as in the ritual surrounding
-them. Thus, all three stones receive an offering--pokala--consisting of
-a bit of coco-nut, a stale yam, a piece of sugar cane and banana. As
-the canoes go past, the offerings are placed on the stone, or thrown
-towards it, with the words:
-
-
-    "Old man (or in the case of Sinatemubadiye'i, 'old woman') here
-    comes your coco-nut, your sugar cane, your bananas, bring me good
-    luck so that I may go and make my Kula quickly in Tu'utauna."
-
-
-This offering is given by the Boyowan canoes on their way to Dobu, and
-by the Dobuans as they start on the Kula Northwards, to Boyowa. Besides
-the offerings, certain taboos and observances are kept at these
-rocks. Thus, any people passing close to the rock would have to bathe
-in the sea out of their canoes, and the children in the canoes would
-be sprinkled with sea-water. This is done to prevent disease. A man
-who would go for the first time to kula in Dobu would not be allowed
-to eat food in the vicinity of these rocks. A pig, or a green coco-nut
-would not be placed on the soil in this neighbourhood, but would have
-to be put on a mat. A novice in the Kula would have to make a point
-of going and bathing at the foot of Atu'a'ine and Aturamo'a.
-
-The Dobuans pokala some other stones, to which the Boyowans do not
-give any offerings. The previously mentioned Gurewaya rock receives
-its share from the Dobuans, who believe that if they passed it close
-by without making a pokala, they would become covered with sores
-and die. Passing Gurewaya, they would not stand up in their canoes,
-nor would they eat any food when camping on a beach within sight of
-Gurewaya. If they did so, they would become seasick, fall asleep, and
-their canoe would drift away into the unknown. I do not know whether
-there is any myth in Dobu about the Gurewaya stone. There is a belief
-that a big snake is coiled on the top of this rock, which looks after
-the observance of the taboos, and in case of breach of any of them
-would send down sickness on them. Some of the taboos of Gurewaya are
-also kept by the Boyowans, but I do not exactly know which.
-
-I obtained from a Dobuan informant a series of names of other,
-similar stones, lying to the East of Dobu, on the route between there
-and Tubetube. Thus, somewhere in the district of Du'a'u, there is
-a rock called Kokorakakedakeda. Besides this, near a place called
-Makaydokodoko there is a stone, Tabudaya. Further East, near Bunama,
-a small stone called Sinada enjoys some Kula prestige. In a spot
-Sina'ena, which I cannot place on the map, there is a stone called
-Taryadabwoyro, with eye, nose, legs and hind-quarters shaped like
-those of a pig. This stone is called 'the mother of all the pigs,'
-and the district of Sina'ena is renowned for the abundance of these
-animals there.
-
-The only mythical fragment about any of these stones which I obtained
-is the one quoted above. Like the two Kula myths previously adduced,
-it is a story of a migration from North to South. There is no allusion
-to the Kula in the narrative, but as the stones are pokala'd in the
-Kula, there is evidently some association between it and them. To
-understand this association better, it must be realised that similar
-offerings are given in certain forms of magic to ancestral spirits and
-to spirits of Kultur-heroes, who have founded the institution in which
-the magic is practised. This suggests the conclusion that Atu'a'ine and
-Aturamo'a are heroes of the Kula like Tokosikuna and Kasabwaybwayreta;
-and that their story is another variant of the fundamental Kula myth.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII
-
-ON THE BEACH OF SARUBWOYNA
-
-
-I
-
-When the Sinaketan fleet passes the two mythical rocks of Atu'a'ine
-and Aturamo'a, the final goal of the expedition has been already
-reached. For before them, there stretch in a wide expanse the
-N.W. shores of Dawson Straits, where on the wide beach, there are
-scattered the villages of Bwayowa, Tu'utauna and Deyde'i, at the foot
-of Koyava'u. This latter, the Boyowans call Koyaviguna--the final
-mountain. Immediately behind the two rocks, there stretches the beach
-of Sarubwoyna, its clean, white sand edging the shallow curve of a
-small bay. This is the place where the crews, nearing their final
-destination, have to make a halt, to prepare themselves magically for
-approaching their partners in Dobu. As, on their start from Sinaketa,
-they stopped for some time on Muwa and there performed the last act
-of their inaugurating rites and ceremonies, so in the same manner
-this beach is the place where they once more muster their forces
-after the journey has been accomplished.
-
-This is the place which was already mentioned in Chapter II when, in
-giving a description of the district, we imagined ourselves passing
-near this beach and meeting there a large fleet of canoes, whose
-crews were engaged in some mysterious activities. I said there that
-up to a hundred canoes might have been seen anchored near the beach,
-and indeed, on a big uvalaku expedition in olden days such a figure
-could easily have been reached. For, on a rough estimate, Sinaketa
-could have produced some twenty canoes; the Vakutans could have joined
-them with about forty; the Amphlettans with another twenty; and twenty
-more would have followed from Tewara, Siyawawa, and Sanaroa. Some of
-them would indeed not have taken part in the Kula, but have followed
-only out of sheer curiosity, just as in the big uvalaku expedition,
-which I accompanied in 1918 from Dobu to Sinaketa, the sixty Dobuan
-canoes were joined by some twelve canoes from the Amphletts and about
-as many again from Vakuta.
-
-The Sinaketans having arrived at this beach, now stop, moor the canoes
-near the shore, adorn their persons, and perform a whole series of
-magical rites. Within a short space of time they crowd in a great
-number of short rites, accompanied by formulæ as a rule not very
-long. In fact, from the moment they have arrived at Sarubwoyna up to
-their entry into the village, they do not cease doing one magical act
-or another, and the toliwaga never stop incessantly muttering their
-spells. To the observer, a spectacle of feverish activity unfolds
-itself, a spectacle which I witnessed in 1918 when I assisted at an
-analogous performance of the Dobuan Kula fleet approaching Sinaketa.
-
-The fleet halts; the sails are furled, the masts dismounted, the
-canoes moored (see Plate XLVIII). In each canoe, the elder men begin
-to undo their baskets and take out their personal belongings. The
-younger ones run ashore and gather copious supplies of leaves which
-they bring back into the canoes. Then the older men again murmur
-magical formulæ over the leaves and over other substances. In this,
-the toliwaga is assisted by others. Then, they all wash in sea-water,
-and rub themselves with the medicated leaves. Coco-nuts are broken,
-scraped, medicated, and the skin is rubbed with the mess, which
-greases it and gives it a shining surface. A comb is chanted over,
-and the hair teased out with it (see Plate XLIX). Then, with crushed
-betel-nut mixed with lime, they draw red ornamental designs on their
-faces, while others use the sayyaku, an aromatic resinous stuff, and
-draw similar lines in black. The fine-smelling mint plant, which has
-been chanted over at home before starting, is taken out of its little
-receptacle where it was preserved in coco-nut oil. The herb is inserted
-into the armlets, while the few drops of oil are smeared over the body,
-and over the lilava, the magical bundle of pari (trade goods).
-
-All the magic which is spoken over the native cosmetics is the mwasila
-(Kula magic) of beauty. The main aim of these spells is the same
-one which we found so clearly expressed in myth; to make the man
-beautiful, attractive, and irresistible to his Kula partner. In the
-myths we saw how an old, ugly and ungainly man becomes transformed by
-his magic into a radiant and charming youth. Now this mythical episode
-is nothing else but an exaggerated version of what happens every time,
-when the mwasila of beauty is spoken on Sarubwoyna beach or on other
-similar points of approach. As my informants over and over again told
-me, when explaining the meaning of these rites:
-
-
-    "Here we are ugly; we eat bad fish, bad food; our faces remain
-    ugly. We want to sail to Dobu; we keep taboos, we don't eat
-    bad food. We go to Sarubwoyna; we wash; we charm the leaves of
-    silasila; we charm the coco-nut; we putuma (anoint ourselves); we
-    make our red paint and black paint; we put in our fine-smelling
-    vana (herb ornament in armlets); we arrive in Dobu beautiful
-    looking. Our partner looks at us, sees our faces are beautiful;
-    he throws the vaygu'a at us."
-
-
-The bad fish and bad food here mentioned are the articles which are
-tabooed to those who know the mwasila, and a man may often unwittingly
-break such a taboo.
-
-There is no doubt that a deep belief in the efficacy of such magic
-might almost make it effective. Although actual beauty cannot be
-imparted by spells, yet the feeling of being beautiful through
-magic may give assurance, and influence people in their behaviour
-and deportment, and as in the transaction it is the manner of the
-soliciting party which matters, this magic, no doubt, achieves its
-aim by psychological means.
-
-This branch of Kula magic has two counter-parts in the other magical
-lore of the Trobrianders. One of them is the love magic, through
-which people are rendered attractive and irresistible. Their belief
-in these spells is such that a man would always attribute all his
-success in love to their efficiency. Another type closely analogous
-to the beauty magic of the Kula is the specific beauty magic practised
-before big dances and festivities.
-
-Let us now give one or two samples of the magic which is performed on
-Sarubwoyna beach. The ritual in all of it is exceedingly simple. In
-each case the formula is spoken over a certain substance, and then
-this substance is applied to the body. The first rite to be performed
-is that of ceremonial washing. The toliwaga brings his mouth close to
-the big bundles of herbs, brought from the shore and utters the formula
-called kaykakaya (the ablution formula) over them. After an ablution,
-these leaves are rubbed over the skins of all those in the canoe who
-practise Kula. Then, in the same succession as I mention them, the
-coco-nut, the comb, the ordinary or the aromatic black paint or the
-betel-nut are charmed over. [76] Only one, as a rule, of the paints
-is used. In some cases the toliwaga does the spell for everybody. In
-other cases, a man who knows, say, the betel-nut or the comb spell,
-will do it for himself or even for all others. In some cases again,
-out of all these rites, only the kaykakaya (ablution) and one of the
-others will be performed.
-
-
-                            KAYKAKAYA SPELL
-
-    "O katatuna fish, O marabwaga fish, yabwau fish, reregu fish!"
-
-    "Their red paint, with which they are painted; their red paint,
-    with which they are adorned."
-
-    "Alone they visit, together we visit; alone they visit, together
-    we visit a chief."
-
-    "They take me to their bosom; they hug me."
-
-    "The great woman befriends me, where the pots are boiling; the
-    good woman befriends me, on the sitting platform."
-
-    "Two pigeons stand and turn round; two parrots fly about."
-
-    "No more it is my mother, my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu! No
-    more it is my father, my father art thou, O man of Dobu! No
-    more it is the high platform, the high platform are his arms;
-    no more it is the sitting platform, the sitting platform are his
-    legs; no more it is my lime spoon, my lime spoon is his tongue;
-    no more it is my lime pot, my lime pot is his gullet."
-
-    This formula then passes into the same ending as the sulumwoya
-    spell, quoted previously, Chapter VII, which runs: "Recently
-    deceased spirit of my maternal uncle, etc."
-
-
-At the beginning of this spell, we find enumerated a series of
-fish names. These fishes all have red markings on their bodies, and
-they are tabooed to the people, who recite the mwasila magic and do
-the Kula. If eaten, they would give a man an ugly appearance. The
-above quoted saying of one of my informants: "we eat bad fish, we
-are ugly," refers to these fishes amongst others. In this formula,
-the invocation is partly an appeal for assistance, and partly a sort
-of exorcism, which is meant to undo the evil effects of breaking
-the taboo of eating these fish. As this formula is associated with
-the ritual washing, the whole proceeding possesses a sort of magical
-consistency, which obtains within an exceedingly obscure and confused
-concatenation of ideas: the redness of the fish, the red painting on
-the human bodies for beauty, the invocation of the fishing magic, the
-taboo on this fish. These ideas hang together somehow, but it would
-be unwise and incorrect to attempt to put them into any logical order
-or sequence. [77] The sentence about 'visiting,' in this spell could
-not be made clear by any of my native informants. I venture to suggest
-that the fish are invited to assist the adventurer on his Kula visit,
-and to help him with their beauty.
-
-The next few sentences refer to the reception he anticipates at Dobu,
-in the forcible and exaggerated language of magic. The words which
-have been here translated by 'take to his bosom,' 'hug,' 'befriend,'
-are the terms used to describe the fondling and rocking and hugging of
-small children. According to native custom, it would not be considered
-effeminate or ridiculous for men to put their arms round each other
-and walk or sit about thus. And it must be added, this is done without
-any homo-sexual intention, at least of the grosser type. None the less,
-no such fondling would really take place between the Dobuans and their
-Kula partners. The mention of the 'great woman,' the 'great good woman'
-refers to the wife and sister of the partner, who, as we have said
-before, are considered to wield great influence in the transactions.
-
-The two pigeons and the two parrots express metaphorically the
-friendship between the reciter of this magic and his partner. The long
-list that follows expresses the exchange of his ordinary relations for
-his Dobuan friends. An exaggerated description follows of the intimacy
-between him and his partner, on whose arms and legs he will sit,
-and from whose mouth he will partake of the betel chewing materials.
-
-I shall give a sample of another of these spells, associated with
-adornment and personal beauty. This is the spell spoken over the
-betel-nut with which the toliwaga and the members of his canoe draw
-lines of vermilion red on their faces. Young betel-nut, when crushed
-with lime in a small mortar, produces pigment of wonderful brightness
-and intensity. Travellers in the countries of the Indian Ocean and
-parts of the Pacific know it well, as the paint that colours the lips
-and tongues of the natives.
-
-
-                               TALO SPELL
-
-    "Red paint, red paint of the udawada fish! Red paint, red paint,
-    of the mwaylili fish! At the one end of the aromatic pandanus
-    flower-petal; at the other end of the Duwaku flower. There are
-    two red paints of mine, they flare up, they flash."
-
-    "My head, it flares up, it flashes; my red paint, it flares up,
-    it flashes,
-
-    My facial blacking, it flares up, it flashes;
-
-    My aromatic paint, it flares up, it flashes;
-
-    My little basket, it flares up, it flashes;
-
-    My lime spoon, it flares up, it flashes;
-
-    My lime pot, it flares up, it flashes;
-
-    My comb, it flares up, it flashes."
-
-    And so on, enumerating the various personal appurtenances, such
-    as the mat, the stock-in-trade, the big basket, the charmed bundle
-    (lilava) and then again the various parts of his head, that is his
-    nose, his occiput, his tongue, his throat, his larynx, his eyes,
-    and his mouth. The whole series of words is again repeated with
-    another leading word instead of "it flares up, it flashes." The
-    new word, 'mitapwaypwa'i' is a compound, expressing a desire,
-    a coveting, nascent in the eyes. The eyes are, according to
-    native psycho-physical theories, the seat of admiration, wish and
-    appetite in matters of sex, of greed for food, and for material
-    possessions. Here, this expression conveys that the Dobuan partner,
-    will, on beholding his visitor, desire to make Kula with him.
-
-    The spell ends: "My head is made bright, my face flashes. I have
-    acquired a beautiful shape, like that of a chief; I have acquired
-    a shape that is good. I am the only one; my renown stands alone."
-
-
-At the beginning we have again the mention of two fishes; evidently
-the redness of the fish is the right redness for the Kula! I am unable
-to explain the meaning of the second sentence, except that the petals
-of the pandanus flower are slightly coloured at one end, and that they
-are considered as one of the finest and most attractive ornaments. The
-middle part and the end of this spell need no commentary.
-
-These two spells will be sufficient to indicate the general character
-of the beauty magic of the Kula. One more spell must be adduced here,
-that of the conch shell. This shell is as a rule medicated at this
-stage of the Kula proceedings. Sometimes, however, the toliwaga would,
-before departure from home, utter the formula into the opening of
-the conch shell, and close this up carefully, so that the virtue
-might not evaporate. The conch shell is made of a big specimen of the
-Cassis cornuta shell, at the broad end of which the apex of the spiral
-windings is knocked out, so as to form a mouth-piece. The spell is
-not uttered into the mouthpiece, but into the broad opening between
-the lips, both orifices being afterwards closed with coco-nut husk
-fibre until the shell has actually to be blown.
-
-
-                 THE SPELL OF THE TA'UYA (CONCH SHELL)
-
-    "Mwanita, Mwanita! Come there together; I will make you come
-    there together! Come here together; I will make you come here
-    together! The rainbow appears there; I will make the rainbow appear
-    there! The rainbow appears here; I will make the rainbow here."
-
-    "Who comes ahead with the Kula? I" (here the name of the reciter
-    is uttered), "come ahead with the Kula, I shall be the only chief;
-    I shall be the only old man; I shall be the only one to meet my
-    partner on the road. My renown stands alone; my name is the only
-    one. Beautiful valuables are exchanged here with my partner;
-    Beautiful valuables are exchanged there with my partner; The
-    contents of my partner's basket are mustered."
-
-    After this exordium there comes a middle part, constructed on the
-    general principle of one word's being repeated with a series of
-    others. The keyword here is an expression denoting the state of
-    excitement which seizes a partner, and makes him give generous
-    Kula offerings. This word here is repeated first with a series of
-    words, describing the various personal belongings of the partner,
-    his dog, his belt; his tabooed coco-nut and betel-nut; and then,
-    with a new series of terms denoting the different classes of
-    Kula valuables which are expected to be given. This part could
-    therefore be translated thus:--
-
-    "A state of excitement seizes his dog, his belt, his gwara"
-    (taboo on coco-nuts and betel-nuts) "his bagido'u necklace,
-    his bagiriku necklace, his bagidudu necklace, etc." The spell
-    ends in a typical manner: "I shall kula, I shall rob my Kula;
-    I shall steal my Kula; I shall pilfer my Kula. I shall kula so
-    as to make my canoe sink; I shall kula so as to make my outrigger
-    go under. My fame is like thunder, my steps are like earthquake!"
-
-
-The first word of this spell, mwanita, is the native name for a
-long worm covered with rings of black armour. I was told that it
-is mentioned here because of its similarity to the spondylus shell
-necklaces, which also consist of many rings. I obtained this formula
-in Sinaketa, hence this interpretation heeds only the necklaces, though
-the simile might also obviously be extended to armshells, for a number
-of armshells threaded on a string, as they can be seen on Plate LX,
-presents also a likeness to the mwanita worm. It may be added here
-that Sinaketa is one of these Kula communities in which the overseas
-expeditions are done only in one direction, to the South, from where
-only the spondylus necklaces are fetched. Its counterpart, Kiriwina,
-to the North, carries on again only one-sided overseas Kula. The
-formulæ which I obtained in Kiriwina differ from those of Sinaketa in
-their main parts: whenever there is a list of spondylus necklaces in
-a Sinaketan tapwana (main part) a list of the several varieties of
-armshells would be used in a Kiriwinian tapwana. In Kitava, where,
-as in several other Kula communities, the overseas expeditions are
-carried out in both directions, the same formula would be used by the
-same man with two different main parts, according as to whether he
-was sailing East to fetch mwali, or West to fetch soulava. No changes,
-however, would be made in the beginning of a spell.
-
-The sentence 'come here together' refers to the collected
-valuables. The play on 'there' and 'here,' represented in the native
-language by the sounds 'm' and 'w,' which are used as interchangeable
-formatives, is very frequent in magic; (see Chapter XVIII, Division
-XII). The rainbow here invoked is a kariyala (magical portent) of this
-formula. When the conch shell is blown, and the fleet approaches the
-shore, a rainbow will appear in the skies.
-
-The rest of the exordium is taken up by the usual boasts and
-exaggerations typical of magic. The middle part needs no commentary. It
-is clear that the sound of the conch shell is meant to arouse the
-partner to do his duty eagerly. The magic spoken into the conch shell
-heightens and strengthens this effect.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-After the beauty magic and the spell over the conch shell are
-finished--and the whole performance does not take more than half
-an hour or so--every man, in full festive array, takes his place in
-his canoe. The sails have been folded and the masts removed, and the
-final stage is done by paddling. The canoes close in, not in any very
-regular formation, but keeping near to one another, the canoe of the
-toli'uvalaku as a rule moving in the van. In each canoe, the toliwaga
-sits at his proper place in the middle of the canoe near the gebobo
-(special erection made for cargo). One man sits in the front, right
-against the prow-board, and another at the stern on the platform. All
-the remaining members of the canoe wield the paddles, while the small
-boy or the junior member of the crew, sits near the front, ready to
-blow the conch shell. The oarsmen swing their leaf-shaped paddles
-with long, energetic and swift strokes, letting the water spray off
-them and the glistening blades flash in the sunlight--a ceremonial
-stroke which they call kavikavila (lightening).
-
-As the canoes begin to move, the three men, so far idle, intone a
-chant, reciting a special magical formula, each a different one. The
-man in the front, holding his hand on the tabuyo (oval prow-board),
-recites a spell, called kayikuna tabuyo (the swaying of the
-prow-board). The toliwaga in the middle recites the powerful formula
-called kavalikuliku (the earthquake spell), a formula which makes "the
-mountain tremble and subside." The man at the stern recites what is
-called kaytavilena moynawaga, a name which I cannot very well explain,
-which literally means, "the changing of the canoe entrance." Thus,
-laden with magical force, which is poured forth irresistibly on to the
-mountain, the canoes advance towards the goal of their enterprise. With
-the voices of the reciters mingle the soft, penetrating sounds of the
-conch shell, blending their various pitches into a weird, disturbing
-harmony. Samples of the three spells must be given here.
-
-
-                            KAYIKUNA TABUYO
-
-    "Moruborogu, Mosilava'u!"
-
-    "Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it.
-
-    My prow-board, O fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it.
-
-    This key expression, the invocation of the fish-hawk, is repeated
-    with a string of words, denoting, first, the ornamental parts of
-    the canoe; afterwards, certain of its constructive parts; and
-    finally, the lime-pot, the lime stick, the comb, the paddles,
-    the mats, the lilava (magical bundle), and the usagelu (members
-    of the crew). The spell ends with the words:--
-
-    "I shall kula, I shall rob my Kula, etc.," as in the previously
-    given formula of the conch shell.
-
-
-The first two words of this spell are personal names of men, as the
-initial syllable Mo- indicates, but no information about them was
-available. The allusion to the fish-hawk in the main part suggests a
-connection between the action of the rite, that is, the moving of the
-tabuyo, with this part of the spell, for the ornamental prow-boards
-are called synonymously buribwari (fish-hawk). On the other hand, the
-expression: "Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey," is no doubt also a magical
-simile, expressing the idea: "As a fish-hawk falls on his prey and
-carries it off, so let this canoe fall on the Kula valuables and carry
-them off." The association of this simile with the act of shaking the
-prow-boards is very suggestive. It may be an attempt to assimilate
-the whole canoe and all its parts to a fish-hawk falling on its prey,
-through the special mediation of the ornamental prow-board.
-
-The spell recited by the toliwaga in the middle of the canoe runs
-thus:--
-
-
-                              KAVALIKULIKU
-
-    "I anchor at the open sea beach, my renown reaches the Lagoon;
-    I anchor at the Lagoon, my renown reaches the open sea beach."
-
-    "I hit the mountain; the mountain shivers; the mountain subsides;
-    the mountain trembles; the mountain falls down; the mountain falls
-    asunder. I kick the ground on which the mountain stands. I bring
-    together, I gather."
-
-    "The mountain is encountered in the Kula; we encounter the mountain
-    in the Kula."
-
-    The expression, kubara, takuba, kubara, which we have here
-    translated by "the mountain is met in the Kula, etc." is
-    then repeated with a long string of words denoting the various
-    classes of valuables to be received in the Kula. It ends with the
-    conclusion already quoted: "My renown is like thunder, my steps
-    are like earthquake."
-
-
-The opening two sentences are clear; they contain a typical magical
-exaggeration, and equally typical permutation of words. Then comes the
-terrible verbal onslaught on "the mountain," in which the dreadful
-upheaval is carried on in words. "The mountain" (koya) stands here
-for the community of partners, for the partner, for his mind. It was
-very difficult to translate the expression kubara, takuba kubara. It
-is evidently an archaic word, and I have found it in several formulæ
-of the mwasila. It seems to mean something like an encounter between
-the approaching fleet and the koya. The word for sea battle is kubilia
-in the Trobriand language, and kubara in that of the Amphletts and
-Dobu, and as often the words of the partner's language are mixed up
-into these formulæ, this etymology and translation seem to be the
-correct ones.
-
-The third formula, that of the man in the stern, is as follows:--
-
-
-                         KAYTAVILENA MWOYNAWAGA
-
-    "Crocodile, fall down, take thy man! push him down under the
-    gebobo! (part of the canoe where the cargo is stowed away)."
-
-    "Crocodile, bring me the necklace, bring me the bagido'u, etc."
-
-    The formula is ended by the usual phrase: "I shall kula, I
-    shall rob my Kula, etc.," as in the two previously quoted spells
-    (Ta'uyo and Kayikuna Tabuyo).
-
-
-This formula is obviously a pendant to the first of these three
-spells, and the crocodile is here invoked instead of the fish-hawk,
-with the same significance. The rest of the spell is clear, the
-crocodile being appealed to, to bring all the different classes of
-the spondylus shell valuables.
-
-It is interesting to reflect upon the psychological importance of this
-magic. There is a deep belief in its efficiency, a belief cherished
-not only by those who advance chanting it, but shared also by the men
-awaiting the visitors on the shore. The Dobuans know that powerful
-forces are at work upon them. They must feel the wave of magical
-influence slowly advancing, spreading over their villages. They
-hear the appeal of the conch-shell, wafting the magic to them in
-its irresistible note. They can guess the murmur of the many voices
-accompanying it. They know what is expected from them, and they rise
-to the occasion. On the part of the approaching party, this magic,
-the chant of the many voices blended with the ta'uyo (conch shell),
-expresses their hopes and desires and their rising excitement; their
-attempt to "shake the mountain," to stir it to its very foundations.
-
-At the same time, a new emotion arises in their minds, that of awe
-and apprehension; and another form of magic has to come to their
-assistance at this juncture, to give expression to this fear and
-to assuage it--the magic of safety. Spells of this magic have been
-spoken previously, perhaps on the beach of Sarubwoyna alongside with
-the rest, perhaps even earlier, at one of the intermediate stages of
-the journey. But the rite will be performed at the moment of setting
-foot ashore, and as this is also the psychological moment to which
-the magic corresponds, it must be described here.
-
-It seems absurd, from the rational point of view, that the natives,
-who know that they are expected, indeed, who have been invited to come,
-should yet feel uncertain about the good will of their partners, with
-whom they have so often traded, whom they have received in visit,
-and themselves visited and re-visited again and again. Coming on a
-customary and peaceful errand, why should they have any apprehensions
-of danger, and develop a special magical apparatus to meet the
-natives of Dobu? This is a logical way of reasoning, but custom is
-not logical, and the emotional attitude of man has a greater sway
-over custom than has reason. The main attitude of a native to other,
-alien groups is that of hostility and mistrust. The fact that to a
-native every stranger is an enemy, is an ethnographic feature reported
-from all parts of the world. The Trobriander is not an exception in
-this respect, and beyond his own, narrow social horizon, a wall of
-suspicion, misunderstanding and latent enmity divides him from even
-near neighbours. The Kula breaks it through at definite geographical
-points, and by means of special customary transactions. But, like
-everything extraordinary and exceptional, this waiving of the general
-taboo on strangers must be justified and bridged over by magic.
-
-Indeed, the customary behaviour of the Dobuans and of the visitors
-expresses this state of affairs with singular accuracy. It is the
-customary rule that the Trobrianders should be received first with
-a show of hostility and fierceness; treated almost as intruders. But
-this attitude entirely subsides after the visitors have ritually spat
-over the village on their arrival. The natives express their ideas
-on this subject very characteristically:
-
-
-    "The Dobu man is not good as we are. He is fierce, he is
-    a man-eater! When we come to Dobu, we fear him, he might kill
-    us. But see! I spit the charmed ginger root, and their mind
-    turns. They lay down their spears, they receive us well."
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-This show of hostility is fixed into a definite ceremonial attitude
-when the Dobuan village, which consists of a collection of hamlets,
-has been laid under a taboo. On the death of a man of importance in
-any of the hamlets, the whole community undergoes the so called gwara
-taboo. The coco-nut and betel-nut palms around and within the village
-are not allowed to be scaled, and the fruit must not be touched by
-the Dobuans themselves, and still less by strangers. This state of
-affairs lasts a varying length of time, according to the importance
-of the dead man, and to other circumstances. Only after the gwara
-has run out its course, and is ripe for expiring, do the Kiriwinians
-dare to come on a visit to Dobu, having been advised beforehand of
-the circumstance. But then, when they arrive, the Dobuans put up a
-show of real hostility, for the visitors will have to break the taboo,
-they will have to scale the palms, and take the forbidden fruit. This
-is in accordance with a wide-spread Papuo-Melanesian type of custom
-of finishing tabooed periods: in all cases, someone else, who is not
-under the taboo, has to put an end to it, or to force the imposer
-of the taboo to break it. And in all cases, there is some show of
-violence and struggle on the part of the one who has to allow it to
-be broken. In this case, as the Kiriwinian natives put it:
-
-
-    "Supposing we do not perform the ka'ubana'i (safety magic),
-    we are afraid, when there is a gwara in Dobu. The Dobuans put
-    on war paint, take spear in hand, and a puluta (sword club);
-    they sit and look at us. We run into the village; we climb the
-    tree. He runs at us 'Don't climb,' he cries. Then we spit leyya
-    (ginger root) at him. He throws down his spear, he goes back and
-    smiles. The women take the spears away. We spit all around the
-    village. Then he is pleased. He speaks: 'You climb your coco-nut,
-    your betel-nut; cut your bananas.'"
-
-
-Thus the taboo is broken, the gwara is finished, and the customary
-and histrionic moment of tension is over, which must have been none
-the less a strain on the nerves of both parties.
-
-This is the lengthy formula which a toliwaga utters over several
-bits of ginger root, which are afterwards distributed among his crew,
-each of whom carries a piece when getting ashore.
-
-
-                               KA'UBANA'I
-
-    "Floating spirit of Nikiniki!
-
-    Duduba, Kirakira." (These words are untranslatable).
-
-    "It ebbs, it ebbs away!
-
-    Thy fury ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!
-
-    Thy war paint ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!
-
-    Thy sting ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!
-
-    Thy anger ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!
-
-    Thy chasing away ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!"
-
-    A long string of various expressings denoting hostile passions,
-    disinclination to make Kula, and all the paraphernalia of
-    war are here enumerated. Thus, such words as "Kula refusal,"
-    "growling," "sulking," "dislike"; further: "weapon," "bamboo
-    knife," "club-sword," "large-barbed spear," "small-barbed spear,"
-    "round club," "war blackening," "red war paint," are uttered one
-    after the other. Moreover, all of them are repeated in their Dobuan
-    equivalents after the list has been exhausted in Kiriwinian. When
-    this series has been exhausted with reference to the man of
-    Dobu, part of it is repeated with the addition "Woman of Dobu,"
-    the mention of weapons, however, being omitted. But this does not
-    end this extremely long formula. After the protracted litany has
-    been finished, the reciter chants:
-
-    "Who emerges at the top of Kinana? I" (here the name of the
-    reciter is mentioned) "emerge on the top of Kinana."
-
-    Then the whole litany is again repeated, the key word, instead of,
-    "it ebbs, it ebbs away" being "the dog sniffs."
-
-    In connection with all the other words, this would run, more or
-    less, in a free translation:--
-
-    "Thy fury, O man of Dobu, is as when the dog sniffs," or, more
-    explicitly:--
-
-    "Thy fury, O man of Dobu, should abate as the fury of a dog abates
-    when it comes and sniffs at a new-comer."
-
-    The simile of the dog must be very strongly ingrained in the
-    magical tradition, for in two more versions of this formula,
-    obtained from different informants, I received as key-words the
-    expressions: "The dog plays about," and "The dog is docile." The
-    final part of this formula is identical with that of the Kaykakaya
-    spell previously given in this chapter:--
-
-    "No more it is my mother, my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu,
-    etc.," running into the ending "Recently deceased, etc."
-
-
-In comment on this formula, there is first of all the name mentioned
-in the first line, that of Nikiniki, or Monikiniki, as it is usually
-pronounced, with the prefix of masculinity, mo-. He is described as "A
-man, an ancient man; no myth about him; he spoke the magic." Indeed,
-the main system of mwasila magic is named after him, but none of my
-informants knew any legend about him.
-
-The first key word of the middle part is quite clear. It describes the
-ebbing away of the Dobuans' passions and of their outward trappings. It
-is noteworthy that the word for 'ebbing' here used, is in the Dobuan,
-and not in the Kiriwinian language. The reference to the dog already
-explained may be still made clearer in terms of native comment. One
-explanation is simple:--
-
-
-    "They invoke the dog in the mwasila, because when master
-    of dog comes, the dog stands up and licks; in the same way,
-    the inclinations of the Dobu people." Another explanation is
-    more sophisticated: "The reason is that dogs play about nose to
-    nose. Supposing we mentioned the word, as it was of old arranged,
-    the valuables do the same. Supposing we had given away armshells,
-    the necklace will come, they will meet."
-
-
-This means, by invoking the dog in this magic, according to old
-magical tradition, we also influence the Kula gifts. This explanation
-is undoubtedly far-fetched, and probably does not express the real
-meaning of the spell. It would have no meaning in association with
-the list of passions and weapons, but I have adduced it as an example
-of native scholasticism.
-
-The dog is also a taboo associated with this magic. When a man, who
-practices the ka'ubana'i eats and a dog howls within his hearing,
-he has to leave his food, else his magic would 'blunt.'
-
-Safe under the auspices of this magic, the Trobriand sailors land on
-the beach of Tu'utauna, where we shall follow them in the next chapter.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV
-
-THE KULA IN DOBU--TECHNICALITIES OF THE EXCHANGE
-
-
-I
-
-In the last chapter, we spoke about the institution of gwara (mortuary
-taboo) and of the threatening reception accorded to the visiting
-party, at the time when it is laid upon the village, and when it has
-to be lifted. When there is no gwara, and the arriving fleet are on an
-uvalaku expedition, there will be a big and ceremonial welcome. The
-canoes, as they approach, will range themselves in a long row facing
-the shore. The point selected will be the beach, corresponding to a
-hamlet where the main partner of the toli'uvalaku lives. The canoe of
-the toli'uvalaku, of the master of the uvalaku expedition, will range
-itself at the end of the row. The toli'uvalaku will get up on to the
-platform and harangue the natives assembled on the beach. He will try
-to appeal to their ambition, so that they might give the visitors a
-large amount of valuables and surpass all other occasions. After that,
-his partner on the shore will blow a conch-shell, and, wading through
-the water, advance towards the canoe, and offer the first gift of
-valuables to the master of the expedition. This may be followed by
-another gift, again given to the toli'uvalaku. Other blasts then
-follow, and men disengage themselves from the throng on the shore,
-approaching the canoes with necklaces for their partners. A certain
-order of seniority will be observed in this. The necklaces are always
-carried ceremonially; as a rule they will be tied by both ends to
-a stick, and carried hanging down, with the pendant at the bottom
-(see Plate LXI). Sometimes, when a vaygu'a (valuable) is carried to
-the canoes by a woman (a headman's wife or sister) it will be put
-into a basket and carried on her head.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-After this ceremonial reception, the fleet disperses. As we remember
-from Chapter II, the villages in Dobu are not built in compact blocks
-of houses, but scattered in hamlets, each of about a dozen huts. The
-fleet now sails along the shore, every canoe anchoring in front of
-the hamlet in which its toliwaga has his main partner.
-
-We have at last arrived at the point when the real Kula has begun. So
-far, it was all preparations, and sailing with its concomitant
-adventure, and a little bit of preliminary Kula in the Amphletts. It
-was all full of excitement and emotion, pointing always towards the
-final goal, the big Kula in Dobu. Now we have at last reached the
-climax. The net result will be the acquisition of a few dirty, greasy,
-and insignificant looking native trinkets, each of them a string of
-flat, partly discoloured, partly raspberry-pink or brick-red discs,
-threaded one behind the other into a long, cylindrical roll. In the
-eyes of the natives, however, this result receives its meaning from
-the social forces of tradition and custom, which give the imprint of
-value to these objects, and surround them with a halo of romance. It
-seems fit here to make these few reflections upon the native psychology
-on this point, and to attempt to grasp its real significance.
-
-It may help us towards this understanding to reflect, that not far
-from the scenes of the Kula, large numbers of white adventurers have
-toiled and suffered, and many of them given their lives, in order to
-acquire what to the natives would appear as insignificant and filthy
-as their bagi are to us--a few nuggets of gold. Nearer, even, in
-the very Trobriand Lagoon, there are found valuable pearls. In olden
-days, when the natives on opening a shell to eat it, found a waytuna,
-as they called it, a 'seed' of the pearl shell, they would throw it
-to their children to play with. Now they see a number of white men
-straining all their forces in competition to acquire as many of these
-worthless things as they can. The parallel is very close. In both
-cases, the conventionalised value attached to an object carries with
-it power, renown, and the pleasure of increasing them both. In the
-case of the white man, this is infinitely more complex and indirect,
-but not essentially different from that of the natives. If we would
-imagine that a great number of celebrated gems are let loose among us,
-and travel from hand to hand--that Koh-i-noor and Orloff and other
-celebrated diamonds, emeralds and rubies--were on a continuous round
-tour, and to be obtained through luck, daring and enterprise, we would
-have a still closer analogy. Even though the possession of them would
-be a short and temporary one, the renown of having possessed them
-and the mania of 'collectioneering' would add its spur to the lust
-for wealth.
-
-This general, human, psychological foundation of the Kula must be
-kept constantly in mind. If we want, however, to understand its
-specific forms, we have to look for the details and technicalities
-of the transaction. A short outline of these has been given before
-in Chapter III. Here, after we have acquired a better knowledge of
-preliminaries, and a more thorough grasp of native psychology and
-custom, we shall be more ready to enter into a detailed description.
-
-The main principle of the Kula exchange has been laid down in the
-before-mentioned chapter; the Kula exchange has always to be a gift,
-followed by a counter-gift; it can never be a barter, a direct exchange
-with assessment of equivalents and with haggling. There must be always
-in the Kula two transactions, distinct in name, in nature and in
-time. The exchange is opened by an initial or opening gift called vaga,
-and closed by a final or return present called yotile. They are both
-ceremonial gifts, they have to be accompanied by the blow of a conch
-shell, and the present is given ostentatiously and in public. The
-native term "to throw" a valuable describes well the nature of the
-act. For, though the valuable has to be handed over by the giver,
-the receiver hardly takes any notice of it, and seldom receives it
-actually into his hands. The etiquette of the transaction requires
-that the gift should be given in an off-hand, abrupt, almost angry
-manner, and received with equivalent nonchalance and disdain. A slight
-modification in this is introduced when, as it happens sometimes,
-in the Trobriands, and in the Trobriands only, the vaygu'a is given
-by a chief to a commoner, in which case the commoner would take it
-into his hand, and show some appreciation of it. In all other cases,
-the valuable would be placed within the reach of the receiver, and
-an insignificant member of his following would pick it up.
-
-It is not very easy to unravel the various motives which combine
-to make up this customary behaviour on receiving and giving a
-gift. The part played by the receiver is perhaps not so difficult
-to interpret. Right through their ceremonial and commercial give
-and take, there runs the crude and fundamental human dissatisfaction
-with the value received. A native will always, when speaking about a
-transaction, insist on the magnitude and value of the gift he gave,
-and minimise those of the equivalent accepted. Side by side with this,
-there is the essential native reluctance to appear in want of anything,
-a reluctance which is most pronounced in the case of food, as we have
-said before (Chapter VI, Division IV). Both these motives combine
-to produce the, after all, very human and understandable attitude
-of disdain at the reception of a gift. In the case of the donor, the
-histrionic anger with which he gives an object might be, in the first
-place, a direct expression of the natural human dislike of parting
-with a possession. Added to this, there is the attempt to enhance the
-apparent value of the gift by showing what a wrench it is to give it
-away. This is the interpretation of the etiquette in giving and taking
-at which I have arrived after many observations of native behaviour,
-and through many conversations and casual remarks of the natives.
-
-The two gifts of the Kula are also distinct in time. It is quite
-obvious this must be so in the case of an overseas expedition of an
-uvalaku type, on which no valuables whatever are taken with them
-by the visiting party, and so, any valuable received on such an
-occasion, whether as vaga or yotile, cannot therefore be exchanged
-at the same time. But even when the exchange takes place in the same
-village during an inland Kula, there must be an interval between the
-two gifts, of a few minutes at least.
-
-There are also deep differences in the nature of the two
-gifts. The vaga, as the opening gift of the exchange, has to be
-given spontaneously, that is, there is no enforcement of any duty
-in giving it. There are means of soliciting it, (wawoyla), but no
-pressure can be employed. The yotile, however, that is, the valuable
-which is given in return for the valuable previously received, is
-given under pressure of a certain obligation. If I have given a vaga
-(opening gift of valuable) to a partner of mine, let us say a year ago,
-and now, when on a visit, I find that he has an equivalent vaygu'a,
-I shall consider it his duty to give it to me. If he does not do so,
-I am angry with him, and justified in being so. Not only that, if I
-can by any chance lay my hand on his vaygu'a and carry if off by force
-(lebu), I am entitled by custom to do this, although my partner in
-that case may become very irate. The quarrel over that would again
-be half histrionic, half real.
-
-Another difference between a vaga and a yotile occurs in overseas
-expeditions which are not uvalaku. On such expeditions, valuables
-sometimes are carried, but only such as are due already for a past
-vaga, and are to be given as yotile. Opening gifts, vaga, are never
-taken overseas.
-
-As mentioned above, the vaga, entails more wooing or soliciting than
-the yotile. This process, called by the natives wawoyla, consists,
-among others of a series of solicitary gifts. One type of such
-gifts is called pokala, and consists of food. [78] In the myth of
-Kasabwaybwayreta, narrated in Chapter XII, this type of gift was
-mentioned. As a rule, a considerable amount of food is taken on an
-expedition, and when a good valuable is known to be in the possession
-of a man, some of this food will be presented to him, with the words:
-"I pokala your valuable; give it to me." If the owner is not inclined
-to part with his Valuable, he will not accept the pokala. If accepted,
-it is an intimation that the vaygu'a will sooner or later be given to
-the man who offers the pokala. The owner, however, may not be prepared
-to part with it at once, and may wish to receive more solicitary gifts.
-
-Another type of such a gift is called kaributu, and consists of a
-valuable which, as a rule, is not one of those which are regularly
-kulaed. Thus, a small polished axe blade, or a valuable belt is given
-with the words: "I kaributu your necklace (or armshells); I shall take
-it and carry it off." This gift again may only be accepted if there
-is an intention to satisfy the giver with the desired vaygu'a. A
-very famous and great valuable will often be solicited by gift of
-pokala and of kaributu, one following the other. If, after one or
-two of such solicitory gifts, the big vaygu'a is finally given, the
-satisfied receiver will often give some more food to his partner,
-which gift is called kwaypolu.
-
-The food gifts would be returned on a similar occasion if it
-arises. But there would be no strict equivalence in the matter of
-food. The kaributu gift of a valuable, however, would always have to
-be returned later on, in an equivalent form. It may be added that the
-pokala offerings of food would be most often given from a district,
-where food is more abundant than in the district to which it is
-carried. Thus, the Sinaketans would bring pokala to the Amphletts,
-but they would seldom or never pokala the Dobuans, who are very rich
-in food. Again, within the Trobriands, a pokala would be offered from
-the Northern agricultural district of Kiriwina to men of Sinaketa,
-but not inversely.
-
-Another peculiar type of gift connected with the Kula is called
-korotomna. After a Sinaketan has given a necklace to a man of Kiriwina,
-and this latter receives a minor valuable from his partner further
-East, this minor valuable will be given to the Sinaketan as the
-korotomna of his necklace. This gift usually consists of a lime spatula
-of whalebone ornamented with spondylus discs, and it has to be repaid.
-
-It must be noted that all these expressions are given in the language
-of the Trobriands, and they refer to the gifts exchanged between the
-Northern and Southern Trobriands on the one hand, and these latter and
-the Amphletts on the other. In an overseas expedition from Sinaketa
-to Dobu, the solicitary gifts would be rather given wholesale, as
-the visitors' gifts of pari, and the subtle distinctions in name
-and in technicality would not be observed. That this must be so
-becomes clear, if we realise that, whereas, between the Northern and
-Southern Trobriands the news about an exceptionally good valuable
-spreads easily and quickly, this is not the case between Dobu and
-Boyowa. Going over to Dobu, therefore, a man has to make up his mind,
-whether he will give any solicitory presents to his partner, what
-and how much he will give him, without knowing whether he has any
-specially fine valuables to expect from him or not. If, however,
-there was any exceptionally valuable gift in the visitors' pari,
-it will have to be returned later on by the Dobuans.
-
-Another important type of gift essential to the Kula is that of the
-intermediary gifts, called basi. Let us imagine that a Sinaketan man
-has given a very fine pair of armshells to his Dobuan partner at their
-last meeting in Sinaketa. Now, arriving in Dobu, he finds that his
-partner has not got any necklace equivalent in value to the armshells
-given. He none the less will expect his partner to give him meanwhile
-a necklace, even though it be of inferior value. Such a gift is a basi,
-that is, not a return of the highly valuable vaga, but a gift given to
-fill in the gap. This basi will have to be repaid by a small equivalent
-pair of armshells at a later date. And the Dobuan on his side has
-still to repay the big armshells he received, and for which he has as
-yet got no equivalent in his possession. As soon as this is obtained,
-it will be given, and will close the transaction as a clinching gift,
-or kudu. Both these names imply figures of speech. Kudu means 'tooth,'
-and is a good name for a gift which clinches or bites. Basi means to
-pierce, or to stab, and this is the literal translation of a native
-comment on this name:
-
-
-    "We say basi, for it does not truly bite, like a kudu (tooth);
-    it just basi (pierces) the surface; makes it lighter."
-
-
-The equivalence of the two gifts, vaga and yotile, is expressed by
-the word kudu (tooth) and bigeda (it will bite). Another figure of
-speech describing the equivalence is contained in the word va'i, to
-marry. When two of the opposite valuables meet in the Kula and are
-exchanged, it is said that these two have married. The armshells are
-conceived as a female principle, and the necklaces as the male. An
-interesting comment on these ideas was given to me by one of the
-informants. As mentioned above, a gift of food is never given from
-Sinaketa to Kiriwina, obviously because it would be a case of bringing
-coals to Newcastle. When I asked why this is so, I received the answer:
-
-
-    "We do not now kwaypolu or pokala the mwali, for they are women,
-    and there is no reason to kwaypolu or pokala them."
-
-
-There is little logic in this comment, but it evidently includes
-some idea about the smaller value of the female principle. Or else
-perhaps it refers to the fundamental idea of the married status,
-namely that it is for the woman's family to provide the man with food.
-
-The idea of equivalence in the Kula transaction is very strong and
-definite, and when the receiver is not satisfied with the yotile
-(return gift) he will violently complain that it is not a proper
-'tooth' (kudu) for his opening gift, that it is not a real 'marriage,'
-that it is not properly 'bitten.'
-
-These terms, given in the Kiriwinian language, cover about half of
-the Kula ring from Woodlark Island and even further East, from Nada
-(Loughlan Islands) as far as the Southern Trobriands. In the language
-of Dobu, the same word is used for vaga and basi, while yotile is
-pronounced yotura, and kudu is udu. The same terms are used in the
-Amphletts.
-
-So much about the actual regulations of the Kula transactions. With
-regard to the further general rules, the definition of Kula partnership
-and sociology has been discussed in detail in Chapter XI. As to the
-rule that the valuables have always to travel and never to stop,
-nothing has to be added to what has been said about this in Chapter
-III, for there are no exceptions to this rule. A few more words must
-be said on the subject of the valuables used in the Kula. I said
-in Chapter III, stating the case briefly, that in one direction
-travel the armshells, whilst in the opposite, following the hands
-of the clock, travel the necklaces. It must now be added that the
-mwali--armshells--are accompanied by another article, the doga, or
-circular boar's tusks. In olden days, the doga were almost as important
-as the mwali in the stream of the Kula. Nowadays, hardly any at all are
-to be met as Kula articles. It is not easy to explain the reason for
-this change. In an institution having the importance and traditional
-tenacity which we find in the Kula, there can be no question of the
-interference of fashion to bring about changes. The only reason which
-I can suggest is that nowadays, with immensely increased intertribal
-intercourse, there is a great drainage on all Kula valuables by other
-districts lying outside the Kula. Now, on the one hand the doga are
-extremely valued on the main-land of New Guinea, much more, I assume,
-than they are within the Kula district. The drainage therefore
-would affect the doga much more strongly than any other articles,
-one of which, the spondylus necklaces, are actually imported into
-the Kula region from without, and even manufactured by white men in
-considerable quantities for native consumption. The armshells are
-produced within the district in sufficient numbers to replace any
-leakage, but doga are extremely difficult to reproduce, as they are
-connected with a rare freak of nature--a boar with a circular tusk.
-
-One more article which travels in the same direction as the mwali,
-consists of the bosu, the big lime spatulæ made of whale-bone and
-decorated with spondylus shells. They are not strictly speaking Kula
-articles, but play a part as the korotomna gifts mentioned above and
-nowadays are hardly to be met with. With the necklaces, there travel
-only as an unimportant subsidiary Kula article, belts made of the
-same red spondylus shell. They would be given as return presents for
-small armshells, as basi, etc.
-
-There is one important exception in the respective movements of
-necklace and armshell. A certain type of spondylus shell strings,
-much bigger and coarser than the strings which are used in the Kula,
-are produced in Sinaketa, as we saw in the last Chapter. These strings,
-called katudababile in Kiriwinian, or sama'upa in Dobuan, are sometimes
-exported from Sinaketa to Dobu as Kula gifts, and function therefore as
-armshells. These katudababile, however, never complete the Kula ring,
-in the wrong direction, as they never return to the Trobriands from
-the East. Part of them are absorbed into the districts outside the
-Kula, part of them come back again to Sinaketa, and join the other
-necklaces in their circular movement.
-
-Another class of articles, which often take a subsidiary part in the
-Kula exchange, consists of the large and thin polished axe blades,
-called in the Kiriwinian language beku. They are never used for any
-practical purposes, and fulfil only the function of tokens of wealth
-and objects of parade. In the Kula they would be given as kaributu
-(solicitary gifts), and would go both ways. As they are quarried
-in Woodlark Island and polished in Kiriwina, they would, however,
-move in the direction from the Trobriands to Dobu more frequently
-than in the opposite one.
-
-To summarise this subject, it may be said that the proper Kula
-articles are on the one hand, the armshells (mwali), and the curved
-tusks (doga); and, on the other hand, the fine, long necklaces
-(soulava or bagi), of which there are many sub-classes. An index of
-the special position of these three articles is that they are the
-only ones, or at least, by far the most important ones, mentioned
-in the spells. Later on, I shall enumerate all the sub-classes and
-varieties of these articles.
-
-Although, as we have seen, there is both a good deal of ceremony
-attached to the transaction and a good deal of decorum, one might even
-say commercial honour, implied in the technicalities of the exchange,
-there is much room left as well for quarrelling and friction. If
-a man obtains a very fine valuable, which he is not already under
-an obligation to offer as yotile (return payment), there will be a
-number of his partners, who will compete to receive it. As only one
-can be successful, all the others will be thwarted and more or less
-offended and full of malice. Still more room for bad blood is left
-in the matter of equivalence. As the valuables exchanged cannot be
-measured or even compared with one another by an exact standard; as
-there are no definite correspondences or indices of correlation between
-the various kinds of the valuables, it is not easy to satisfy a man who
-has given a vaygu'a of high value. On receiving a repayment (yotile),
-which he does not consider equivalent, he will not actually make a
-scene about it, or even show his displeasure openly in the act. But
-he will feel a deep resentment, which will express itself in frequent
-recriminations and abuse. These, though not made to his partner's face,
-will reach his ears sooner or later. Eventually, the universal method
-of settling differences may be resorted to--that of black magic, and a
-sorcerer will be paid to cast some evil spell over the offending party.
-
-When speaking about some celebrated vaygu'a, a native will praise
-its value in the words: "Many men died because of it"--which does
-not mean that they died in battle or fight, but were killed by black
-magic. Again, there is a system of signs by which one can recognise,
-on inspecting the corpse the day after death, for what reasons it
-has been bewitched. Among these signs there are one or two which
-mean that the man has been done away with, because of his success in
-Kula, or because he has offended somebody in connection with it. The
-mixture of punctilio and decorum, on the one hand, with passionate
-resentment and greed on the other, must be realised as underlying all
-the transactions, and giving the leading psychological tone to the
-natives' interest. The obligation of fairness and decency is based
-on the general rule, that it is highly improper and dishonourable
-to be mean. Thus, though a man will generally strive to belittle
-the thing received, it must not be forgotten that the man who gave
-it was genuinely eager to do his best. And after all, in some cases
-when a man receives a really fine valuable, he will boast of it and
-be frankly satisfied. Such a success is attributed of course not to
-his partner's generosity, but to his own magic.
-
-A feature which is universally recognised as reprehensible and
-discreditable, is a tendency to retain a number of valuables and be
-slow in passing them on. A man who did this would be called "hard in
-the Kula." The following is a native description of this feature as
-exhibited by the natives of the Amphletts.
-
-
-    "The Gumasila, their Kula is very hard; they are mean, they are
-    retentive. They would like to take hold of one soulava, of two,
-    of three big ones, of four perhaps. A man would pokala them, he
-    would pokapokala; if he is a kinsman he will get a soulava. The
-    Kayleula only, and the Gumasila are mean. The Dobu, the Du'a'u,
-    the Kitava are good. Coming to Muyuwa--they are like Gumasila."
-
-
-This means that a man in Gumasila would let a number of necklaces
-accumulate in his possession; would require plenty of food as
-pokala--a characteristic reduplication describes the insistence and
-perseverance in pokala--and even then he would give a necklace to a
-kinsman only. When I inquired from the same informant whether such a
-mean man would also run a risk of being killed by sorcery, he answered
-
-
-    "A man who is very much ahead in the Kula--he will die--the mean
-    man not; he will sit in peace."
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-Returning now to the concrete proceedings of the Kula, let us follow
-the movements of a Sinaketan toliwaga. He has presumably received a
-necklace or two on his arrival; but he has more partners and he expects
-more valuables. Before he receives his fill, he has to keep a taboo. He
-may not partake of any local food, neither yams, nor coco-nuts, nor
-betel pepper or nut. According to their belief, if he transgressed
-this taboo he would not receive any more valuables. He tries also to
-soften the heart of his partner by feigning disease. He will remain
-in his canoe and send word that he is ill. The Dobu man will know
-what such a conventional disease means. None the less, he may yield
-to this mode of persuasion. If this ruse does not succeed, the man
-may have recourse to magic. There is a formula called kwoygapani or
-'enmeshing magic,' which seduces the mind of a man on whom it is
-practised, makes him silly, and thus amenable to persuasion. The
-formula is recited over a betel-nut or two, and these are given to
-the partner and to his wife or sister.
-
-
-                            KWOYGAPANI SPELL
-
-    "O kwega leaf; O friendly kwega leaf; O kwega leaf hither;
-    O kwega leaf thither!"
-
-    "I shall enter through the mouth of the woman of Dobu; I shall
-    come out through the mouth of the man of Dobu. I shall enter
-    through the mouth of the man of Dobu; I shall come out through
-    the mouth of the woman of Dobu."
-
-    "Seducing kwega leaf; enmeshing kwega leaf; the mind of the
-    woman of Dobu is seduced by the kwega leaf, is enmeshed by the
-    kwega leaf."
-
-    The expression "is seduced," "is enmeshed "by the kwega leaf,
-    is repeated with a string of words such as: "Thy mind, O man of
-    Dobu," "thy refusal, O woman of Dobu," "Thy disinclination, O
-    woman of Dobu," "Thy bowels, thy tongue, thy liver," going thus
-    over all the organs of understanding and feeling, and over the
-    words which describe these faculties. The last part is identical
-    with that of one or two formulæ previously quoted:
-
-    "No more it is my mother; my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu,
-    etc." (Compare the Kaykakaya and Ka'ubana'i spells of the previous
-    chapter.)
-
-
-Kwega is a plant, probably belonging to the same family as betel
-pepper, and its leaves are chewed with areca-nut and lime, when
-real betel-pods (mwayye) are not available. The kwega is, remarkably
-enough, invoked in more than one magical formula, instead of the real
-betel-pod. The middle part is quite clear. In it, the seducing and
-enmeshing power of the kwega is cast over all the mental faculties
-of the Dobuan, and on the anatomical seats of these faculties. After
-the application of this magic, all the resources of the soliciting
-man are exhausted. He has to give up hope, and take to eating the
-fruit of Dobu, as his taboo lapses.
-
-Side by side with the Kula, the subsidiary exchange of ordinary goods
-takes place. In Chapter VI, Division VI, we have classified the various
-types of give and take, as they are to be found in the Trobriand
-Islands. The inter-tribal transactions which now take place in Dobu
-also fit into that scheme. The Kula itself belongs to class (6),
-'Ceremonial Barter with deferred payment.' The offering of the pari,
-of landing gifts by the visitors, returned by the talo'i or farewell
-gifts from the hosts fall into the class (4) of presents more or less
-equivalent. Finally, between the visitors and the local people there
-takes place, also, barter pure and simple (gimwali). Between partners,
-however, there is never a direct exchange of the gimwali type. The
-local man will as a rule contribute a bigger present, for the talo'i
-always exceeds the pari in quantity and value, and small presents are
-also given to the visitors during their stay. Of course, if in the pari
-there were included gifts of high value, like a stone blade or a good
-lime spoon, such solicitary gifts would always be returned in strictly
-equivalent form. The rest would be liberally exceeded in value.
-
-The trade takes place between the visitors and local natives, who
-are not their partners, but who must belong to the community with
-whom the Kula is made. Thus, Numanuma, Tu'utauna and Bwayowa are the
-three communities which form what we have called the 'Kula community'
-or 'Kula unit,' with whom the Sinaketans stand in the relation of
-partnership. And a Sinaketa man will gimwali (trade) only with a man
-from one of these villages who is not his personal partner. To use
-a native statement:
-
-
-    "Some of our goods we give in pari; some we keep back; later on,
-    we gimwali it. They bring their areca-nut, their sago, they put
-    it down. They want some article of ours, they say: 'I want this
-    stone blade.' We give it, we put the betel-nut, the sago into
-    our canoe. If they give us, however, a not sufficient quantity,
-    we rate them. Then they bring more."
-
-
-This is a clear definition of the gimwali, with haggling and adjustment
-of equivalence in the act.
-
-When the visiting party from Sinaketa arrive, the natives from the
-neighbouring districts, that is, from the small island of Dobu proper,
-from the other side of Dawson Straits, from Deyde'i, the village to
-the South, will assemble in the three Kula villages. These natives
-from other districts bring with them a certain amount of goods. But
-they must not trade directly with the visitors from Boyowa. They
-must exchange their goods with the local natives, and these again
-will trade them with the Sinaketans. Thus the hosts from the Kula
-community act as intermediaries in any trading relations between the
-Sinaketans and the inhabitants of more remote districts.
-
-To sum up the sociology of these transactions, we may say that
-the visitor enters into a threefold relation with the Dobuan
-natives. First, there is his partner, with whom he exchanges general
-gifts on the basis of free give and take, a type of transaction,
-running side by side with the Kula proper. Then there is the local
-resident, not his personal Kula partner, with whom he carries on
-gimwali. Finally there is the stranger with whom an indirect exchange
-is carried on through the intermediation of the local men. With
-all this, it must not be imagined that the commercial aspect of
-the gathering is at all conspicuous. The concourse of the natives
-is great, mainly owing to their curiosity, to see the ceremonial
-reception of the uvalaku party. But if I say that every visitor from
-Boyowa, brings and carries away about half-a-dozen articles, I do
-not under-state the case. Some of these articles the Sinaketan has
-acquired in the industrial districts of Boyowa during his preliminary
-trading expedition (see Chapter VI, Division III). On these he scores
-a definite gain. A few samples of the prices paid in Boyowa and those
-received in Dobu will indicate the amount of this gain.
-
-
-  Kuboma to Sinaketa.                Dobu to Sinaketa.
-
-  1 tanepopo basket = 12 coco-nuts = 12 coco-nuts + sago + 1 belt
-  1 comb            =  4 coco-nuts =  4 coco-nuts + 1 bunch of betel
-  1 armlet          =  8 coco-nuts =  8 coco-nuts + 2 bundles of betel
-  1 lime pot        = 12 coco-nuts = 12 coco-nuts + 2 pieces of sago
-
-
-This table shows in its second column the prices paid by the
-Sinaketans to the industrial villages of Kuboma, a district in the
-Northern Trobriands. In the third column what they receive in Dobu
-is recorded. The table has been obtained from a Sinaketan informant,
-and it probably is far from accurate, and the transactions are sure
-to vary greatly in the gain which they afford. There is no doubt,
-however, that for each article, the Sinaketan would ask the price
-which he paid for them as well as some extra article.
-
-Thus we see that there is in this transaction a definite gain obtained
-by the middlemen. The natives of Sinaketa act as intermediaries
-between the industrial centres of the Trobriands and Dobu, whereas
-their hosts play the same rôle between the Sinaketans and the men
-from the outlying districts.
-
-Besides trading and obtaining of Kula valuables, the natives of
-Sinaketa visit their friends and their distant relatives, who, as we
-saw before, are to be found in this district owing to migrations. The
-visitors walk across the flat, fertile plain from one hamlet to the
-other, enjoying some of the marvellous and unknown sights of this
-district. They are shown the hot springs of Numanuma and of Deyde'i,
-which are in constant eruption. Every few minutes, the water boils up
-in one spring after another of each group, throwing up jets of spray
-a few metres high. The plain around these springs is barren, with
-nothing but here and there a stunted kind of eucalyptus tree. This
-is the only place in the whole of Eastern New Guinea where as far
-as I know, eucalyptus trees are to be found. This was at least the
-information of some intelligent natives, in whose company I visited
-the springs, and who had travelled all over the Eastern islands and
-the East end of the mainland.
-
-The land-locked bays and lagoons, the Northern end of Dawson Strait,
-enclosed like a lake by mountains and volcanic cones, all this must
-also appear strange and beautiful to the Trobrianders. In the villages,
-they are entertained by their male friends, the language spoken by both
-parties being that of Dobu, which differs completely from Kiriwinian,
-but which the Sinaketans learn in early youth. It is remarkable that
-no one in Dobu speaks Kiriwinian.
-
-As said above, no sexual relations of any description take place
-between the visitors and the women of Dobu. As one of the informants
-told me:
-
-
-    "We do not sleep with women of Dobu, for Dobu is the final mountain
-    (Koyaviguna Dobu); it is a taboo of the mwasila magic."
-
-
-But when I enquired, whether the results of breaking this taboo would
-be baneful to their success in Kula only, the reply was that they were
-afraid of breaking it, and that it was ordained of old (tokunabogwo
-ayguri) that no man should interfere with the women of Dobu. As a
-matter of fact, the Sinaketans are altogether afraid of the Dobuans,
-and they would take good care not to offend them in any way.
-
-After some three or four days' sojourn in Dobu, the Sinaketan
-fleet starts on its return journey. There is no special ceremony of
-farewell. In the early morning, they receive their talo'i (farewell
-gifts) of food, betel-nut, objects of use and sometimes also a Kula
-valuable is enclosed amongst the the talo'i. Heavily laden as they
-are, they lighten their canoes by means of a magic called kaylupa,
-and sail away northwards once more.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XV
-
-THE JOURNEY HOME--THE FISHING AND WORKING OF THE KALOMA SHELL
-
-
-I
-
-The return journey of the Sinaketan fleet is made by following exactly
-the same route as the one by which they came to Dobu. In each inhabited
-island, in every village, where a halt had previously been made,
-they stop again, for a day or a few hours. In the hamlets of Sanaroa,
-in Tewara and in the Amphletts, the partners are revisited. Some
-Kula valuables are received on the way back, and all the talo'i
-gifts from those intermediate partners are also collected on the
-return journey. In each of these villages people are eager to hear
-about the reception which the uvalaku party have received in Dobu;
-the yield in valuables is discussed, and comparisons are drawn between
-the present occasion and previous records.
-
-No magic is performed now, no ceremonial takes place, and there
-would be very little indeed to say about the return journey but for
-two important incidents; the fishing for spondylus shell (kaloma)
-in Sanaroa Lagoon, and the display and comparison of the yield of
-Kula valuables on Muwa beach.
-
-The natives of Sinaketa, as we have seen in the last chapter, acquire
-a certain amount of the Koya produce by means of trade. There are,
-however, certain articles, useful yet unobtainable in the Trobriands,
-and freely accessible in the Koya, and to these the Trobrianders
-help themselves. The glassy forms of lava, known as obsidian, can be
-found in great quantities over the slopes of the hills in Sanaroa
-and Dobu. This article, in olden days, served the Trobrianders
-as material for razors, scrapers, and sharp, delicate, cutting
-instruments. Pumice-stone abounding in this district is collected
-and carried to the Trobriands, where it is used for polishing. Red
-ochre is also procured there by the visitors, and so are the hard,
-basaltic stones (binabina) used for hammering and pounding and for
-magical purposes. Finally, very fine silica sand, called maya, is
-collected on some of the beaches, and imported into the Trobriands,
-where it is used for polishing stone blades, of the kind which serve
-as tokens of value and which are manufactured up to the present day.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-But by far the most important of the articles which the Trobrianders
-collect for themselves are the spondylus shells. These are freely,
-though by no means easily, accessible in the coral outcrops of Sanaroa
-Lagoon. It is from this shell that the small circular perforated
-discs (kaloma) are made, out of which the necklaces of the Kula
-are composed, and which also serve for ornamenting almost all the
-articles of value or of artistic finish which are used within the
-Kula district. But, only in two localities within the district are
-these discs manufactured, in Sinaketa and in Vakuta, both villages in
-Southern Boyowa. The shell can be found also in the Trobriand Lagoon,
-facing these two villages. But the specimens found in Sanaroa are
-much better in colour, and I think more easily procured. The fishing
-in this latter locality, however, is done by the Sinaketans only.
-
-Whether the fishing is done in their own Lagoon, near an uninhabited
-island called Nanoula, or in Sanaroa, it is always a big, ceremonial
-affair, in which the whole community takes part in a body. The
-magic, or at least part of it, is done for the whole community by
-the magician of the kaloma (towosina kaloma), who also fixes the
-dates, and conducts the ceremonial part of the proceedings. As the
-spondylus shell furnishes one of the essential episodes of a Kula
-expedition, a detailed account both of fishing and of manufacturing
-must be here given. The native name, kaloma (in the Southern Massim
-districts the word sapi-sapi is used) describes both the shell and
-the manufactured discs. The shell is the large spondylus shell,
-containing a crystalline layer of a red colour, varying from dirty
-brick-red to a soft, raspberry pink, the latter being by far the most
-prized. It lives in the cavities of coral outcrop, scattered among
-shallow mud-bottomed lagoons.
-
-This shell is, according to tradition, associated with the village
-of Sinaketa. According to a Sinaketan legend, once upon a time, three
-guya'u (chief) women, belonging to the Tabalu sub-clan of the Malasi
-clan, wandered along, each choosing her place to settle in. The eldest
-selected the village of Omarakana; the second went to Gumilababa;
-the youngest settled in Sinaketa. She had kaloma discs in her basket,
-and they were threaded on a long, thin stick, called viduna, such
-as is used in the final stage of manufacture. She remained first
-in a place called Kaybwa'u, but a dog howled, and she moved further
-on. She heard again a dog howling, and she took a kaboma (wooden plate)
-and went on to the fringing reef to collect shells. She found there
-the momoka (white spondylus), and she exclaimed: "Oh, this is the
-kaloma!" She looked closer, and said: "Oh no, you are not red. Your
-name is momoka." She took then the stick with the kaloma discs and
-thrust it into a hole of the reef. It stood there, but when she looked
-at it, she said: "Oh, the people from inland would come and see you
-and pluck you off." She went, she pulled out the stick; she went into
-a canoe, and she paddled. She paddled out into the sea. She anchored
-there, pulled the discs off the stick, and she threw them into the
-sea so that they might come into the coral outcrop. She said: "It
-is forbidden that the inland natives should take the valuables. The
-people of Sinaketa only must dive." Thus only the Sinaketa people
-know the magic, and how to dive.
-
-This myth presents certain remarkable characteristics. I shall not
-enter into its sociology, though it differs in that respect from
-the Kiriwinian myths, in which the equality of the Sinaketan and the
-Gumilababan chiefs with those of Omarakana is not acknowledged. It is
-characteristic that the Malasi woman in this myth shows an aversion to
-the dog, the totem animal of the Lukuba clan, a clan which according
-to mythical and historical data had to recede before and yield its
-priority to the Malasi (compare Chapter XII, Division IV). Another
-detail of interest is that she brings the kaloma on their sticks,
-as they appear in the final stage of manufacturing. In this form,
-also, she tries to plant them on the reef. The finished kaloma,
-however, to use the words of one of my informants, "looked at her,
-the water swinging it to and fro; flashing its red eyes." And the
-woman, seeing it, pulls out the too accessible and too inviting
-kaloma and scatters them over the deep sea. Thus she makes them
-inaccessible to the uninitiated inland villagers, and monopolises them
-for Sinaketa. There can be no doubt that the villages of Vakuta have
-learnt this industry from the Sinaketans. The myth is hardly known in
-Vakuta, only a few are experts in diving and manufacturing; there is
-a tradition about a late transference of this industry there; finally
-the Vakutans have never fished for kaloma in the Sanaroa Lagoon.
-
-Now let us describe the technicalities and the ceremonial connected
-with the fishing for kaloma. It will be better to give an account
-of how this is done in the Lagoon of Sinaketa, round the sandbank
-of Nanoula, as this is the normal and typical form of kaloma
-fishing. Moreover, when the Sinaketans do it in Sanaroa, the
-proceedings are very much the same, with just one or two phases
-missed out.
-
-The office of magician of the kaloma (towosina kaloma) is hereditary in
-two sub-clans, belonging to the Malasi clan, and one of them is that
-of the main chief of Kasi'etana. After the Monsoon season is over,
-that is, some time in March or April, ogibukuvi (i.e., in the season
-of the new yams) the magician gives the order for preparations. The
-community give him a gift called sousula, one or two bringing a
-vaygu'a, the rest supplying gugu'a (ordinary chattels), and some
-food. Then they prepare the canoes, and get ready the binabina stones,
-with which the spondylus shell will be knocked off the reef.
-
-Next day, in the morning, the magician performs a rite called
-'kaykwa'una la'i,' 'the attracting of the reef,' for, as in the
-case of several other marine beings, the main seat of the kaloma is
-far away. Its dwelling place is the reef Ketabu, somewhere between
-Sanaroa and Dobu. In order to make it move and come towards Nanoula,
-it is necessary to recite the above-named spell. This is done by the
-magician as he walks up and down on the Sinaketa beach and casts
-his words into the open, over the sea, towards the distant seat
-of the kaloma. The kaloma then 'stand up' (itolise) that is start
-from their original coral outcrop (vatu) and come into the Lagoon of
-Sinaketa. This spell, I obtained from To'udavada, the present chief
-of Kasi'etana, and descendant of the original giver of this shell,
-the woman of the myth. It begins with a long list of ancestral names;
-then follows a boastful picture of how the whole fleet admires the
-magical success of the magician's spell. The key-word in the main part
-is the word 'itolo': 'it stands up,' i.e., 'it starts,' and with this,
-there are enumerated all the various classes of the kaloma shell,
-differentiated according to size, colour and quality. It ends up with
-another boast; "My canoe is overloaded with shell so that it sinks,"
-which is repeated with varying phraseology.
-
-This spell the magician may utter once only, or he may repeat it
-several times on successive days. He fixes then the final date for the
-fishing expedition. On the evening before that date, the men perform
-some private magic, every one in his own house. The hammering stone,
-the gabila, which is always a binabina (it is a stone imported from
-the Koya), is charmed over. As a rule it is put on a piece of dried
-banana leaf with some red hibiscus blossoms and leaves or flowers
-of red colour. A formula is uttered over it, and the whole is then
-wrapped up in the banana leaf and kept there until it is used. This
-will make the stone a lucky one in hitting off many shells, and it
-will make the shells very red.
-
-Another rite of private magic consists in charming a large mussel
-shell, with which, on the next morning, the body of the canoe will
-be scraped. This makes the sea clear, so that the diver may easily
-see and frequently find his spondylus shells.
-
-Next morning the whole fleet starts on the expedition. Some food has
-been taken into the canoes, as the fishing usually lasts for a few
-days, the nights being spent on the beach of Nanoula. When the canoes
-arrive at a certain point, about half-way between Sinaketa and Nanoula,
-they all range themselves in a row. The canoe of the magician is at the
-right flank, and he medicates a bunch of red hibiscus flowers, some
-red croton leaves, and the leaves of the red-blossomed mangrove--red
-coloured substances being used to make the shell red, magically. Then,
-passing in front of all the other canoes, he rubs their prows with
-the bundle of leaves. After that, the canoes at both ends of the
-row begin to punt along, the row evolving into a circle, through
-which presently the canoe of the magician passes, punting along its
-diameter. At this place in the Lagoon, there is a small vatu (coral
-outcrop) called Vitukwayla'i. This is called the vatu of the baloma
-(spirits). At this vatu the magician's canoe stops, and he orders some
-of its crew to dive down and here to begin the gathering of shells.
-
-Some more private magic is performed later on by each canoe on its own
-account. The anchor stone is charmed with some red hibiscus flowers,
-in order to make the spondylus shell red. There is another private
-magic called 'sweeping of the sea,' which, like the magic of the mussel
-shell, mentioned above, makes the sea clear and transparent. Finally,
-there is an evil magic called 'besprinkling with salt water.' If a
-man does it over the others, he will annul the effects of their magic,
-and frustrate their efforts, while he himself would arouse astonishment
-and suspicion by the amount of shell collected. Such a man would dive
-down into the water, take some brine into his mouth, and emerging,
-spray it towards the other canoes, while he utters the evil charm.
-
-So much for the magic and the ceremonial associated with the
-spondylus fishing in the Trobriand Lagoon. In Sanaroa, exactly the
-same proceedings take place, except that there is no attracting of
-the reef, probably because they are already at the original seat
-of the kaloma. Again I was told that some of the private magic
-would be performed in Sinaketa before the fleet sailed on the Kula
-expedition. The objects medicated would be then kept, well wrapped
-in dried leaves.
-
-It may be added that neither in the one Lagoon nor in the other are
-there any private, proprietary rights to coral outcrops. The whole
-community of Sinaketa have their fishing grounds in the Lagoon,
-within which every man may hunt for his spondylus shell, and catch
-his fish at times. If the other spondylus fishing community, the
-Vakutans, encroached upon their grounds, there would be trouble,
-and in olden days, fighting. Private ownership in coral outcrops
-exists in the Northern villages of the Lagoon, that is in Kavataria,
-and the villages on the island of Kayleula.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-We must now follow the later stages of the kaloma industry. The
-technology of the proceedings is so mixed up with remarkable
-sociological and economic arrangements that it will be better to
-indicate it first in its main outlines. The spondylus consists of a
-shell, the size and shape of a hollowed out half of a pear, and of a
-flat, small lid. It is only the first part which is worked. First
-it has to be broken into pieces with a binabina or an utukema
-(green stone imported from Woodlark Island) as shown on Plate L
-(A). On each piece, then, can be seen the stratification of the
-shell: the outside layer of soft, chalky substance; under this, the
-layer of red, hard, calcareous material, and then the inmost, white,
-crystalline stratum. Both the outside and inside have to be rubbed
-off, but first each piece has to be roughly rounded up, so as to form
-a thick circular lump. Such a lump (see foregrounds of Plates L (A),
-L (B)) is then put in the hole of a cylindrical piece of wood. This
-latter serves as a handle with which the lumps are rubbed on a piece
-of flat sandstone (see Plate L (B)). The rubbing is carried on so far
-till the outside and inside layers are gone, and there remains only a
-red, flat tablet, polished on both sides. In the middle of it, a hole
-is drilled through by means of a pump drill--gigi'u--(see Plate LI),
-and a number of such perforated discs are then threaded on a thin,
-but tough stick (see Plate LII), with which we have already met in
-the myth. Then the cylindrical roll is rubbed round and round on
-the flat sandstone, until its form becomes perfectly symmetrical
-(see Plate LII). Thus a number of flat, circular discs, polished
-all round and perforated in the middle, are produced. The breaking
-and the drilling, like the diving are done exclusively by men. The
-polishing is as a rule woman's work.
-
-This technology is associated with an interesting sociological relation
-between the maker and the man for whom the article is made. As has
-been stated in Chapter II, one of the main features of the Trobriand
-organisation consists of the mutual duties between a man and his
-wife's maternal kinsmen. They have to supply him regularly with yams
-at harvest time, while he gives them the present of a valuable now and
-then. The manufacture of kaloma valuables in Sinaketa is very often
-associated with this relationship. The Sinaketan manufacturer makes his
-kutadababile (necklace of large beads) for one of his relatives-in-law,
-while this latter pays him in food. In accordance with this custom, it
-happens very frequently that a Sinaketan man marries a woman from one
-of the agricultural inland villages, or even a woman of Kiriwina. Of
-course, if he has no relatives-in-law in one of these villages, he
-will have friends or distant relatives, and he will make the string
-for one or the other of them. Or else he will produce one for himself,
-and launch it into the Kula. But the most typical and interesting
-case is, when the necklace is produced to order for a man who repays
-it according to a remarkable economic system, a system similar to
-the payments in instalments, which I have mentioned with regard to
-canoe making. I shall give here, following closely the native text,
-a translation of an account of the payments for kaloma making.
-
-
-                      ACCOUNT OF THE KALOMA MAKING
-
-    Supposing some man from inland lives in Kiriwina or in Luba
-    or in one of the villages nearby; he wants a katudababile. He
-    would request an expert fisherman who knows how to dive for
-    kaloma. This man agrees; he dives, he dives ... till it is
-    sufficient; his vataga (large folding basket) is already full,
-    this man (the inlander) hears the rumour; he, the master of the
-    kaloma (that is, the man for whom the necklace will be made) says:
-    "Good! I shall just have a look!" He would come, he would see,
-    he would not give any vakapula payment. He (here the Sinaketan
-    diver is meant) would say: "Go, tomorrow, I shall break the shell,
-    come here, give me vakapula." Next day, he (the inlander) would
-    cook food, he would bring, he would give vakapula; he (the diver)
-    would break the shell. Next day, the same. He (the inlander) would
-    give the vakapula, he (the diver) would break the shell. Supposing
-    the breaking is already finished, he (the diver) would say:
-    "Good! already the breaking is finished, I shall polish." Next
-    day, he (the inlander) would cook food, would bring bananas,
-    coco-nut, betel-nut, sugar cane, would give it as vakapula;
-    this man (the diver) polishes. The polishing already finished,
-    he would speak: "Good! To-morrow I shall drill." This man (the
-    inlander) would bring food, bananas, coco-nuts, sugar cane,
-    he would give it as vakapula: it would be abundant, for soon
-    already the necklace will be finished. The same, he would give a
-    big vakapula on the occasion of the rounding up of the cylinder,
-    for soon everything will be finished. When finished, we thread it
-    on a string, we wash it. (Note the change from the third singular
-    into the first plural). We give it to our wife, we blow the conch
-    shell; she would go, she would carry his valuable to this man,
-    our relative-in-law. Next day, he would yomelu; he would catch
-    a pig, he would break off a bunch of betel-nut, he would cut
-    sugar cane, bananas, he would fill the baskets with food, and
-    spike the coco-nut on a multi-forked piece of wood. By-and-by
-    he would bring it. Our house would be filled up. Later on we
-    would make a distribution of the bananas, of the sugar cane, of
-    the betel-nut. We give it to our helpers. We sit, we sit (i.e.,
-    we wait); at harvest time he brings yams, he karibudaboda (he
-    gives the payment of that name), the necklace. He would bring
-    the food and fill out our yam house.
-
-
-This narrative, like many pieces of native information, needs certain
-corrections of perspective. In the first place, events here succeed one
-another with a rapidity quite foreign to the extremely leisurely way in
-which natives usually accomplish such a lengthy process as the making
-of a katudababile. The amount of food which, in the usual manner,
-is enumerated over and over again in this narrative would probably
-not be exaggerated, for--such is native economy--a man who makes a
-necklace to order would get about twice as much or even more for it
-than it would fetch in any other transaction. On the other hand,
-it must be remembered that what is represented here as the final
-payment, the karibudaboda, is nothing else but the normal filling up
-of the yam house, always done by a man's relations-in-law. None the
-less, in a year in which a katudababile would be made, the ordinary
-yearly harvest gift would be styled the 'karibudaboda payment for
-the necklace.' The giving of the necklace to the wife, who afterwards
-carries it to her brother or kinsman, is also characteristic of the
-relation between relatives-in-law.
-
-In Sinaketa and Vakuta only the necklaces made of bigger shell and
-tapering towards the end are made. The real Kula article, in which
-the discs are much thinner, smaller in diameter and even in size from
-one end of the necklace to the other, these were introduced into the
-Kula at other points, and I shall speak about this subject in one
-of the following chapters (Chapter XXI), where the other branches of
-the Kula are described.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Now, having come to an end of this digression on kaloma, let us return
-for another short while to our Sinaketan party, whom we have left
-on the Lagoon of Sanaroa. Having obtained a sufficient amount of the
-shells, they set sail, and re-visiting Tewara and Gumasila, stopping
-perhaps for a night on one of the sandbanks of Pilolu, they arrive at
-last in their home Lagoon. But before rejoining their people in their
-villages, they stop for the last halt on Muwa. Here they make what is
-called tanarere, a comparison and display of the valuables obtained
-on this trip. From each canoe, a mat or two are spread on the sand
-beach, and the men put their necklaces on the mat. Thus a long row of
-valuables lies on the beach, and the members of the expedition walk
-up and down, admire, and count them. The chiefs would, of course,
-have always the greatest haul, more especially the one who has been
-the toli'uvalaku on that expedition.
-
-After this is over, they return to the village. Each canoe blows its
-conch shell, a blast for each valuable that it contains. When a canoe
-has obtained no vaygu'a at all, this means great shame and distress
-for its members, and especially for the toliwaga. Such a canoe is
-said to bisikureya, which means literally 'to keep a fast.'
-
-On the beach all the villagers are astir. The women, who have put on
-their new grass petticoats (sevata'i) specially made for this occasion,
-enter the water and approach the canoes to unload them. No special
-greetings pass between them and their husbands. They are interested
-in the food brought from Dobu, more especially in the sago.
-
-People from other villages assemble also in great numbers to greet the
-incoming party. Those who have supplied their friends or relatives
-with provisions for their journey, receive now sago, betel-nuts and
-coco-nuts in repayment. Some of the welcoming crowd have come in order
-to make Kula. Even from the distant districts of Luba and Kiriwina
-natives will travel to Sinaketa, having a fair idea of the date of
-the arrival of the Kula party from Dobu. The expedition will be talked
-over, the yield counted, the recent history of the important valuables
-described. But this stage leads us already into the subject of inland
-Kula, which will form the subject of one of the following chapters.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVI
-
-THE RETURN VISIT OF THE DOBUANS TO SINAKETA
-
-
-I
-
-In the twelve preceding chapters, we have followed an expedition
-from Sinaketa to Dobu. But branching off at almost every step from
-its straight track, we studied the various associated institutions
-and underlying beliefs; we quoted magical formulæ, and told
-mythical stories, and thus we broke up the continuous thread of the
-narrative. In this chapter, as we are already acquainted with the
-customs, beliefs and institutions implied in the Kula, we are ready
-to follow a straight and consecutive tale of an expedition in the
-inverse direction, from Dobu to Sinaketa.
-
-As I have seen, indeed followed, a big uvalaku expedition from
-the South to the Trobriands, I shall be able to give some of the
-scenes from direct impression, and not from reconstruction. Such
-a reconstruction for one who has seen much of the natives' tribal
-life and has a good grip over intelligent informants is neither very
-difficult nor need it be fanciful at all. Indeed, towards the end
-of my second visit, I had several times opportunities to check such
-a reconstruction by witnessing the actual occurrence, for after my
-first year's stay in the Trobriands I had written out already some
-of my material. As a rule, even in minute details, my reconstructions
-hardly differed from reality, as the tests have shown. None the less,
-it is possible for an Ethnographer to enter into concrete details
-with more conviction when he describes things actually seen.
-
-In September, 1917, an uvalaku expedition was led by Kouta'uya
-from Sinaketa to Dobu. The Vakutans joining them on the way, and the
-canoes of the Amphletts following them also, some forty canoes finally
-arrived at the western shore of Dawson Straits. It was arranged then
-and there that a return expedition from that district should visit
-Sinaketa in about six months' time. Kauyaporu, the esa'esa (headman)
-of Kesora'i hamlet in the village of Bwayowa, had a pig with circular
-tusks. He decided therefore to arrange an uvalaku expedition, at the
-beginning of which the pig was to be killed and feasted upon and its
-tusks turned into ornaments.
-
-When, in November, 1917, I passed through the district, the preparing
-of the canoes was already afoot. All of those, which still could be
-repaired, had been taken to pieces and were being relashed, recaulked
-and repainted. In some hamlets, new dug-outs were being scooped. After
-a few months stay in the Trobriands, I went South again in March, 1918,
-intending to spend some time in the Amphletts. Landing there is always
-difficult, as there are no anchorages near the shore, and it is quite
-impossible to disembark in rough weather at night. I arrived late in a
-small cutter, and had to cruise between Gumasila and Domdom, intending
-to wait till daybreak and then effect a landing. In the middle of
-the night, however, a violent north-westerly squall came down, and
-making a split in the main-sail, forced us to run before the wind,
-southwards towards Dobu. It was on this night that the native boys
-employed in the boat, saw the mulukwausi flaming up at the head of
-the mast. The wind dropped before daybreak, and we entered the Lagoon
-of Sanaroa, in order to repair the sail. During the three days we
-stopped there, I roamed over the country, climbing its volcanic cones,
-paddling up the creeks and visiting the villages scattered on the
-coral plain. Everywhere I saw signs of the approaching departure for
-Boyowa; the natives preparing their canoes on the beach to be loaded,
-collecting food in the gardens and making sago in the jungle. At the
-head of one of the creeks, in the midst of a sago swamp, there was a
-long, low shelter which serves as a dwelling to Dobuan natives from
-the main Island when they come to gather sago. This swamp was said
-to be reserved to a certain community of Tu'utauna.
-
-Another day I came upon a party of local natives from Sanaroa, who
-were pounding sago pulp out of a palm, and sluicing it with water. A
-big tree had been felled, its bark stripped in the middle of the trunk
-in a large square, and the soft, fleshy interior laid open. There were
-three men standing in a row before it and pounding away at it. A few
-more men waited to relieve the tired ones. The pounding instruments,
-half club, half adzes, had thick but not very broad blades of green
-stone, of the same type as I have seen among the Mailu natives of
-the South Coast. [79]
-
-The pulp was then carried in baskets to a neighbouring stream. At
-this spot there was a natural trough, one of the big, convex scales,
-which form the basis of the sago leaf. In the middle of it, a sieve
-was made of a piece of coco-nut spathing, a fibre which covers the
-root of a coco-nut leaf, and looks at first sight exactly like a
-piece of roughly woven material. Water was directed so that it flowed
-into the trough at its broad end, coming out at the narrow one. The
-sago pulp was put at the top, the water carried away with it the
-powdered sago starch, while the wooden, husky fibres were retained
-by the sieve. The starch was then carried with the water into a big
-wooden canoe-shaped trough; there the heavier starch settled down,
-while the water welled over the brim. When there is plenty of starch,
-the water is drained off carefully and the starch is placed into
-another of the trough-shaped, sago leaf bases, where it is allowed to
-dry. In such receptacles it is then carried on a trading expedition,
-and is thus counted as one unit of sago.
-
-I watched the proceedings for a long time with great interest. There is
-something fascinating about the big, antideluvian-looking sago palm,
-so malignant and unapproachable in its unhealthy, prickly swamp,
-being turned by man into food by such simple and direct methods. The
-sago produced and eaten by the natives is a tough, starchy stuff, of
-dirty white colour, very unpalatable. It has the consistency of rubber,
-and the taste of very poor, unleavened bread. It is not clear, like
-the article which is sold under the name of sago in our groceries, but
-is mealy, tough, and almost elastic. The natives consider it a great
-delicacy, and bake it into little cakes, or boil it into dumplings.
-
-The main fleet of the Dobuans started some time in the second half of
-March from their villages, and went first to the beach of Sarubwoyna,
-where they held a ceremonial distribution of food, eguya'i, as it is
-called in Dobu. Then, offering the pokala to Aturamo'a and Atu'a'ine,
-they sailed by way of Sanaroa and Tewara, passing the tabooed rock
-of Gurewaya to the Amphletts. The wind was light and changeable,
-weak S.W. breezes prevailing. The progress of this stage of the
-journey must have been very slow. The natives must have spent a
-few nights on the intermediate islands and sandbanks, a few canoes'
-crews camping at one spot.
-
-At that time I had already succeeded in reaching the Amphletts, and
-had been busy for two or three weeks doing ethnographic work, though
-not very successfully; for, as I have already once or twice remarked,
-the natives here are very bad informants. I knew of course that the
-Dobuan fleet was soon to come, but as my experience had taught me to
-mistrust native time-tables and fixtures of date, I did not expect
-them to be punctual. In this, however, I was mistaken. On a Kula
-expedition, when the dates are once fixed, the natives make real and
-strenuous efforts to keep to them. In the Amphletts the people were
-busy preparing for the expedition, because they had the intention of
-joining the Dobuans and proceeding with them to the Trobriands. A few
-canoes went to the mainland to fetch sago, pots were being mustered and
-made ready for stowing away, canoes were overhauled. When the small
-expedition returned from the mainland with sago, after a week or so,
-a sagali (in Amphlettan: madare), that is, a ceremonial distribution
-of food was held on the neighbouring island, Nabwageta.
-
-My arrival was a very untoward event to the natives, and complicated
-matters, causing great annoyance to Tovasana, the main headman. I had
-landed in his own little village, Nu'agasi, on the island of Gumasila,
-for it was impossible to anchor near the big village, nor would there
-have been room for pitching a tent. Now, in the Amphletts, a white
-man is an exceedingly rare occurrence, and to my knowledge, only once
-before, a white trader remained there for a few weeks. To leave me
-alone with the women and one or two old men was impossible, according
-to their ideas and fears, and none of the younger men wanted to forgo
-the privilege and pleasure of taking part in the expedition. At last,
-I promised them to move to the neighbouring island of Nabwageta,
-as soon as the men were gone, and with this they were satisfied.
-
-As the date fixed for the arrival of the Dobuans approached, the
-excitement grew. Little by little the news arrived, and was eagerly
-received and conveyed to me: "Some sixty canoes of the Dobuans are
-coming," "the fleet is anchored off Tewara," "each canoe is heavily
-laden with food and gifts," "Kauyaporu sails in his canoe, he is
-toli'uvalaku, and has a big pandanus streamer attached to the prow." A
-string of other names followed which had very little meaning for me,
-since I was not acquainted with the Dobuan natives. From another part
-of the world, from the Trobriands, the goal of the whole expedition,
-news reached us again: "To'uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina has gone
-to Kitava--he will soon come back, bringing plenty of mwali." "The
-Sinaketans are going there to fetch some of the mwali." "The Vakutans
-have been in Kitava and brought back great numbers of mwali." It
-was astonishing to hear all this news, arriving at a small island,
-apparently completely isolated with its tiny population, within
-these savage and little navigated seas; news only a few days old,
-yet reporting events which had occurred at a travelling distance of
-some hundred miles.
-
-It was interesting to follow up the way it had come. The earlier news
-about the Dobuans had been brought by the canoes, which had fetched
-the sago to Gumasila from the main island. A few days later, a canoe
-from one of the main island villages had arrived here, and on its
-way had passed the Dobuans in Tewara. The news from the Trobriands
-in the North had been brought by the Kuyawa canoe which had arrived a
-couple of days before in Nabwageta (and whose visit to Nu'agasi I have
-described in Chapter XI). All these movements were not accidental,
-but connected with the uvalaku expedition. To show the complexity,
-as well as the precise timing of the various movements and events,
-so perfectly synchronised over a vast area, in connection with the
-uvalaku, I have tabulated them in the Chart, facing this page, in
-which almost all the dates are quite exact, being based on my own
-observations. This Chart also gives a clear, synoptic picture of an
-uvalaku, and it will be useful to refer to it, in reading this Chapter.
-
-In olden days, not less than now, there must have been an ebullition
-in the inter-tribal relations, and a great stirring from one place
-to another, whenever an uvalaku Kula was afoot. Thus, news would
-be carried rapidly over great distances, the movements of the vast
-numbers of natives would be co-ordinated, and dates fixed. As has been
-said already, a culminating event of an expedition, in this case the
-arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, would be always so timed
-as to happen on, or just before, a full moon, and this would serve
-as a general orientation for the preliminary movements, such as in
-this case, the visits of the single canoes.
-
-
-                          THE PREVIOUS UVALAKU
-
-Date
-
-September, 1917         The expedition, led by Kouta'uya from
-                        Sinaketa to Dobu.
-
-                           PREPARATORY STAGE
-
-Oct., 1917-Feb., 1918   Building of new canoes and repairing of old
-                        ones, in the district of N.W. Dobu.
-Feb.-March, 1918        Sago making, collecting of trade and food.
-Middle of March         Launching, fitting and loading of the canoes;
-                        preliminary magic.
-
-                              THE SAILING
-
-About 25th March        The Dobuan canoes start on their overseas
-                        trip.
-About same time         [In Boyowa: the Vakutans return from Kitava
-                        with a good haul of mwali].
-Same time               [In the Amphletts: preparations to sail;
-                        collecting food; repairing canoes.]
-About 28th March        [In Boyowa: To'uluwa returns from Kitava
-                        bringing mwali.]
-Same time               [In the Amphletts: news reach of the
-                        approaching fleet from Dobu; of the doings in
-                        Boyowa.]
-29th March              [In the Amphletts: part of the canoes sail
-                        ahead to Vakuta.]
-31st March              The Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts.
-1st April               They proceed on their journey to Boyowa.
-2nd April               [In the Amphletts: rest of local canoes sail
-                        to Boyowa.]
-Same day                [In Boyowa: the Sinaketans go to Kiriwina.]
-3rd April               [In Boyowa: they return with the armshells.]
-
-                  THE ARRIVAL OF THE DOBUANS IN BOYOWA
-
-3rd April               The Dobuan fleet appears in Vakuta.
-3rd-5th April           They receive Kula gifts, exchange presents
-                        and trade in Vakuta.
-6th April               Arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa,
-                        magic at the beach of Kaykuyawa, ceremonial
-                        reception.
-6th-10th April          The Dobuans (as well as the Amphlettans)
-                        remain in Sinaketa, receiving Kula presents,
-                        giving pari gifts and trading.
-10th April              They all leave Sinaketa, receiving talo'i
-                        (farewell) gifts. The Dobuans sail south (and
-                        the Amphlettans to Kayleula and the smaller
-                        Western Trobriand Islands).
-10th-14th April         The Dobuans are engaged in fishing in the S.
-                        Lagoon.
-
-                             RETURN JOURNEY
-
-14th April              They reappear in Vakuta, and receive their
-                        talo'i (farewell) gifts.
-15th April              They leave Vakuta.
-About 20th or 21st      Tanarere (competitive display and comparison)
-                        on the beach of Sarubwoyna, and return to
-                        Dobu.
-
-
-Indeed, from that moment, the events on and about the Amphlett Islands
-moved rapidly. The day after the visit from the Kuyawan canoes, the
-canoes of the main village of Gumasila sailed off to the Trobriands,
-starting therefore a few days ahead of the Dobuan uvalaku fleet. I
-rowed over in a dinghy to the big village, and watched the loading and
-departing of the canoes. There was a bustle in the village, and even a
-few old women could be seen helping the men in their tasks. The large
-canoes were being pushed into the water from their supports, on which
-they were beached. They had been already prepared for the journey
-there, their platforms covered with plaited palm leaves, frames put
-in their bottoms to support the cargo, boards placed crossways within
-the canoe to serve as seats for the crew, the mast, rigging and sail
-laid handy. The loading, however, begins only after the canoe is in
-water. The large, trough-shaped chunks of sago were put at the bottom,
-while men and women carefully brought out the big clay pots, stowing
-them away with many precautions in special places in the middle
-(see Plate XLVII). Then, one after the other, the canoes went off,
-paddling round the southern end of the island towards the West. At
-about ten o'clock in the morning, the last canoe disappeared round the
-promontory, and the village remained practically empty. There was no
-saying of farewells, not a trace of any emotion on the part of those
-leaving or those remaining. But it must be remembered that, owing to
-my presence, no women except one or two old hags, were visible on the
-shore. All my best informants gone, I intended to move to Nabwageta
-next morning. At sunset, I made a long excursion in my dinghy round
-the western shores of Gumasila, and it was on that occasion that I
-discovered all those who had left that morning on the Kula sitting on
-Giyasila beach, in accordance with the Kula custom of a preliminary
-halt, such as the one on Muwa described in Chapter VII.
-
-Next morning, I left for the neighbouring island and village of
-Nabwageta, and only after he saw me safely off, Tovasana and his party
-left in his canoe, following the others to Vakuta. In Nabwageta, the
-whole community were in the midst of their final preparations for
-departure, for they intended to wait for the Dobuans and sail with
-them to Kiriwina. All their canoes were being painted and renovated,
-a sail was being repaired on the beach (see Plate LIII). There were
-some minor distributions of food taking place in the village, the stuff
-being over and over again allotted and re-allotted, smaller pieces
-carved out of the big chunks and put into special wrappings. This
-constant handling of food is one of the most prominent features of
-tribal life in that part of the world. As I arrived, a sail for one of
-the canoes was just being finished by a group of men. In another canoe,
-I saw them mending the outrigger by attaching the small log of light,
-dry wood to make the old, waterlogged float more buoyant. I could
-also watch in detail the final trimming of the canoes, the putting
-up of the additional frames, of the coco-nut mats, the making of the
-little cage in the central part for the pots and for the lilava (the
-sacred bundle), I was, nevertheless, not on sufficiently intimate
-terms with these Nabwageta natives to be allowed to witness any of
-the magic. Their system of mwasila is identical with that of Boyowa,
-in fact, it is borrowed from there.
-
-Next day--in this village again I had difficulty in finding any good
-informants, a difficulty increased by the feverish occupation of all
-the men--I went for a long row in the afternoon with my two 'boys,'
-hoping to reach the island of Domdom. A strong current, which in this
-part is at places so pronounced that it breaks out into steep, tidal
-waves, made it impossible to reach our goal. Returning in the dark,
-my boys suddenly grew alert and excited, like hounds picking up a
-scent. I could perceive nothing in the dark, but they had discerned
-two canoes moving westwards. Within about half-an-hour, a fire became
-visible, twinkling on the beach of a small, deserted island South
-of Domdom; evidently some Dobuans were camping there. The excitement
-and intense interest shown by my boys, one a Dobuan, the other from
-Sariba (Southern Massim), gave me an inkling of the magnitude of
-this event--the vanguard of a big Kula fleet slowly creeping up
-towards one of its intermediate halting places. It also brought
-home to me vividly the inter-tribal character of this institution,
-which unites in one common and strongly emotional interest so many
-scattered communities. That night, as we learnt afterwards, a good
-number of canoes had anchored on the outlying deserted islands of the
-Amphletts, waiting for the rest of the fleet to arrive. When we came
-that evening to Nabwageta, the news had already been received of the
-important event, and the whole village was astir.
-
-Next day, the weather was particularly fine and clear, with the distant
-mountains wreathed only in light cumuli, their alluring outlines
-designed in transparent blue. Early in the afternoon, with a blast of
-conch shell, a Dobuan waga, in full paint and decoration, and with the
-rich pandanus mat of the sail glowing like gold against the blue sea,
-came sailing round the promontory. One after the other, at intervals
-of a few minutes each, other canoes came along, all sailing up to
-some hundred yards from the beach, and then, after furling the sail,
-paddling towards the shore (see Plate XL). This was not a ceremonial
-approach, as the aim of the expedition this time did not embrace the
-Amphletts, but was directed towards the Trobriands only, Vakuta,
-and Sinaketa; these canoes had put in only for an intermediate
-halt. Nevertheless, it was a great event, especially as the canoes
-of Nabwageta were going to join with the fleet later on. Out of the
-sixty or so Dobuan canoes, only about twenty-five with some 250 men in
-them had come to Nabwageta, the others having gone to the big village
-of Gumasila. In any case, there were about five times as many men
-gathered in the village as one usually sees. There was no Kula done
-at all, no conch-shells were blown on the shore, nor do I think were
-any presents given or received by either party. The men sat in groups
-round their friends' houses, the most distinguished visitors collected
-about the dwelling of Tobwa'ina, the main headman of Nabwageta.
-
-Many canoes were anchored along the coast beyond the village beach,
-some tucked away into small coves, others moored in sheltered
-shallows. The men sat on the shore round fires, preparing their food,
-which they took out of the provisions carried on the canoes. Only the
-water did they obtain from the island, filling their coco-nut-made
-water vessels from the springs. About a dozen canoes were actually
-moored at the village beach. Late at night, I walked along the shore
-to observe their sleeping arrangements. In the clear, moonlit night,
-the small fires burnt with a red, subdued glow; there was always one
-of them between each two sleepers, consisting of three burning sticks,
-gradually pushed in as they were consumed. The men slept with the big,
-stiff pandanus mats over them; each mat is folded in the middle, and
-when put on the ground, forms a kind of miniature prismatic tent. All
-along the beach, it was almost a continuous row of man alternating with
-fire, the dun-coloured mats being nearly invisible against the sand in
-the full moonlight. It must have been a very light sleep for every now
-and then, a man stirred, peeping up from under his shell, re-adjusting
-the fire, and casting a searching glance over the surroundings. It
-would be difficult to say whether mosquitoes or cold wind or fear of
-sorcery disturbed their sleep most, but I should say the last.
-
-The next morning, early, and without any warning, the whole fleet
-sailed away. At about 8 o'clock the last canoe punted towards the
-offing, where they stepped their mast and hoisted their sail. There
-were no farewell gifts, no conch shell blowing, and the Dobuans this
-time left their resting place as they had come, without ceremony or
-display. The morning after, the Nabwagetans followed them. I was left
-in the village with a few cripples, the women and one or two men who
-had remained perhaps to look after the village, perhaps specially to
-keep watch over me and see that I did no mischief. Not one of them was
-a good informant. Through a mistake of mine, I had missed the cutter
-which had come two days before to the island of Gumasila and left
-without me. With bad luck and bad weather, I might have had to wait
-a few weeks, if not months in Nabwageta. I could perhaps have sailed
-in a native canoe, but this could only be done without bedding, tent,
-or even writing outfit and photographic apparatus, and so my travelling
-would have been quite useless. It was a piece of great good luck that
-a day or two afterwards, a motor launch, whose owner had heard about
-my staying in the Amphletts, anchored in front of Nabwageta village,
-and within an hour I was speeding towards the Trobriands again,
-following the tracks of the Kula fleet.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-On the next morning, as we slowly made our way along the channels
-in the opalescent, green lagoon, and as I watched a fleet of small,
-local canoes fishing in their muddy waters, and could recognise on
-the surrounding flat shores a dozen well-known villages, my spirits
-rose, and I felt well pleased to have left the picturesque, but
-ethnographically barren Amphletts for the Trobriands, with their
-scores of excellent informants.
-
-Moreover, the Amphletts, in the persons of their male inhabitants
-were soon to join me here. I went ashore in Sinaketa, where everybody
-was full of the great moment which was soon to arrive. For the Dobuan
-fleet was known to be coming, though on that morning, so far, no news
-had reached them of its whereabouts. As a matter of fact, the Dobuans,
-who had left Nabwageta forty-eight hours ahead of me, had made a slow
-journey with light winds, and sailing a course to the East of mine,
-had arrived that morning only in Vakuta.
-
-All the rumours which had been reported to me in the Amphletts about
-the previous movements of the Trobriand natives had been correct. Thus
-the natives of Vakuta had really been to the East, to Kitava, and
-had brought with them a big haul of armshells. To'uluwa, the chief of
-Kiriwina, had visited Kitava later, and about five or six days before
-had returned from there, bringing with him 213 pairs of armshells. The
-Sinaketans then had gone to Kiriwina, and out of the 213 pairs had
-succeeded in securing 154. As there had been previously 150 pairs
-in Sinaketa, a total of 304 was awaiting the Dobuans. On the morning
-of my arrival, the Sinaketan party had just returned from Kiriwina,
-hurrying home so as to have everything ready for the reception of the
-Dobuans. Of these, we got the news that very afternoon--news which
-travelled overland from one village to another, and reached us from
-Vakuta with great rapidity. We were also told that the uvalaku fleet
-would be at Sinaketa within two or three days.
-
-This period I utilised in refurbishing my information about that phase
-of the Kula, which I was going to witness, and trying to get a clear
-outline of every detail of all that was going soon to happen. It is
-extremely important in sociological work to know well beforehand
-the underlying rules and the fundamental ideas of an occurrence,
-especially if big masses of natives are concerned in it. Otherwise,
-the really important events may be obliterated by quite irrelevant and
-accidental movements of the crowd, and thus the significance of what
-he sees may be lost to the observer. No doubt if one could repeat
-one's observations on the same phenomenon over and over again, the
-essential and relevant features would stand out by their regularity
-and permanence. If, however, as it often happens in ethnographic
-field-work, one gets the opportunity only once of witnessing a
-public ceremony, it is necessary to have its anatomy well dissected
-beforehand, and then concentrate upon observing how these outlines are
-followed up concretely, gauge the tone of the general behaviour, the
-touches of emotion or passion, many small yet significant details which
-nothing but actual observation can reveal, and which throw much light
-upon the real, inner relation of the native to his institution. So I
-was busy going over my old entries and checking them and putting my
-material into shape in a detailed and concrete manner.
-
-On the third day, as I was sitting and taking notes in the afternoon,
-word ran all round the villages that the Dobuan canoes had been
-sighted. And indeed, as I hastened towards the shore, there could be
-seen, far away, like small petals floating on the horizon, the sails
-of the advancing fleet. I jumped at once into a canoe, and was punted
-along towards the promontory of Kaykuyawa, about a mile to the South of
-Sinaketa. There, one after the other, the Dobuan canoes were arriving,
-dropping their sails and undoing the mast as they moored, until the
-whole fleet, numbering now over eighty canoes, were assembled before
-me (see Plate XLVIII). From each a few men waded ashore, returning
-with big bunches of leaves. I saw them wash and smear themselves and
-perform the successive stages of native, festive adornment (see Plate
-XLIX). Each article was medicated by some man or another in the canoe
-before it was used or put on. The most carefully handled articles
-of ornamentation were the ineffective looking, dried up herbs, taken
-out of their little receptacles, where they had remained since they
-had been becharmed in Dobu, and now stuck into the armlets. The whole
-thing went on quickly, almost feverishly, making more the impression
-of a piece of technical business being expeditiously performed, than
-of a solemn and elaborate ceremony taking place. But the ceremonial
-element was soon to show itself.
-
-After the preparations were finished, the whole fleet formed itself
-into a compact body, not quite regular, but with a certain order, about
-four or five canoes being in a row, and one row behind the other. In
-this formation they punted along over the Lagoon, too shallow for
-paddling, towards the beach of Sinaketa. When they were within about
-ten minutes of the shore, all the conch shells began to be sounded,
-and the murmur of recited magic rose from the canoes. I could not come
-sufficiently near the canoes, for reason of etiquette, to be able to
-see the exact arrangement of the reciters, but I was told that it was
-the same as that observed by the Trobrianders on their approach to
-Dobu, described in Chapter XIII. The general effect was powerful, when
-this wonderfully painted and fully decorated fleet was gliding swiftly
-over the green waters of the Lagoon towards the palm grove above the
-sand beach, at that moment thick with expectant natives. But I imagine
-that the arrival of a Trobriand fleet in Dobu must be considerably
-more effective even than that. The much more picturesque landscape,
-the ceremonial paddling with the leaf-shaped oars over the deep water,
-the higher sense of danger and tension, than that which the Dobuans
-feel, when coming to visit the meek Trobrianders, all this must make it
-even more dramatic and impressive than the scene I have just described.
-
-Within some twenty metres from the shore, the canoes formed themselves
-into a double row, the canoe of the toli'uvalaku on the left flank of
-the first row. Kauyaporu, as soon as all the craft were in position,
-rose in his canoe, and in a loud voice, addressed in Dobuan those
-standing on the shore. His words, preserved in the memory of his
-hearers, were transmitted to me that same evening in their Kiriwinian
-equivalent. He spoke:
-
-
-    "Who will be first in the Kula? The people of Vakuta or
-    yourselves? I deem you will have the lead! Bring armshells,
-    one basketful, two baskets; catch pigs; pluck coco-nuts; pluck
-    betel-nut! For this is my uvalaku. By and by, thou, Kouta'uya, wilt
-    make an uvalaku, and we shall give thee then plenty of vaygu'a!"
-
-
-So spoke Kauyaporu, addressing his main partner, Kouta'uya, the second
-chief of Sinaketa. He did not address To'udawada, the most important
-chief, because he was not his main partner.
-
-As soon as the speech was finished, Kouta'uya waded through the water
-from the beach, carrying a pair of armshells in each hand. Behind him
-came a small boy, the youngest son, blowing a conch shell. He was
-followed again by two men, who between them had a stick resting on
-their shoulders, on which several pairs of mwali (armshells) were
-displayed. This procession waded towards the canoe of Kauyaporu,
-whom Kouta'uya addressed in these words, throwing the armshells on
-the platform of the canoe:
-
-
-    "This is a vaga (opening gift)! In due time, I shall make a
-    uvalaku to Dobu; thou shalt return to me a big soulava (necklace)
-    as kudu (equivalent gift) for this. Plenty more armshells thou
-    wilt receive now. There are plenty of armshells in Sinaketa. We
-    know there were plenty of armshells in Vakuta. By and by thou
-    and thy usagelu come ashore, I shall catch a pig. I shall give
-    you plenty of food, coco-nuts, betel-nut, sugar cane, bananas!"
-
-
-As soon as he was back on the shore, his wife, the eldest one, with
-a peta basket on her head, containing a pair of armshells, went
-into the water and carried it to Kauyaporu's canoe, the boy with
-the conch shell following her also. After that, conch shells were
-blown on all sides on the shore, and single men or groups detached
-themselves from the rest, and waded towards the canoes. The mwali
-were carried with ceremony on sticks or in outstretched arm. But
-the grossly exaggerated way of putting one pair of armshells into
-a basket which was big enough to hold some four score, was only
-done by the chief's wife. All this lasted for perhaps half-an-hour,
-while the setting sun poured down its glowing light on the painted
-canoes, the yellow beach, and the lively bronze forms moving upon
-it. Then, in a few moments, the Dobuan canoes were partly beached,
-partly moored, whilst their crews spread over the seven villages of
-Sinaketa. Large groups could be seen sitting on platforms chewing
-betel-nut and conversing in Dobuan with their hosts (see Plate LVI).
-
-For three days, the Dobuans remained in Sinaketa. Every now and then,
-blasts of conch shell announced that a Kula transaction had taken
-place, that is, that a pair of armshells had been handed over to
-one of the visitors. Swarms of people from the other districts had
-assembled in Sinaketa; every day, natives from the inland villages of
-Southern Boyowa crowded into their capital, whilst people from Kuboma,
-Luba, and Kiriwina, that is, the Central and Northern districts,
-were camping in their relatives' houses, in yam stores and under
-provisional shelters. Reckoning that the number of the visitors,
-that is, the Dobuans, the Amphlettans and the Vakutans, who had joined
-them on their way, amounted to some eight hundred; that the Sinaketans
-numbered about five hundred people, and that some twelve hundred had
-come from the other villages, it will be seen that the crowd in and
-about Sinaketa was considerable, numbering over two thousand.
-
-The Trobriand natives, of course, looked after their own
-provisions. The Dobuans had also brought a considerable amount of food
-with them, and would receive some additional vegetables and pigs'
-flesh from their hosts, while they acquired fish from some of the
-other villages of Boyowa. As a matter of fact, stingaree, shark and
-some other fish are the only articles for which the Dobuans barter
-on their own account. The rest of the trade, in the same way as is
-done in Dobu by the Sinaketans, must be done with the community who
-receive visitors, that is, with Sinaketa. The Sinaketans buy from the
-manufacturing districts of Boyowa the same industrial products that
-they take with them to Dobu, that is baskets, lime pots, lime spatulæ,
-etc. Then they sell these to the Dobuans in just the same manner and
-with the same profit as was described in Chapter XV. As has been said
-there also, a man of Sinaketa would never trade with his partner,
-but with some other Dobuan. Between the partners, only presents
-are exchanged. The gift offered by the Dobuans to the Sinaketans is
-called vata'i, and it differs only in name and not in its economic
-or sociological nature from the pari gift offered by the Boyowans to
-their overseas partners. The talo'i, or farewell gift offered to them
-is as a rule more substantial than the vata'i.
-
-The Dobuans, during their stay in Sinaketa, lived on the beach or
-in their canoes (see Plates LIV and XX). Skilfully rigged up with
-canopies of golden mats covering parts of the craft, their painted
-hulls glowing in the sun against the green water, some of the canoes
-presented the spectacle of some gorgeously fantastic pleasure boat
-(see Plate LV). The natives waded about amongst them, making the
-Lagoon lively with movement, talk and laughter. Groups camped on the
-sea shore, boiling food in the large clay pots, smoking and chewing
-betel-nut. Big parties of Trobrianders walked among them, discreetly
-but curiously watching them. Women were not very conspicuous in
-the whole proceedings, nor did I hear any scandal about intrigues,
-although such may have taken place.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-On the fourth day, conch shells were blown again in the morning, though
-on the last of the three days their sounds had almost died out. These
-were the signs of the departure. Food and small presents were brought
-to the canoes as talo'i, and a few mwali were given at the last, for
-which the conch shells were blown. Without any ceremony or farewell
-speeches, the Dobuan canoes sailed away, one after the other.
-
-Their journey home was also interrupted by a customary halt for
-fishing, but this time for fish, not shell. Some of them stop on
-the beach of Muwa, but the bulk camp on a beach called Susuwa, half
-way between Sinaketa and Vakuta, where they catch the fish by means
-of a poisonous root, which they have brought for this purpose from
-home. This time, they remained three days in Susuwa and Muwa, and
-then sailed to Vakuta to receive there talo'i. Their further journey
-I could not trace step by step, but afterwards I heard that quickly,
-and without any accident, they had reached their homes.
-
-Their tanarere on Sarubwoyna beach--that is, the competitive display
-of the yield--gave more or less the following results:
-
-From Sinaketa they received 304 armshells.
-
-From Vakuta they received 344 armshells.
-
-The total therefore was 648. As there were about sixty canoes making
-the proper uvalaku from Dobu, that is, not counting those from the
-Amphletts and Vakuta which joined on the way and appeared before
-Sinaketa, there were at the outside some five hundred Dobuan natives
-on that expedition. Out of these, however, not more than half were
-grown-up, Kula making men. So that, on the average, there were nearly
-thirteen armshells for every five men. Some would not get more than
-one pair, some perhaps even none, whilst the headmen received large
-quantities.
-
-We shall follow in a later chapter the movements of some at least
-of those who had collected in Sinaketa from the other districts, in
-connection with the Kula. It did not take them more than a few days
-to disperse completely, and for the village to resume its ordinary
-aspect and routine.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVII
-
-MAGIC AND THE KULA
-
-
-I
-
-In treating of the various customs and practices of the Kula, I had
-at every step to enter into the description of magical rites and into
-the analysis of spells. This had to be done, first of all, because
-magic looms paramount in the natives' view of the Kula. Again, all
-magical formulæ disclose essentials of belief and illustrate typical
-ideas in a manner so thorough and telling that no other road could
-lead us as straight into the inner mind of the native. Finally, there
-is a direct, ethnographic interest in knowing the details of magical
-performance, which has such an overweening influence over tribal life,
-and enters so deeply into the make-up of the natives' mentality.
-
-It is now necessary to complete our knowledge of magic and to focus
-all the dispersed data into one coherent picture. So far, the many
-scattered references and numerous concrete details have not furnished
-a general idea, of what magic means to the natives; how they imagine
-the working of the magical forces; what are their implied and expressed
-views on the nature of magical power. Collecting all the material which
-has already been presented in the previous chapters, and supplementing
-it with native and ethnographic comments, we shall be able to arrive
-at a certain synthesis, respecting the Kiriwinian theory of magic.
-
-All the data which have been so far mustered disclose the extreme
-importance of magic in the Kula. But if it were a question of treating
-of any other aspect of the tribal life of these natives, it would also
-be found that, whenever they approach any concern of vital importance,
-they summon magic to their aid. It can be said without exaggeration
-that magic, according to their ideas, governs human destinies; that
-it supplies man with the power of mastering the forces of nature; and
-that it is his weapon and armour against the many dangers which crowd
-in upon him on every side. Thus, in what is most essential to man,
-that is in his health and bodily welfare, he is but a plaything of the
-powers of sorcery, of evil spirits and of certain beings, controlled
-by black magic. Death in almost all its forms is the result of one of
-these agencies. Permanent ill-health and all kinds of acute sickness,
-in fact everything, except such easily explainable ailments as physical
-overstrain or slight colds, are attributed to magic. I have spoken
-(Chapter II) of the several ways in which the evil powers bring
-disease and death. The tauva'u, who bring epidemics and the tokway,
-who inflict shooting pains and minor ailments, are the only examples
-of non-human beings' exerting any direct influence on human destinies,
-and even the members of this restricted pantheon of demonology only
-occasionally descend among the mortals to put into action their
-potential powers. By far the deepest dread and most constant concern
-of the natives are with the bwaga'u, the entirely human sorcerers, who
-carry out their work exclusively by means of magic. Second to them in
-the quantity of magical output and in the frequency of their exploits,
-are the mulukwausi, the flying witches, which have been described in
-detail in Chapter XI. They are a good example of how every belief in
-a superior power is at the bottom a belief in magic. Magic gives to
-these beings the capacity to destroy human life and to command other
-agents of destruction. Magic also gives man the power and the means to
-defend himself, and if properly applied, to frustrate all the nefarious
-attempts of the mulukwausi. Comparing the two agencies, it may be said
-that in every-day life, the sorcerer is by far the most feared and is
-most frequently believed to be at work; while the mulukwausi enter
-upon the scene at certain dramatic moments, such as the presence of
-death, a catastrophe on land, and more especially at sea; but then,
-they enter with even deadlier weapons than the bwaga'u. Health,
-the normal state of human beings can, if once lost, be regained by
-magic and by magic only. There is no such thing as natural recovery,
-return to health being always due to the removal of the evil magic
-by means of magical counter-action.
-
-All those crises of life, which are associated with fear of danger,
-with the awakening of passions or of strong emotions, have also their
-magical accompaniment. The birth of a child is always ushered in
-by magic, in order to make the child prosper, and to neutralise the
-dangers and evil influences. There is no rite or magic at puberty;
-but then, with this people, puberty does not present any very definite
-crisis in the life of the individual, as their sexual life starts
-long before puberty arrives, and gradually shapes and develops
-as the organism matures. The passion of love, however, has a very
-elaborate magical counterpart, embodied in many rites and formulæ,
-to which a great importance is attached, and all success in sexual
-life is ascribed to it. The evil results of illicit love--that is love
-within the clan, which, by the way, is considered by these natives
-as the main class of sexual immorality--can also be counteracted by
-a special type of magic.
-
-The main social interests, ambition in gardening, ambition in
-successful Kula, vanity and display of personal charms in dancing--all
-find their expression in magic. There is a form of beauty magic,
-performed ceremonially over the dancers, and there is also a kind of
-safety magic at dances, whose object is to prevent the evil magic of
-envious sorcerers. Particular garden magic, performed by an individual
-over his crops and seeds, as well as the evil magic which he casts on
-the gardens of his rivals, express the private ambitions in gardening,
-as contrasted with the interests of the whole village, which are
-catered for by communal garden magic.
-
-Natural forces of great importance to man, such as rain and sunshine,
-the appropriate alternative operation of which makes his crops thrive;
-or wind, which must be controlled for purposes of sailing and fishing,
-are also governed by magic. The magic of rain and sunshine can be used
-for good, as well as for nefarious purposes, and in this they have a
-special interest in the Trobriands, because the most powerful system
-of this magic is in the hands of the paramount chiefs of Kiriwina. By
-bringing about a prolonged drought, the chiefs of Omarakana have
-always been able to express their general displeasure with their
-subjects, and thus enhance their wholesale power, independently of
-any other mechanism, which they might have used for forcing their
-will on private individuals or on whole communities.
-
-The basic, food-providing economic activities, which in the Trobriands
-are mainly gardening and fishing, are also completely magic-ridden. The
-success of these pursuits is of course largely due to luck, chance or
-accident, and to the natives they require supernatural assistance. We
-had examples of economic magic in describing the construction of a
-canoe, and the fishing for kaloma shell. The communal garden-magic
-and the fishing magic of certain village communities show to a higher
-degree even than the cases described, the feature which we found so
-distinct in canoe magic, namely: that the rites and formulæ are not
-a mere appendage, running side by side with economic efforts, without
-exercising any influence over these. On the contrary, it may be said
-that a belief in magic is one of the main, psychological forces which
-allow for organisation and systemisation of economic effort in the
-Trobriands. [80] The capacity for art, as well as the inspiration in
-it, is also ascribed to the influence of magic.
-
-The passions of hatred, envy, and jealousy, besides finding their
-expression in the all powerful sorcery of the bwaga'u and mulukwausi,
-are also responsible for many forms of witchery, known by the generic
-term of bulubwalata. The classical forms of this magic have as their
-object the estrangement of the affections of a wife or a sweetheart,
-or the destruction of the domestic attachment of a pig. The pig is
-sent away into the bush, having been made to take a dislike to its
-master and to its domestic habits; the wife, though the spells used
-to estrange her are slightly different, can be made also to take a
-dislike to her domestic life, abandon her husband and return to her
-parents. There is a bulubwalata of gardens, of canoes, of Kula, of
-kaloma, in fact of everything, and a good deal of beneficial magic
-is taken up with exorcising the results of bulubwalata.
-
-The list of magic is not quite exhausted yet. There is the magic
-of conditional curses, performed in order to guard property from
-possible harm, inflicted by others; there is war-magic; there is
-magic associated with taboos put on coco-nuts and betel-nuts, in order
-to make them grow and multiply; there is magic to avert thunder and
-resuscitate people who are struck by lightning; there is the magic
-of tooth-ache, and a magic to make food last a long time.
-
-All this shows the wide diffusion of magic, its extreme importance and
-also the fact that it is always strongest there, where vital interests
-are concerned; where violent passions or emotions are awakened; when
-mysterious forces are opposed to man's endeavours; and when he has
-to recognise that there is something which eludes his most careful
-calculations, his most conscientious preparations and efforts.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Let us now proceed to formulate some short statement of the essential
-conception of magic, as it is entertained by the natives. All statement
-of belief, found among human beings so widely different from us, is
-full of difficulties and pitfalls, which perhaps beset us most there,
-where we try to arrive at the very foundation of the belief--that is,
-at the most general ideas which underlie a series of practices and a
-body of traditions. In dealing with a native community at the stage
-of development which we find in the Trobriands, we cannot expect to
-obtain a definite, precise and abstract statement from a philosopher,
-belonging to the community itself. The native takes his fundamental
-assumptions for granted, and if he reasons or inquires into matters
-of belief, it would be always only as regards details and concrete
-applications. Any attempts on the part of the Ethnographer to induce
-his informant to formulate such a general statement would have to
-be in the form of leading questions of the worst type because in
-these leading questions he would have to introduce words and concepts
-essentially foreign to the native. Once the informant grasped their
-meaning, his outlook would be warped by our own ideas having been
-poured into it. Thus the Ethnographer must draw the generalisation
-for himself, must formulate the abstract statement without the direct
-help of a native informant.
-
-I am saying direct help because the generalisation must be entirely
-based on indirect data supplied by the natives. In the course of
-collecting information, of discussing formulæ and translating their
-text, a considerable number of opinions on matters of detail will be
-set forth by the natives. Such spontaneous opinions, if placed in a
-correctly constructed mosaic, might almost of themselves give us a
-true picture, might almost cover the whole field of native belief. And
-then our task would only be to summarise this picture in an abstract
-formula.
-
-The Ethnographer, however, possesses an even better supply of evidence
-from which to draw his conclusions. The objective items of culture,
-into which belief has crystallised in the form of tradition, myth,
-spell and rite are the most important source of knowledge. In them,
-we can face the same realities of belief as the native faces in his
-intimate intercourse with the magical, the same realities which
-he not only professes with his tongue, but lives through partly
-in imagination and partly in actual experience. An analysis of the
-contents of the spells, the study of the manner in which they are
-uttered; in which the concomitant rites are performed; the study of
-the natives' behaviour, of the actors as well as of the spectators;
-the knowledge of the social position and social functions, of the
-magical expert--all this reveals to us, not only the bare structure of
-their ideas on magic, but also the associated sentiments and emotions,
-and the nature of magic as a social force.
-
-An Ethnographer who, from the study of such objective data, has
-been able to penetrate into the natives' attitude, to formulate a
-general theory of magic, can then test his conclusions by direct
-questionings. For he will be already in a position to use native
-terminology and to move along the lines of native thought, and
-in his questionings he will be able to accept the lead of his
-informant instead of misleading the latter and himself by leading
-questions. More especially in obtaining opinions of actual occurrences
-from the natives, he will not have to move in abstract generalities,
-but will be able to translate them into concrete applications and
-into the native modes of thought.
-
-In arriving at such general conclusions about vast aspects of primitive
-human thought and custom, the Ethnographer's is a creative work,
-in so far as he brings to light phenomena of human nature which,
-in their entirety, had remained hidden even from those in whom they
-happened. It is creative in the same sense as is the construction of
-general principles of natural science, where objective laws of very
-wide application lie hidden till brought forth by the investigating
-human mind. In the same sense, however, as the principles of natural
-science are empirical, so are also the final generalisations of
-ethnographic sociology because, though expressly stated for the first
-time by the investigator, they are none the less objective realities
-of human thinking, feeling and behaviour.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-We can start from the question of how the natives imagine their
-magic to have originated. If we would ask even the most intelligent
-informant some such concretely framed questions as: "Where has your
-magic been made? How do you imagine its invention?"--they would
-necessarily remain unanswered. Not even a warped and half-suggested
-reply would be forthcoming. Yet there is an answer to this question,
-or rather to its generalised equivalent. Examining the mythology of
-one form of magic after the other, we find that there are in every
-one either explicitly stated or implied views about how magic has
-become known to man. As we register these views, compare them, and
-arrive at a generalisation, we easily see, why our imaginary question,
-put to the natives, would have to remain unanswered. For, according to
-native belief, embedded in all traditions and all institutions, magic
-is never conceived as having been made or invented. Magic has been
-handed on as a thing which has always been there. It is conceived as an
-intrinsic ingredient of everything that vitally affects man. The words,
-by which a magician exercises his power over a thing or a process,
-are believed to be co-existent with them. The magical formula and
-its subject matter were born together.
-
-In some cases, tradition represents them literally as being 'born'
-by the same woman. Thus, rain was brought forth by a woman of
-Kasana'i, and the magic came with it, and has been handed on ever
-since in this woman's sub-clan. Again, the mythical mother of the
-Kultur-hero Tudava gave birth, among other plants and animals, also
-to the kalala fish. The magic of this fish is also due to her. In
-the short myth about the origin of kayga'u magic--the one to protect
-drowning sailors from witches and other dangers--we saw that the
-mother, who gave birth to the Tokulubweydoga dog, also handed the
-magic over to him. In all these cases, however, the myth does not
-point to these women's inventing or composing the magic; indeed, it
-is explicitly stated by some natives that the women had learned the
-magic from their matrilineal ancestors. In the last case, the woman
-is said in the myth to have known the magic by tradition.
-
-Other myths are more rudimentary, yet, though less circumstantial
-about the origin of the magic, show us just as unmistakably that
-magic is a primeval thing, indeed, in the literal sense of the word,
-autochthonous. Thus, the Kula magic in Gumasila came out of the rock
-of Selawaya; the canoe magic out of the hole in the ground, brought
-by the men, who originally emerged with it; garden magic is always
-conceived as being carried from underground by the first ancestors,
-who emerged out of the original hole of that locality. Several minor
-forms of magic of local currency, such as fish magic, practised
-in one village only, wind magic, etc., are also imagined to have
-been carried out of the ground. All the forms of sorcery have been
-handed over to people by non-human beings, who passed them on but
-did not create them. The bwaga'u sorcery is due to a crab, who gave
-it to a mythical personage, in whose dala (sub-clan) the magic was
-carried on and from it distributed all over the islands. The tokway
-(wood-sprites) have taught man certain forms of evil magic. There are
-no myths in Kiriwina about the origin of flying witch magic. From other
-districts, however, I have obtained rudimentary information pointing
-to the fact that they were instructed in this magic by a mythical,
-malevolent being called Taukuripokapoka, with whom even now some sort
-of relations are kept up, culminating in nocturnal meetings and sexual
-orgies which remind one very strongly of the Walpurgisnacht.
-
-Love magic, the magic of thunder and lightning, are accounted for by
-definite events. But in neither of them are we led to imagine that the
-formula is invented, in fact, there is a sort of petitio principii in
-all these myths, for on the one hand they set out to account for how
-magic came, and on the other, in all of them magic is represented as
-being there, ready made. But the petitio principii is due only to a
-false attitude of mind with which we approach these tales. Because,
-to the native mind, they set out to tell, not how magic originated,
-but how magic was brought within the reach of one or other of the
-Boyowan local groups or sub-clans.
-
-Thus it may be said, in formulating a generalisation from all these
-data, that magic is never invented. In olden days, when mythical
-things happened, magic came from underground, or was given to a
-man by some non-human being, or was handed on to descendants by the
-original ancestress, who also brought forth the phenomenon governed by
-the magic. In actual cases of the present times and of the near-past
-generations whom the natives of to-day knew personally, the magic is
-given by one man to another, as a rule by the father to his son or by
-the maternal kinsman. But its very essence is the impossibility of
-its being manufactured or invented by man, its complete resistance
-to any change or modification by him. It has existed ever since the
-beginning of things; it creates, but is never created; it modifies,
-but must never be modified.
-
-It is now easy to see that no questions about the origins of magic,
-such as we formulated before, could have been asked of a native
-informant without distorting the evidence in the very act of
-questioning, while more general and quite abstract and colourless
-inquiries cannot be made intelligible to him. He has grown up into a
-world where certain processes, certain activities have their magic,
-which is as much an attribute of theirs' as anything else. Some
-people have been traditionally instructed how this magic runs, and
-they know it; how men came by magic is told in numerous mythical
-narratives. That is the correct statement of the native point of
-view. Once arrived at this conclusion inductively, we can of course,
-test our conclusions by direct questions, or by a leading question,
-for the matter of that. To the question: "where human beings found
-magic?" I obtained the following answer:--
-
-
-    "All magic, they found long ago in the nether world. We do not
-    find ever a spell in a dream; should we say so, this would be a
-    lie. The spirits never give us a spell. Songs and dances they do
-    give us, that is true, but no magic."
-
-
-This statement, expressing the belief in a very clear and direct
-manner, I had confirmed, reiterated with variations and amplifications,
-by ever so many informants. They all emphasise the fact that magic
-has its roots in tradition, that it is the most immutable and most
-valuable traditional item, that it cannot leak into human knowledge
-by any present human intercourse with spirits or with any non-human
-beings such as the tokway or tauva'u. The property of having been
-received from previous generations is so marked that any breach of
-continuity in this succession cannot be imagined, and any addition
-by an actual human being would make the magic spurious.
-
-At the same time, magic is conceived as something essentially human. It
-is not a force of nature, captured by man through some means and put
-to his service; it is essentially the assertion of man's intrinsic
-power over nature. In saying that, I, of course translate native
-belief into abstract terms, which they would not use themselves for
-its expression. None the less it is embodied in all their items of
-folk-lore and ways of using magic and thinking about it. In all the
-traditions, we find that magic is always in possession of man, or at
-least of anthropomorphic beings. It is carried out from underground
-by man. It is not conceived as having been there somewhere outside
-his knowledge and then captured. On the contrary, as we saw, often
-the very things which are governed by magic have been brought forth
-by man, as for instance rain, the kalala fish; or disease, created
-by the anthropomorphic crab.
-
-The close sociological association of magic with a given sub-clan
-emphasises this anthropocentric conception of magic. In the majority
-of cases indeed, magic refers to human activities or to the response of
-nature to human activities, rather than to natural forces alone. Thus,
-in gardening and in fishing, it is the behaviour of plants and animals
-tended or pursued by man; in the canoe magic, in the carver's magic,
-the object is a human-made thing; in the Kula, in love magic, in
-many forms of food magic, it is human nature on to which the force
-is directed. Disease is not conceived as an extraneous force, coming
-from outside and settling on the man, it is directly a man-made,
-sorcerer-made something. We may, therefore, amplify the above given
-definition, and say that magic is a traditionally handed on power of
-man over his own creations, over things once brought forth by man,
-or over responses of nature to his activities.
-
-There is one more important aspect of the question of which I have
-spoken already--the relation of magic to myth. It has been stated
-in Chapter XII, that myth moves in the realm of the supernatural, or
-better, super-normal, and that magic bridges over the gap between that
-and present-day reality. Now this statement acquires a new importance;
-magic appears to us as the essence of traditional continuity with
-ancestral times. Not only, as I have emphasised in this chapter,
-is it never conceived as a new invention, but it is identical in
-its nature with the supernatural power which forms the atmosphere
-of mythical events. Some of this power may have been lost on its
-way down to our times--mythical stories relate how it has been lost;
-but never has anything been added to it. There is nothing in it now
-which has not been in it in the ancient, hoary times of myth. In
-this the natives have a definitely regressive view of the relation
-between now and before; in this they have their counterpart to a
-Golden Age, and to a Garden of Eden of sorts. Thus we fall back upon
-the recognition of the same truth, whether we approach the matter by
-looking for beginnings of magic, or by studying the relations between
-the present and the mythical reality. Magic is a thing never invented
-and never tampered with, by man or any other agency.
-
-This, of course, means that it is so in native belief. It hardly needs
-explicitly stating that in reality magic must constantly change. The
-memory of men is not such, that it could hand over verbally exactly
-what it had received, and, like any other item of traditional lore, a
-magical formula is in reality constantly being re-shaped as it passes
-from one generation to another, and even within the mind of the same
-man. As a matter of fact, even from the material collected by me in
-the Trobriands, it can be unmistakably recognised that certain formulæ
-are much older than others, and indeed, that some parts of spells,
-and even some whole spells, are of recent invention. Here I cannot
-do more than refer to this interesting subject, which, for its full
-development, needs a good deal of linguistic analysis, as well as of
-other forms of "higher criticism."
-
-All these considerations have brought us very near to the essential
-problem: what does magic really mean to the natives? So far, we have
-seen that it is an inherent power of man over those things which
-vitally affect him, a power always handed over through tradition. [81]
-About the beginnings of magic they know as little, and are occupied
-as little as about the beginnings of the world. Their myths describe
-the origin of social institutions and the peopling of the world by
-men. But the world is taken for granted, and so is the magic. They
-ask no questions about magiogony any more than they do about cosmogony.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-So far we have not gone beyond the examination of myths and of what
-we can learn from them about the nature of magic. To gain a deeper
-insight into this subject, we must study more closely the concrete
-data about magical performance. Even in the foregoing chapters a
-sufficient material has been collected to allow of correct inferences,
-and I shall only here and there have to allude to other forms of magic,
-besides that of canoe, Kula and sailing.
-
-I have spoken so far about "magic" in a wholesale manner, as if it
-were all of one piece. As a matter of fact, magic all the world over,
-however rudimentary or developed it might be, presents three essential
-aspects. In its performance there enter always some words spoken or
-chanted, some actions carried out, and there are always the minister
-or ministers of the ceremony. In analysing the concrete details of
-magical performances, therefore, we have to distinguish the formula,
-the rite, and the condition of the performer.
-
-These three factors stand out quite clearly and definitely in the
-Trobriand magic, whether we examine the facts themselves or the
-natives' way of looking at them. It may be said at once that in
-this society the relative importance of the three factors is not
-quite the same. The spell is by far the most important constituent
-of magic. In their linguistic use, although these natives have a
-special word, yopa, they very often use the word magic, megwa, to
-describe a spell. The spell is the part of the magic which is kept
-secret and known only to the esoteric circle of practitioners. When
-a magic is handed over, whether by purchase, gift, or inheritance,
-only the spell has to be taught to the new recipient, and as already
-once said before, it is usually taught in instalments, while the
-payment is received in that manner. When one speaks about magical
-knowledge, or in inquiries whether an individual knows some magic,
-this invariably refers to the formula, for the nature of the rite
-is always quite public property. Even from the examples given in
-this book, it can be seen how simple are the rites and how elaborate
-often the formulæ. To direct questions on the subject, the natives
-always reply that the spell is the more important part. The question:
-"where is the real strength of magic?" would receive the reply:
-"in the spell." The condition of the magician is, like the rite,
-essential to the performance of the magic, but it also is considered
-by the natives as subservient to the spell.
-
-All this must be made clearer by the examination of actual facts. First
-of all, let us examine the relation between spell and rite; and to
-this purpose it will be best to group the various magical performances
-into several classes according to the complexity of the concomitant
-rite. We shall begin with the simplest rites.
-
-Spells uttered directly without concomitant rite.--We had one or two
-examples of such magic where the performer simply utters a formula
-directly into space. For example, the communal magician of the kaloma
-(spondylus shell) fishing performs the first act by walking on the
-beach and reciting his spell towards the sea. In the moment of actual
-shipwreck, before abandoning the canoe, the toliwaga launches his
-last kayga'u directly into the elements. Again, he lets his voice
-float over the waters, when invoking the marvellous fish, who will
-bring the drowning party to some friendly shore. The final spell
-of the Kula, by which the approaching canoe 'shakes the mountain,'
-chanted by a trio of magical reciters, is thrown directly towards
-the Koya. The clearing of the sea in the kaloma fishing is also done
-this way, and many more examples could be adduced from garden magic,
-wind magic, and other classes not described in this book.
-
-The natives have a special expression for such acts; they say that
-the formula is recited 'by the mouth only,' 'o wadola wala.' This
-form of magic with such a rudimentary rite is, however, relatively
-uncommon. Although one could say that there is no rite at all in such
-cases, for the magician does not manipulate anything or perform any
-action beyond speaking, yet from another point of view, the whole
-performance is ritual in so far as he has always to cast his voice
-towards the element, or being, which he addresses. Indeed here, as in
-all other cases, the voice of the reciter has to be somehow or other
-conveyed to the object which he wishes to becharm. We see, moreover,
-that in all these instances, the nature of this object is such that
-it can be directly reached by the voice, whilst on the other hand,
-there would be some difficulty in applying any substance or performing
-any action over, let us say, wind, or a shell growing on a distant
-reef or the Koya (mountain).
-
-Spells accompanied by simple rites of impregnation.--A large number
-of the cases described in this book falls under this heading. We
-saw quite at the beginning (Chapter V, Division II and III) how
-the magician charms the blade of his adze, the ropes by which the
-canoe had been pulled, the lashing creeper, the caulking, and the
-paint of the canoe. Among the Kula rites, the initial magic over
-the aromatic mint, over the lilava (magical bundle) over the gebobo
-(central part of canoe); all the beauty magic on Sarubwoyna beach,
-over coco-nuts, over the facial paints as well as the conch shell
-magic, belong here. In all these performances an object is put well
-within reach of the voice, and in an appropriate position. Often, the
-object is placed within a receptacle or covering so that the voice
-enters an enclosed space and is concentrated upon the substance to
-be charmed. Thus, when the lilava is chanted over, the voice is cast
-into the mats, which are afterwards carefully wrapped up. The aromatic
-mint is charmed, lying at the bottom of a bag made of baked and thus
-toughened banana leaf, which afterwards is carefully folded together
-and bound with string. Again, the adze blade is first of all half
-wrapped up in a banana leaf, and the voice enters the blade and the
-inside of the leaf, which subsequently is folded over and tied over
-the blade. In the magic of the conch shell, I drew attention to the
-fact that immediately after the charm has been spoken, both holes of
-the instrument are carefully stuffed up. In all cases where an object
-is going to be used immediately, not so many precautions are taken,
-but always, without any exception, the mouth is put quite close to the
-object medicated (see Plate LVII) and wherever possible, this latter
-is placed in some sort of cavity, such as a folded piece of leaf,
-or even the two palms of the hand put together. All this shows that
-it is essential to a correct performance of magic, that the voice
-should be conveyed directly to the substance, if possible enclosed
-and condensed round it, and then, imprisoned permanently there by
-means of some wrapping. Thus, in this type of rite, the action serves
-mainly to convey carefully and to retain the spell round the object.
-
-It may be noted that in almost all cases described, the substance
-harmed in the rite is not the final aim of the magic, but forms only a
-constituent part of the object in view or is an accessory of it, or an
-instrument used in its making. Thus the wayugo creeper, the kaybasi
-(caulking), the paint, the prow-boards, all these are constituent
-parts of the canoe, and the magic performed over them does not aim
-at giving them any qualities, but aims at imparting swiftness and
-lightness to the canoe of which they are parts only. Again, the herbs
-and the colours of the coco-nut ointment medicated in the Kula are
-accessories of the final end of this magic, that is, of the personal
-beauty and attractiveness of the performer. The adze, the breaking
-stone in kaloma magic are implements used in obtaining the object,
-towards which the magic is directed. There are only a few instances
-in which the simple rite of impregnation is directly performed on
-the object in view. If we compare this type of rite with the one of
-the previous category, we see that the difference lies mainly in the
-size of the object. If you want to cast a charm over a mountain, over
-a reef, or over the wind, you cannot put your object into a little
-bag made of banana leaf. Nor can you put there the human mind. And
-as a rule, the final objects of magical rites are not small things,
-which could be easily handled. In the magic described in this book,
-there is, I think, not one single instance, in which the substance
-handled in the rite and impregnated by condensing the charm upon it
-artificially, is the final object of the spell. In war magic the points
-of the spears are made effective and the shields are made spear-proof
-(see Plate LVIII) by magic uttered over them. In private garden magic,
-the planted yams are made fruitful by a spell, and a few more examples
-could be adduced from other types of magic.
-
-Spells accompanied by a rite of transference.--When we compare the
-rite of medicating the adze blade with the rite of medicating some
-dried grass, with which the canoe is afterwards beaten, we see that,
-in the second case, the magic is uttered over a something, which has
-no intrinsic connection with the final object of the magic, that is,
-with the canoe. It is neither to become a part of it, nor to be used
-as an implement in its manufacture. We have here the introduction
-for purposes of the rite, of a special medium, used to absorb the
-magical force, and to transfer it to the final object. We can therefore
-call rites where such mediums are used rites of transference. When a
-stick is charmed to be used afterwards for the magical knocking out
-of a canoe; or a mussel-shell, with which the canoe will be scraped;
-or a piece of coco-nut husk, which will be thrown into the water to
-remove the heaviness of the canoe; or a pandanus streamer, which will
-give it swiftness, there is introduced into every one of these rites a
-substance which has to play a magical rôle only. The rite, therefore,
-is not the simple charming of a part or of a constructive implement,
-which will enter into the composition or be used in the making of
-an object. The rite here is more autonomous, possesses more of its
-own significance. The beating of a canoe with two bunches of grass,
-one after the other, in order first to extract its heaviness and
-then impart to it lightness, has a meaning parallel to the spell
-but independent of it. So has also the throwing down of the coco-nut
-husk. The flutter of the pandanus streamers has direct association
-with speed, as the natives explicitly state. As the bisila streamers
-flutter in the wind, so should the canoe and the sail shake with the
-swiftness of their going. In the case of the ginger, which is spat over
-the Dobuans feigning hostility, the inherent quality of the substance,
-which our pharmacopæas describe as a stimulant, makes the meaning of
-the rite plain. We can easily see that some of the rites are rather
-more creative than others. That is, the very act performed produces,
-according to native ideas, a more definite effect than in others. So
-it is with the spitting of the ginger, and still more directly the
-spilling of the lime, in order to produce a mist, and shut the eyes
-of the mulukwausi. These two, for instance, are more creative than
-the hanging up of the pandanus streamer.
-
-Spells accompanied by offerings and invocations.--In the very first
-rite described in this book, we saw an offering being laid before,
-and an invocation being addressed to the wood-sprite, tokway. There
-are a number of rites, accompanied by offerings given to ancestral
-spirits, whose participation in the offering is solicited. Such rites
-are performed in garden magic (see Plate LIX) in fishing magic, and
-in weather magic. It must, however, be said at once that there is no
-worship and no sacrificial offering involved in these rites, that is,
-not of the usual description, because the spirits are not imagined
-to serve as agents of the magician, in carrying out the bidding of
-his magic. We shall return to the subject presently. Here it will be
-enough to notice that the only instance of such a spell we have come
-across--that is, the invocation of the tokway--has its concomitant
-offering made only as a sort of compensation for having chased him
-out, or as a means of persuading him to go. Probably it is the first
-rather than the second, because the tokway has no free choice left,
-after he has been exorcised. He must obey the bidding of the magician.
-
-This survey shows clearly that the virtue, the force, the effective
-principle of magic lies in the spell. We saw that in many cases,
-the spell is quite sufficient, if directly breathed upon the
-object. Again, in what may be called the prevalent type of ritual,
-the action which accompanies the utterance of the formula serves
-only to direct and condense the spell upon the object. In all such
-cases the rite lacks all independent significance, all autonomous
-function. In some cases, the rite introduces a substance which is used
-for magical purposes only. As a rule, the substance then intensifies,
-through a parallel action, the meaning of the spell. On the whole,
-it may be said that the main creative power of magic resides in the
-formula; that the rite serves to convey, or transfer it to the object,
-in certain cases emphasising the meaning of the spell through the
-nature of the transferring medium, as well as through the manner in
-which it is finally applied. It is hardly necessary to state that in
-the Trobriand magic, there are no rites performed without the spell.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-It is also evident in studying the manner in which the force of
-the spell is conveyed to the object, that the voice of the reciter
-transfers the virtue. Indeed, as has been repeatedly pointed out,
-in quoting the formulæ, and as we shall have to discuss later still,
-the magical words are, so to speak, rubbed in by constant repetition
-to the substance. To understand this better we must inquire into the
-natives' conceptions of psycho-physiology. The mind, nanola, by which
-term intelligence, power of discrimination, capacity for learning
-magical formulæ, and all forms of non-manual skill are described,
-as well as moral qualities, resides somewhere in the larynx. The
-natives will always point to the organs of speech, where the nanola
-resides. The man who cannot speak through any defect of his organs, is
-identified in name (tonagowa) and in treatment with all those mentally
-deficient. The memory, however, the store of formulæ and traditions
-learned by heart, resides deeper, in the belly. A man will be said to
-have a good nanola, when he can acquire many formulæ, but though they
-enter through the larynx, naturally, as he learns them, repeating word
-for word, he has to stow them away in a bigger and more commodious
-receptacle; they sink down right to the bottom of his abdomen. I made
-the discovery of this anatomical truth, while collecting war magic,
-from Kanukubusi, the last office holder of the long succession of
-war magicians to the chiefs of Omarakana. Kanukubusi is an old man,
-with a big head, a broad, high forehead, a stumpy nose, and no chin,
-the meekest and most docile of my informants, with a permanently
-puzzled and frightened expression on his honest countenance (see Plate
-LVIII). I found this mild old man very trustworthy and accurate, an
-excellent informant indeed, within the narrow sphere of his speciality,
-which he and his predecessors had used to make 'anger flare up in the
-nanola' of Omarakana men, to make the enemy fly in terror, pursued
-and slaughtered by the victorious warriors. I paid him well for the
-few formulæ he gave me, and inquired at the end of our first session,
-whether he had any more magic to produce. With pride, he struck his
-belly several times, and answered: "Plenty more lies there!" I at
-once checked his statement by an independent informant, and learned
-that everybody carries his magic in his abdomen.
-
-There exist also certain ideas about stratification of magic, namely,
-that certain forms of magic have to be learnt first, so that they
-sink down, while others come on top. But these ideas are vague and
-contradictory, whereas the main idea, that magic rests in the belly, is
-clear and definite. This fact gives us a new insight into native ideas
-about magic. The force of magic, crystallised in the magical formulæ,
-is carried by men of the present generation in their bodies. They
-are the depositories of this most valuable legacy of the past. The
-force of magic does not reside in the things; it resides within man
-and can escape only through his voice.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-So far, we only spoke of the relation between spell and rite. The
-last point, however, brings us to the problem of the condition of
-the performer. His belly is a tabernacle of magical force. Such a
-privilege carries its dangers and obligations. It is clear that
-you cannot stuff foreign matter indiscriminately into a place,
-where extremely valuable possessions are kept. Food restrictions,
-therefore, become imperative. Many of them are directly determined
-by the contents of the spell. We saw some examples of this, as when
-red fish, invoked in magic, is tabooed to the performer; or the dog,
-spoken about in the Ka'ubanai spell, may not be heard howling while the
-man eats. In other cases, the object which is the aim of the magic,
-cannot be partaken by the magician. This is the rule in the case of
-shark fishing, kalala fishing, and other forms of fishing magic. The
-garden magician is also debarred from partaking of new crops, up to a
-certain period. There is hardly any clear doctrine, as to why things
-mentioned in magical formulæ, whether they are the aims of the magic
-or only cooperating factors, should not be eaten. There is just the
-general apprehension that the formula would be damaged by it. There
-are other taboos, binding the magician, some of them permanent, some
-of them temporary, during the season of his magical performance. We saw
-some permanent ones, as in the case of the man who knows Kayga'u magic,
-and is not allowed to eat while children make noises. The temporary
-ones, such as the sexual abstinence during the first rites of the
-Kula, could be supplemented by numerous examples from other forms of
-magic. Thus, in order to bring about rain, the magician paints himself
-black and has to remain unwashed and unkempt for some time. The shark
-magician has to keep his house open, to remove his pubic leaf and
-to sit with his legs apart, while the fishing and the magic last,
-"so that the shark's mouth might remain gaping." But we cannot enter
-too much into enumeration of these taboos and observances, and have
-only to make it clear that the proper behaviour of the magician is
-one of the essentials of magic, and that in many cases this behaviour
-is dictated by the contents of the spell.
-
-The taboos and observances are not the only conditions which a man must
-fulfil in order to carry out certain forms of magic. In many cases
-the most important condition is his membership in a social group,
-for many forms of magic are strictly local, and must be performed
-by one, who is the descendant of the mythical, original owner of
-the magic. Thus in every case of garden magic, a magic which to the
-natives ranks first among all the other types of beneficent magic,
-the performer must be genealogically related to the first ancestor,
-who locally emerged from the hole. Certain exceptions to this rule
-are to be found only in cases where a family of high rank has come
-and usurped the headmanship of the group, but these exceptions are
-rare. In the case of the several systems of local fishing magic,
-the office of magician is hereditary, and associated with the
-locality. The important rain and sun magic which have been 'born'
-in Kasana'i, can only be performed by the chiefs of that spot,
-who have usurped this important privilege from the original local
-headman. The succession, is of course, always matrilineal. A man
-may make a gift of such a magic to his son, but this latter may be
-obliged to relinquish the privilege at his father's death, and he
-never will be allowed to hand it over to his son, unless this latter
-belongs again to the local group, through cross-cousin marriage. Even
-in transactions where magic is sold or given away from one clan to
-another, the prestige of certain local groups as main specialists and
-experts in a branch of magic still remain. For instance, the black
-magic, though practised all over the place and no more localised, is
-still believed to be best known in the villages of Ba'u and Bwoytalu,
-where the original crab fell down from the skies, and brought with
-him the magic. The Kula magic is also spread over the whole district,
-yet it is still associated with definite localities.
-
-To summarise these sociological observations, We may say that,
-where the local character of magic is still maintained, the magician
-has to belong to the dala (sub-clan or local group) of the mythical
-ancestor. In all other cases, the local character of magic is still
-recognised, even though it does not influence the sociology of the
-magician.
-
-The traditional character of magic and the magical filiation of the
-performer find their expression in another important feature of the
-spells. In some of them, as we have seen, references to mythical events
-are made, or names of mythical ancestors are uttered. Even more often,
-we find a whole list of names, beginning with the mythical founder
-of the magic, and ending with the name of the immediate predecessor,
-that is, of the man from whom the magic was obtained by the actual
-performer. Such a list links up the present magician by a sort of
-magical pedigree with all those, who had previously been using this
-formula. In other formulæ again, the magician identifies himself
-with some mythical individual, and utters the latter's name in the
-first person. Thus, in the spell uttered whilst plucking the mint
-plant, we found the phrase: "I, Kwoyregu, with my father, we cut
-the sulumwoya of Laba'i." Both the actual genealogical descent of
-the magician from the mythical ancestors, and the magical filiation
-expressed in the formulæ show again the paramount importance of
-tradition, in this case acting on the sociological determination
-of the performer. He is placed in a definite social group of those,
-who by birth, or what could be called 'magical adoption', have had the
-right of performing this magic. In the very act of uttering the spell,
-the magician bears testimony to his indebtedness to the past by the
-enumeration of magical names, and by references to myth and mythical
-events. Both the sociological restrictions, wherever they still exist,
-and the magical filiation confirm once more the dependence of magic
-on tradition. On the other hand, both show, as also do the taboos,
-that the obligations imposed on the magician and the conditions he
-has to fulfil, are largely derived from the spell.
-
-
-
-
-VII
-
-Closely connected with the questions discussed in the preceding
-division, is the subject of the systems of magic and the distinction
-between 'systematic' and 'independent' magical rites and formulæ. As
-we saw in the beginning of this chapter, the whole body of magic
-naturally falls into several big divisions, each of them corresponding
-to a department of nature, such as wind or weather; to some activity
-of man, such as gardening, fishing, hunting or warfare; or to some
-real or imaginary force, such as artistic inspiration, witchcraft,
-personal charm or prowess.
-
-There is, however, an important distinction to be made within each
-such division of magic; some of the rites and spells are isolated
-and independent, they can be used by themselves, whenever the
-need arises. Such are almost all the incantations of wind magic;
-some spells of individual garden magic; formulæ against toothache,
-and minor ailments; some spells of hunting and food collecting; a
-few rites of love magic and of the magic of carving. When a man, for
-instance, paddles along the Lagoon in his canoe and an unfavourable
-wind sets in, he will utter a spell to make it abate and change. The
-same spell would be recited in the village, when there arises a wind so
-strong as to be dangerous. The incantation is a free, individual act,
-which may be performed and is performed in any of the circumstances
-which require it.
-
-It is quite another matter with the spells belonging to what I have
-called here systematic magic. Such magic consists of a connected and
-consecutive body of incantations and concomitant rites, no one of
-which can be torn out of its sequence and performed by itself. They
-have to be carried out one after the other in a determined order, and
-the more important of them, at least, can never be omitted, once the
-series has been started. Such a series is always closely connected
-with some activity, such as the building of a canoe or an overseas
-Kula voyage, a fishing expedition or the making and harvesting of
-a garden. It will not be difficult for us to realise the nature of
-systematic magic, for in this book almost all the rites and spells
-described belong to this class. In general, in the Trobriands, the
-independent uncorrelated rites and formulæ are quite an insignificant
-minority, both in number and in importance.
-
-Let us consider one of the forms of systematic magic previously
-described, whether canoe magic or that of the Kula, whether the
-kayga'u formulæ, or the magical ritual of kaloma fishing. The first
-general fact to be noted here is, that we are in the presence of a
-type of enterprise or activity, which is never embarked upon without
-magic. No canoe will be built, no uvalaku started, no kaloma fished,
-without its magic ceremonial. This ceremonial will be scrupulously
-observed in its main features, that is, some of the most important
-formulæ will never be omitted, as some minor ones might be, a
-fact which has been previously noted. The association between the
-practical activity and its magical concomitant is very intimate. The
-stages and acts of the first, and the rites and spells of the latter,
-correspond to each other one by one. Certain rites have to be done in
-order to inaugurate certain activities; others have to be performed
-at the end of the practical work; others again are part and parcel
-of the activity. But each of the rites and spells is to the native
-mind, quite as indispensable for the success of the enterprise,
-as is the practical activity. Thus, the tokway has to be expelled,
-or the tree would be entirely unsuitable for a canoe; the adze,
-the lashing creeper, the caulking and the paint have to be charmed,
-or else the canoe would be heavy and unwieldy, and such an omission
-might even prove dangerous to life. Going mentally over the various
-cases quoted in the previous chapters, it can be easily seen, how
-this intimate association between enterprise and magic imparts to
-systematic magic its specific character. The consecutive progress
-of work and of magic are inseparable, just because, according to
-native ideas, work needs magic, and magic has only meaning as an
-indispensable ingredient of work.
-
-Both work and magic are directed towards the same aim; to construct
-a swift and a stable canoe; to obtain a good Kula yield; to insure
-safety from drowning and so on. Thus we see that systematic magic
-consists in a body of rites and spells associated with one enterprise,
-directed towards one aim, and progressing in a consecutive series of
-performances which have to be carried out in their proper place. The
-point--the proper understanding of what is meant by systematic
-magic--is of the greatest theoretical importance because it reveals
-the nature of the relation between magical and practical activities,
-and shows how deeply the two are connected with one another. It
-is one of these points, also, which cannot be properly explained
-and grasped without the help of a Chart. In the appended "Table of
-Kula Magic and of the Corresponding Activities," I have prepared
-such a Chart, in which has been summarised the substance of several
-of the foregoing Chapters. The Table allows of a rapid survey of
-the consecutive activities of the Kula in their relation to magic,
-beginning with the first act of canoe-building and finishing with
-the return home. It shows the salient features of systematic magic in
-general, and of the mwasila and canoe magic in particular. It shows
-the relation between magical, ritual and practical activities, the
-correlated sequence of the two, their rolling off, stage after stage,
-and side by side, towards one central aim--a successful Kula. The Table
-thus serves to illustrate the meaning of the expression 'systematic
-magic,' and it provides a firm outline of the essentials, magical,
-ceremonial and practical, of the Kula.
-
-
-TABLE OF KULA MAGIC AND OF THE CORRESPONDING ACTIVITIES
-
-I--First Stage of Canoe-Building (Chapter V, Division II)
-
-
-Season and      Place       Activity                     Magic
-approximate
-duration
-
-Beginning:      Raybwag.    Felling of     inaugurated   The Vabusi
-June--August.               tree, (done    by            Tokway
-                            by the                       (offering and
-                            builder and                  spell) aiming
-                            helpers);                    at the
-                                                         expulsion of
-                                                         the
-                                                         wood-sprite
-                                                         from the tree
-                                                         (performed by
-                                                         owner or
-                                                         builder).
-Immediately     Same        Trimming of                  No magic.
-afterwards.     place.      the
-                            log-canoe
-                            (done by
-                            builder with
-                            helpers).
-A few days      Road.       Pulling the    Helped out    double rite of
-later.                      log (done by   by            lightness
-                            all                          (Kaymomwa'u
-                            villagers);                  and
-                                                         Kaygagabile).
-On morning      Main        The log is     until         The magical
-after arrival   place in    left as it                   act
-at village.     the         is;                          (Kapitunena
-                village.                                 Duhu)
-                                                         ceremonially
-                                                         inaugurating
-                                                         the work over
-                                                         the canoe.
-Evening of      Main        Working out                  No magic
-the same day.   place in    of the                       accompanying
-                the         outside of                   it.
-                village.    the log.
-Several days    Main        Scooping out   inaugurated   Ligogu spell,
-or weeks        place.      of the         by            over the
-following.                  inside of                    havilali, the
-                            the canoe;                   adze with the
-                                                         moveable
-                                                         handle.
-Towards the     In the      Other parts                  No magic.
-end of the      village     of canoe
-foregoing       before      made ready
-period.         builder's   by builder
-                house.      and helpers.
-After all                                                Concluding
-work is over.                                            rite:
-                                                         Kapitunena
-                                                         Nanola Waga.
-
-
-All the magic of this stage is canoe magic. It is performed only when
-a new canoe is built and not when an old one is renovated. The spells
-are uttered by the builder and not by the owner, except the first
-one. Work at this stage is done by one man mainly, the builder and
-carver, with the help of a few men; except for the pulling of the log,
-in which many men assist.
-
-
-II--The Second Stage of Canoe Building (Chapter V, Division III)
-
-
-Time          Place       Activity                     Magic
-First day     On the      Fixing the     inaugurated   Katuliliva
-of work.      sea-front   prow-boards;   by            Tabuyo rite,
-              of a                                     performed over
-              Lagoon                                   the ornamental
-              village,                                 prow-boards by
-              or on a                                  the toliwaga. It
-              beach of                                 belongs to the
-              one of                                   mwasila (Kula
-              the                                      magic).
-              Eastern
-              villages.
-                          The            inaugurated   Vakakaya rite. A
-                          following      by            magical,
-                          activities                   ceremonial
-                          are                          cleansing of the
-                                                       canoe, performed
-                                                       by the owner or
-                                                       builder to
-                                                       remove all evil
-                                                       influence and
-                                                       thus to make the
-                                                       canoe fast.
-(At times,                Lashing of     associated    The Wayugo spell
-the lashing               the canoe;     with          (lashing
-cannot be                                              creeper) rite;
-done in one                                            the most
-day and has                                            important of the
-to be                                                  magical
-continued                                              performances in
-into                                                   the second
-another                                                stage. Done by
-session.)                                              builder or owner
-                                                       to make canoe
-                                                       swifter and
-                                                       stronger.
-Second        On the      Caulking of    associated    Kaybasi
-sitting:      sea-front   the canoe;     with          (caulking)
-during this   of a                                     magic; spell
-the           Lagoon                                   uttered over
-caulking is   village                                  caulking by
-done and      or on a                                  builder or owner
-the three     beach of                                 to make canoe
-exorcisms     one of                                   safe.
-performed     the                                      Vakasulu, an
-afterwards.   Eastern                                  exorcism.
-              villages.                                Vaguri, an
-                                                       exorcism.
-                                                       Kaytapena waga,
-                                                       an exorcism.
-                          Painting of    associated    Magic of;
-                          the canoe;     with          Kayhoulo (black
-                                                       paint)
-                                                       Malakava (red
-                                                       paint).
-                                                       Pwaka (white
-                                                       paint).
-
-
-III--The Ceremonial Launching of a Canoe (Chapter VI, Division I)
-
-
-  Activity                             Magic
-  The launching and   inaugurated by   Kaytalula wadola waga rite,
-  trial run                            belonging to the mwasila cycle
-                                       of magic.
-
-
-After this, there comes the interval, filled out by the Kabigidoya
-(ceremonial visiting,) by the preliminary trade and other preparations
-for the expedition overseas.
-
-
-IV--The Magic During, and Preparations before the Departure (Chapter
-VII)
-
-
-Time: some three to seven days before setting sail.
-
-Activity                             Magic
-
-Preparing the canoe    inaugurated   Yawarapu rite over the coco-palm
-for sailing (placing   by            leaves, done by the toliwaga to
-of the mats on the                   ensure success in the Kula.
-platform, and of the
-frames in the body);                 Kayikuna sulumwoya rite over the
-                                     aromatic mint.
-
-                                     Kaymwaloyo rite over the mint
-                                     boiled in coco-nut oil, performed
-                                     by the toliwaga.
-Packing of the trade   associated    Gebobo rite (called also: Kipwo'i
-goods;                 with          sikwabu), made over four coco-nuts
-                                     by a friend or relative in law of
-                                     the toliwaga, to make all the food
-                                     last (the spell expresses only the
-                                     desire for a good Kula.)
-
-
-All this magic belongs to the mwasila, and it has to be performed by
-the toliwaga, with the exception of the last spell.
-
-
-V--Canoe Magic, Performed at the Final Start on Overseas Voyage
-(Chapter VIII, Division III)
-
-The series of rites starts at the moment when the canoes are ready
-to set sail on the long voyage on Pilolu. They are not associated
-with a progressive series of acts; they all refer to one aim: canoe
-speed and reliability. They are all performed by the toliwaga.
-
-
-Activity: overseas sailing,    Kadumiyala, ritual rubbing or cleansing
-inaugurated by a Series of     of the canoe with leaves charmed over.
-Magical Rites.
-Time: morning of the second    Bisila magic; pandanus streamers,
-day of the expedition.         previously chanted over are tied to the
-                               mast and rigging.
-
-                               Kayikunaveva; swaying the sheet rope
-                               uttering an incantation.
-
-                               Vabusi momwa'u; "expelling the
-                               heaviness" out of a canoe by means of a
-Place: the beach of Muwa.      stale potato.
-Aim of Magic: imparting of
-speed to canoe.                Bisiboda patile; a rite of evil magic
-Performer of the Rites: the    to make other canoes slow and thus
-toliwaga.                      achieve relative speed.
-
-
-VI--The Mwasila, Performed on Arrival at the Final Destination
-
-(A) Beauty Magic (Chapter XIII, Division I)
-
-
-Activity: washing, anointing and      Kaykakaya--ritual washing and
-painting.                             rubbing with charmed leaves.
-
-                                      Luya (coco-nut) spell--over the
-                                      scraped coco-nut used for
-                                      anointing.
-
-                                      Sinata (comb) spell--over the
-Place: the beach, on or near which    comb.
-the party rest before starting on
-the last stage (on the way to Dobu;   Sayyaku--aromatic black paint.
-Sarubwoyna beach. On the way to
-Sinaketa: Kaykuyawa).                 Bowa--ordinary charcoal blacking.
-Performers: the spells are uttered
-usually by the toliwaga, sometimes    Talo--red paint of crushed
-by an elder member of the crew.       areca-nut.
-
-
-(B) Magic of the Final Approach (Chapter XIII, Division II)
-
-
-  Activity: the fleet are paddling   Ta'uya--the ritual blowing of the
-  (on the approach to Dobu) or       conch shell, which has been
-  punting (to Sinaketa) in a body.   charmed over before.
-
-                                     Kayihuna-tabuyo--the swaying of
-                                     the front prow-board while the
-                                     spell is being uttered.
-
-  Performers: in each canoe,         Kavalikuliku--the spell by the
-  simultaneously, the toliwaga and   toliwaga.
-  two members of the crew.
-  Aim: to "shake the mountain," to   Kaytavilena mwoynawaga--the
-  produce an impression on the       incantation uttered at the stern
-  partners awaiting on the beach.    towards the Koya.
-
-
-(C) Magic of Safety (Chapter XIII, Division III)
-
-  Activity                        Magic
-
-  Entering the Dobuan village     Ka'ubana'i, charm uttered over
-  (This magic is performed only   ginger, which is then ritually spat
-  when Boyowans come to the       over the Dobuan village and the
-  Koya).                          partners, and makes their hearts
-                                  soft.
-
-
-(D) Magic of Persuasion (Chapter XIV, Division III)
-
-
-  Activity                          Magic
-
-  The wooing in Kula (wawoyla) of   Kwoygapani--a spell uttered over a
-  the of the overseas partner by    piece of areca-nut, given
-  the visitor.                      subsequently to the partner.
-
-
-VII--A Canoe Spell, Uttered on the Departure Home (Chapter XIV,
-Division III)
-
-
-Activity                                  Magic
-
-Loading of the canoe with the its gifts   Kaylupa--a spell to make the
-received from overseas partners, with     canoe lighter, to "lift" it
-the trade gain, and with the provisions   out of the water.
-for the home journey.
-
-
-Within each department of systematic magic, there are again various
-systems of magic. Thus we saw that, although the type of rite and
-formula is the same in all villages, the actual details, let us say,
-of the wayugo magic, are not identical, but vary according to the
-system with which a given reciter is acquainted. The differences are,
-as a rule, less pronounced in the rites, which are generally very
-simple in the Trobriand magic, and are identical in all the systems,
-but the formulæ differ completely in their wording. Thus, in the wayugo
-magic (Chapter V, Division III) we found only a slight difference in
-the rite, but one or two wayugo spells, which I have also recorded,
-differ essentially from the one given in the text.
-
-Each system of magic has a more or less developed mythological
-pedigree, and in connection with it a local character, a point which
-has been elaborated in the previous Division. The wayugo spell given
-in Chapter V, and all the spells of canoe-building quoted in this
-book belong to the Kaykudayuri system of canoe magic. This system is
-believed to have been known and recited by the mythical builder of
-the flying canoe, and to have been handed down to his descendants,
-that is, as we know, in an incomplete form. As has been said in the
-previous Division, the knowledge and the use of this magic and of
-other systems does not abide strictly within the original clan, but
-it spreads outside of it, and it becomes known to many people who
-are connected with the original owner by a sort of magical filiation.
-
-According to native belief, all these people know identical formulæ. In
-fact, in the course of years and of repeated transmission, considerable
-differences have been introduced, and nowadays many of the 'real
-Kudayuri' spells differ from one another completely.
-
-A system of magic is therefore a number of magical formulæ,
-forming one consecutive series. The main system of canoe magic
-is that of the Kaykudayuri, which is associated with the place of
-the same name in Kitava. This system comprises the whole series of
-canoe-building spells, from the expelling of the tokway to the final
-exorcisms. Another comprehensive system is called Kaykapayouko, and
-is localised in the island of Kayleula. An important system called
-Ilumte'ulo is nowadays claimed by Sinaketa, but probably hails from
-Dobu. The mythological data of some of these systems are not known to
-me, and some of them seem to be exceedingly rudimentary, not going
-beyond the assertion that such and such a system originated at such
-and such a place, and was originally the property of such and such
-a clan. Of the systems of mwasila, the best known in South Boyowa is
-that called Monikiniki, to which belong the majority of the formulæ
-here quoted. This system is sometimes loosely associated with the myth
-of Tokosikuna, who is sometimes said to have been the original owner
-of the system. According to another version, Monikiniki is the name
-of the original owner. The Dobuan mwasila is called Kasabwaybwayreta,
-and is ascribed to that hero. From Muyuwa, hails the Momroveta system
-of Kula magic, while in Kiriwina the system of Monikiniki is usually
-recited, and only a few formulæ are inserted into it, belonging to
-a local magic, called Kwoygapani (a name not to be confused with
-the name in a formula quoted in Chapter XIV). In the light of these
-remarks, the many references to 'magical systems' given in the text,
-will become clear, so there is no need to add more here.
-
-
-
-
-VIII
-
-We saw before in the chapter on mythology that magic bridges
-over the cleavage between the super-normal world of myth and the
-normal, ordinary happenings of to-day. But then, this bridge itself
-must necessarily touch the super-normal, it must lead into that
-domain. Magic surely, therefore, must partake of the supernatural
-character? There is no doubt that it is so. The effects of magic,
-although constantly witnessed, and although considered as a fundamental
-fact, are regarded as something distinctly different from the effects
-of other human activities. The natives realise quite well that the
-speed and buoyancy of a canoe are due to the knowledge and work of
-the constructor; they are well acquainted with the properties of good
-material and of good craftsmanship. Yet the magic of swiftness adds
-something more to even the best constructed canoe. This superadded
-quality is regarded very much like the properties of the mythical
-canoe which made it fly through the air, though in the present day
-canoes these properties have dwindled down to mere surpassing speed.
-
-The language of spells expresses this belief through the constant
-allusions to myth, similes in which the present canoe is invited to
-imitate the mythical one. In the explicit comments on the Kudayuri
-myth, the natives also state definitely that the prodigious speed
-which well-charmed canoes develop is the legacy and counterpart of the
-old flying speed. Thus the effects of magic are something superadded
-to all the other effects produced by human effort and by natural
-qualities. The same is to be found in love magic. The importance of
-a fine face and figure, of ornaments, decorations and nice scents,
-is well recognised as being of attractive value, yet almost every man
-ascribes his success to the perfection of his love magic. The force of
-magic is considered as something independent of, and surpassing even,
-the power of all other personal charms. A statement very often met
-with expresses this quite well:
-
-
-    "Look, I am not good looking, yet so many girls want me. The
-    reason of that is that I have good magic."
-
-
-In garden magic, soil, rain, proper work, are given their full
-due. None the less, no one would dream of making a garden without the
-full magical performance being done over it. Garden magic is thought
-to make just this difference, which a man hopes for from 'chance,'
-or 'good luck,' when he sees everybody round him working as hard
-as he can, and in all other respects under similar conditions to
-himself. So we see that, in all these cases, magical influence runs
-parallel to and independently of the effects of human work and natural
-conditions. It produces these differences and those unexpected results,
-which cannot be explained by any of the other factors.
-
-So far, we see that magic represents, so to speak, a different
-sort of reality. When I call this different sort 'super-natural'
-or 'super-normal,' one of the criteria which I use here lies in the
-emotional reaction of the natives. This, of course, is most pronounced
-in the case of evil magic. The sorcerer is not only feared because
-of his bad intentions. He is also feared as ghosts are feared by
-us, as an uncanny manifestation. One is afraid of meeting him in
-the dark, not so much because he might do any harm, but because his
-appearance is dreadful and because he has at his bidding all sorts
-of powers and faculties which are denied to those not versed in
-black magic. His sweat glows, night birds run with him to give him
-warning; he can become invisible at will and produce paralysing fear
-in those he meets. In short, the same hysterical dread, associated
-amongst ourselves with the idea of haunted places, is produced by
-the sorcerers in the minds of the natives. And it must be added that
-the natives have no such emotion of dread at all with regard to the
-spirits of the departed. The horror which they have of the bwaga'u is
-even stronger in the case of the mulukwausi, to whom all sorts of most
-uncanny properties are attributed. Their ghoulish feasting on corpses,
-their capacity of flying, of making themselves invisible, of changing
-into night birds, all this inspires the natives with extreme terror.
-
-The other magicians and their art do not inspire such strong emotions
-in the natives, and of course in any case the emotion would not be
-that of dread. There is a very great value and attachment to systems
-of local magic, and their effects are distinctly considered as an
-asset for a community.
-
-Each form of magic also has its associated magical portent,
-kariyala. When a magic formula is spoken, a violent natural upheaval
-will take place. For example, when garden magic is performed, there
-will be thunder and lightning; with certain forms of Kula magic,
-a rainbow will appear in the skies. Others will produce shower
-clouds. The portent of a mild storm, accompanying the opening of
-the magical bundle (lilava) has already been quoted. The kayga'u
-may produce a tidal wave, whereas an earthquake will be the result
-of other forms of magic. War magic, in an unexpectedly bucolic way,
-affects only some plants and birds. In certain forms of magic, a
-portent would take place whenever the formula is uttered, in others,
-this will not be so regular, but a kariyala will invariably occur
-when a magician dies. When asked, what is the real cause of any of
-these natural phenomena enumerated, they will say:
-
-
-    "Magic is the real cause (u'ula); they are a kariyala of magic."
-
-
-Another point, where magic touches the super-normal or supernatural,
-is in the association of spirits with certain magical performances. A
-special type of magical payment, the ula'ula, is at the same time an
-offering to the baloma (spirits). The magician will detach a small
-bit of the large quantity of food brought to him, and put it down on
-some special place, with the words:
-
-
-    "Partake, O spirits, of your ula'ula, and make my magic thrive."
-
-
-At certain ceremonies, the spirits are supposed to be present (see
-Plate LIX). When something goes wrong with magic, or it is badly
-performed, 'the spirits will become angry,' as it is often expressed by
-the natives. In some cases the baloma will appear in dreams and advise
-the magician what to do. As this is the most active interference of
-the spirits in human affairs, as far as magic is concerned, I shall
-quote in free translation some statements obtained on the matter.
-
-
-    "The owners of fish magic will often dream that there is plentiful
-    fish. The cause of it is the magician's ancestor spirit. Such a
-    magician would then say: 'The ancestral spirit has instructed
-    me in the night, that we should go to catch fish! And indeed,
-    when we get there, we find plenty of fish, and we cast the nets.'"
-
-    "Mokudeya, the maternal uncle of Narugo," who is, the main fishing
-    magician of Oburaku "comes to his nephew in a dream and instructs
-    him: 'Tomorrow, cast the nets for fish in Kwabwawa!' Narugo then
-    says: 'Let us come, the old man instructed me last night.'"
-
-    "The kaloma (spondylus shell) magician of Sinaketa dreams about
-    a plentiful patch of kaloma shell. Next morning, he would dive
-    and knock it off on the reef. Or he dreams of a canoe, and he
-    then paddles and casts the anchor at that place. To'udawada,
-    Luvayam, Sinakadi dream that they knock it off in plenty. When
-    next morning we go there, it is plentiful."
-
-
-In all these examples (except the last) we see that the spirits act as
-advisors and helpers. They fill the rôle of guardian of the traditions
-when they get angry because of a bad performance, or as associates
-and sympathisers when they share the magician's ula'ula. But they are
-not agencies which get to work directly. In the Trobriand demonology,
-the magician does not command the spirits to go and set to work. The
-work is done by the agency of the spell, assisted by the accompanying
-ritual, and performed by the proper magician. The spirits stand
-in the same relation, as the performer does, to the magical force,
-which alone is active. They can help him to wield it properly, but
-they can never become his instruments.
-
-To summarise the results of what we have learned about the super-normal
-nature of magic, it may be said that it has a definite character
-of its own, which differentiates it from the non-magical actions
-of man. The manner in which the magical force is conceived to act,
-parallel to the ordinary efforts but independent of them; the emotional
-reaction to certain types of magic and magician; the kariyala; the
-intercourse with spirits during the performances, all these properties
-differentiate magic from the ordinary activities of man.
-
-In native terminology, the realm of the magical is called by the word
-megwa, which describes the 'magical performance,' the 'spell,' the
-'force' or 'virtue' of magic, and can be used as adjective to describe
-in general everything which presents a magical character. Used as a
-verb, the words megwa, miga-megwa, miga, all of which are variations
-of the same root, mean: 'to perform magic,' 'to utter a spell,'
-'to carry out a rite.' If the natives want to express that certain
-actions are done in connection with magic, and not with work, and that
-certain effects are due to magical forces, and not to other efforts,
-they used the word megwa as a substantive or adjective. It is never
-used to describe any virtue residing in a man or a thing, nor for
-any action which is independent of a spell.
-
-The associated concept of taboo is covered by the Kiriwinian word
-bomala (with suffixed possessive pronouns). It means a 'prohibition,'
-something which a man is not allowed to do under any circumstances. It
-is used for magical taboos, for prohibitions associated with rank,
-for restrictions in regard to food generally considered as unclean,
-as, for example, the flesh of lizards, snakes, dogs and man. There
-is hardly any trace of the meaning of 'sacred' attached to the word
-bomala. If anywhere, it can be found in the use of the word boma,
-for a tabooed grove where men usually are not allowed to enter, and
-where traditional spots, often original holes where men came out and
-whence magic issued, are to be found. The expression toboma (to-,
-prefix denoting personal noun) means a man of high rank, but hardly
-a sacred man.
-
-
-
-
-IX
-
-Finally, a few words must be said about the sociological or ceremonial
-setting of magic. Reference has often been made to the simplicity of
-rites, and to their matter-of-fact character. This has been mentioned
-with reference to canoe-building, and in garden magic we would have
-found equally simple and purely businesslike performances. In calling
-a magical action 'ceremonial' we imply that it was done with a big
-public attendance; under the observance of definite rules of behaviour
-by the spectators as well as by the performer, such as general silence,
-reverent attention to what is being done, with at least a show of some
-interest. Now if, in the middle of some work, a man quickly performs
-an action whilst others talk and laugh and leave him entirely on
-one side, this gives a definite sociological stamp to the magical
-actions, and does not allow us to use the term 'ceremonial,' as the
-distinguishing mark of the magical acts. Some of them, it is true,
-do have this character. For instance, the initial rite with which the
-kaloma fishing begins, requires the assistance of the whole fleet,
-and a definite type of behaviour on the part of the crews, while the
-magician officiates for all of them, but with their assistance, in the
-complex evolutions of the fleet. Similar rites are to be found in two
-or three systems of fishing magic, and in several rites of the garden
-magic of certain villages. In fact, the initial rite of garden magic
-is everywhere connected with a ceremonial performance. The garden
-rite, associated with the ceremonial offering of food to spirits,
-and attended by a body of villagers, a scene of which is shown on
-Plate LIX, has been elsewhere described. [82] One or two rites in
-war magic imply the active assistance of large numbers of men, and
-take the form of big ceremonies. Thus we see that magical rites may
-or may not be ceremonial, but that the ceremonial is by no means an
-outstanding or universal feature of Trobriand magic.
-
-
-
-
-X
-
-We found that taboos are associated with magic, in so far as it is
-the magician who has to observe them. There are, however, certain
-forms of restrictions or prohibitions, set up for special purposes,
-and associated with magic in a somewhat different form. Thus, in an
-institution called kaytubutabu we find a ban made on the consumption
-of coco-nuts and betel-nuts, associated with a specific magic to
-make them grow. There is also a protective taboo, used to prevent
-the theft of ripening fruits or nuts, too far away from the village
-to be watched. In these cases a small parcel of medicated substance
-is placed on the tree or near it, on a small stick. The magic spoken
-over such a substance is a 'conditional curse,' to use the excellent
-term introduced by Professor Westermarck. The conditional curse
-would fall upon anyone who would touch the fruits of that tree, and
-would bring upon him one form of disease or another. This is the only
-form of magic, in which the personal agency is invoked, for in some
-of these spells, the tokway (wood-sprite) is invited to take up his
-abode on the kaytapaku, that is the stick, with the substance on it,
-and to guard the fruit. Some such small divergencies from the general
-trend of native belief are always to be found. Sometimes they contain
-important clues, and a deeper insight into the facts, sometimes they
-mean nothing, and only emphasise the fact, that it is not possible to
-find absolute consistency in human belief. Only a deeper analysis, and
-a comparative study of similar phenomena can decide which is the case.
-
-
-
-
-XI
-
-In order to complete the survey of all the characteristics of magic,
-I shall rapidly mention here the economic aspect of the position
-of magician, although the data referring to it have already been
-given, scattered through the previous chapters. I have spoken of the
-matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the deviations from it which
-consist in inheritance from father to son, and in the transmission
-of magic by purchase (Chapter II, Division VI, and Chapter VI,
-Division VI under (5)). This latter transaction may take place under
-two names, which really cover two essentially different operations;
-the pokala or payment to a maternal kinsman from whom one is going
-to obtain the magic, and the laga, which is the purchase of magic
-from a stranger. Only certain forms of magic can freely pass from
-one clan or sub-clan to another, and are purchasable by the laga
-system. The majority of magical systems are local, and can descend
-only in the same sub-clan with an occasional deviation to the son of
-a member, from whom, however, the magic must return to the sub-clan
-again. A further economic feature of magic is the payment, which the
-magician receives for his services. There are many types of payment;
-some given occasionally by an individual for a definite act of magic,
-as in the case of sorcery or healing magic; others, paid at regular
-intervals by the whole community, as in the case of garden and fishing
-magic. In some cases the payments are considerable, as in sorcery,
-in rain and fine weather magic, and in garden magic. In others,
-they amount to little more than a mere formal offering.
-
-
-
-
-XII
-
-In all this, we have been dealing with general characteristics of
-Boyowan (Trobriand) magic. This has been done mainly on the basis of
-the material presented in this volume, with only a few examples from
-other branches of magic. The result so far can be set down thus: magic
-to the natives represents a special department; it is a specific power,
-essentially human, autonomous and independent in its action. This power
-is an inherent property of certain words, uttered with the performance
-of certain actions by the man entitled to do it through his social
-traditions and through certain observances which he has to keep. The
-words and acts have this power in their own right, and their action is
-direct and not mediated by any other agency. Their power is not derived
-from the authority of spirits or demons or supernatural beings. It is
-not conceived as having been wrested from nature. The belief in the
-power of words and rites as a fundamental and irreducible force is the
-ultimate, basic dogma of their magical creed. Hence we find established
-the ideas that one never can tamper with, change or improve spells;
-that tradition is the only source from which they can be derived;
-that it has brought them down from times lying beyond the speculation
-of man, that there can be no spontaneous generation of magic.
-
-We are naturally led now to inquire one stage further into the manner
-in which the magical words and rites act. Obviously the only way to
-obtain correct information on this point is to analyse and compare
-a great number of well authenticated formulæ, and minutely recorded
-rites. Even the collection of Kula magic here partially given in
-free translation, would allow us to arrive at certain interesting
-conclusions. But we can go deeper still with the help of linguistic
-analysis, and we shall proceed to this inquiry in the next chapter.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVIII
-
-THE POWER OF WORDS IN MAGIC--SOME LINGUISTIC DATA
-
-
-I
-
-The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic analysis of
-two magical texts, and by a general survey of a greater number,
-what sort of words are believed to exercise magical power. This,
-of course, does not mean that we are under the delusion that the
-composers or inventors of magic had a theory about the efficiency
-of words, and carried this theory into practice by inventing the
-formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society,
-though not codified, can be found out by analysing human behaviour;
-as we reach the underlying principles of law and social propriety
-by examining customs and manners; as in the study of rites, we see
-some definite tenets of belief and dogmas--so, in analysing the direct
-verbal expressions of certain modes of thinking in the magical formulæ,
-we are justified in assuming that these modes of thinking must have
-somehow guided those who shaped them. The exact manner in which we
-must imagine the relation between a typical way of thinking in a
-society on the one hand, and the fixed, crystallised results of this
-thinking on the other, is a problem of Social Psychology. For this
-branch of science we are, in ethnography, under the obligation of
-gathering material, but we need not encroach upon its field of study.
-
-Thus much may, however, be put down, that, in whatever manner we might
-imagine a spell to have come into existence, it cannot be considered as
-the creation of one man; for as has been said before, if we examine any
-one of them, not with the eyes of the natives, but as outside critics,
-each spell shows unmistakable signs of being a collection of linguistic
-additions from different epochs. There is in practically every one
-of them a good deal of archaic material, but not a single one bears
-the stamp of having come down to us in the same form in which it must
-have presented itself a few generations ago. So that it may be said
-that a spell is constantly being remoulded as it passes through the
-chain of magicians, each probably leaving his mark, however small,
-upon it. It is the general attitude in matters of magical belief
-common to all of the successive holders which will be at the bottom
-of all the regularities, all the typical features found in the spells.
-
-I shall adduce a formula of canoe magic and one of the spells
-belonging to the mwasila, choosing two texts of which a translation
-and a commentary of average quality have been obtained, and which show
-clearly the several characteristic features of verbal magic. Those
-who are not interested in linguistic technicalities and details of
-method, may omit the following division, and take up the trend of
-our argument at division XII.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-The following text is the wayugo spell, obtained from Layseta, the
-headman of Kopila, one of the sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary
-was obtained from himself, and from another informant, Motago'i,
-a man of exceptional intelligence, and a very straightforward and
-a reliable informant. This spell has been given in free translation
-before in Chapter V, and, as has been said there, the rite consists
-simply in chanting the words over five coils of the wayugo creeper
-put on a wooden platter between two mats.
-
-
-
-                              WAYUGO SPELL
-
-    A. U'ULA (INITIAL PART)
-
-     1  Kala      bosisi'ula,       kala    bomwalela.
-     1  His  ritual eating of fish, his  tabooed inside.
-
-     2  Papapa,   siliubida,   monagakalava.
-     2  Flutter, betel plant, leaving behind.
-
-     3     Tubugu Kalabotawosi,      Tubugu Kwaysa'i,
-     3  Grandfather Kalabotawosi, grandfather Kwaysa'i,
-
-           Tubugu Pulupolu,     Tubugu Semkuku,
-        grandfather Pulupolu, grandfather Semkuku,
-
-           Tubugu Kabatuwayaga,      Tubugu Ugwaboda,
-        grandfather Kabatuwayaga, grandfather Ugwaboda,
-
-           Tubugu Kitava,   Bulumava'u Nawabudoga,
-        grandfather Kitava, new spirit Nawabudoga,
-
-              kaykapwapu       Mogilawota.
-        immediate predecessor  Mogilawota.
-
-     4  Kusilase     onikola,       bukwa'u'i kambu'a.
-     4  You sit  on canoe slips, you chew your areca-nut.
-
-     5  Kwawoyse        bisalena         Kaykudayuri
-     5  You take his pandanus streamer (of) Kaykudayuri
-
-          Kusaylase    odabana    Teula
-        you place (it) on top (of) Teula.
-
-     6    Basivila,     basivitake'i   Kitava miTo'uru,
-     6  I might turn, I might turn on Kitava your Touru,
-
-         mimilaveta   Pilolu.
-        your sea-arm  Pilolu.
-
-     7  Nagayne  isipukayse    girina       Kaykudayuri.
-     7  To-day  they kindle festive fire (of) Kaykudayuri.
-
-     8        Kumwam         dabem   Siyaygana, bukuyova.
-     8  Thou bind together thy skirt Siyaygana, thou fly.
-
-     9     Bakabima       kaykabila,     bakipatuma
-     9  I might clutch the adze handle, I might grip
-
-             yogwayogula
-        the component sticks.
-
-    10    Baterera    odabana   Kuyawa.
-    10  I might fly on top (of) Kuyawa.
-
-
-    B. TAPWANA (MAIN PART)
-
-    11    Odabana Kuyawa,     odabana Kuyawa   ...
-    11  On top (of) Kuyawa, on top (of) Kuyawa ...
-
-                                            (repeated several times)
-
-                bayokokoba          odabana Kuyawa;
-        I might become like smoke on top (of) Kuyawa;
-
-              bayowaysulu          odabana Kuyawa;
-        I might become invisible on top (of) Kuyawa;
-
-                bayovivilu'a, etc.;              bayomwaleta, etc.;
-        I might become as a wind eddy, etc. I might become alone, etc.;
-
-             bayokarige, etc.;           bayotamwa'u, etc;
-        I might become as dead, etc.  I might disappear, etc.;
-
-              bayogugwa'u, etc.;
-        I might become like mist, etc.
-
-    12  The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva
-        for Kuyawa.
-
-    13  The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La'u for
-        Kuyawa. After this, the u'ula is repeated, and then a
-        secondary tapwana follows.
-
-    14    Bakalatatava,       bakalatatava   ...
-    14  I might heel over, I might heel over ...
-
-                                            (repeated several times)
-
-        ula sibu    bakalatatava      ulo koumwali
-        my keel  I might heel over; my canoe gunwale
-
-           bakalatatava      uli sirota, etc.
-        I might heel over my canoe bottom, etc.
-
-        ulo katukulu, etc.; ulo gelu, etc.     ulo kaysuya, etc.
-           my prow, etc.;    my rib, etc.  my threading stick, etc.;
-
-         uli tabuyo, etc.;        uli lagim, etc.;      ulo kawaydala, etc.
-        my prow-board, etc.; my transverse board, etc.; my canoe side, etc.
-
-
-The u'ula is repeated again and the spell is closed by the dogina
-(concluding part).
-
-
-    C. DOGINA (CONCLUSION)
-
-    16       Wagam,      kousi,       wagam,      vivilu'a,
-    16  Canoe (thou art) ghost, canoe, (thou art) wind eddy,
-
-        kuyokarige  Siyaygana, bukuyova.
-        thou vanish Siyaygana, thou fly.
-
-    17   Kwarisasa    kamkarikeda   Kadimwatu;      kwaripwo
-    17  Thou pierce thy sea-passage Kadimwatu; thou break through
-
-        kabaluna Saramwa; kwabadibadi Loma.
-        nose his Saramwa;  thou meet  Loma.
-
-    18      Kuyokarige,        kuyotamwa'u,          kuyovivilu'a
-    18  Thou become as dead, thou disappear, thou become as a wind eddy,
-
-             kuyogugwa'u.
-        thou become like mist.
-
-    19    Kusola    kammayamaya,  kwotutine kamgulupeya;  kuna,
-    19  Thou mould the fine sand,  thou cut thy seaweed; thou go,
-
-          kugoguna    kambwoymatala.
-        thou put on thy butia wreath.
-
-
-We have here the native text, translated word for word, each expression
-and formative affix being rendered by its English equivalent. In
-obtaining such a verbatim translation and subsequently putting it into
-a free, intelligible English rendering, there are two main difficulties
-to be overcome. A considerable proportion of the words found in magic
-do not belong to ordinary speech, but are archaisms, mythical names and
-strange compounds, formed according to unusual linguistic rules. Thus
-the first task is to elucidate the obsolete expressions, the mythical
-references, and to find the present day equivalents of any archaic
-words. Even if we obtain a series of meanings corresponding to each
-term of the original text, there is often considerable difficulty
-in linking these meanings together. Magic is not built up in the
-narrative style; it does not serve to communicate ideas from one
-person to another; it does not purport to contain a consecutive,
-consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving special purposes,
-intended for the exercise of man's specific power over things, and
-its meaning, giving this word a wider sense, can be understood only
-in correlation to this aim. It will not be therefore a meaning of
-logically or topically concatenated ideas, but of expressions fitting
-into one another and into the whole, according to what could be called
-a magical order of thinking, or perhaps more correctly, a magical order
-of expressing, of launching words towards their aim. It is clear that
-this magical order of verbal concatenations--I am purposely avoiding
-the expression 'magical logic' for there is no logic in the case--must
-be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to understand the
-spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in 'reading'
-such documents, and only an acquaintance with a great number makes
-one more confident and more competent.
-
-
-
-
-III.
-
-In the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I tried to obtain
-from the magician the equivalents, word for word, of the more cryptic
-expressions. As a rule the magician himself knows a good deal more than
-anyone else about the mythical references, and about certain esoteric
-expressions contained in the spell. There are some unintelligent old
-men, unfortunately, who rattle off a formula, and who evidently never
-were interested about its significance or else forgot all about it,
-and are no good as commentators. Often a fairly good informant, quite
-capable of reciting a spell slowly and intelligibly, without losing his
-thread, will be of no use as linguistic informant, that is in helping
-to obtain a definition of a word, in assisting to break it up into its
-formative parts; in explaining which words belong to ordinary speech,
-which are dialectic, which are archaic, and which are purely magical
-compounds. I had only a few informants who could help me in this way,
-and among them the previously mentioned Motago'i was one of the best.
-
-The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an approximate
-manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar would have
-to be given first. It will be enough, however, to show in broad
-outline the main linguistic features of a spell, as well as the
-methods which have been used in constructing the free translation
-given in the previous chapters.
-
-The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the
-longer spells. The first part is called u'ula. This word means the
-'bottom part' of a tree or post, the 'foundation' of any structure,
-and in more figurative uses, it means 'reason,' 'cause,' or, again,
-'beginning.' It is in this last sense that the natives apply it
-to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a magical
-formula. The second part of the spell is called tapwana, literally:
-'surface,' 'skin,' 'body,' 'trunk,' 'middle part' of a tree, 'main
-part' of a road, and thus 'main part' of a spell or song. The word
-dogina, literally the 'tip' or 'end,' used for the 'tip' of a tree
-or the 'end' of a tail, is used to designate the 'final part' or the
-'conclusion' of a spell. Sometimes the word dabwana, 'top,' or 'head,'
-(not human head) is substituted for dogina. Thus the spell must be
-imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the basis, the u'ula,
-its main part where the middle trunk would be, and its end at the tip,
-the dogina.
-
-The opening words of the u'ula in this spell are short, cutting,
-pithy expressions, each standing for its own cycle of ideas, for
-a sentence or even a whole story. In this they are typical of the
-beginnings of Kiriwinian spells. They are also typical, in the great
-difficulty which they present to the interpreter. Out of the seven
-words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not belong to ordinary
-speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words bosisi'ula and
-bomwalela are made up first of the prefix bo-, which carries with it
-the meaning of 'tabooed,' 'belonging to magic,' and of the two roots
-sisiula and mwalela, neither of which is a complete word. The first
-is the root part of the word visisi'ula, which designates a custom
-associated with this magic. At certain times, in connection with the
-performance of the wayugo rite, the magician has fits of trembling
-and then he has to be given some baked fish, and after partaking of
-it his trembling fit passes. The natives say that he trembles like a
-bisila (pandanus streamer) and that this shows that his magic is good,
-since the trembling of the pandanus is a symbol of speed. Mwalela
-is derived from olumwalela which means 'inside.' With the prefix bo-
-the word can be translated 'the tabooed inside.'
-
-It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these
-two expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have
-an allusion to a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling
-which symbolises speed, and we have an expression 'tabooed inside.' The
-custom of eating fish after trembling has a magical importance. It adds
-to the efficiency of magic, as all such observances do. The force or
-merit of this observance, which, dissociated from the spell and the
-rite can have no direct effect, is made available by being mentioned
-in the formula; it is so to speak, magically discounted. This is the
-best way in which I can interpret the two words of ritual eating and
-of tabooed interior of the magician.
-
-The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The
-word papapa, 'flutter,' stands for a phrase: "let the canoe speed so
-that the pandanus leaves flutter." Of course the word expresses much
-more than this sentence, because it is intelligible only to those
-who are acquainted with the part played by the pandanus leaves
-in the decoration of canoes, with the native ideas about magical
-association between flutter and speed, and with the ritual use of
-pandanus streamers. Therefore the word has a meaning only if taken
-with the context of this formula, in connection with its aim, with the
-various associated ideas and customs. To the native, who knows all this
-and in whose mind the whole context rises, when he hears or repeats
-'papapa' the word quivers with magical force. The word silubida,
-an especial magical transformation of lilobida, stands for a certain
-variety of the betel pepper plant. The word monagakalava is again an
-elaborate compound carrying the meaning 'to leave behind.' The betel
-plant is a common magical ingredient, and in this spell, the ancestral
-spirits will presently be invited to chew betel-nut. 'Leaving behind'
-undoubtedly refers to the other canoes which will be outrun by that
-of the reciter. Both these words, therefore, can be placed without
-much difficulty into the context of this spell. It is quite clear,
-as has been said, that each of these expressions stands alone and
-represents a self-contained cycle of ideas. The two expressions of
-sentence 1 probably do belong to one another, but even they represent
-each one-half of a complex story.
-
-Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of
-whom are said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this
-magic. The words kwaysa'i, 'stormy sea,' and pulupolu, 'boiling up,'
-'foaming up,' suggest that the names are significant and therefore
-mythical. Nawabudoga, a Kitavan man, was father of the last-mentioned
-one, Mogilawota, a maternal relative of the present owner. We see here,
-therefore, a good case of 'magical filiation,' by which the present
-owner, a man of Sinaketa, is connected with the mythical district
-of Kitava.
-
-The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much clearer
-and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words. They
-are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the
-magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, 'the craft
-of the Kudayuri,' and to place the pandanus streamers on the top of
-Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech, expresses an
-invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip. It must be
-noted that, according to the present belief at least, the spirits are
-not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe at the behest
-of the magician, but as passive companions only. Sentence 6 contains
-a scornful address to his companions; the magician in prospect sees
-himself sailing ahead towards the mountains; as he turns round, the
-Kitava men, that is his companions, are far behind on the beach of
-To'uru, and the whole sea-arm of Pilolu still lies before them.
-
-In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling the
-fire by the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees himself
-carrying out this privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks always of
-his canoe under the name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical flying
-canoe of ancient times. In 8, the canoe is addressed as a flying
-witch, who is asked to bind her skirt together and to fly. In 9,
-the magician verbally retraces an incident from the original myth
-of Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe, and
-strikes it, whereupon the canoe flies.
-
-Thus the u'ula begins with archaic, condensed compounds each carrying
-a self-contained cycle of magical meaning. Then follows a list of
-forbears; then more explicit and, at the same time more dramatic
-sentences; an invocation to ancestral spirits, the anticipated victory
-in speed, the reconstructed mythical incident.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Let us pass now to the tapwana. This is always the longest part of a
-spell, since we have a whole list of words which have to be repeated
-with several key expressions, of which in the present case there are
-three. Moreover, the magician can ad libitum repeat the same words over
-and over again with a key word. He will not go in any fixed order over
-all the words of the list, but is allowed, in this part of the formula,
-to return and repeat with one key-word the various items of the list.
-
-It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which the
-magical formulæ are actually recited. The opening words are always
-intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not permanently
-fixed, but varies with the magician. The first words are repeated
-some several times. Thus here, kala bosisi'ula would be reiterated
-three or four times, and so would be the following two words (kala
-bomwalela). The words of No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously
-but not repeated. The list of ancestors is run over quickly and
-perfunctorily. The rest of the u'ula, its dramatic part so to speak,
-is spoken with less melody, more with the ordinary speaking voice
-and more rapidly.
-
-Then comes the last sentence of the u'ula, which in almost all
-spells links it up with the main part. This is always intoned slowly,
-solemnly and distinctly; the voice drops at the end by the interval of
-a tone. In the tapwana, the key word, or key expression, which forms
-always the concluding part of the u'ula, is taken up again. It is
-repeated several times, as if to fix or rub it well in. Then, dropping
-into a quick, continuous stream of utterance, the magician runs over
-one word of the list after the other. The key-word is inserted between
-each of them, said sometimes once, sometimes two or three times. It
-gives an effect as if the key-word were being rubbed in into every
-one of the other expressions. They as a rule spoken more slowly, mark
-the rhythm of this part. The reciting of the last part of a spell,
-the dogina or dabwana, is more perfunctory, usually it is rather
-spoken than chanted.
-
-After this digression, let us return to the analysis of our spell. It
-is a rule that the tapwana, the main part of a formula, is easier
-to translate, expressed in less archaic and less condensed terms,
-than the u'ula. The tapwana of this spell has quite easy key-words,
-both in its first and in its second part. In the first one (phrase
-11) the key-words are of mythical nature, referring to localities
-associated with the flying of one of the Kudayuri sisters. In the
-second tapwana, the key-word means: 'I might heel over' or 'I shall
-heel over,' that is with speed. And this expression stands here for:
-'I shall overtake,' and the list of words pronounced with this verb
-denotes the various parts of a canoe. The second part of the tapwana
-(phrase 14) is much more typical than the first, because the key word
-is a verb, whilst the list words are nouns. It is typical also, in
-that the verb expresses, in a simple and direct manner, the magical
-effect of the spell (the overtaking of the other canoes) whereas the
-sum of the words of the list gives the object of the spell, that is,
-the canoe. Such tapwana, in which the magical action is expressed as
-a verb, while in the list of words we have mentioned the various parts
-of a garden or of fishing nets, or weapons or parts of the human body,
-are to be found in all classes of magic.
-
-The first part of the tapwana (phrases 11, 12, and 13) is less
-typical, in so far that the verbs depicting various magical actions are
-relegated into the list, while the key-words are adverbial expressions
-of locality. The verbal links of the long chain express all and one
-in a metaphoric manner the speed of the canoe. 'I shall fly, I shall
-become like smoke, I shall become invisible, I shall become as a
-wind eddy, etc,' are all rather picturesque, concrete descriptions
-of surpassing speed. They present also a linguistic symmetry and
-singularity. The prefix ba- is the form of the future or potential
-tense, which I have literally translated 'might,' but which stands here
-for 'shall.' The formative prefix yo- is a causative, and stands for
-'become as' or 'become like.' Then follows the root: kokoba- 'smoke
-which trails in clouds above a burning garden.' Hence the expression
-bayokokoba, in its full concrete meaning, could be translated:
-'I shall become like clouds of trailing smoke.' Again, boyowaysula
-in its full meaning could be translated: 'I shall become invisible
-as distant spray.' The only abstract word in this list is tamwa'u,
-which literally means, 'to disappear.' So, in this tapwana, the list
-consists of a number of formally similar words, each expressing the
-same general meaning in a concrete metaphorical manner. The length
-of the whole tapwana (main body) of the spell can be imagined, since
-in the middle between its two sections the u'ula is recited once more.
-
-The last part of this spell, the dogina, contains an explicit
-allusion to the Kudayuri myth and to several geographic localities,
-which are mentioned in that myth. It also shows the usual crescendo,
-characteristic of the conclusions of a spell. The final results are
-anticipated in exaggerated, forceful language.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-So much about the wayugo spell. I shall adduce now another spell of
-a somewhat different type, belonging to the mwasila (Kula magic). It
-is distinctly a more modern formula; there are hardly any archaic
-expressions; words are not used, as independent sentences each;
-on the whole it is easily understandable and has a consecutive meaning.
-
-
-
-              RAYIKUNA SULUMWOYA (ALSO CALLED SUMGEYYATA)
-
-    A. U'ULA (INITIAL PART)
-
-     1  Avayta'u netata'i    sulumwoyala    Laba'i? Yaygu, Kwoyregu,
-     1    Who      cuts   the mint plant of Laba'i?   I,   Kwoyregu,
-
-             sogu      tamagu,   katata'i    sulumwoyala    Laba'i.
-        together with my father,  we cut  the mint plant of Laba'i.
-
-     2     Silimwaynunuva,      inunuva;     silimwayniku,
-     2  The roaring sulumwoya, it roars; the quaking sulumwoya
-
-          iniku;        silimwayyega,        iyega;
-        it quakes; the soughing sulumwoya, it soughs;
-
-            silimwaypolu,        ipolu.
-        the boiling sulumwoya, it boils.
-
-
-    B.--TAPWANA (MAIN PART)
-
-     3    Ipolu,    ipolu    ipolu   ...  agu  sulumwoya    ipolu;
-     3  It boils, it boils, it boils ...   my  mint plant it boils;
-
-        agu      vana,       ipolu;  agu     kena       ipolu;  agu
-         my herb ornaments, it boils  my lime spatula it boils;  my
-
-         yaguma    ipolu;  agu sinata   ipolu;  agu mo'i   ipolu;
-        lime pot it boils;  my  comb  it boils;  my mat  it boils;
-
-        agu        pari          ipolu;  agu   vataga     ipolu;
-         my presentation goods it boils;  my big basket it boils;
-
-        agu      kauyo        ipolu;  agu     lilava       ipolu.
-         my personal basket it boils;  my magical bundle it boils.
-
-         Dabagu   ipolu;  kabulugu   ipolu;  kaygadugu    ipolu;
-        my head it boils; my nose  it boils; my occiput it boils;
-
-         mayyegu    ipolu;    tabagu    ipolu;        kawagu
-        my tongue it boils; my larynx it boils; my speaking organ
-
-          ipolu;   wadogu    ipolu;  ula     woyla       ipolu.
-        it boils; my mouth it boils;  my Kula courting it boils.
-
-
-    C.--DOGINA (CONCLUSION)
-
-     5  Avaliwo     koya--       isikila         koya;
-     5   I kick the mountain--it tilts over, the mountain;
-
-          imwaliku       koya;       ikaywa'u       koya;
-        it subsides, the mountain; it opens up, the mountain;
-
-           isabwani      koya;        itakubile         koya;
-        it jubilates, the mountain it topples over, the mountain;
-
-         itakubilatala       koya.
-        it topples down, the mountain.
-
-     6  Avapwoyma                 dabana       Koyava'u; avapokayma
-     6  I breathe (a spell over) the head (of) Koyava'u;  I charm
-
-          lopoum        Siyaygana;          akulubeku  wagana
-        thy inside (of) Siyaygana  (canoe);  I drown  the waga
-
-        akulisonu   lumanena.
-        I submerge the lamina.
-
-     7  Gala  butugu,    butugu  pilapala; gala   valigu,
-     7  Not  my renown my renown  thunder; not  my treading,
-
-           valigu              lumwadudu            tudududu.
-        my treading noise made by flying witches(?) tudududu.
-
-
-The opening sentences of the formula are so clear that the translation
-word for word explains itself without any closer commentary, except of
-course as far as the names are concerned. Laba'i is a village in the
-North of Kiriwina, and it plays a considerable part in the mythology of
-the origin of man, since several of the principal sub-clans emerged
-there from underground. Laba'i is also the home of the mythical
-culture-hero Tudava. The mythology of the Kula, however, does not
-include Laba'i amongst the places, on which it touches. Perhaps this
-somewhat anomalous features of the formula may be connected with its
-obvious linguistic modernity? The other personal name mentioned in
-this spell is Kwoyregu, on which Layseta, who gave me this magic,
-commented in the following manner:
-
-
-    "A man, he lived in Laba'i, the master of the magic. It was not
-    this man who first knew the magic of Monikiniki. That magic was
-    partly found by Tokosikuna, partly in olden days in Sinaketa."
-
-
-In explaining this commentary it must be noted that the informant
-was a Sinaketan man, hence his local patriotism, for there is no
-definite, mythological version connecting the early practice of the
-mwasila with the village of Sinaketa. As we saw, Tokosikuna is indeed
-one of the mythical heroes with whose story the magic of mwasila
-is associated. Monikiniki is the name of one of the systems of the
-mwasila magic, which usually is said to come from a man of that name.
-
-Phrase 2 of this spell contains four couples, each consisting
-of a compound and a verb. The substantival compounds have all,
-according to the alliterative symmetry so dear to Kiriwinian magic,
-the prefix silimway-, derived from sulumwoya, the mint plant. Such
-play on words, especially on what is the leading word in a spell,
-as sulumwoya is here, shows that the purely phonetic handling of
-words must be associated with the idea or feeling of their inherent
-power. The keyword of the tapwana (phrase 3), has been translated,
-literally 'it boils.' Perhaps it might have been translated in its
-other slightly different meaning 'it foams.' Probably it has both
-meanings to the mind of the native reciter. I think that the use
-of a word fraught with two meanings at the same time is one of the
-characteristics of native language. In this spell, for instance, the
-word polu appears as one in a series of such verbs as 'to roar,' 'to
-quake,' 'to sough,' all carrying the meaning of 'noise,' 'commotion,'
-'stir,' a meaning which is in harmony with the magical effects to be
-produced by the mwasila magic. In this context the obvious translation
-of the word would be: 'to foam.' On the other hand, this spell is said
-over a piece of mint, which will be preserved in boiled coco-nut oil,
-and the double meaning here contained might be paraphrased in this
-manner: "as the oil of the sulumwoya boils, so may my renown (or the
-eagerness of my partner?) foam up." Thus the word polu would link up
-the meaning of the rite of boiling with the context of this spell. This
-explanation, however, has not been obtained from a native informant,
-though it is undoubtedly in keeping with the general type of current
-explanations. What I have called before the magical concatenation
-of magical ideas consists in just such connections of words and
-their meanings.
-
-The dogina (final part) contains one or two typical features. For
-instance, in phrase 4, the maternal uncle of the present reciter is
-asked to breathe the spell over the head of Monikiniki. In this,
-the present owner of the spell identifies his canoe with that of
-the mythical hero. In 5, 6 and 7, we have several grandiloquent
-expressions such as that referring to the commotion on the mountain;
-that comparing his renown to thunder, and his treading to the noise
-made by mulukwausi; and that describing how the waga will sink, through
-being overfilled with valuables. The last part would, as usual, be
-recited in a much more perfunctory and quick manner, giving it the
-effect of piling up words, one forceful phrase following another It
-ends with the onomatopoetic sound tudududu ... which stands for the
-roll of the thunder.
-
-
-
-
-VI
-
-The two specimens of magic here given in the original with a verbal
-translation, show how the linguistic analysis allows us a much
-deeper insight into the magical value of words, as it is felt by the
-natives. On the one hand, the various phonetic characteristics show
-the handling of words when these have to convey magical force. On the
-other hand, only an analysis word for word of the spells could give us
-a good insight into the frequently mentioned magical concatenation of
-ideas and verbal expressions. It is, however, impossible to adduce here
-all the spells in their full original version with linguistic comments,
-as this would lead us into a treatise on the language of magic. We may,
-however, quickly pass over some of the other spells and point out in
-them the salient features of magical expression, and thus amplify the
-results so far obtained by the detailed analysis of these two spells.
-
-Of course these two examples belong to the longer type consisting of
-three parts. Many of the spells previously quoted in free translation
-contain no main part, though it is possible to distinguish their u'ula
-(exordium) from their dogina (finale). The very first spell quoted
-in Chapter V, the formula of the Vabusi Tokway (the expulsion of
-the wood-sprite) is an anomalous one. It is an invocation, and it is
-not even chanted but has to be spoken in a low persuasive voice. It
-consists of two parts: in the first one the word kubusi ('thou comest
-down') used as an imperative, 'come down!' is repeated with all sorts
-of descriptions and circumscriptions of the woodsprites. In the second
-part, several sentences are repeated to make the wood-sprite feel
-that he has been chased away. Both the keyword of the first part,
-kubusi, and the sentences of the second part have a direct force of
-their own. It must be realised that, for the natives, it is a great
-insult to be told to go away. Yoba, the 'expulsion,' the 'command to
-go,' stands in a category of its own. People are yoba'd, expelled from
-communities in certain circumstances, and a man would never dream of
-remaining, when thus treated. Therefore the words in this spell possess
-a force due to social sanctions of native custom. The next spell,
-given in Chapter VI, the Kaymomwa'u, is also anomalous for it consists
-of one part only. The word kubusi, 'come down' is also repeated here,
-with various words designating defilements and broken taboos. These
-qualities are, however, not thought of as personified beings. The force
-of the word is probably also derived from the ideas about the yoba.
-
-The second spell, which is a pendant to the Kaymomwa'u, the
-Kaygagabile, or spell of lightness, begins with a typical u'ula:--
-
-
-        Susuwayliguwa (repeated);     Titavaguwa (repeated);
-          He fails to outrun me;  the canoe trembles with speed;
-
-         mabuguwa (repeated) mabugu,   mabugamugwa;  mabugu,
-            magical word;    mabugu, mabugu-ancient; mabugu,
-
-        mabuguva'u.
-        mabugu-new.
-
-
-The first two words are compounds with prefixes and suffixes added for
-magical purposes, as a sort of magical trimming. The untranslatable
-word, said by the natives to be megwa wala ('just magic') is repeated
-several times in symmetry with the previous two words and then with
-the two suffixes; ancient and new. Such repetitions with prefixes
-or suffixes of antithetic meaning are a frequent feature of magical
-trimming of words. This exordium affords a clear example of the magical
-play on words, of transformations for the sake of rhythm and symmetry;
-of repetitions of the same words with antithetic affixes. In the
-following part of the spell, the word ka'i (tree) is repeated with
-verbs:--'the tree flies' etc., and it functions as a key-word. It is
-difficult to decide whether this part is a true tapwana or only one
-of the not infrequent examples of an u'ula with a keyword.
-
-Let us survey a few more of the u'ula (first parts) of the canoe
-spells, and then proceed to the examination of the middle parts and
-ends. In the next spell of Chapter VI, the Kapitunena Duku spell,
-the word bavisivisi, 'I shall wave them back,' (that is; the other
-canoes), is repeated ponderously several times. The opening of a
-spell with one word, which summarises in a metaphorical manner the
-aim of the spell is often found in Kiriwinian magic. In this spell
-there follow the words:--
-
-
-       Sîyá        dábanâ Tókunâ   ínenâ.     Sinegu   bwaga'u,
-    Siya hill (on) top of Takuna the women. My mother sorcerer,
-
-    tatogu  bwaga'u.
-    myself sorcerer.
-
-
-These words are pronounced with a heavy, thumping rhythm, as indicated
-by the sharp and circumflex accents. The second line shows a rhythmic
-and symmetrical arrangement of words. The remainder of the u'ula of
-this spell is similar to the same part in the wayugo spell, which has
-been given here in full native text (compare the free translations
-of both spells in previous Chapters).
-
-In the ligogu spell of the same Chapter, the u'ula opens with another
-juggling of words:--
-
-
-    virayra'i (repeated); morayra'i (repeated);     basilabusi
-       female rayra'i;        male rayra'i;     I shall penetrate
-
-         Wayayla,  basilalaguwa       Oyanaki;  basilalaguwa
-    (at) Wayayla, I shall emerge (at) Oyanaki; I shall emerge
-
-         Wayayla,     basilabusi    Oyanaki;
-    (at) Wayayla, I shall penetrate Oyanaki;
-
-
-This part of the u'ula has not been translated in the text, as its
-meaning is 'magical' and can be better grasped in connection with the
-native text. The word rayra'i is a magical word only. It is first given
-with the antithetic opposition of the male and female prefixes vi-
-and mo-. The following phrase is a typical example of a geographical
-antithesis. The two names refer to the promontories facing one other
-across the sea passage Kaulokoki, between Boyowa and Kayleula. Why
-those two points are mentioned I could not find out.
-
-In the kadumiyala spell, given in Chapter IX, we have the following
-opening:--
-
-
-    Vinapega, pega; vinamwana, mwana;
-    nam mayouyai, makariyouya'i, odabwana;
-    nam mayouya'i, makariyouya'i, o'u'ula.
-
-
-In the first line, we have the symmetrically uttered and prefixed names
-of the two flying or jumping fishes, pega and mwana. The prefix vina-
-is probably the female prefix and may convey the meaning of flying's
-being associated with women, that is with the flying witches. The
-second and third verse contain a play on the root yova or yo'u
-'to fly,' reduplicated and with several affixes added. These two
-verses are brought into a sort of antithesis by the last two words,
-odabwana and o'u'ula, or 'at the top,' and 'at the bottom,' or here,
-probably, at the one end of the canoe and at the other.
-
-In the Bisila spell, given in the same chapter, we have the
-beginning:--
-
-
-    Bora'i, bora'i, borayyova, biyova;
-    Bora'i, bora'i, borayteta, biteta.
-
-
-The word bora'i seems to be again a purely magical one. The prefix bo-
-carries the meaning of tabooed, or ritual; the root ra'i suggests
-similarity with the above quoted magical word rayra'i, which is
-obviously merely a reduplicated form of ra'i. This is therefore a
-rhythmically constructed play on the magical root ra'i, and the words
-yova, 'to fly,' and teta, 'to be poised,' 'to soar.'
-
-The Kayikuna veva spell presents the following rhythmic and symmetrical
-exordium:--
-
-
-    Bosuyasuya (repeated); boraguragu (repeated).
-    Bosuya olumwalela; boyragu akatalena.
-
-
-The exact meaning of the two words is not quite clear, except that they
-represent magical influences. Their arrangement and the antithesis
-of olumwalela ('middle part,' 'inside'), and katalena ('body' or
-'outside') is in keeping with the features observed in the other
-beginnings here quoted.
-
-
-
-
-VII
-
-The tapwana (main parts) of the spells, though they take a much
-longer time in reciting, are simpler in construction. Many spells,
-moreover have no middle part at all. The first regular tapwana we find
-in our spells is that in the Kapitunena Duku. There, we have a series
-of key-words recited with a list of complimentary expressions. The
-key-words are verbs, spoken in the form:--
-
-
-                  mata'i, matake'i, meyova, etc.
-                    cut,   cut at,   fly, etc.
-
-
-These verbs are used in this spell with the prefix ma- or me-, which
-represents the tense of indefinite duration. This prefix, although, as
-far as I know, found in several Melanesian languages in full vigour,
-has in Kiriwina a distinctly archaic flavour, and is only used in
-certain locutions and in magic. Some of the verbs used in this spell
-are metaphorical in their meaning, describing the speed of the canoe
-in a figurative manner. The list of the complimentary words repeated
-with the key-words contains the enumeration of the different parts of
-the canoe. It is typical that the key-words are in their form archaic
-and in their meaning figurative while the complimentary terms are
-just ordinary words of everyday speech.
-
-Another regular tapwana has been given in the Kadumiyala spell in
-Chapter IX, where the only key-word, napuwoye, has been translated:
-'I impart speed magically.' The prefix na- is that of the definite
-tense. The formative pu- I was unable to translate, while the root
-woye means literally 'to beat' and in a somewhat more remote sense,
-'to impart magic.' In the Kayikuna veva spell, the pair bwoytalo'i,
-bosuyare, meaning 'paint red in a ritual manner,' and 'wreathe in
-a ritual manner,' are given formal resemblance by the alliterative
-prefix bo-, which carries with it the meaning of 'ritual.'
-
-We see that the number of the tapwana is smaller, since only three
-spells out of seven have got it. In form, the tapwana are simpler
-than the u'ula, and an examination of a greater number of key-words
-would show that they also express directly or figuratively the
-magical action or its effect. Thus, here we had a verb denoting the
-imparting of magic, that is the direct expression of the action;
-then two words figuratively expressing it, and the series of verbal
-key-words enumerating the effects of the magic, such as flying,
-speed, etc. In other canoe spells, not given in this book, there
-could be found similar types of key-words such as: 'the canoe flies';
-'the buriwada fish is poised on a wave'; 'the reef-heron wades';
-'the reef-heron skirts the beach...' all of them expressing the aim
-of the spell in accordance with the magical trend of thought.
-
-
-
-
-VIII
-
-From the linguistic point of view, the final parts of the spells, the
-dogina, present, as a rule, fewer remarkable features. Phonetically
-the most outstanding trait is the purely onomatopoetic sound complexes,
-such as sididi or saidididi, or the three words sididi, tatata, numsa,
-found in the Kadumiyala spell. From the point of view of meaning,
-there are in some of the dogina interesting metaphorical turns of
-speech, such as the descriptions of time in the Kaygagabile spell,
-where the difference in speed between the magician and his companions
-is expressed by allusions to the morning and evening sun, couched in
-figurative speech. Some mythical allusions also find their way into the
-dogina. These parts of a spell are undoubtedly the least important in
-the natives' eyes; very often the same dogina is used with a number
-of formulæ belonging to the one cycle, as we have noticed. Other
-spells have no dogina at all, for instance, that of Kapitunena Duku,
-where the onomatopoetic sound sidididi stands for the whole dogina. As
-said above, the manner of reciting these parts is more perfunctory,
-with fewer melodic modulations and phonetic peculiarities.
-
-
-
-
-IX
-
-I have given so far a short linguistic survey of the canoe spells,
-dealing first with their initial parts, u'ula, then with their main
-parts, tapwana, and lastly saying a few words about the dogina. In a
-still more summary manner, I shall give a short survey of the mwasila
-(Kula magic) spells, quoted or mentioned in this book, beginning with
-the u'ula.
-
-In the Yawarapu spell (Chapter VII) we have the beginning:--
-
-
-    Bu'a, bu'a, bovinaygau, vinaygu;
-    bu'a, bu'a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu ...
-
-
-Here the word bu'a (areca-nut) is repeated and used as a prefix bo-,
-with the antithetic roots -vinay- (female), and -mwanay- (male)
-and with the suffix -gu (first possessive pronoun).
-
-The Kaymwaloyo (Chapter VII) begins:--
-
-
-    Gala bu'a, gala doga, gala mwayye ...
-
-
-This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the play on the
-root mwase, described above in the free translation of this spell.
-
-Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, strongly marked
-accent is to be found in the Kaykakaya spell (Chapter XIII):
-
-
-    Kaýtutúna íyanâ, márabwága iyanâ ...
-
-
-Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative prefixing of a
-particle and with antithetic uses of word couples are to be found in
-several other spells.
-
-The Talo formula (Chapter XIII):
-
-
-    Talo, talo'udawada, udawada
-    Talo, talomwaylili, mwaylili ...
-
-
-The Ta'uya spell (Chapter XIII):
-
-
-    Mwanita, monimwanita;
-    Deriwa, baderideriwa;
-    Derima, baderiderima ...
-
-
-The Ka'ubana'i spell (Chapter XIII):
-
-
-    Mose'una Nikiniki,
-    Moga'ina Nikiniki ...
-
-
-The Kwoygapani spell (Chapter XIV):
-
-
-    Kwega, kweganubwa'i, nubwa'i;
-    Kwega, kweganuwa'i, nuwa'i;
-    Kwega, kweganuma'i, numa'i ...
-
-
-I have written them down here without full comment, to show their
-formal phonetic characteristics, which are indeed in all essentials
-quite similar to the samples previously quoted and analysed.
-
-
-
-
-X
-
-The main parts of the spells in the magic of the Kula do not
-essentially differ in their characteristics from the tapwana of the
-canoe magic. In their form, some key-words are simply verbs used
-without any transformation in their narrative tense. Thus in the
-Talo (red paint) formula, the pair of verbs ikata ('it flares up'),
-inamila ('it flashes') is used with various nouns describing parts
-of the human head. The key-words of the Kayikuna Tabuyo (Chapter
-XIII) are also grammatically simple: buribwari, kuvakaku kuvakipusa
-('fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it')--the verbs being in the
-second person of the narrative tense.
-
-In other cases we find the key-word transformed by reduplication,
-composition or by affixes. In the Yawarapu spell (Chapter VII)
-the pair boraytupa, badederuma repeated as key expressions is a
-compound which I did not succeed in analysing completely, though the
-consensus of my informants makes me satisfied with the approximate
-translation:--'Quick sailing, abundant haul.' In the Gebobo spell
-(Chapter VII) the expression tutube tubeyama is a play on the root
-tubwo used as a rule verbally and meaning 'to be full in the face,'
-'to be fine looking.' In the Ta'uya spell (Chapter XIII) there is the
-reduplication munumweynise of the root mwana or mwayna expressing
-the 'itching' or 'state of excitement.' In the ka'ubanai the first
-key-expression ida dabara is an archaic or dialectical couple (the root
-is dabara, and ida is only a phonetic addition), which signifies 'to
-ebb.' The other key-expressions 'ka'ukwa yaruyaru,' 'ka'ukwa mwasara,'
-'ka'ukwa mwasara baremwasemwasara' have all the verbal part irregularly
-reduplicated and in the last expression repeated and transformed. The
-last formula of the mwasila (Kula magic) given in Chapter XIV, has a
-pair of expressions used as key-phrase: 'kwoygapani, pani; kwoyga'ulu,
-ulu.' The word kwega, a variety of betel plant, is used in a modified
-form as a prefix and compounded with the verbal roots pani (seduce)
-and ulu (enmesh).
-
-As to the final parts of this class of spell, I have said before
-that it is much less variable than the initial and main parts of a
-formula. Within the same cycle or system, the dogina often varies
-little and a man will often use the same one with all his spells. The
-sample given with the sulumwoya text will therefore be sufficient to
-show the various characteristics of this part of the mwasila spell,
-and there is no need to say anything more about it.
-
-
-
-
-XI
-
-A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters of the kayga'u spells
-(Chapter XI) must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to
-their tapwana. The word gwa'u or ga'u means 'mist' or 'fog'; verbally
-used with the meaning 'to make mist' 'to befog,' it has always the
-form ga'u. In the main parts of some of the formulæ of this class,
-this phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound
-effect. For example in the giyorokaywa spell No. 1, the key-words
-are aga'u ('I befog'), aga'usulu ('I befog, lead astray'); aga'uboda
-('I befog, shut off'). Spoken, at the beginning of the tapwana slowly
-and sonorously, and then quickly and insistently these words produce
-a really 'magical' effect--that is as far as the hearers' subjective
-impressions are concerned. Even more impressive and onomatopoetic is
-the phrase used as key-expression in the Giyotanawa No. 2:
-
-
-    Ga'u, yaga'u, yagaga'u, yaga'u, bode, bodegu!
-
-
-This sentence, giving the vowels a full Italian value, such as
-they receive in the Melanesian pronunciation, does certainly have an
-impressive ring; fittingly enough, because this is the dramatic spell,
-uttered into the wind in the sinking waga, the final effort of magic
-to blind and mislead the mulukwausi. The causative prefix ya- is
-used here with a nominal expression yaga'u which has been translated
-'gathering mist'; the reduplicated one yagaga'u I have rendered by
-'encircling mist.' It can be seen from this example how feebly the
-equivalents can be given of the magical phrases in which so much is
-expressed by phonetic or onomatopoetic means.
-
-The other spells have much less inspired key-words. Giyotanawa No. 1
-uses the word atumboda, translated 'I press,' 'I close down,' which
-literally renders the meanings of the verbs tum, 'to press,' and boda,
-'to close.' The Giyorokaywa No. 2 has the somewhat archaic key-words
-spoken in a couple: 'apeyra yauredi,' 'I arise,' 'I escape' and the
-grammatically irregular expression suluya, 'to lead astray.'
-
-The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevolent fish
-is summoned to the rescue of the drowning party has the key-phrase
-'bigabaygu suyusayu: the suyusayu fish shall lift me up.' This
-expression is noteworthy: even in this spell, which might be regarded
-as an invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the
-second person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the
-spell is to act through the direct force of the words and not as an
-appeal to the animal.
-
-
-
-
-XII
-
-With this, the survey of linguistic samples from various spells is
-closed, and we can briefly summarise our results. The belief in
-the efficiency of a formula results in various peculiarities of
-the language in which it is couched, both as regards meaning and
-sound. The native is deeply convinced of this mysterious, intrinsic
-power of certain words; words which are believed to have their virtue
-in their own right, so to speak; having come into existence from
-primeval times and exercising their influence directly.
-
-To start first with the meaning of the magical expressions, we have
-seen that in this respect they are plain and direct enough. Most of
-the key-words simply state the magical action, for example when in
-one of the spells the key-word napuwoye, 'I impart magical virtue (of
-speed),' or in another the key-words 'to paint red in a festive manner,
-to wreathe in a festive manner,' simply describe what the magician is
-doing. Much more often the principal expressions, that is the initial
-words and the key-words, of a spell refer to its aim, as for instance,
-when we find words and phrases denoting 'speed' in canoe magic; or, in
-Kula magic, designations for 'success' 'abundant haul,' 'excitement,'
-'beauty.' Still more often the aim of magic is stated in a metaphorical
-manner, by similes and double meanings. In other parts of the spell,
-where the magical meaning is imprisoned not so much in single words and
-expressions, as in explicit phraseology and long periods, we found that
-the predominant features are: lists of ancestral names; invocations of
-ancestral spirits; mythological allusions; similes and exaggerations;
-depreciating contrasts between the companions and the reciter--most
-of them expressing an anticipation of the favourable results aimed at
-in the spell. Again, certain parts of the spell contain systematic,
-meticulous enumerations, the reciter going over the parts of a canoe
-one by one; the successive stages of a journey; the various Kula goods
-and valuables; the parts of the human head; the numerous places from
-which the flying witches are believed to come. Such enumerations as
-a rule strive at an almost pedantic completeness.
-
-Passing to the phonetic characteristics, we saw that a word will often
-be used in a shape quite different from those in which it is used
-in ordinary speech; that it will show notable changes in form and
-sound. Such phonetic peculiarities are most conspicuous in the main
-words, that is in the key-words and initial words. They are sometimes
-truncated, more often provided with additions, such as symmetrical or
-antithetic affixes; formatives added for the sake of sound. By these
-means there are produced effects of rhythm, alliteration and rhyme,
-often heightened and accentuated by actual vocal accent. We found play
-on words by symmetrical couples of sounds, with antithetic meaning
-like mo- and vi-, or mwana- and vina-, both couples signifying 'male'
-and 'female' respectively; or -mugwa (ancient) and -va'u (new); or ma-
-(hither) and wa- (thither), etc., etc. Especially we found the prefix
-bo-, carrying the meaning of ritual or tabooed, with derivation from
-bomala; or with the meaning 'red,' 'festive' in its derivation from
-bu'a (areca-nut); onomatopoetic sounds such as sididi or saydidi,
-tatata, numsa, in imitation of speed noises, of the wailing of wind,
-rustling of sail, swish of pandanus leaves; tududu, in imitation of
-the thunder claps; and the rhythmical, expressive, though perhaps
-not directly onomatopoetic, sentence:
-
-
-    Ga'u, yaga'u, yagaga'u, yaga'u, bode, bodegu.
-
-
-
-
-XIII
-
-If we now turn to the substances used in the magical rites, as means
-of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe magic, dried
-lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all used in
-the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry away
-the heaviness of the canoe; although on another occasion heaviness
-is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or
-three shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their
-skin after bathing, are used for magical cleansing of a canoe body,
-and a stick and a torch serve in other rites of exorcism. In the
-rite associated with the blackening of a canoe, charred remains of
-several light substances such as lalang grass, the nest of a small,
-swift bird, the wings of a bat, coco-nut husk and the twigs of an
-extremely light mimosa tree are employed.
-
-It is easy to see that, not less than the words, the substances here
-used are associated with the aim of the magic, that is, with lightness,
-with swiftness and with flying.
-
-In the magic of the Kula we find betel-nut, crushed with lime in
-a mortar, used to redden the tip of the canoe. Betel-nut is also
-given to a partner, after it has been charmed over with a seducing
-spell. Aromatic mint, boiled in coco-nut oil and ginger root are also
-used in the mwasila. The conch-shell, and the cosmetic ingredients,
-charmed over on Sarubwoyna beach are really part of the outfit,
-and so is the lilava bundle. All the substances used in this magic
-are associated either with beauty and attractiveness (betel-nut,
-cosmetics, the mint plant) or with excitement (conch-shell, chewed
-betel-nut). Here therefore, it is not with the final aim--which is
-the obtaining of valuables--that the magic is concerned, but with the
-intermediate one, that is that of being agreeable to one's partner,
-of putting him into a state of excitement about the Kula.
-
-
-
-
-XIV
-
-I wish to close this chapter by adducing a few texts of native
-information. In the previous chapters, several statements and
-narratives have been put into the natives' mouths and given in
-quotations. I wish now to show some of the actual linguistic data
-from which such quotations have been derived. Numerous utterances
-of the natives were taken down by me as they were spoken. Whenever
-there was a native expression covering a point of crucial importance,
-or a characteristic thought, or one neatly formulated, or else one
-especially hazy and opalescent in meaning--I noted them down in quick
-handwriting as they were spoken. A number of such texts, apart from
-their linguistic importance, will serve as documents embodying the
-native ideas without any foreign admixture, and it will also show
-the long way which lies between the crude native statement and its
-explicit, ethnographic presentation. For what strikes us at first
-sight most forcibly in these texts is their extreme bareness, the
-scantiness of information which they appear to contain. Couched in
-a condensed, disjointed, one might say telegraphic style, they seem
-to lack almost everything which could throw light on the subject of
-our study. For they lack concatenation of ideas, and they contain
-few concrete details, and few really apt generalisations. It must be
-remembered, however, that, whatever might be the importance of such
-texts, they are not the only source of ethnographic information,
-not even the most important one. The observer has to read them
-in the context of tribal life. Many of the customs of behaviour,
-of the sociological data, which are barely mentioned in the texts,
-have become familiar to the Ethnographer through personal observation
-and the direct study of the objective manifestations and of data
-referring to their social constitution (compare the observations on
-Method in the Introduction). On the other hand, a better knowledge of
-and acquaintance with the means of linguistic expression makes the
-language itself much more significant to one who not only knows how
-it is used but uses it himself. After all, if natives could furnish
-us with correct, explicit and consistent accounts of their tribal
-organisation, customs and ideas, there would be no difficulty in
-ethnographic work. Unfortunately, the native can neither get outside
-his tribal atmospheres and see it objectively, nor if he could, would
-he have intellectual and linguistic means sufficient to express it. And
-so the Ethnographer has to collect objective data, such as maps,
-plans, genealogies, lists of possessions, accounts of inheritance,
-censuses of village communities. He has to study the behaviour of the
-native, to talk with him under all sorts of conditions, and to write
-down his words. And then, from all these diverse data, to construct
-his synthesis, the picture of a community and of the individuals
-in it. But I have dwelt on these aspects of method already in the
-Introduction and here I want only to exemplify them with regard to
-the linguistic material directly representing some of the natives'
-thoughts on ethnographic subjects.
-
-
-
-
-XV
-
-I shall give here first a text on the subject of the priority in
-sailing, which as described in Chapter IX, is the privilege of
-a certain sub-clan in Sinaketa. I was discussing with a very good
-informant, Toybayoba of Sinaketa, the customs of launching the canoes,
-and I tried, as usually, to keep my interlocutor as much as possible to
-concrete details and to the stating of the full sequence of events. In
-his account he uttered this sentence:
-
-
-    "The Tolabwaga launch their canoe first; by this the face of the
-    sea is cleared."
-
-
-I thereupon perceived that a new subject had been brought within my
-notice, and I headed my informant on to it, and obtained the following
-text, sentence after sentence:--
-
-
-
-         THE TOLABWAGA SUB-CLAN AND THEIR SEA-FARING PRIVILEGES
-
-     1       Bikugwo,                ikapusi               siwaga
-     1  He might be first he fall down (it is launched) their canoe
-
-        Tolabwaga,   boge     bimilakatile   bwarita.
-        Tolabwaga, already he might be clear   sea.
-
-     2    Igau   kumaydona gweguya,  tokay      siwaga
-     2  Later on    all    chiefs,  commoner their canoe
-
-                  ikapusisi           oluvyeki.
-        they fall down (are launched)  behind.
-
-     3    Kidama     takapusi     takugwo          bitavilidasi
-     3  Supposing we fall down, we are first they might turn (on) us
-
-        baloma;     bitana   Dobu, gala  tabani bunukwa  soulava.
-        spirits; we might go Dobu,  no  we find   pig   necklace.
-
-     4  Makawala     yuwayoulo:           bikugwo          isipusi
-     4   Alike   (lashing creeper) he (it) might be first they bind
-
-              siwayugo,        iga'u   yakidasi.
-        their wayugo lashing, later on ourselves.
-
-     5  Takeulo Dobu, gala      bikugwasi      Tolabwaga;
-     5  We sail Dobu,  no  they might be first Tolabwaga;
-
-         okovalawa     boge    aywokwo.
-        on sea front already he was over.
-
-     6  Obwarita  tananamse   kayne  isakauli     taytala
-     6   In sea  we consider whether  he run  one (masculine)
-
-         lawaga,     ikugwo.
-        his canoe, he is first.
-
-     7  Gala   bikaraywagasi      patile.
-     7   No  they might command canoe fleet.
-
-     8  Dobu, gweguya      bikugwasi,             biwayse
-     8  Dobu,  chiefs they might be first, they might come there
-
-         kaypatile  gweguya.
-        canoe fleet chiefs.
-
-     9  M'tage Tolabwaga   boge      aywokwo       sikaraywaga
-     9  Indeed Tolabwaga already he (it) was over their command
-
-           ovalu.
-        in village.
-
-
-The Tolabwaga sub-clan belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and live at
-present in Kasi'etana. Only one man and two women are surviving.
-
-
-    10     Simwasila        siwaga   migavala,  vivila   boge
-    10  Their Kula magic their canoe magic his, woman  already
-
-         iyousayse.
-        they grasp.
-
-    11        "Datukwasi        boge   kasakaymi  megwa kwaraywagasi
-    11  "Our magical property already we give you magic you command
-
-        agayle!"
-        to-day!"
-
-
-Thus would they say on handing their magic to their male descendants.
-
-
-
-                        INFORMANT'S COMMENTARY.
-
-Commenting on verse 3, the expression, 'bitalividasi baloma,' my
-informant said:
-
-
-              'Bitavilida':          bilivalasi   baloma "Avaka
-        'They might turn (on) us': they might say spirit "What
-
-        pela gala    ikugwo   Tolabwaga,   kukugwasi   gumgweguya;
-        for   no  he is first Tolabwaga, you are first sub-chiefs;
-
-            kayuviyuvisa    Tolabwaga!"
-        sweepers of the sea Tolabwaga!"
-
-    13  Tavagi gaga igiburuwasi,    ninasi    igaga, pela
-    13  We do  bad   they angry  mind theirs' he bad for
-
-            magisi      balayamata   tokunabogwo     aygura.
-        desire theirs we might watch   long ago  he has decreed.
-
-
-The verbal translation renders word for word the individual meaning
-of every particle and root, according to a definite grammatical and
-lexicographical scheme which has been adopted for this text in common
-with a few hundred more. In this place, I cannot give the commentary
-and justification of the linguistic details, which will be fairly
-obvious to a Melanesian scholar, who might, however, find some new
-and even controversial features in my translation. To other readers,
-these details are of small interest. I have not included in this
-translation any distinction between the inclusive and exclusive first
-person, dual and plural. Of the two tenses which are to be found in
-this text, the narrative one is translated by the English verb in
-infinitive, the potential, by the addition of the word 'might.' In
-brackets underneath, the special meaning of a word in its context is
-indicated, or some comments are added.
-
-The free translation of the text must now be given:--
-
-
-                           FREE TRANSLATION.
-
-1 The Tolabwaga canoe would be launched first; by this the face of
-the sea is cleared.
-
-2 Afterwards, all the chiefs', the commoners' canoes are launched.
-
-3 If we would launch our canoes first, the spirits (of ancestors)
-would be angry with us; we would go to Dobu and we would receive no
-pigs, no necklaces.
-
-4 It is likewise with the lashing of the canoe: first, the Tolabwaga
-would bind the lashing creeper and afterwards ourselves.
-
-5 On our journey to Dobu, the Tolabwaga would not sail ahead, for
-their priority ends on the beach of Sinaketa.
-
-6 On the sea it is according to our wish, and if one man's canoe runs
-fast, he would be first.
-
-7 They (the Tolabwaga) do not wield the command of the canoe fleet.
-
-8 In Dobu, the chiefs would be first; the chiefs would arrive there
-at the head of the fleet.
-
-9 But the supremacy of the Tolabwaga ends here already, in the village.
-
-10 The Kula magic, the magic of the canoe, belonging to the Tolabwaga
-clan has passed already into the hands of their womenfolk.
-
-11 (These would say speaking to their male children): -- "We shall
-give you the magic, the magical inheritance, you rule henceforward."
-
-12 When the spirits become angry, they would tell us:-- "Why are
-the Tolabwaga not first and you minor chiefs are ahead? Are not the
-Tolabwaga cleaners of the sea?"
-
-13 When we do wrong, they (the spirits) are angry, their minds are
-malevolent, for they desire that we should keep to the old customs.
-
-
-
-
-XVI
-
-Comparing the free translation with the literal one, it is easy
-to see that certain additions have been made, sentences have been
-subordinated and co-ordinated by various English conjunctions which are
-either completely absent from the native text, or else represented by
-such very vague particles as boge (already), and m'tage (indeed). On
-these linguistic questions I cannot enlarge here, but it will be
-good to go over each sentence in succession, and to show how much
-it was necessary to add from the general store of sociological and
-ethnographic knowledge, in order to make it intelligible.
-
-1. The meaning of the word 'fall down' is specialised here by the
-context, and I translated it by 'launch.' The particle boge had to
-be translated here by 'by this.' The words about the 'clearing of the
-sea' suggested at once to me that there was a special ancient custom
-in question. Then there is the name of the sub-clan Tolabwaga. In
-order to understand the full meaning of this phrase, it is necessary
-to realise that this name stands for a sub-clan; and then one has
-to be well acquainted with native sociology, in order to grasp what
-such a privilege, vested in a sub-clan, might mean. Thus, a word like
-this can in the first place be understood only in the context of its
-phrase, and on the basis of a certain linguistic knowledge. But its
-fuller meaning becomes intelligible only in the context of the native
-life and of native sociology. Again the expression referring to the
-clearing of the sea required a further comment, for which I asked my
-informant, and was answered by Phrase 3.
-
-2. In this phrase the expressions 'chiefs,' 'commoners' etc., are
-fully intelligible only to one, who has a definition of these words
-in terms of native sociology. Indeed, only the knowledge of the
-usual supremacy of the chiefs allows one to gauge their importance
-and the survival character of this custom, by which this importance
-is diminished for a time.
-
-3. Here, we have the explanation of the obscure clause in phrase 1,
-'A clear sea' means the good temper of the spirits which again means
-good luck. The question as to whether the spirits are to be imagined
-as actively interfering or helping still remained open. I asked for
-a further elucidation, which was given to me in the text of Phrases
-12 and 13.
-
-4. This contains a condensed reference to the stages of ship-building,
-previous to launching. This, of course, to be understood, pre-supposes
-a knowledge of these various activities.
-
-5 to 9. The limitations of the powers of the Tolabwaga sub-clan are
-outlined, giving interesting side-lights on the rôle played by females
-as repositories of family (sub-clan) traditions. Needless to say, this
-statement would be entirely meaningless without the knowledge of the
-natives' matrilineal institutions, of their customs of inheritance
-and of property in magic. The correct knowledge of these facts can
-only be gathered by a collection of objective, ethnographic documents,
-such as concrete data about cases of actual inheritance, etc.
-
-12 and 13. Here it is explained how far the baloma would become angry
-and how they would act if a custom were broken. It can be distinctly
-seen from it that the anger of the spirits is only a phrase, covering
-all these forces which keep the natives to the observance of old
-customs. The baloma would go no further than to reproach them for
-breaking the old rules, and there are no definite ideas among these
-natives about actual punishment being meted out by offended spirits.
-
-These considerations show convincingly that no linguistic analysis can
-disclose the full meaning of a text without the help of an adequate
-knowledge of the sociology, of the customs and of the beliefs,
-current in a given society.
-
-
-
-
-XVII
-
-Another sample of a native text may be given here, as it is of especial
-interest, in that it throws light upon the previously given magical
-formula of the wayugo. It is the text I obtained trying to find the
-meaning of the word bosisi'ula, which figures at the beginning of
-the above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa,
-the word visisi'una refers to the belief already described, that
-the owner of a wayugo charm is liable to fits of trembling, during
-which he trembles as a bisila (pandanus) streamer trembles in the
-wind. He then should ritually eat some baked fish, and this is called
-visisi'una. Such a man would then ask somebody of his household:--
-
-
-    "Kugabu, kumaye, avisisi'una."
-    "Thou bake, thou bring, I ritually eat."
-
-
-Or someone else would urge his wife or daughter:--
-
-
-    "Kugabu, kumaye, ivisisi'una."
-    "Thou bake, thou bring, he eats ritually."
-
-
-Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said:--
-
-
-    "Ivisisi'una -- bigabu, tomwaya ikam."
-    "Ivisisi'una -- he bake, old man he eat."
-
-
-The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term,
-which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an
-appropriate English expression.
-
-
-                     EXPLANATION OF WORD VISISI'UNA
-
-    A.--FIRST INFORMANT.
-
-     1  Pela  isewo             wayugo,              itatatuva
-     1  For  he learn wayugo, (the creeper magic) he (it) tremble
-
-         wowola    matauna,        isa'u (or isewo) wayugo.
-        body his this (man), (who)     he learn     wayugo.
-
-     2  "Nanakwa,   kugabu   kusayki,      tomwaya
-     2   "Quick,  thou bake thou give old man (magician)
-
-           ivisisi'una      boge  itatatuva  kana      bisila,
-        he ritually eats, already he tremble his  pandanus streamer,
-
-        kana     wayugo."
-        his  wayugo creeper."
-
-
-    B.--SECOND INFORMANT.
-
-     3   Tayta          isewo   bisila, gala    bikam
-     3  (If) one (man) he learn bisila, not  he might eat
-
-        yena,   boge   itatuva    wowola.
-        fish, already he tremble body his.
-
-
-                           FREE TRANSLATION.
-
-(A.) 1. The body of a man who has learned the wayuga spell, trembles,
-because he learned the spell. (Someone seeing him tremble, would tell
-someone of his household:)
-
-2 "Quick, bake fish, give to the old man that he might ritually eat,
-his pandanus streamer trembles, his wayugo."
-
-(B.) 3 A man who learns the bisila magic and does not eat fish will
-tremble.
-
-This text, with its foregoing short comments and with its two versions
-will give an inkling of how I was able to obtain from my native
-informants the definition of unknown and sometimes very involved
-expressions and how, in the act of doing it, I was given additional
-enlightenment on obscure details of belief and custom.
-
-It will also be interesting to give another text referring to the
-gwara custom. I have given in Chapter XIV a native definition of
-this custom, and of the reception accorded to the Trobrianders in
-Dobu when there is a taboo on palms there. The statement was based
-on the following text, and on certain other additional notes.
-
-
-                 GWARA IN DOBU AND THE KA'UBANA'I MAGIC
-
-     1      Tama     Dobu  ikarigava'u--gwara:  bu'a    bilalava
-     1  We come (to) Dobu, he die anew--gwara: areca he might ripen
-
-         usi      bimwanogu,     nuya      bibabayse      ka'i
-        banana he might ripen, coco-nut they might spike stick
-
-         kayketoki.
-        small stick.
-
-     2  Gala ka'ubana'i, takokola:       ikawoyse         bowa
-     2   No  ka'ubana'i, we fright: they take (put on) war paints
-
-        kayyala, kema; isisuse        biginayda
-         spear,   axe; they sit they might look at us.
-
-     3  Batana   ovalu    tasakaulo, gala tanouno       batawa
-     3  We go  in village  we run,    no  we walk. we might arrive
-
-            tamwoyne    bu'a.
-        we (i.d.) climb areca.
-
-     4   Idou:   "E! Gala     bukumwoyne      bu'a."
-     4  He cries "E!  No  thou mightst climb areca."
-
-     5   Bogwe   ika'u  kayyala, mwada      biwoyda.
-     5  Already he take  spear,  mayhap he might hit us.
-
-     6       Tapula           nayya       ka'ubana'i:  ika'ita
-     6  We ritually spit wild ginger root ka'ubana'i: he return
-
-          ima,   igigila  iluwaymo kayyala, kema.
-        he come he laugh, he throw  spear,   axe.
-
-     7       Tapula        Valu  kumaydona,   boge   itamwa'u
-     7  We ritually spit village    all,    already he vanish
-
-            ninasi     ilukwaydasi:
-        mind theirs', they tell us:
-
-     8  "Bweyna, kumwoynasi kami bu'a,       nuya,       kami
-     8   "Good,  you climb  your areca, coco-nut (palms) your
-
-         usi   kuta'isi."
-        banana you cut."
-
-
-In comment added:
-
-
-     9  Gala ikarige    veyola      ninasi   bweyna.
-     9   No   he die kinsman his, mind their  well.
-
-    10  Vivila  kayyala   ikawo,  pela tokamsita'u.
-    10  Woman  spear her she take for   cannibals.
-
-
-                            FREE TRANSLATION
-
-1 We come to Dobu, (there) someone has recently died--there is a gwala:
-the areca nut will ripen, the bananas will ripen, they will stick up
-coco-nuts on small spikes.
-
-2 If there is no ka'ubana'i charm made--we are afraid: they (sc. the
-Dobuans) put on war paint, take up spear and axe, they sit (waiting)
-and look at us.
-
-3 We go into the village running, not walking; we arrive and climb
-the areca palm.
-
-4 He (the Dobuan) shouts: "Don't climb the areca palm!"
-
-5 Already he takes the spear, so as to hit us.
-
-6 We ritually spit about wild ginger root charmed with the ka'ubana'i
-spell--he returns, comes to us, laughs, he throws away spear and axe.
-
-7 We ritually bespit the whole village, already their intention
-vanishes, they tell us:
-
-8 "Well, climb your areca palm and your coco-nut, cut your banana."
-
-9 If no kinsman had died, their intentions are good.
-
-10 A woman would also take up a spear, as they (the Dobuans) are
-cannibals.
-
-These three texts will be quite sufficient to give an idea of the
-method of dealing with linguistic evidence, and of the documentary
-value of immediately recorded native opinions. They will also make
-clear what I have said before, that only a good, working knowledge of
-a native language on the one hand, and a familiarity with their social
-organisation and tribal life on the other, would make it possible to
-read all the full significance into these texts.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIX
-
-THE INLAND KULA
-
-
-I
-
-After the somewhat long digression on magic, we can now return once
-more to the description of the Kula. So far, we have been treating only
-one incident in it, the overseas expedition between Sinaketa and Dobu,
-and the return visit. But in dealing with this one typical stage we
-have received a picture of the whole Kula, and we have incidentally
-learnt all about the fundamentals of the exchange, the magic, the
-mythology, and the other associated aspects. Now it remains to put the
-finishing touches to the general picture, that is, to say a few words,
-first about the manner in which it is conducted within a district, and
-then to follow the exchange on the remaining part of the ring. The
-exchange within each Kula community has been called the 'inland
-Kula.' This part of the subject I know from personal experience in
-the Trobriands only. All that will be said therefore in this chapter
-will apply primarily to that part of the ring. As Boyowa, however,
-is by far the biggest and most densely populated piece of land within
-the Kula, it is clear that in treating the inland exchange in that
-island, we treat it in its most developed and typical form.
-
-It has been mentioned before, in Chapter XVI that in April, 1918,
-To'uluwa had come to Sinaketa in connection with the uvalaku visit
-of the Dobuans. To'uluwa is the present chief of Omarakana, indeed,
-the last chief of Kiriwina, for after his death no one will succeed
-him. His power has been broken by the interference of Government
-officials and the influence of Mission work. The power of the Trobriand
-chief lay mainly in his wealth, and this he was able to keep constantly
-at a high level through the institution of polygamy. Now that he is
-forbidden to acquire more wives, though he may keep his old ones; and
-now that his successor will not be allowed to follow this immemorial
-custom of polygamy practised by their dynasty, the power of the chief
-has no basis, and has to a great extent collapsed.
-
-I may add that this interference, inflicted for no comprehensible
-purposes, except if it be an exceedingly parochial and narrow-minded
-application of our sense of morality and propriety, has no legal basis
-whatever in the regulations of that Colony, and could not be justified
-either formally or on account of any results it may produce. Indeed,
-the undermining of old-established authority, of tribal morals and
-customs tends on the one hand completely to demoralise the natives
-and to make them unamenable to any law or rule, while on the other
-hand, by destroying the whole fabric of tribal life, it deprives them
-of many of their most cherished diversions, ways of enjoying life,
-and social pleasures. Now once you make life unattractive for a man,
-whether savage or civilised, you cut the taproot of his vitality. The
-rapid dying out of native races is, I am deeply convinced, due more
-to wanton interference with their pleasures and normal occupations,
-to the marring of their joy of life as they conceive it, than to
-any other cause. In the Trobriands, for instance, the chief has
-always been the organiser of all the big, tribal festivities. He
-received large contributions from the commoners under various
-legal obligations (see Chap. VI, Division VI) but he gave away all
-his wealth again in the form of big, ceremonial distributions, of
-presents at festivities, of food gifts to the partakers in dances,
-tribal sports and diversions. These were the pleasures in which
-the natives found real zest, which largely gave meaning to their
-lives. Nowadays all these pursuits have greatly slackened, because
-of the lack of concentration of wealth and power in the chief's
-hands. He can neither afford to finance the big pastimes of yore,
-nor has he influence enough to give the same energetic initiative to
-start them going. After his death, things will be worse still. There
-are reasons to fear, and even natives express their misgivings,
-that in a generation or two the Kula will become entirely disorganised.
-
-It is a well-known fact that the resistance and health of a native
-depend on auto-suggestion more even than is the case with ourselves,
-though new developments in psychotherapy seem to indicate that medicine
-has up till now largely underrated the general influence of this
-factor. Even the old ethnographic observers, more in Polynesia perhaps
-than anywhere else, have reported clear, unmistakable instances in
-which the loss of interest in life and the determination to die
-brought about death without any other cause. My own experience,
-though I have no one very striking case to cite, bears this out fully
-from all sorts of corroborating types of evidence. It is therefore
-not going beyond what is fully granted by facts, to maintain that a
-general loss of interest in life, of the joie de vivre, the cutting
-of all the bonds of intense interest, which bind members of a human
-community to existence, will result in their giving up the desire to
-live altogether, and that therefore they will fall an easy prey to
-any disease, as well as fail to multiply.
-
-A wise administration of natives would, on the one hand, try to govern
-through the chief, using his authority along the lines of old law,
-usage, and custom; on the other hand it would try to maintain all
-which really makes life worth living for the natives, for it is the
-most precious inheritance, which they have from the past ages, and it
-is no good to try to substitute other interests for those lost. It
-is easy to hand over one's vices to a man racially and culturally
-different; but nothing is as difficult to impart as a keen interest
-in the sports and amusements of other people. Even from one European
-nation to another, the last stronghold of national peculiarity
-can be found in its traditional diversions, and without diversion
-and amusement a culture and a race cannot survive. The application
-of a heavy, indeed, crushing machinery of European law and moral
-regulations, with their various sanctions, simply destroys the whole
-delicate fabric of tribal authority, eradicating good and bad alike,
-and leaves nothing but anarchy, bewilderment and ill will. [83]
-
-With a mere show of his former authority, therefore, poor old To'uluwa
-arrived with a handful of followers at Sinaketa. He still keeps to
-all the strict observances and onerous duties with which his exalted
-position was weighted in olden days. Thus, he may not partake of ever
-so many kinds of food, considered to be unclean for the members of
-the sub-clan of Tabalu. He may not even touch any defiled objects,
-that have been in contact with unclean food; he may not eat from
-dishes or drink out of vessels which have been used previously by other
-people. When he goes to Sinaketa, for instance, where even the highest
-chiefs do not keep the taboos, he remains almost on starvation diet;
-he can only eat the food which has been brought from his own village,
-or drink and eat green coco-nut. Of the honours attaching to his
-position, not many are observed. In olden days, on his approach to
-a village, a runner would enter first, and in a loud voice cry out
-"O Guya'u," whereupon all the people would stand in readiness, and
-at the chief's approach the commoners would throw themselves on the
-ground, the headman would squat down, and men of rank would bend their
-heads. Even now, no commoner in the Trobriands would stand erect in
-the presence of To'uluwa. But he no more announces his arrival in
-such a loud and proud manner, and he takes his dues as they are given,
-not demanding them with any show of authority.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-On that occasion in Sinaketa, I met him again after about two years
-interval since the time when I lived as his neighbour in Omarakana
-for some eight months, my tent pitched side by side with his lisiga
-(chief's man's abode). I found him changed and aged, his tall figure
-more bent, his large face, with its expression half of benevolence and
-half of cunning, wrinkled and clouded over. He had some grievances
-to tell about the offhand treatment which had been given to him
-in Sinaketa, where he had received no necklaces at all, although a
-few days before the Sinaketans had carried from Kiriwina over 150
-pairs of armshells. Indeed, the relative change of position between
-the chiefs of Sinaketa and himself is a permanent sore point with
-the old chief. All coastal natives, and especially the headman of
-Sinaketa, have become very rich owing to the introduced industry
-of pearling, where their services are paid for by the white men in
-tobacco, betel-nut, and vaygu'a. But To'uluwa, ruined through white
-man's influence, receives nothing from pearling, and compared to his
-Sinaketan inferiors, is a pauper. So after a day or two in Sinaketa,
-highly displeased, and vowing never to return again, he went back to
-Omarakana, his residence, and thither we shall follow him.
-
-For Omarakana is still the centre of the Trobriand inland Kula,
-and, in certain respects, still one of the most important places
-on the ring. It is probably the only locality where the Kula is
-or ever was to some extent concentrated in the hands of one man,
-and it is also the capital of the important district of Kiriwina,
-which dominates all the inland Kula of the Northern Trobriands, and
-links up the island of Kitava with the western islands of Kuyleula
-and Kuyawa. It is also an important link between Kitava and Sinaketa,
-though between these two last mentioned places there are some minor
-means of communication, as we shall presently see.
-
-Previously, in Chapter III, in the definition of the fundamentals of
-the Kula, we saw that the population of the Ring can be divided into
-what we called Kula communities. These divisions, as we remember, were
-distinguished by the fact that each one makes overseas expeditions
-of its own. For example, the Sinaketans, as we saw, make their trips
-to Dobu in a body, and although the Vakutans may go with them at the
-same time, the two fleets sail and act as independent units. Again,
-the whole district of Kiriwina sails to the East, to Kitava, as one
-fleet. But no Sinaketan canoe could ever form part of it. Another
-distinguishing characteristic of a Kula community is that the furthest
-limits of partnership are the same for all its members. Thus for
-instance, a man from any village in Kiriwina, provided he is in the
-Kula, may have a partner anywhere up to the furthest limits of the
-Sinaketa district in the South, and in any of the villages of the
-island of Kitava to the East. But beyond that, no Kiriwinian, not even
-To'uluwa himself, can enter into Kula partnership. There are again
-certain differences between the manner of conducting transactions
-within a Kula community on the one hand, and between members of two
-communities on the other.
-
-Kiriwina is one of such Kula communities, and Sinaketa is another. Yet
-the two are not divided by sea, and the style of exchange, when this is
-carried on between two Kula communities which lie in the same district,
-differs also from that of overseas Kula. Our first task here will be
-therefore to mark out clearly the lines of distinction between:
-
-1. The transactions of Kula carried on overseas, from one district
-to another.
-
-2. Kula between two distinct but contiguous 'Kula communities.'
-
-3. Transactions within a 'Kula community.'
-
-The facts belonging to the first heading have been described at length,
-and it will be enough to point out in what the second type differs from
-the first. Obviously, when two districts on the same island, such as
-Kiriwina and Sinaketa, make the exchange there is no overseas sailing,
-no preparation of canoes, no launching, no kabigidoya. Sometimes
-big joint expeditions are made by the one community to the other
-and a great haul of vaygu'a is carried home. As an example of that,
-we may mention the visit made by the Sinaketans to Kiriwina in the
-last days of March, 1918, when a great number of mwali were brought,
-in readiness for the Dobuan uvalaku visit. When such an important
-visit is made from one Trobriand district to another, some of the
-Kula magic will be performed, but obviously not all, for there is no
-lilava bundle to be medicated, since no trade is carried; no dangerous
-cannibals have to be tamed by the ka'ubana'i rite, for the hosts are,
-and always have been, friendly neighbours. But some of the beauty
-magic, and the enticing formula over betel-nut would be recited to
-obtain as many valuables as possible. There is nothing corresponding
-to uvalaku in such big visits between neighbouring districts, though
-I think that they would be held only in connection with some uvalaku
-visit from another part of the ring to one of the two districts,
-as was the case in the example quoted, that is the Sinaketan visit
-to Kiriwina (Chapter XVI). Of course there is no associated trade
-on such expeditions, for there is very little to exchange between
-Sinaketa and Kiriwina, and what there is, is done independently,
-in a regular manner all the year round. Partnership between people
-of such two Kula communities is very much the same as within one of
-them. It obtains between people speaking the same language, having
-the same customs and institutions, many of whom are united by bonds
-of actual kinship or relationship-in-law. For, as has been mentioned
-already, marriages between Sinaketa and Kiriwina take place frequently,
-especially between natives of high rank. The rule is, in such cases,
-that a man of Sinaketa marries a woman of Kiriwina.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-Let us pass now to the relation between categories 2 and 3, that
-is between Kula of two contiguous 'Kula communities,' and the Kula
-within one of them. First of all, in the inland Kula within the same
-community, there never take place big, wholesale transactions. The
-circulation of vaygu'a consists of individual exchanges, sometimes
-more frequent, that is, whenever an overseas expedition has come
-home laden with many valuables, sometimes done at long intervals. No
-magic is performed in this type of Kula, and though there is a certain
-amount of ceremony accompanying each gift, there are no big, public
-gatherings. A concrete description of an actual case may serve best
-to illustrate these general statements.
-
-During the eight months I stayed in Omarakana in 1915-1916, I had
-the opportunity of watching many cases of inland Kula, as there was
-a constant come and go between Kiriwina and Kitava, and subsequent
-to each influx of armshells from the East, a series of exchanges
-took place. In the month of November, To'uluwa went with his canoe
-on a small expedition across the sea to Kitava, and brought back a
-good haul of mwali (armshells). He arrived on an evening on the beach
-of Kaulukuba, and word was sent over to the village that next day he
-would come up with his trophies. In the morning, blows of conch-shell,
-heard from the distance, announced the approach of the returning party,
-and soon, preceded by one of his small sons carrying the conch-shell,
-To'uluwa made his appearance followed by his companions. Each man
-carried a few pairs which he had obtained, whilst the chief's share
-was brought in on a stick, hanging down in a chaplet (see Plate LX).
-
-The people in the village sat before their huts, and according to
-native custom, there was no special concourse to meet the chief, nor
-any outward signs of excitement. The chief went straight to one of his
-bulaviyaka, that is, one of his wives' houses, and sat on the platform
-before it, waiting for some food to come. That would be the place
-where he would seat himself, if he wanted just to have a domestic chat
-with some of his wives and children. Had any strangers been there, he
-would have received them at his place of official reception, in front
-of his lisiga, the extremely large and high chief's house, standing
-in the inner row of yam houses, and facing the main place, the baku
-(see Plate II). On that occasion he went to the hut of Kadamwasila,
-his favourite wife, the mother of four sons and one daughter. She is
-quite old now, but she was the first wife married by To'uluwa himself,
-that is, not inherited, and there is an unmistakable attachment and
-affection between the two, even now. Though the chief has several
-much younger and one or two really fine looking wives, he is usually
-to be found talking and taking his food with Kadamwasila. He has also
-a few older wives, whom, according to the custom, he inherited from
-his predecessor, in that case, his elder brother. The eldest of them,
-Bokuyoba, the Dean of the Body of the chief's wives, has been twice
-inherited; she is now a source of income--for her male kinsmen have
-to supply yams to the chief--and an object of veneration, and is now
-even relieved of the duty of cooking the chief's food.
-
-To'uluwa sat, ate, and talked about his journey to myself and some of
-the village elders assembled there. He spoke of the amount of mwali
-at present in Kitava, told us from whom and how he obtained those
-at which we were then looking, naming the most important ones, and
-giving bits of their histories. He commented on the state of gardens
-in Kitava, which in one respect, in the production of the big yams
-(kuvi) are the admiration of all the surrounding districts. He spoke
-also about future Kula arrangements, expeditions to arrive from the
-East in Kiriwina, and of his own planned movements.
-
-On the afternoon of the same day, people from other villages began to
-assemble, partly to hear the news of the chief's expedition, partly in
-order to find out what they could obtain themselves from him. Headmen
-from all the dependent villages sat in one group round the chief,
-who now had moved to the official reception ground, in front of his
-lisiga. Their followers, in company with the chief's henchmen, and
-other inhabitants of Omarakana, squatted all over the baku (central
-place), engaged in conversation. The talk in each group was of the same
-subjects, and did not differ much from the conversation, I had heard
-from the chief on his arrival. The newly acquired armshells were handed
-round, admired, named, and the manner of their acquisition described.
-
-Next day, several soulava (spondylus shell necklaces) were brought
-to Omarakana by the various men from neighbouring villages to the
-West, and ceremonially offered to To'uluwa (see Plates LXI, LXII,
-and Frontispiece). This was, in each case a vaga (opening gift),
-for which the giver expected to receive his yotile (clinching gift)
-at once from the store of mwali. In this case we see the influence of
-chieftainship in the relation between Kula partners. In the inland
-Kula of Kiriwina, all gifts would be brought to To'uluwa, and he
-would never have to fetch or carry his presents. Moreover, he would
-always be given and never give the opening gift (vaga); while his gift
-would invariably be a yotile. So that the chief sometimes owes a Kula
-gift to a commoner, but a commoner never owes a gift to a chief. The
-difference between the rules of procedure here and those of an uvalaku
-overseas expedition is clear: in a competitive overseas expedition,
-valuables for exchange are never carried by the visiting party, who
-only receive gifts and bring them back home; in the inland Kula,
-the determining factor is the relative social position of the two
-partners. Gifts are brought to the man of superior by the man of
-inferior rank, and the latter has also to initiate the exchange.
-
-The following entry is quoted literally from my notes, made in
-Omarakana, on November the 13th, 1915. "This morning, the headman of
-Wagaluma brought a bagido'u (fine necklace). At the entrance to the
-village (it is Omarakana), they (the party) halted, blew the conch
-shell, put themselves in order. Then, the conch shell blower went
-ahead, the men of highest rank took the stick with the bagido'u,
-a boy carrying the heavy wooden bell pendant on a kaboma (wooden
-dish)." This requires a commentary. The ceremonial way of carrying
-the spondylus shell necklaces is by attaching each end to a stick,
-so that the necklace hangs down with the pendant at its lowest point
-(see Frontispiece and Pl. LXI and LXII). In the case of very long and
-fine necklaces, in which the pendant is accordingly big and heavy,
-while the actual necklace is thin and fragile, the pendant has to be
-taken off and carried apart. Resuming the narrative:--"The headman
-approached To'uluwa and said: 'Agukuleya, ikanawo; lagayla lamaye;
-yoku kayne gala mwali.' This he said in thrusting the stick into the
-thatch of the chief's house." The words literally mean: 'My kuleya
-(food left over), take it; I brought it to-day; have you perhaps no
-armshells?' The expression 'food left over,' applied to the gift
-was a depreciating term, meaning something which is an overflow
-or unwanted scrap. Thus he was ironically depreciating his gift,
-and at the same time implying that much wealth still remained in
-his possession. By this, in an oblique manner, he bragged about his
-own riches, and with the last phrase, expressing doubt as to whether
-To'uluwa had any armshells, he threw a taunt at the chief. This time
-the gift was returned immediately by a fine pair of armshells.
-
-It was in connection with the same expedition that the little
-exchange between two of the chief's wives took place, mentioned
-before (in Chapter XI, Division II, under 4) and one or two more
-domestic Kula acts were performed, a son of To'uluwa offering him a
-necklace (see Plates LXI and LXII) and receiving a pair of armshells
-afterwards. Many more transactions took place in those two days or so;
-sounds of conch shells were heard on all sides as they were blown first
-in the village from which the men started, then on the way, then at
-the entrance to Omarakana, and finally at the moment of giving. Again,
-after some time another blast announced the return gift by To'uluwa,
-and the receding sounds of the conch marked the stages of the going
-home of the party. To'uluwa himself never receives a gift with his
-own hands; it is always hung up in his house or platform, and then
-somebody of his household takes charge of it; but the commoner receives
-the armshell himself from the hands of the chief. There was much life
-and movement in the village during this time of concentrated exchange;
-parties came and went with vaygu'a, others arrived as mere spectators,
-and the place was always full of a gazing crowd. The soft sounds of
-the conch shell, so characteristic of all South Sea experiences, gave a
-special flavour to the festive and ceremonial atmosphere of those days.
-
-Not all the armshells brought from Kitava were thus at once given
-away. Some of them were kept for the purposes of more distant Kula;
-or to be given on some future, special occasion when a present had to
-be handed over in association with some ceremony. In the inland Kula,
-there is always an outbreak of transactions whenever a big quantity
-of valuables is imported into the district. And afterwards, sporadic
-transactions happen now and then. For the minor partners who had
-received armshells from To'uluwa would not all of them keep them for
-any length of time, but part of them would be sooner or later passed
-on in inland transactions. But, however these valuables might spread
-over the district, they would be always available when an expedition
-from another Kula community would come and claim them. When the
-party from Sinaketa came in March, 1918, to Omarakana, all those who
-owned armshells would either come to the capital or else be visited
-in their villages by their Sinaketan partners. Of the 154 or so
-armshells obtained in Kiriwina on that occasion, only thirty came
-from To'uluwa himself, and fifty from Omarakana altogether, while
-the rest were given from other villages, in the following proportions:
-
-
-                      Liluta                   14
-                      Osapola                  14
-                      Mtawa                     6
-                      Kurokaywa                15
-                      Omarakana (To'uluwa)     30
-                      Omarakana (other men)    20
-                      Yalumugwa                14
-                      Kasana'i                 16
-                      Other villages           25
-                                              ---
-                                              154
-
-
-Thus the inner Kula does not affect the flow of the main stream, and,
-however, the valuables might change hands within the 'Kula community,'
-it matters little for the outside flow.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-It will be necessary to give a more detailed account of the actual
-conditions obtaining in Boyowa with regard to the limits of the
-various Kula communities in that district. Looking at Map IV, p. 50,
-we see there the boundaries of Kiriwina, which is the easternmost
-Kula community in the Northern part of the islands. To the west of it
-the provinces of Tilataula, Kuboma, and Kulumata form another Kula
-community, or, it would be more correct to say, some of the men in
-these districts make the inland Kula with members of neighbouring
-communities. But these three provinces do not form as a whole a Kula
-community. In the first place, many villages are quite outside the
-Kula, that is, not even their headmen belong to the inter-tribal
-exchange. Remarkably enough, all the big industrial centres, such
-as Bwoytalu, Luya, Yalaka, Kadukwaykela, Buduwaylaka, do not take
-part in the Kula. An interesting myth localised in Yalaka tells how
-the inhabitants of that village, prevented by custom from seeing
-the world on Kula expeditions, attempted to erect a high pillar
-reaching to heaven, so as to find a field for their adventures in the
-skies. Unfortunately, it fell down, and only one man remained above,
-who is now responsible for thunder and lightning.
-
-Another important omission in the Kula is that of the Northern villages
-of Laba'i, Kaybola, Lu'ebila, Idaleaka, Kapwani and Yuwada. If we
-remember that Laba'i is the very centre of Kiriwinian mythology,
-that there lies the very hole out of which the original ancestors of
-the four clans emerged from underground, that the highest chiefs of
-Kiriwina trace their descent from Laba'i, this omission appears all
-the more remarkable and mysterious.
-
-Thus the whole Western half of the Northern Trobriands forms a unit of
-sorts in the chain of Kula communities, but it cannot be considered
-as a fully fledged one, for only sporadic individuals belong to it,
-and again, that district as a whole, or even individual canoes from
-it, never take part in any overseas Kula expedition. The village of
-Kavataria makes big overseas sailings to the Western d'Entrecasteaux
-Islands. Though these expeditions really have nothing to do with the
-Kula we shall say a few words about this in the next chapter but one.
-
-Passing now to the West, we find the island of Kayleula, which,
-together with two or three smaller islands, to its South, Kuyawa,
-Manuwata, and Nubiyam, form a 'Kula community' of its own. This
-community is again slightly anomalous, for they make Kula only on a
-small scale, on the one hand with the chiefs and headmen of Kiriwina,
-and of the North-Western district of Boyowa, and on the other hand
-with the Amphletts, but never with Dobu. They also used to make long
-and perilous trips to the Western d'Entrecasteaux, sailing further
-West and for longer distances than the natives of Kavataria.
-
-The main Kula communities in the South of Boyowa, Sinaketa and Vakuta,
-have been described already, and sufficiently defined in the previous
-chapters. Sinaketa is the centre for inland Kula of the South,
-which, though on a smaller scale than the inland Kula of the North,
-still unites half-a-dozen villages round Sinaketa. That village also
-carries on Kula with three coastal villages in the East, Okayaulo,
-Bwaga, and Kumilabwaga, who link it up with Kitava, to where they
-make journeys from time to time. These villages form again the sort
-of imperfect 'Kula community,' or perhaps one on a very small scale,
-for they would never have an uvalaku of their own, and the amount
-of transactions which pass through them is very small. Another such
-small community, independent as regards Kula, is the village of
-Wawela. The district of Luba, which sometimes joins with Kiriwina
-in carrying on a big expedition, also sometimes joins with Wawela
-on small expeditions. Such nondescript or intermediate phenomena
-of transition are always to be found in studying the life of native
-races, where most social rules have not got the same precision as with
-us. There is among them neither any strong, psychological tendency to
-consistent thinking, nor are the local peculiarities and exceptions
-rubbed off by the influence of example or competition.
-
-I cannot say very much about the inland Kula in other regions besides
-the Trobriands. I have seen it done in Woodlark Island, at the very
-beginning of my work among the Northern Massim, and that was the
-first time that I came across any of the symptoms of the Kula. Early
-in 1915, in the village of Dikoyas, I heard conch shells blown, there
-was a general commotion in the village, and I saw the presentation
-of a large bagido'u. I, of course, inquired about the meaning of the
-custom, and was told that this is one of the exchanges of presents
-made when visiting friends. At that time I had no inkling that I had
-been a witness of a detailed manifestation, of what I subsequently
-found out was Kula. On the whole, however, I have been told by natives
-from Kitava and Gawa, later on whilst working in the Trobriands, that
-the customs of Kula exchange there are identical with those obtaining
-in Kiriwina. And the same I was told is the case in Dobu. It must be
-realised, however, that the inland Kula must be somewhat different
-in a community where, as in Kitava, for instance, the strands of the
-Kula all come together in a small space, and the stream of valuables,
-which has been flowing through the broad area of the Trobriands, there
-concentrates into three small villages. If we estimate the inhabitants
-of the Trobriands with Vakuta at up to ten thousand, while those of
-Kitava at no more than five hundred, there will be about twenty times
-as many valuables per head of inhabitants in Kitava as compared to
-the Trobriands.
-
-Another such place of concentration is the island of Tubetube, and
-I think one or two places in Woodlark Island, where the village of
-Yanabwa is said to be an independent link in the chain, through which
-every article has to pass. But this brings us already to the Eastern
-Kula, which will form the subject of the next chapter.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XX
-
-EXPEDITIONS BETWEEN KIRIWINA AND KITAVA
-
-
-I
-
-The subject of which this book treats and the material at our disposal
-are nearly exhausted. In describing the Southern branch of the Kula
-(between Sinaketa and Dobu) I entered into the details of its rules
-and associated aspects, and almost all that was said there refers
-to the Kula as a whole. In speaking of the N.E. branch of the Kula,
-which I am now about to describe, there will not therefore be very
-much new to tell. All the general rules of exchange and types of
-behaviour are the same as those previously defined. Here we have also
-big uvalaku expeditions and small, non-ceremonial sailings. The type
-of partnership between Kiriwinians and Kitavans is the same here,
-as the one obtaining within the Trobriands, and described in the
-last chapter. For the natives of the Eastern islands, from Kitava to
-Woodlark, have the same social organisation and the same culture as the
-Trobrianders, and speak the same language with dialectical differences
-only. Never any but friendly relations have obtained between them
-and many people are united by bonds of real kinship across the seas,
-for there have been migrations between the districts, and marriages
-are also not infrequent. Thus the general relations between overseas
-partners are different here from those between Sinaketa and Dobu. The
-visiting is not associated with any deep apprehensions, there is no
-ka'ubana'i (danger magic), and the relations between the visitors and
-hosts are much more free and easy and intimate. The rest of the Kula
-magic (except the ka'ubana'i) is identical With that in the South,
-and indeed much of it, as used all over Boyowa, has been received
-from the Kitavans. Many of the preliminary customs and arrangements
-of the Kula, the preparation of the canoes, ceremonial launching and
-kabigidoya are the same here. In fact, the launching described in
-Chapter VI was the one I saw on the beach of Omarakana.
-
-On the actual expeditions, much of the ceremonial and all the rules
-of the Kula gifts, as well as of the pari and talo'i, the initial
-and farewell presents, are the same as in the South-Western branch
-of the Kula. The best plan will be to tell the story of a typical
-uvalaku expedition from Kiriwina to Kitava, noting the similarities
-and emphasising the differences, while one or two points of divergence
-will claim our special attention. There is a small, but interesting
-incident called youlawada, a custom which allows a visiting party
-to attack and damage the house ornaments of a man, to whom they
-bring a gift. Another important speciality of this Eastern Kula is
-the association of a mortuary feast called so'i with particularly
-abundant distributions of vaygu'a.
-
-I had opportunities of collecting notes about the North-Eastern
-Kula and of making observations during my residence in Omarakana,
-in 1915-1916. I saw several expeditions from Kitava arrive on the
-beach, and camp for a few days. To'uluwa went twice to Kitava, and
-his return from one of these visits has been described in the last
-chapter. He also once started for an expedition there, of which I
-was a member. There was a change of wind, some time in September,
-and with the North wind which we hoped would last for a few hours,
-it would have been possible to cross to Kitava and to return at our
-pleasure with the prevailing South-Easterly. Half-way to our goal,
-the wind changed and we had to return, to my great disappointment,
-though this gave me a good example of the entire dependence of
-the natives on the weather. Unfortunately, To'uluwa got it into
-his head that I had brought him bad luck, and so when he planned
-his next trip, I was not taken into his confidence or allowed to
-form one of the party. Two years later, when I lived in Oburaka,
-about half-way between the Northern and Southernmost end of Boyowa,
-several expeditions from Kitava visited Wawela, a village lying
-across on the other side of the island, which here is no more than
-a mile and a half wide; and one or two expeditions left from Wawela
-for Kitava. The only big expedition which came under my notice was
-the uvalaku which was to leave some time in April or May, 1916,
-from Kiriwina to the East. I saw only the preparatory stages, of
-which the launching was described in Chapter VII.
-
-Let us imagine that we follow the course of this Kiriwinian
-uvalaku. The first general intimation that it would take place, came
-after one of the visits which To'ulawa made to Kitava. He had heard
-there that a considerable quantity of armshells was soon to come to
-the island, for, as we shall see by the end of this Chapter, such big,
-concerted movements of valuables along the ring take place from time to
-time. To'ulawa then and there made arrangements with his chief partner,
-Kwaywaya, to make an uvalaku, which was to be the means of carrying on
-the big movement of the mwali. On his return to Omarakana, when the
-headmen of the other Kiriwinian villages assembled, the plans of the
-uvalaku were talked over and details arranged. Even in olden days,
-before the chief's power was undermined, though he used to take the
-initiative, and give decisions in important matters, he had to put
-the case before the other headmen, and listen to what they had to
-say. Their opinions on the occasion of which we are speaking, would
-hardly ever be in contradiction to his wishes, and it was decided
-without much discussion to make the uvalaku in about six months'
-time. Soon after, the rebuilding or refitting of the canoes began,
-in the manner previously described. The only slight difference in the
-preparations between Kiriwina and Sinaketa lies in the preliminary
-trade. The Kiriwinians have to go inland to the industrial districts
-of Kuboma, and they go there every man on his own account, to acquire
-the articles needed.
-
-It will be best to say here at once all that is necessary about
-the trade between Kiriwina and Kitava. As these two districts
-are geologically and in other respects much more similar to one
-another than Sinaketa and Dobu are, the trade is not of such vital
-importance, with one notable exception, as we shall see. The articles
-of subsidiary trade, which a Kiriwinian expedition would carry with
-them to Kitava, are the following:--wooden combs; various classes
-of lime pots; armlets, plaited of fern fibre; turtle-shell earrings;
-mussel shell; coils of lashing creeper (wayugo); plaited fern belts,
-made originally in the d'Entrecasteaux. Of these articles, the most
-important are probably the mussel shells, used for scraping and as
-knives, the various kinds of lime pots, which are a speciality of
-Kuboma, and last, but not least, the wayugo. I am not quite certain as
-to whether this creeper is not to be found in Kitava, but as it grows
-only on marshy soil, it is hardly probable that it would thrive on
-a high, raised, coral island. In that case, the creeper is certainly
-the most indispensable of all the trade articles imported into Kitava
-from the Trobriands.
-
-The Trobrianders import from the smaller islands a class of grass
-skirt made of coco-nut leaves; exceptionally well finished urn-shaped
-baskets; small hand-baskets; specially bleached pandanus mats;
-ornaments made of fragments of conus shell; certain classes of cowrie
-shell, used for ornamenting belts; ebony lime spatulæ; ebony walking
-staves; sword-clubs carved in ebony; and an aromatic black paint, made
-of charred sandal wood. None of these articles is of vital importance,
-as all of them, though perhaps in slightly different or even inferior
-quality, are manufactured or found in the Trobriands.
-
-There was one article, however, which, in the olden days, was of
-surpassing utility to the Trobriand natives, and which they could
-obtain only from Kitava, though it came originally from further
-East, from Murua (Woodlark Island). These were the kukumali, or
-roughly shaped pieces of green-stone, which were then polished in
-the Trobriands, and in this state used as stone implements, while
-the biggest of them, very large and thin and well polished all over,
-became a specially important class of vaygu'a (articles of high
-value). Although the practical use of stone implements has naturally
-been done away with by the introduction of steel and iron, the beku
-(valuable axe blades) have still an undiminished, indeed, an increased
-value, as the white traders have to use them for purchasing pearls
-from the natives. It is important to note that although all the raw
-material for these stone implements and valuables had to be imported
-from Kitava, the finished valuables were and are re-exported again,
-as Kiriwina is still the main polishing district.
-
-As to the manner in which the trade was done between the Kiriwinians
-and Kitavans, all that has been said previously on the subject of
-inter-tribal trade holds good; part of the goods carried were given
-as presents, part of them were exchanged with non-partners, some were
-gifts received from the partners on leaving.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-Returning to To'ulawa and his companions, as time went on there was
-more and more stir in the villages. As usually, all sorts of ambitious
-plans were framed, and the youthful members of the party hoped that
-they would reach Muyuwa (or Murua, Woodlark Island) where Kula was
-not done, but where Kiriwinian parties sometimes went in order to
-witness certain festivities. On the subject of Muyuwa, Bagido'u,
-the elderly heir apparent of Omarakana, who however, as said in the
-previous chapter, will never succeed his uncle, had to tell his own
-experiences. As a small boy, he sailed there with one of the big
-chiefs of Omarakana, his maternal grandfather. They went to Suloga,
-the place where the green stone was quarried.
-
-
-    "There," spoke Bagido'u, "there was a big dubwadebula (grotto or
-    rock shelf). The members of the Lukulabuta clan (this clan is
-    called Kulutalu in Muyuwa) of Suloga, were the toli (masters,
-    owners) of this dubwadebula, and could quarry the stone. They
-    knew some megwa (magic); they charmed their axe-blades, and hit
-    the walls of the dubwadebula. The kukumali (pieces of stone)
-    fell down. When the men of Boyowa came to Suloga, they gave pari
-    (presents) to the Lukulabuta men of Suloga. They gave them paya
-    (turtle shell), kwasi (armlets), sinata (combs). Then, the Suloga
-    men would show us the kukumali, and tell us: 'Take them with you,
-    take plenty.' Good kukumali, which could be made into a beku
-    (big wealth-blades) we would pay for; we would give our vaygu'a
-    (valuables) in exchange. At parting, they would give us more
-    kukumali as talo'i (farewell gift)."
-
-
-It must be remembered, in comment on this narrative, that when Bagido'u
-went to Suloga, some thirty or forty years ago, the iron and steel
-had already long before rendered the small kukumali quite useless
-and worthless to the natives, while the big kukumali had still their
-full value, as material for the large blades which serve as tokens
-of wealth. Hence, the big ones had still to be paid for, and hence
-also the generous invitation to take as many of the small ones, as
-they liked, an invitation of which the visitors, with corresponding
-delicacy, refused to avail themselves. [84]
-
-Another hero of the occasion was old Ibena, one of the Tabalu (members
-of the highest rank) of Kasana'i, the sister village of Omarakana. He
-has spent a long time on the island of Iwa, and knew the myths and
-magic of the Eastern archipelago very well. He would sit down and tell
-for hours various stories of famous Kula expeditions, of mythological
-incidents, and of the peculiar customs of the Eastern islands. It was
-from him that I first obtained my information about the mulukwausi
-and their customs, about shipwreck and the means of saving the party,
-about the love magic of Iwa, and many other facts, which only a man
-of cosmopolitan experience and culture, like Ibena, would know and
-understand thoroughly. He was a good informant, eager to instruct and
-to display his wisdom and knowledge, and not devoid of imagination;
-of the licentious and libidinous women of Kaytalugi (see Chapter X)
-and of what a man has to suffer there, he would speak as if he had
-been there himself. At this time, he was specially loquacious about
-the Kula, and associated customs, inspired as he was by the hope of
-re-visiting his old haunts, and by the admiration and reverence shown
-to him by his listeners, myself included.
-
-The other members of the audience were most interested in his accounts
-of how they make gardens in Kitava, Iwa and Gawa; of the special
-dances performed there, of the technicalities of Kula, and of the
-great efficiency of the Iwan love magic.
-
-At that time, I was able to obtain more information about the Kula,
-and that more easily and in a shorter while, than I had, with strenuous
-efforts, for months before. It is by taking advantage of such epochs,
-when the interest of the natives is centred round a certain subject,
-that ethnographic evidence can be collected in the easiest and most
-reliable manner. Natives will willingly state customs and rules,
-and they will also accurately and with interest follow up concrete
-cases. Here, for instance, they would trace the way in which a given
-pair of armshells had passed through the hands of several individuals,
-and was now supposed to have come round again to Kitava--and in such
-a way one receives from the natives definite ethnographic documents,
-realities of thought, and details of belief, instead of forced
-artificial verbiage.
-
-I saw the proceedings as far as the ceremonial launching of the
-chiefs' canoes in Kasana'i and Omarakana (cf. Chapter VI), when
-the natives assembled in big numbers, and various festivities took
-place. Afterwards when everything was ready for sailing, a similar
-crowd gathered on the beach, though less numerous than the previous
-one, for only the neighbouring villages were there instead of the whole
-district. The chief addressed the crowd, enjoining strict taboos on
-strangers entering the village while the men were away. Such taboos, on
-the surface at least, are very carefully kept, as I had opportunities
-to observe during the two previous absences of To'uluwa. Early in
-the evening, everybody retired into his or her house, the outside
-fires were extinguished and when I walked through the village, it was
-quite deserted and except for a few old men specially keeping watch,
-no one was to be seen. Strangers would be careful not to pass even
-through the outskirts of the village after sunset, and would take
-another road to avoid the grove of Omarakana.
-
-Even men from the sister-village of Kasana'i were excluded from
-entering the capital, and on one occasion when two or three of them
-wanted to visit their friends, they were stopped from doing it by
-some of the old men, with a considerable display of indignation and
-authority. As it happened, a day or two afterwards, but still while
-the Kula party were away, one of the favourite sons of To'uluwa, called
-Nabwasu'a, who had not gone on the expedition, was caught in flagrante
-delicto of adultery with the youngest wife of the very old chief of
-Kasana'i. The people of the latter village were highly incensed,
-not without an admixture of malicious amusement. One of these who
-had been expelled two nights before from Omarakana took a conch shell
-and with its blast announced to the wide world the shame and scandal
-of Omarakana. As a conch shell is blown only on very important and
-ceremonial occasion, this was a slap in the face of the supposedly
-virtuous community, and a reproach of its hypocrisy. A man of Kasana'i,
-speaking in a loud voice, addressed the people of Omarakana:--
-
-
-    "You don't allow us to enter your village; you call us adulterous
-    (tokaylasi); but we wanted only to go and visit our friends. And
-    look here, Nabwasu'a committed adultery in our village!"
-
-
-The uvalaku party, to whom we now return, would cross the sea in
-a few hours and arrive in Kitava. Their manner of sailing, the
-arrangement of men in the canoe, the taboos of sailing are the same
-as in Sinaketa. My knowledge of their canoe magic is much smaller
-than of that in Southern Boyowa, but I think they have got far fewer
-rites. The sailing on these seas is on the whole easier, for there
-are fewer reefs, and the two prevailing winds would either bring them
-towards the Eastern islands, or push them back towards the long coast
-of Boyowa. The natives of Kiriwina are on the other hand far less
-expert sailors than the Sinaketans.
-
-They have the same beliefs about the dangers at sea, especially about
-the participation of the flying witches in shipwreck. The history of
-such a calamity and the means of escape from it, given in one of the
-foregoing chapters (Chapter X), refers to these seas, as well as to
-the sea-arm of Pilolu.
-
-These natives, as well as the Southern Boyowans, feel and appreciate
-the romance of sailing; they are visibly excited at the idea of an
-expedition, they enjoy even the sight of the open sea on the Eastern
-coast beyond the raybwag (coral ridge), and often walk there on mere
-pleasure parties. The Eastern coast is much finer than the beach of the
-Lagoon; steep, dark rocks alternate there with fine, sandy beaches, the
-tall jungle spreading over the higher and lower parts of the shore. The
-sailing to Kitava does not present, however, the same contrasts as an
-expedition to the d'Entrecasteaux Islands from Southern Boyowa. The
-natives remain still in the world of raised coral islands, which
-they know from their own home. Even the island of Muyuwa (or Murua,
-Woodlark Island) where I spent a short time, does not present such
-a definite contrast in landscape as that between the Trobriands and
-the Koya. I do not know from personal experience the Marshall Bennett
-Islands, but from an excellent description given by Professor Seligman,
-they seem to be good specimens of small raised atolls. [85]
-
-With regard to magic, the most important initial rites over the lilava
-and sulumwoya are done in the village by the toliwaga (compare above,
-Chapter VII). The magic over the four coco-nuts in the canoe is not
-performed in Kiriwina. On arrival at the beach in Kitava, all the
-rites of beauty magic, as well as the magic over the conch shell
-are recited in a manner identical to that in Sarubwoyna (Chapter
-XIII). Here, however, the natives have to make the last stage of the
-journey on foot.
-
-The party, headed by a small boy, probably a youngest son of the
-toliwaga, after whom the chief and the others follow, would march
-towards the village which is situated beyond the elevated ridge. When
-soulava (necklaces) are brought by the party--which, it must be
-remembered is never the case on an uvalaku--they would be carried
-ceremonially on sticks by some men following the chief. In that
-case, that is when the party are bringing Kula gifts--the youlawada
-ceremony is performed. On entering the village, the party march on
-briskly without looking to right or left, and, whilst the boy blows
-frantically the conch shell, and all the men in the party emit the
-intermittent ceremonial scream called tilaykiki, others throw stones
-and spears at the kavalapu, the ornamental carved and painted boards
-running in a Gothic arch round the eaves of a chief's house or yam
-house. Almost all the kavalapu in the Eastern villages are slightly
-injured, that of To'uluwa having one of its ends knocked off. The
-damage is not repaired, as it is a mark of distinction.
-
-This custom is not known in the Kula between Sinaketa and Dobu
-or Sinaketa and Kiriwina. It begins on the Eastern shore of the
-Trobriands, and is carried on as far as Tubetube where it stops again,
-for it is not practised in Wari (Teste Island) or on the portion of
-the Kula between Tubetube and Dobu. I myself never saw it practised
-in the Trobriands, but I saw a similar custom among the Massim of the
-South Coast of New Guinea. At a so'i feast which I witnessed in three
-different villages as it progressed from one to the other, the party
-who brought in gifts of pigs to a man attempted to do some damage to
-his trees or his house. A pig is always slung by its legs on a long,
-stout pole, dangling head downwards (see Plates V and LXIII): with
-this pole the natives would ram a young coco-nut or betel-nut palm or
-a fruit tree and if not stopped by the owners would break or uproot
-it, the pig squealing and the women of the damaged party screaming in
-unison. Again, a party entering a village with gifts to one of the
-inhabitants, would throw miniature spears at his house. A distinct
-show of fierceness and hostility is displayed on both sides by the
-natives on such occasions. Although the somewhat histrionic attack,
-and the slight but real damage to property were sanctioned by tribal
-usage, not infrequently among the Southern Massim serious quarrels
-and scrimmages were started by it. This custom has been observed by
-Professor Seligman among the natives of Bartle Bay. "As a man passed
-the house, they speared the wall with the branches they had been
-waving, and left them stuck in the walls." And again: "... the people
-bringing them (the pigs) in, carried branches of trees or pieces of
-stick with a wisp of grass tied to the end, and with these speared
-the house of the man to whom the pigs were given." [86]
-
-When we remember what has been said about the style in which all
-gifts are given; that is, so to speak, thrown down fiercely and almost
-contemptuously by the giver; when we remember the taunts with which
-gifts are often accompanied, as well as the manner in which they
-are received, the youlawada custom appears only as an exaggerated
-form of this manner of giving, fixed into a definite ceremonial. It
-is interesting from this point of view to note that the youlawada is
-only done in association with vaga (initial gifts) and not with the
-yotile (return gifts).
-
-The Kiriwinian party, after having paid their preliminary ceremonial
-visit in the village, given their gifts, both of the Kula and
-of the pari type, and had a long chat with their partners and
-friends, return in the evening to the beach, where they camp near
-their canoes. Sometimes temporary huts are erected, sometimes in
-fine weather the natives sleep under mats on the sand beach. Food is
-brought to them from the village by young, unmarried girls, who very
-often on that occasion arrange their intrigues with the visitors. The
-party will remain for a few days paying calls to the other villages
-of the island, talking, inspecting the gardens and hoping for more
-Kula presents. The food of Kitava is not tabooed to the chiefs, as the
-Kitavans abstain from the worst abominations. At parting the visitors
-receive their talo'i gifts which are brought down to their canoes.
-
-The visits are returned by the Kitavans in very much the same
-manner. They camp on the sand beaches of the Eastern Coast. When
-weather-bound they erect temporary habitations, and I have seen whole
-families, men, women, and children living for days on some of the
-Eastern shores. For it is the custom of the men of Kitava to carry
-their women and small children on their trips. The Kiriwinians take
-sometimes unmarried girls, but they would never take their wives and
-small children, whilst in the South no Sinaketan women at all go on
-a Kula voyage however small and unimportant a one it may be. From
-big uvalaku expeditions, women are excluded in all the districts.
-
-It has been mentioned in the last chapter that Kitava enjoys a
-privileged position in the Ring, for every single piece of valuables
-has to pass through it. The island of Kitava is a 'Kula community'
-in itself. All its neighbours to the West, the Kula communities of
-Kiriwina, Luba, Wawela, Southern Boyowa (that is, the villages of
-Okayyaulo, Bwaga and Kumilabwaga) cannot skip Kitava when they are
-exchanging, and the same refers to the Kitavan neighbours in the
-East. In other words, a man from the Eastern islands beyond Kitava,
-if he wants to pass an armshell westwards, has to give it to a Kitava
-man, and may not give it directly to some one beyond. The islands
-East of Kitava, Iwa, Gawa, and Kwayawata form one community. This
-is shown on Map V, where each 'Kula community' is represented by one
-circle. The Kula stream, after having concentrated in Kitava, spreads
-out again, but by no means as broadly as when it runs to the Westward,
-and overflows over the broad area of the Trobriands. Another point,
-in which the Kula of Kitava differs from that of Sinaketa or Kiriwina,
-a point on which I have touched already once before (in Chapter XIII,
-Division I) is that the small island has to make overseas exchanges
-on both sides. As we saw, the Sinaketans carry on big expeditions and
-make uvalaku only to their Southern partners, so that they receive
-only the one Kula article, the necklaces in this manner, while their
-armshells come to them by inland Kula, from their Northern and Eastern
-neighbours. The same mutatis mutandis refers to the Kiriwinians, who
-receive all their necklaces overland and make overseas Kula for their
-armshells only. The two islands of Kitava and Vakuta, as well as the
-other Marshall Bennetts are, so to speak, ambidextrous in the Kula
-and have to fetch and carry both articles overseas. This, of course,
-results primarily from the geographical position in a district and
-a glance at Map V will easily show which Kula communities have to
-carry all their transactions overseas and which of them have to do one
-half of them overland. These latter are only the Trobriand districts
-mentioned in the previous Chapter and the districts in Dobu.
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-This exhausts all the peculiarities of the Kula in Kitava except one,
-and that a very important one. It has been mentioned before, in fact it
-is obvious from the account of the uvalaku custom that the Kula does
-not run with an even flow, but in violent gushes. Thus the uvalaku
-expedition from Dobu described in Chapter XVI carried about 800 pairs
-of armshells from Boyowa. Such sudden rushes of the Kula articles
-are associated with an important institution, which is not known in
-the Trobriands or in Dobu, but which we find in Kitava and further
-along the Ring, as far as Tubetube (see Map V). When a man dies,
-custom imposes a taboo upon the inhabitants of that village. This
-means that no one on a visit is received in the village, and no Kula
-articles are given away from there. The community lying under the
-taboo, however, expect to receive as many Kula gifts as possible, and
-busy themselves in that matter. After a certain time, a big ceremony
-and distribution of goods, called so'i is held, and invitations are
-sent out to all the Kula partners, and, in the case of a big affair,
-even to people from districts beyond the boundary of partnership. A
-big distribution of food takes place in which all the guests receive
-their share, and then the Kula valuables are given in great quantities
-to the partners of that community.
-
-The association of taboo on economic goods with mourning is a
-wide-spread feature of the Melanesian customs in New Guinea. I found it
-among the Mailu on the South Coast of New Guinea, where a taboo, called
-gora, is put on coco-nuts as one of the features of mourning. [87]
-The same institution, as we saw, obtains in Dobu. Similar taboos are
-to be found among the Southern Massim. [88]
-
-The importance of such economic taboos at times of mourning is due
-to another wide-spread association, that namely which obtains between
-mourning and feasts, or, more correctly, distributions of food, which
-are made at intervals during a more or less prolonged period after a
-person's death. An especially big feast, or rather distribution, is
-made at the end of the period, and on this occasion the accumulated
-goods, usually coco-nut, betel-nut and pigs, are distributed. Death
-among all the coastal natives of Eastern New Guinea causes a great
-and permanent disturbance in the equilibrium of tribal life. On
-the one hand, there is the stemming of the normal flow of economic
-consumption. On the other hand, an innumerable series of rites,
-ceremonies and festive distributions, which one and all create all
-sorts of reciprocal obligations, take up the best part of the energy,
-attention and time of the natives for a period of a few months,
-or a couple of years according to the importance of the dead. The
-immense social and economic upheaval which occurs after each death
-is one of the most salient features of the culture of these natives,
-and one also which on its surface strikes us as enigmatic and which
-entices into all sorts of speculations and reflections. What makes
-the problem still more obscure and complex is the fact that all these
-taboos, feasts, and rites have nothing whatever to do, in the belief
-of the natives, with the spirit of the deceased. This latter has gone
-at once and settled definitely in another world, entirely oblivious
-of what happens in the villages and especially of what is done in
-memory of his former existence.
-
-The so'i (distribution of food) as found in Kitava is the final act in
-a long series of minor distributions. What distinguishes it from its
-Boyowan counterparts and the similar ceremonies among the other Massim,
-is the accumulation of Kula goods. In this case, as we have said,
-the taboo extends also to the valuables. Immediately after death has
-occurred in a village, a large stick is placed on the reef in front of
-its landing beach, and a conch shell is tied to it. This is a sign that
-no visitors will be received who come to ask for Kula goods. Besides
-this, a taboo is also imposed on coco-nut, betel-nut and pigs.
-
-These details, as well as the following ones, I received from an
-intelligent and reliable Kitavan informant, who has settled in
-Sinaketa. He told me that according to the importance of the death,
-and the speed with which the goods were accumulating after a year
-or so, word would be sent round to all the partners and muri-muri
-(partners once removed).
-
-
-    "When all are assembled," my informant told me, "the sagali
-    (distribution) begins. They sagali first kaulo (yam food),
-    then bulukwa (pig). When pig is plentiful it would be given in
-    halves; when not, it will be quartered. A big heap of yam food,
-    of coco-nut, betel-nut, and banana would be placed for each
-    canoe. Side by side with this row, a row of pig meat would be
-    placed. One man calls out for the yam heaps, another for the
-    pig-meat; the name of each canoe is called out. If it were a
-    whole pig, they would say, 'To'uluwa kam visibala!' (To'uluwa,
-    your whole pig)! Otherwise they would call out, 'Mililuta, kami
-    bulukwa!' (Men of Liluta, your pig). And again, 'Mililuta, kami
-    gogula!' (Men of Liluta, your heap). They take it, take their
-    heap to their canoe. There, the toliwaga (master of the canoe)
-    would make another small sagali. Those, who live near by, singe
-    their meat, and carry it home in their canoes. Those who live
-    far away, roast the pig, and eat it on the beach."
-
-
-It will be noted that the supreme chief's name would be uttered when
-his and his companion's share is allotted. With the shares of men
-of less importance, the name of the village is called out. As on
-all such occasions, the strangers do not eat their food in public,
-and even its re-distribution is done in the privacy of their camping
-place near the canoe.
-
-After the distribution of the food, and of course before this is taken
-away by the parties, the master of the so'i goes into his house and
-takes out a specially good piece of valuable. With a blast of the
-conch shell, he gives it to the most distinguished of his partners
-present. Others follow his example, and soon the village is filled
-with conch shell blasts, and all the members of the community are busy
-presenting gifts to their partners. First, the initial gifts (vaga)
-are given, and only after this is over, such valuables as have been
-due of old to their partners, and which have to be given as clinching
-gifts (yotile) are handed over.
-
-After the whole public distribution is finished and the guests have
-gone, the members of the sub-clan who organised it, at sunset make a
-small distribution of their own, called kaymelu. With that the so'i
-and the whole period of mourning and of consecutive distributions,
-is over. I have said before that this account of the so'i has been
-obtained only through the statements of several informants, one
-especially very clear and reliable. But it has not been checked by
-personal observation, and as is always the case with such material,
-there is no guarantee of its being complete.
-
-From the point of view in which it interests us, however, that is, in
-connection with the Kula, the outstanding fact is well established;
-a mortuary taboo temporarily holds up the flow of Kula goods, and a
-big quantity of valuables thus dammed up, is suddenly let loose by
-the so'i and spreads in a big wave along the circuit. The big wave
-of armshells, for instance, which travelled along and was taken up
-by the uvalaku expedition of the Dobuans, was the ripple of a so'i
-feast, held one or two months previously at full moon in Yanabwa, a
-village of Woodlark Island. When I was leaving Boyowa, in September,
-1918, a mortuary taboo was in force in the Island of Yeguma, or
-Egum, as it is pronounced in the Eastern district (the Alcester
-Islands of the map). Kwaywaya, the chief of Kitava whom I met on his
-visit in Sinaketa, told me that the people of Yeguma had sent him
-a sprouting coco-nut, with the message: "When its leaves develop,
-we shall sagali (make the distribution)." They had kept a coco-nut
-at the same stage of development in their village, and sent others to
-to all the neighbouring communities. This would give a first approach
-in fixing the date, which would be appointed more precisely when the
-feast was close at hand.
-
-The custom of associating the so'i with Kula is practised as far
-as Tubetube. In Dobu, there is no distribution of valuables at
-the mortuary feast. They have there another custom, however; at
-the final mortuary distribution, they like to adorn themselves with
-armshells and necklaces of the Kula--a custom entirely foreign to the
-Trobrianders. In Dobu therefore, an approaching mortuary feast also
-tends to dam up the valuables, which, after its performance will ebb
-away in two waves of mwali and so'ulava along both branches of the
-Kula. But they have no custom of distributing these valuables during
-the final mortuary feast, and therefore the release of the vaygu'a
-would not be as sudden as in a so'i.
-
-The same word--so'i--is used to denote the mortuary festivities
-over a wide area in the country of the Massim. Thus, the natives
-of Bonabona and Su'a'u, on the South Coast of New Guinea celebrate
-annually in November to January festivities, associated with dancing,
-gifts of pigs, the building of new houses, the erection of a platform
-and several other features. These feasts, which are held in an
-inter-connected series each year in several different localities,
-I had opportunities, as mentioned before, to see in three places, but
-not to study. Whether they are associated with some form of exchange
-of valuables I do not know. Mortuary feasts in other districts of
-the Massim are also called so'i. [89] What is the relation between
-these feasts and those of the Northern Massim I am unable to say. [90]
-
-These considerations bring us more and more to the point, where the
-two branches of the Kula which we have been following up from the
-Trobriands Southwards and Eastwards bend back again and meet. On
-this remaining part of the Kula, on which my information, however,
-is scanty, a few words will be said in the next Chapter.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXI
-
-THE REMAINING BRANCHES AND OFFSHOOTS OF THE KULA
-
-
-I
-
-In this chapter the ring of the Kula has to be closed by a description
-of its remaining portions. It will also be found indispensable to speak
-about its offshoots, that is, the trade and the expeditions, regularly
-carried on from certain points of the ring to outlying places. We have
-come across such offshoots already, when we realised that the Western
-Trobriands, especially the village of Kavataria, and the settlements on
-the island of Kayleula make non-Kula trading expeditions to the islands
-of Fergusson and Goodenough. Such expeditions would naturally belong
-to a full picture of the Kula, with its various associations. This
-is even more the case, as this lateral trade is associated with the
-import and export of some of the Kula valuables in and out of the ring.
-
-We have brought the description of our Southern expedition as far as
-Dawson Straits, and on the Eastern route, we reached Woodlark Island
-in the last chapter. We have to link up these two points. The saying,
-that a chain is not stronger than its weakest link does not, let us
-hope, apply to Ethnology. For indeed my knowledge of the remaining
-links of the Kula chain is far less complete than that contained in
-the previous chapters. Fortunately, what has been said there, remains
-true and valid, whatever might happen in the South-Eastern portion of
-the Kula. And again, there is no doubt that the fundamentals of the
-transaction are identical all over the ring, though some variations in
-detail probably occur. I had the opportunity of questioning informants
-from almost every place in the Kula, and the similarity of the main
-outlines is established beyond a doubt. Moreover, the information
-about some aspect of trade in the Southern Massim district contained in
-Professor Seligman's book, entirely, though indirectly, corroborates
-my results. But it is necessary to state emphatically and explicitly
-that the data given in this chapter are not in the same category
-as the rest of the information contained in this book. The latter
-was obtained from natives among whom I lived, and the bulk of it has
-been controlled and verified by personal experiences and observations
-(compare Table I in the Introduction). The material referring to the
-South Eastern branch was obtained by cursory examination of natives
-from that district, whom I met abroad, not in their own country, whilst
-I have not been in any of the places between Woodlark Island and Dobu.
-
-Starting at Woodlark Island, and keeping Map V before our eyes--we
-come at once on to an interesting ramification of the Kula. To the
-East of Woodlark, lies the coral group of the Loughlans, inhabited
-by natives speaking the same language as in Woodlark. They are in
-the ring, but it seems to be a cul-de-sac Kula, for as I was told,
-the valuables, which go there, return again to Woodlark. This is quite
-an unusual complication, a kind of eddy in the otherwise progressive
-current. I could not ascertain whether the difficulty is solved by
-the districts being sub-divided, a small ring being formed within it,
-and each class of articles moving on it in an opposite direction;
-or whether some other arrangement has been adopted. Again, one of my
-informants told me that some of the vaygu'a went directly from the
-Loughlans South to Misima, but I was unable to verify this statement
-and this whole part of the Kula must remain with a sketchy outline.
-
-Whatever might be the routes on which the Kula articles travel
-South from Woodlark Island, there is no doubt whatever that they
-all, or almost all, converge in the important commercial centre of
-Tubetube. This small island, according to Professor Seligman, is
-not even self-supporting as far as food goes; nor are they a greatly
-industrial community. They are to a great extent engaged in trade,
-and probably gain part of their support from this activity. "Tubetube
-has become a trading community, whose inhabitants are recognised
-as traders and middlemen over a very considerable area, extending
-westwards ... to Rogea and eastward to Murua." [91] Tubetube is known
-even in the Trobriands as one of the crucial points of the Kula,
-and it is well known that, whatever happens in the small island in
-the way of mortuary taboos and big feasts will affect the flow of
-valuables in Boyowa.
-
-There is no doubt whatever that Tubetube had direct relations with
-Murua (to use the Tubetube pronunciation of the native name for
-Woodlark Island) to the North-East, and with Dobu to the North-West. I
-saw a canoe from the small island beached at Dobu, and in Woodlark
-I was told that men from Tubetube used to come there from time to
-time. Professor Seligman also describes in detail the manner and the
-stages of their sailings to Woodlark Island:
-
-"Their trade route to Murua ... was, as they made it, about 120-135
-miles. They would usually go during the monsoon, and come back on
-the trade, as those winds served their itinerary best. Presuming that
-wind and weather served them throughout the passage, they slept the
-first night on an island called Ore, a couple of miles or so from
-Dawson Island. The next night they made Panamoti, the third night
-they slept at Tokunu (the Alcesters), and by the fourth night, they
-might reach Murua." [92] This description reminds us very much of the
-route on which we previously had followed the Sinaketans to Dobu--the
-same short stages with intermediate camping on sandbanks or islands,
-the same taking advantage of favourable following winds.
-
-From Kitava Eastward as far as Tubetube, a different type of canoe was
-used, the nagega, mentioned already in Chapter V, Division IV. As we
-saw there, it was very much the same in principles of construction
-as the Trobriand canoe, but it was bigger, of a greater carrying
-capacity, and more seaworthy. It was at the same time slower, but
-had one great advantage over the swifter counterpart; having more
-waterboard, it made less leeway in its sailing, and could be sailed
-against the wind. It would thus allow the natives to cross distances
-and to face changes in the weather, either of which would compel the
-frailer and swifter canoe of Dobu and Kiriwina to turn back.
-
-To the Northern shores of Normanby Island (Du'a'u) and to Dobu,
-the men of Tubetube would sail with the S.E. trade wind and return
-with the blow of the monsoon. According to Professor Seligman, such
-a trip to Dobu would take them also about four days, under the most
-favourable conditions. [93]
-
-Thus, one fundamental fact can be regarded as definitely established;
-the main centre of the Kula in its South-Eastern branch, was the small
-island of Tubetube. And this island was in direct communication with
-two points to which we have followed the Kula in two directions,
-starting from the Trobriands; that is, with Dobu and with Woodlark
-Island.
-
-On points of detail, some queries must be left unsolved. Were
-the visits returned by the Dobuans and Muruans? According to all
-probability, yes, but I possess no definite certainty on this point.
-
-Another question is whether the natives of Tubetube were direct
-partners of Murua or Dobu. We have seen that natives of Kiriwina sail
-not infrequently to Iwa, Gawa, Kwayawata and even to Woodlark; yet
-they are not partners (karayta'u) of these natives, but partners once
-removed (murimuri). I have definite information that the natives of
-Dobu Island proper and of Du'a'u, who, as we remember are not partners
-of the Southern Boyowans, stood in direct relation of partnership to
-the Tubetube. I believe also that the natives of Woodlark made direct
-Kula exchange with those of Tubetube.
-
-The fact, however, that there is a direct line of communication between
-Murua-Tubetube-Dobu does not preclude the possibility of other and
-more complex routes running parallel with the direct one. Indeed,
-I know that the island of Wari, (Teste Island) lying almost due
-South of Tubetube is also in the Kula. The big island of Misima
-(St. Aignan Island) about a hundred miles East of Tubetube forms
-also part of the ring. Thus a much wider circle runs from Woodlark
-Island, perhaps from the Loughlans through Misima, the neighbouring
-small island of Panayati, Wari, and further West, through the group
-of islands quite close to the East end of New Guinea, that is, the
-islands of Sariba, Roge'a, and Basilaki, and then northwards again
-towards Normanby Island. This duplicated circuit in the South-East
-has its North-Western counterpart in the double ramification which
-unites Kitava with Dobu. The short route runs direct from Kitava
-to Vakuta and from Vakuta to Dobu. Besides this, however, there are
-several longer ones. In one of them the stages are as follows: Kitava,
-Okayaulo, or Kitava, Wawela, thence Sinaketa, then Dobu direct; or via
-the Amphletts. Another and still wider ramification would run thus:
-Kitava, to Kiriwina, Kiriwina to Sinaketa, etc.; or, the widest,
-Kiriwina to western Boyowa, then Kayleula, thence Amphletts, and from
-there to Dobu. This last route was not only longest in distance, but
-owing to the notorious 'hardness' of both the natives of Kayleula and
-of the Amphletts, would take up much more time. A glance at Map V,
-and also at the more detailed map of the Trobriands (Map IV) will
-make all this clear.
-
-A more detailed knowledge of the North-Western routes allowed us to
-see the complications and irregularities obtaining there; that the
-district of Western Boyowa carried on exclusively the inland Kula,
-and that merely in the person of a few headmen of a few villages;
-that Kayleula made Kula on a small scale with the communities in the
-Amphletts, and that all these, as well as the villages on the Eastern
-shore of Southern Boyowa, were what we described as semi-independent
-Kula communities. Such details and peculiarities no doubt also exist
-with regard to the South-Eastern ramifications of the Kula, but must
-be taken here for granted.
-
-Following the various threads further on, I have no doubt that
-the islands lying near the East end of New Guinea--Roge'a, Sariba,
-Basilaki--are and were in olden days in the Kula ring, communicating
-in the East with Tubetube and Wari, while to the North they were in
-contact with the natives of Normanby Island. Whether the large village
-complex lying at East Cape was also in the Kula I cannot definitely
-say. In any case all the strands led to the Eastern shores of Dawson
-Straits, by way of the North-Eastern shores of Normanby Island. From
-here, from the district of Dobu, we have traced the further lines
-with complete exactness and detail.
-
-Of the various details of these expeditions and technicalities of the
-Kula observed in them, I have not much material available. The rules of
-actual exchange, the ceremonial of conch blowing, the code of honour
-or morality or vanity, perhaps, compelling people to give equivalent
-articles for what they have received, all these are the same all
-along the ring. So is also the Kula magic, with variations in details.
-
-
-
-
-II
-
-One subject on which more must be said is that of the associated
-trade. A new and important article of exchange accompanies the
-transaction in the South-Eastern branch of the Kula: the big,
-sea-going canoes. The main centres of manufacture, and to a
-great extent manufacture for export, were the islands of Gawa and
-Panayati. In these places, canoes were constructed for export to the
-southern districts where the natives did not know how to build such
-canoes (compare Chapter I, Division III). In olden days the natives
-of Woodlark Island, before its present depopulation, also probably
-made some canoes for exchange in external trade. I have seen these
-canoes owned by natives in the Southern Massim district as far as
-Orangerie Bay, over two hundred miles from the place where they were
-manufactured. The trading of this article ran along with the Kula lines
-of communication as there is no doubt that the natives of Tubetube
-and Wari were the main distributors and middlemen in this trade.
-
-How far canoe exchange was associated directly with Kula transactions,
-I cannot say definitely. Judging from the data given by Professor
-Seligman, [94] armshells were paid by natives of Tubetube for
-canoes purchased from Panamoti in the North. Thus, the mwali in
-this commercial transaction, travelled in a direction opposite to
-that in which they must move in the Kula ring. This, again, suggests
-complete independence of the two transactions. Besides the canoes,
-another important article of trade in the southern portion are the
-clay pots manufactured both in Tubetube and Wari. Besides this, the
-two islands of "merchant venturers," as they are called by Professor
-Seligman, carry on their Kula expeditions, and most likely independent
-of them also, they trade almost all the various articles of industry
-manufactured in the neighbouring districts and distributed by the
-two communities. This subject has been treated so fully by Professor
-Seligman in Chapter XL of his "Melanesians" that a reference here
-will suffice. [95]
-
-Having now before us the whole ring of the Kula, we may inquire how far
-is this ring in contact commercially with other outlying districts,
-and, more especially, how far are certain articles of trade imported
-into it and others drawn out of it? What will interest us most in
-this connection is the entry into the ring and the exit out of it of
-the articles of Kula proper, the mwali (armshells) and the soulava
-(necklaces).
-
-
-
-
-III
-
-One such offshoot of the Kula ring we met in the Trobriands, to wit,
-the expeditions from the Western village of Kavataria, and from the
-island of Kayleula, to the Koya of Fergusson and Goodenough. We
-shall begin with a brief account of these expeditions. [96] The
-preparations are very much the same, as in Sinaketa. The canoes
-are built with more or less the same magic (cf. Chapter V), they
-are launched ceremonially and the trial run, the tasasoria, also
-takes place (Chapter VI). The island of Kayleula is by far the more
-important centre of canoe building. Whether some of the Kavataria
-canoes were not actually made in Kayleula and purchased by the
-Kavatarians in olden days, I do not definitely know, though I think
-this was the case. Nowadays, the community of Kavataria are completely
-absorbed by the pearling industry, and since about a generation ago
-have given up the expeditions, and even do not own any canoes. The
-collecting of trade articles, the magic performed over the lilava,
-the yawarapu, and the sulumwoya are the same as those described before
-(Chapter VII) except, that is, that there exists a different system of
-mwasila in the island of Kayleula, a system which was used also by the
-Kavatarians. It must be remembered in this connection that the natives
-of Kayleula did make Kula on a small scale with the Amphlettans, and
-that their mwasila was connected with the Kula. [97] But the main
-object of the Kavatarian and Kayleulan mwasila was their non-Kula
-trade with the natives of Fergusson and Goodenough. This is quite
-clear from Mr. Gilmour's account, and it was also corroborated by
-my informants. They told me that the mwasila is done because of the
-kavaylu'a (fine food) that is, of the sago and betel-nut and pigs,
-the main objects of their expedition:
-
-
-    "If they (the Western Boyowans) would not make mwasila, they
-    (the Western d'Entrecasteaux natives) would fight them. They are
-    foolish men, the people of the Koya, not like people of Dobu,
-    who are human beings. Those in the Koya are wild, eaters of
-    man. If they (Kavataria and Kayleula) would make no mwasila,
-    they would refuse them betel-nut, refuse them sago."
-
-
-The sailing is characterised by the priority enjoyed by the Kulutula
-clan, who, as we have seen in a previous chapter (Chapter IX, Division
-III) sail ahead and have the privilege of landing first on any beach,
-on which they stop. On arrival, they perform the beauty magic,
-and sailing towards the beach, the magic of "shaking the mountain"
-is also recited. In the Koya, the transactions resemble to a certain
-extent those of the Kula. As my informant said:
-
-
-    "When they anchor, first of all they give the pari; they give
-    combs, lime pots, wooden dishes, lime spatulæ, plenty of gugu'a
-    (objects of use). At the talo'i (farewell gifts) this will
-    be repaid."
-
-
-The following transaction, the main trade, is carried on as
-gimwali. The natives of the Koya would bring the sago, or the
-betel-nut, put it on the beach near the canoes and say:
-
-
-    "I want a beku (ceremonial axe blade)." And here my informants were
-    positive that real bargaining would take place. "If they give us
-    an insufficient quantity, we expostulate, then they bring another
-    portion. They would go to the village, fetch some more goods,
-    return and give it to us. If it is enough, we give him the beku."
-
-
-Thus the barter would be carried on till the visitors had exhausted
-their stock in trade and received as much from the local natives as
-they could.
-
-These expeditions are interesting in that we see the same type of
-magic and a number of similar customs, as in the Kula, associated with
-ordinary trading expeditions. I am not certain about the nature of
-partnership obtaining in these trading relations, except that Kavataria
-and Kayleula have their own districts each with whom they trade.
-
-As said already, the main objects for which they make these distant
-trips are sago, betel-nut, pig; also the various feathers, especially
-those of the cassowary and the red parrot; rattan-cane belts; plaited
-fibre belts; obsidian; fine sand for polishing axe blades; red ochre;
-pumice stone; and other products of the jungle and of the volcanic
-mountains. For that, they exported to the Koya, to mention the most
-valuable first, armshells, the valuable axe blades, boars' tusks and
-imitations; and, of lesser value, wooden dishes, combs, lime pots,
-armlets, baskets, wayugo creeper, mussel shells and lime spatulæ of
-ebony. Spondylus shell necklaces were not exported to the Koya.
-
-
-
-
-IV
-
-Another important activity of the two districts of Kavataria and
-Kayleula is their production of armshells. As Sinaketa and Vakuta are
-the only two places in the Trobriands where spondylus discs are made,
-so Kavataria and Kayleula are the only localities where the natives
-fished for the large Conus millepunctatus shell, and made out of it
-the ornaments so highly valued yet so seldom used. The main reason for
-the exclusive monopoly, held by these two places in the manufacture
-of mwali, is the inertia of custom and usage which traditionally
-assigns to them this sort of fishing and manufacture. For the shells
-are scattered all over the Lagoon, nor is the fishing and diving for
-them more difficult than any of the pursuits practised by all the
-Lagoon villages. Only the communities mentioned, however, carry it
-on, and they only are in possession of a system of elaborate magic,
-at least as complex as that of the kaloma.
-
-The actual manufacturing of the armshells presents also no
-difficulties. The ornament is made out of a belt of the shell cut out
-nearest to its base. With a stone, the natives knock out the circular
-base along the rim, and they also knock a circle at some distance
-from the base and parallel to it, by which the broad band of shell
-is severed, from which the ornament is to be made. It has then to
-be polished, and this is done on the outside by rubbing off the soft
-calcareous surface on a flat sandstone. The interior is polished off
-with a long, cylindrical stone. [98]
-
-It was the custom in Kavataria that when a man found a fine Conus
-shell, he would give it to his wife's brother as a youlo present,
-who in turn would send the finder a return present of food, such
-as specially fine yams, bananas, betel-nut, and also a pig if it
-were an especially fine shell. He then would work out the shell for
-himself. This arrangement is a pendant to the one described with
-reference to Sinaketa, where a man would fish as well as work out a
-necklace for one of his wife's kinsmen.
-
-An even more interesting custom obtains in Kayleula. A pair of shells
-would be fished and broken in one of the villages of that island,
-or in one of its small sister islands, Kuyawa and Manuwata. In this
-unfinished state, as a band of coarse shell, called as such makavayna,
-it is then brought to the Amphletts, and there given as a Kula
-gift. The Gumasila man, who receives the shells, will then polish them
-up, and in that state again kula them to Dobu. The Dobuan who receives
-them then bores holes in the side, where one rim overlaps the other
-(clearly to be seen on Plate XVI) and attaches there the ornaments
-of black, wild banana seeds, and spondylus discs. Thus, only after
-it has travelled some one hundred miles and passed through two stages
-of the Kula, has the mwali received its proper shape and final outfit.
-
-In this manner does a new-born Kula article enter into the ring,
-taking shape as it goes through its first few stages, and at the
-same time, if it is a specially fine specimen, it is christened by
-its maker. Some of the names express simply local associations. Thus,
-a celebrated pair of mwali, of which the shell was found not long ago
-by a Kavataria man near the island of Nanoula, is named after that
-place. It may be added that, in each pair there is always a 'right'
-and a 'left' one, the first the bigger and more important of the two,
-and it is after that the name is given. Of course, they never are found
-at the same time, but if a man has succeeded in obtaining a specially
-fine specimen, he will be busy trying to find its slightly inferior
-companion, or some of his relatives-in-law, friends or kinsmen will
-give him one. 'Nanoula' is one of the most celebrated pairs, and it
-was known all over the Trobriands, at that moment, that it was soon to
-come to Kitava, and the general interest hung round the question who
-was going to get it in Boyowa. A pair called 'Sopimanuwata,' which
-means, 'water of Manuwata' was found in olden days by a man of that
-island close to its shores. Another famous pair, made in Kayleula,
-was called 'Bulivada,' after a fish of this name. The larger shell
-of this pair was found, according to tradition, broken, with a hole
-near its apex. When they brought it to the surface they found a small
-bulivada fish which had taken up its abode in the shell. Another pair
-was called 'Gomane ikola,' which means 'it is entangled in a net,'
-as, according to the story, it was brought up in a net. There are
-many other celebrated mwali, the names of which are so familiar that
-boys and girls are named after them. But the majority of the names
-cannot be traced as to their origins.
-
-Another point at which the armshells enter into the ring is Woodlark
-Island. I do not know for certain, but I believe that the industry is
-quite or almost extinct now in that island. In the olden days, Murua
-probably was quite as productive a centre of this manufacture as the
-Trobriands, and in these latter though Kayleula and the Western islands
-fish and work the mwali as much as ever, the natives of Kavataria are
-almost entirely out of it, busy all the time diving for pearls. Both
-the main places of origin of the armshells, therefore, are within
-the Kula ring. After they are made, or, as we saw in Kayleula, in
-the process of making, they enter the circulation. Their entry into
-the ring is not accompanied by any special rite or custom, and indeed
-it does not differ from an ordinary act of exchange. If the man who
-found the shell and made the mwali were not in the Kula himself,
-as might happen in Kavataria or Kayleula, he would have a relative,
-a brother-in-law, or a head man to whom he would give it in the form of
-one or other of the many gifts and payments obligatory in this society.
-
-
-
-
-V
-
-Let us follow the ring of the Kula, noticing its commercial side
-tracks, of which so far we only described the trading routes of
-Kavataria and Kayleula. To the Eastward, the section from Kitava
-to Woodlark Island is the one big portion of the Kula from which
-no lateral offshoots issue, and on which all the trade follows
-the same routes as the Kula. The other branch, of which I have
-got a good knowledge, that from the Trobriands to Dobu, has the
-commercial relations of which I have just spoken. The Amphletts,
-as described in Chapter XI trade with the natives of Fergusson
-Island. The Dobuan-speaking natives from Tewara, Sanaroa, and the
-Dawson Straits make exchange, though perhaps not on a very big scale,
-with the inland natives of Fergusson. The Dobuan-speaking communities
-on Normanby Island, and the natives of Du'a'u, on the Northern coast of
-Normanby, all of whom are in the Kula, trade with the other natives of
-Normanby Island who are not in the ring, and with the natives of the
-mainland of New Guinea from East Cape Westwards. But, all this trade
-affects little the main current of the Kula. From its main stream,
-possibly some of the less valuable articles ebb away into the jungle,
-which, in its turn, gives its produce to the coast.
-
-The most important leakage out and into the main stream takes place
-on the Southern section, mainly at Tubetube and Wari, and at some
-points of lesser importance around these two main centres. The North
-coast of New Guinea was connected with this district through the
-seafaring community at East Cape. But this side branch is of very
-small importance as regards the main articles of the Kula. It is
-the two connections to East and West, at the extreme southern point
-of the Kula ring, which matter most. One of them links up the South
-Coast of New Guinea with the Kula ring, the other joins the ring to
-the big islands of Sud-Est (Tagula) and Rossel with several adjacent
-small islands.
-
-The South Coast, going from East to West, is at first inhabited
-by natives of the Massim stock, speaking the Su'a'u and Bonabona
-dialects. These are in constant intercourse with the Southern section
-of the Kula district, that is with the natives of Rogea, Sariba,
-Basilaki, Tubetube and Wari. The Massim of the Southern coast are again
-in commercial relations with the Mailu, and from this point, a chain
-of trading relations unites the Eastern districts with the Central
-ones, inhabited by the Motu. The Motu again as we know from Captain
-Barton's contribution to Professor Seligman's work, are in annual
-trading relations with the Gulf of Papua, so that an article could
-travel from the delta of any of the Papuan rivers to Woodlark in the
-Trobriands, and many things were in fact traded over all this distance.
-
-There is, however, one movement which specially interests us from the
-Kula point of view, namely that of the two types of Kula valuables. One
-of these articles, the armshells, travels on the South Coast from East
-to West. There is no doubt that this article leaks out from the Kula
-current at its Southernmost point, and is carried away towards Port
-Moresby, where the value of armshells is, and was, in olden days much
-higher than in the Eastern district. I found in Mailu that the local
-native traders purchased, for pigs, armshells in the Su'a'u district,
-and carried them West towards Aroma, Hula, and Kerepunu. Professor
-Seligman, from his notes taken at Port Moresby, informs us that Hula,
-Aroma, and Kerepunu import armshells into Port Moresby. Some of these
-armshells, according to the same authority, travel further West as
-far as the Gulf of Papua. [99]
-
-It was much more difficult to ascertain what was the direction in which
-the spondylus shell necklaces moved on the Southern Coast. Nowadays,
-the industry of making these articles, which was once very highly
-developed among the Port Moresby natives is partially, though not
-completely in decay. I have myself still had the opportunity of
-watching the natives of Bo'era at work on the ageva, the very small and
-fine shell discs, such as the very finest bagi would consist of. They
-were using in their manufacture a native pump-drill with a quartz
-point, in a place within a few miles of a large white settlement, in a
-district where white man's influence on a big scale has been exercised
-for the last fifty years. Yet, this is only a vestige of the once
-extremely developed industry. My inquiries into this subject could
-not be exhaustive, for when I worked on the South Coast, I did not
-have the problem before me, and on my second and third expeditions
-to New Guinea I only passed through Port Moresby. But I think it
-may be considered certain that in olden days the shell strings moved
-from Port Moresby Eastwards and were introduced into the Kula ring,
-at the East end of New Guinea.
-
-However this might be, unquestionable sources of this Kula article are
-the islands of Sud-Est, Rossel, and the surrounding small islands. The
-best spondylus shell, with the reddest colours is fished in these
-seas, and the natives are expert workers of the discs, and export the
-finished article to the island of Wari, and, I believe, to the islands
-of Misima and Panayati. The most important articles for which the
-necklaces are traded are the canoes, and the large polished axe blades.
-
-Casting now a glance at the Kula ring we see that one class of Kula
-article, the mwali or armshells, are produced within the ring at two
-points, that is, in Woodlark Island and in Western Boyowa. The other
-article, that is the soulava or bagi (necklaces) are poured into the
-ring at its southernmost point. One of these sources (Rossel Island)
-is still active, the other (Port Moresby) most probably furnished
-a good supply in olden days, but is now disconnected with the Kula
-ring. The necklaces produced in Sinaketa are not the real Kula article,
-and though they are sometimes exchanged they sooner or later disappear
-from the ring according to a sort of Gresham's Law, which operates here
-on an article which is not money, and therefore acts in the opposite
-sense! The third type of valuable which sometimes flows in the Kula
-stream but is not really of it, the large green stone axe blades,
-finely polished all over, are, as we know, or more correctly were,
-quarried in Woodlark Island, and polished in the district of Kiriwina
-in the Trobriands. Another polishing centre is, or was, I believe,
-the island of Misima.
-
-We see that the two sources of the mwali and soulava are at
-the Northern and Southern ends of the ring; the armshells being
-manufactured in the extreme North, the necklaces entering at the
-Southern end. It is noteworthy that on the Eastern portion of the ring,
-on the section Woodlark-Boyowa-Dobu-Tubetube, the two articles travel
-in the natural direction, that is, each is exported from the districts
-of its origin towards one, where it is not made or procured. On the
-other branch, Woodlark-Yeguma-Tubetube, the current of the Kula is
-inverse to a natural, commercial movement of the articles, for here,
-the Tubetube people import armshells into Murua, thus bringing coals to
-Newcastle, while the Muruans bring necklaces to Tubetube and Wari, that
-is, to the points at which the necklaces flow into the ring from the
-outside. These considerations are important for anyone who would like
-to reflect on the origins, or history of the Kula, since the natural
-movement of valuables was no doubt the original one, and the Western
-half of the Kula from this point of view appears to be the older.
-
-But here we have come to an end of all the descriptive data referring
-to the Kula, and some general remarks which I have to make upon it,
-will be reserved for the next and last chapter.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXII
-
-THE MEANING OF THE KULA
-
-
-We have been following the various routes and ramifications of the
-Kula, entering minutely and meticulously into its rules and customs.,
-its beliefs and practices, and the mythological tradition spun round
-it, till, arriving at the end of our information, we have made its two
-ends meet. We shall now put aside the magnifying glass of detailed
-examination and look from a distance at the subject of our inquiry,
-take in the whole institution with one glance, let it assume a definite
-shape before us. This shape will perhaps strike us as being something
-unusual, something not met before in ethnological studies. It will be
-well to make an attempt at finding its place among the other subjects
-of systematic ethnology, at gauging its significance, at assessing
-how much we have learned by becoming acquainted with it.
-
-After all there is no value in isolated facts for science, however
-striking and novel they might seem in themselves. Genuine scientific
-research differs from mere curio-hunting in that the latter runs after
-the quaint, singular and freakish--the craving for the sensational
-and the mania of collecting providing its twofold stimulus. Science
-on the other hand has to analyse and classify facts in order to place
-them in an organic whole, to incorporate them in one of the systems
-in which it tries to group the various aspects of reality.
-
-I shall not, of course enter upon any speculations or add any
-hypothetical assumptions to the empirical data contained in the
-foregoing chapters. I shall confine myself to some reflections on the
-most general aspect of the institution, and try to express somewhat
-more clearly what to me appears the mental attitude at the bottom
-of the various Kula customs. These general points of view ought,
-I think, to be considered and tested in further field-work done
-on subjects akin to the Kula as well as in theoretical research,
-and might thus prove fertile for future scientific work. In this
-form it may be granted that it is the privilege of the chronicler
-of a novel phenomenon to pass it over to the consideration of
-fellow-workers; but it is his duty as well as his privilege. For,
-apart from his first-hand acquaintance with the facts--and indeed,
-if his account is good, he ought to have succeeded in transferring
-the best part of his knowledge to the reader--the fundamental aspects
-and characteristics of an ethnographic phenomenon for being general
-are none the less empirical. It is therefore the Chronicler's task
-to finish his account by a comprehensive, synthetic coup d'oeil upon
-the institution described.
-
-As said the Kula seems to be, to a certain extent, a novel type
-of ethnological fact. Its novelty lies partly in the size of its
-sociological and geographical extent. A big, inter-tribal relationship,
-uniting with definite social bonds a vast area and great numbers of
-people, binding them with definite ties of reciprocal obligations,
-making them follow minute rules and observations in a concerted
-manner--the Kula is a sociological mechanism of surpassing size and
-complexity, considering the level of culture on which we find it. Nor
-can this wide network of social co-relations and cultural influences
-be considered for a moment as ephemeral, new or precarious. For its
-highly developed mythology and its magical ritual show how deeply it
-has taken root in the tradition of these natives and of what ancient
-growth it must be.
-
-Another unusual feature is the character of the transaction itself,
-which is the proper substance of the Kula. A half commercial, half
-ceremonial exchange, it is carried out for its own sake, in fulfilment
-of a deep desire to possess. But here again, it is not ordinary
-possession, but a special type, in which a man owns for a short time,
-and in an alternating manner, individual specimens of two classes of
-objects. Though the ownership is incomplete in point of permanency,
-it is in turn enhanced in point of numbers successively possessed,
-and may be called a cumulative possession.
-
-Another aspect of great, perhaps the greatest, importance and
-which perhaps reveals best the unusual character of the Kula is
-the natives' mental attitude towards the tokens of wealth. These
-latter are neither used nor regarded as money or currency, and they
-resemble these economic instruments very little, if indeed there is
-any resemblance at all, except that both money and vaygu'a represent
-condensed wealth. Vaygu'a is never used as medium of exchange or
-as measure of value, which are the two most important functions of
-currency or money. Each piece of vaygu'a of the Kula type has one
-main object throughout its existence--to be possessed and exchanged;
-has one main function and serves one main purpose--to circulate
-round the Kula ring, to be owned and displayed in a certain manner,
-of which we shall speak presently. And the exchange which each piece
-of vaygu'a constantly undergoes is of a very special kind; limited
-in the geographical direction in which it can take place, narrowly
-circumscribed in the social circle of men between whom it may be
-done, it is subject to all sorts of strict rules and regulations;
-it can neither be described as barter, nor as simply giving and
-receiving of presents, nor in any sense is it a play at exchange. In
-fact it is Kula, an exchange of an entirely novel type. And it is
-just through this exchange, through their being constantly within
-reach and the object of competitive desire, through being the means
-of arousing envy and conferring social distinction and renown, that
-these objects attain their high value. Indeed, they form one of the
-leading interests in native life, and are one of the main items in
-the inventory of their culture. Thus, one of the most important and
-unusual features of the Kula is the existence of the Kula vaygu'a,
-the incessantly circulating and ever exchangeable valuables, owing
-their value to this very circulation and its character.
-
-The acts of exchange of the valuables have to conform to a definite
-code. The main tenet of this declares that the transaction is not a
-bargain. The equivalence of the values exchanged is essential, but it
-must be the result of the repayer's own sense of what is due to custom
-and to his own dignity. The ceremonial attached to the act of giving,
-the manner of carrying and handling the vaygu'a shows distinctly that
-this is regarded as something else than mere merchandise. Indeed it
-is to the native something that confers dignity, that exalts him,
-and which he therefore treats with veneration and affection. Their
-behaviour at the transaction, makes it clear that the vaygu'a is
-regarded, not only as possessing high value, but that it is treated
-also in a ritual manner, and arouses emotional reaction. This
-recognition is confirmed and deepened by the consideration of some
-other uses of vaygu'a, in which uses other valuables, such as kaloma
-belts and large stone blades also function, besides the Kula articles.
-
-Thus, when a malignant spirit, tauva'u (see Chapter II, Division VII)
-is found in or near the village in the shape of a snake or a land
-crab, some vaygu'a is put before it ceremonially and this is not
-done so much in order to bribe the spirit sacrificially by a gift
-as rather to exercise a direct action on his mind, and to make it
-benevolent. In the annual festive and dancing period, the milamala,
-the spirits return to their villages. The Kula valuables at that
-time in the hands of the community, as well as the permanent vaygu'a,
-such as stone blades, kaloma belts, and doga pendants, are exhibited
-sacrificially to the spirits on a platform, an arrangement and custom
-called yolova (compare Chapter II, Division VII). Thus the vaygu'a
-represent the most effective offering to be given to the spirits,
-through which they can be put into a pleasant state of mind; "to
-make their minds good," as the stereotyped phrase of the natives
-runs. In the yolova an offering is made to the spirits of what is
-most valued by the living. The shadowy visitors are supposed to take
-the spirit or shadow part of the vaygu'a home, and make a tanarere
-of it on the beach of Tuma, just as a Kula party make a tanarere of
-the acquired valuables on their home beach (cf. Chapter XV, Division
-IV). In all this there is a clear expression of the mental attitude of
-the natives, who regard the vaygu'a as supremely good in themselves,
-and not as convertible wealth, or as potential ornaments, or even as
-instruments of power. To possess vaygu'a is exhilarating, comforting,
-soothing in itself. They will look at vaygu'a and handle it for hours;
-even a touch of it imparts under circumstances its virtue.
-
-This is most clearly expressed by a custom observed at death. A dying
-man is surrounded and overlaid with valuables which all his relatives
-and relatives-in-law bring in loan for the occasion, to take it back
-when all is over while the man's own vaygu'a are left on the corpse for
-some time after death (see Plate LXV). Various rationalised versions
-and justifications of this custom are given. Thus it is said to be a
-gift to Topileta, the keeper of the nether world; or, again, that it
-has to be taken in its spiritual form to procure a high social standing
-in Tuma, or simply, that it is laid to adorn and make happier the last
-moments of the dying. All these beliefs no doubt exist side by side,
-and they are all compatible with, and indeed express, the underlying
-emotional attitude; the comforting action of the valuables. It is
-applied to the dying as something full of good, as something exercising
-a pleasant action, soothing and fortifying at the same time. They put
-it on his forehead, they put it on his chest, they rub his belly and
-his ribs with it, they dangle some of the vaygu'a before his nose. I
-have often seen them do that, in fact, observed them do it for hours,
-and I believe there is a complex, emotional and intellectual attitude
-at the bottom of it; the desire to inspire with life; and at the same
-time to prepare for death; to hold him fast to this one, and to equip
-for the other world; but above all, the deep feeling that the vaygu'a
-are the supreme comfort, that to surround a man with them, even in
-his most evil moment, makes this moment less evil. The same mental
-attitude is probably at the bottom of the custom which prescribes
-that the widow's brothers should give a vaygu'a to the brothers of
-the dead man, the same vaygu'a being given back on the same day. But
-it is kept just long enough to be of comfort to those, who, according
-to native kinship ideas, are most directly hit by the death.
-
-In all this we find the expression of the same mental attitude, the
-extreme value attached to condensed wealth, the serious, respectful way
-of treating it, the idea and the feeling that it is the reservoir of
-highest good. The vaygu'a are valued in quite a different manner from
-that in which we value our wealth. The Biblical symbol of the golden
-calf might even be better applied to their attitude than to ours,
-although it would be not quite correct to say that they 'worship' the
-vaygu'a, for they worship nothing. The vaygu'a might perhaps be called
-"objects of cult" in the sense expressed by the facts of the Kula,
-and the data just adduced; that is, in so far as they are handled
-ritually in some of the most important acts of native life.
-
-Thus, in several aspects, the Kula presents to us a new type of
-phenomenon, lying on the borderland between the commercial and
-the ceremonial and expressing a complex and interesting attitude
-of mind. But though it is novel, it can hardly be unique. For we
-can scarcely imagine that a social phenomenon on such a scale,
-and obviously so deeply connected with fundamental layers of human
-nature, should only be a sport and a freak, found in one spot of the
-earth alone. Once we have found this new type of ethnographic fact,
-we may hope that similar or kindred ones will be found elsewhere. For
-the history of our science shows many cases in which a new type of
-phenomena having been discovered, taken up by theory, discussed and
-analysed, was found subsequently all the world over. The tabu, the
-Polynesian word and the Polynesian custom, has served as prototype and
-eponym to similar regulations found among all the savage and barbarous
-as well as civilised races. Totemism, found first among one tribe of
-North American Indians and brought to light by the work of Frazer,
-has later on been documented so widely and fully from everywhere,
-that in re-writing his early small book, its historian could fill out
-four volumes. The conception of mana, discovered in a small Melanesian
-community has, by the work of Hubert and Mauss, Marett and others,
-been proved of fundamental importance, and there is no doubt that mana,
-whether named or unnamed, figures and figures largely in the magical
-beliefs and practices of all natives. These are the most classical
-and best known examples, and they could be multiplied by others were
-it necessary. Phenomena of the 'totemic type' or of the 'mana type'
-or of the 'tabu type' are to be found in all ethnographic provinces,
-since each of these concepts stands for a fundamental attitude of
-the savage towards reality.
-
-So with the Kula, if it represents a novel, but not freakish, indeed,
-a fundamental type of human activity and of the mental attitude of man,
-we may expect to find allied and kindred phenomena in various other
-ethnographic provinces. And we may be on the lookout for economic
-transactions, expressing a reverential, almost worshipping attitude
-towards the valuables exchanged or handled; implying a novel type of
-ownership, temporary, intermittent, and cumulative; involving a vast
-and complex social mechanism and systems of economic enterprises,
-by means of which it is carried out. Such is the Kula type of
-semi-economic, semi-ceremonial activities. It would be futile, no
-doubt, to expect that exact replicas of this institution should be
-found anywhere and with the same details, such as the circular path on
-which the valuables move, the fixed direction in which each class has
-to travel, and existence of solicitory and intermediate gifts. All
-these technicalities are important and interesting, but they are
-probably connected in one way or another with the special local
-conditions of the Kula. What we can expect to find in other parts
-of the world are the fundamental ideas of the Kula, and its social
-arrangements in their main outline, and for these the field-worker
-might be on the look-out.
-
-For the theoretical student, mainly interested in problems of
-evolution, the Kula might supply some reflections about the origins
-of wealth and value, of trade and economic relations in general. It
-might also shed some light upon the development of ceremonial life, and
-upon the influence of economic aims and ambitions upon the evolution
-of intertribal intercourse and of primitive international law. For
-the student mainly viewing the problems of Ethnology from the point
-of view of the contact of cultures, and interested in the spread of
-institutions, beliefs and objects by transmission, the Kula is no less
-important. Here is a new type of inter-tribal contact, of relations
-between several communities slightly but definitely differing in
-culture, and a relation not spasmodic or accidental but regulated
-and permanent. Quite apart from the fact that in trying to explain
-how the Kula relationship between the various tribes originated,
-we are confronted with a definite problem of culture contact.
-
-These few remarks must suffice, as I cannot enter into any theoretical
-speculations myself. There is one aspect of the Kula, however, to
-which attention must be drawn from the point of view of its theoretical
-importance. We have seen that this institution presents several aspects
-closely intertwined and influencing one another. To take only two,
-economic enterprise and magical ritual form one inseparable whole,
-the forces of the magical belief and the efforts of man moulding and
-influencing one another. How this is happening has been described
-before in detail in the previous chapters. [100]
-
-But it seems to me that a deeper analysis and comparison of the
-manner in which two aspects of culture functionally depend on one
-another might afford some interesting material for theoretical
-reflection. Indeed, it seems to me that there is room for a new
-type of theory. The succession in time, and the influence of
-the previous stage upon the subsequent, is the main subject of
-evolutional studies, such as are practised by the classical school
-of British Anthropology (Tylor, Frazer, Westermarck, Sydney Hartland,
-Crawley). The ethnological school (Ratzel, Foy, Gräbner, W. Schmidt,
-Rivers, and Eliott-Smith) studies the influence of cultures by contact,
-infiltration and transmission. The influence of environment on cultural
-institutions and race is studied by anthropo-geography (Ratzel and
-others). The influence on one another of the various aspects of an
-institution, the study of the social and psychological mechanism on
-which the institution is based, are a type of theoretical studies which
-has been practised up till now in a tentative way only, but I venture
-to foretell will come into their own sooner or later. This kind of
-research will pave the way and provide the material for the others.
-
-At one or two places in the previous chapters, a somewhat detailed
-digression was made in order to criticise the view about the economic
-nature of primitive man, as it survives in our mental habits as well
-as in some text books--the conception of a rational being who wants
-nothing but to satisfy his simplest needs and does it according to
-the economic principle of least effort. This economic man always
-knows exactly where his material interests lie, and makes for them
-in a straight line. At the bottom of the so-called materialistic
-conception of history lies a somewhat analogous idea of a human
-being, who, in everything he devises and pursues, has nothing but
-his material advantage of a purely utilitarian type at heart. Now I
-hope that whatever the meaning of the Kula might be for Ethnology,
-for the general science of culture, the meaning of the Kula will
-consist in being instrumental to dispel such crude, rationalistic
-conceptions of primitive mankind, and to induce both the speculator
-and the observer to deepen the analysis of economic facts. Indeed, the
-Kula shows us that the whole conception of primitive value; the very
-incorrect habit of calling all objects of value 'money' or 'currency';
-the current ideas of primitive trade and primitive ownership--all
-these have to be revised in the light of our institution.
-
-At the beginning of this book, in the Introduction, I, in a way,
-promised the reader that he should receive a vivid impression of the
-events enabling him to see them in their native perspective, at the
-same time without for one moment losing sight of the method by which
-I have obtained my data. I have tried to present everything as far
-as possible in terms of concrete fact, letting the natives speak for
-themselves, perform their transactions, pursue their activities before
-the reader's mental vision. I have tried to pave my account with fact
-and details, equip it with documents, with figures, with instances of
-actual occurrence. But at the same time, my conviction, as expressed
-over and over again, is that what matters really is not the detail,
-not the fact, but the scientific use we make of it. Thus the details
-and technicalities of the Kula acquire their meaning in so far only
-as they express some central attitude of mind of the natives, and
-thus broaden our knowledge, widen our outlook and deepen our grasp
-of human nature.
-
-What interests me really in the study of the native is his outlook
-on things, his Weltanschauung, the breath of life and reality which
-he breathes and by which he lives. Every human culture gives its
-members a definite vision of the world, a definite zest of life. In
-the roamings over human history, and over the surface of the earth,
-it is the possibility of seeing life and the world from the various
-angles, peculiar to each culture, that has always charmed me most,
-and inspired me with real desire to penetrate other cultures, to
-understand other types of life.
-
-To pause for a moment before a quaint and singular fact; to be
-amused at it, and see its outward strangeness; to look at it as a
-curio and collect it into the museum of one's memory or into one's
-store of anecdotes--this attitude of mind has always been foreign and
-repugnant to me. Some people are unable to grasp the inner meaning and
-the psychological reality of all that is outwardly strange, at first
-sight incomprehensible, in a different culture. These people are not
-born to be ethnologists. It is in the love of the final synthesis,
-achieved by the assimilation and comprehension of all the items of
-a culture and still more in the love of the variety and independence
-of the various cultures that lies the test of the real worker in the
-true Science of Man.
-
-There is, however, one point of view deeper yet and more important than
-the love of tasting of the variety of human modes of life, and that is
-the desire to turn such knowledge into wisdom. Though it may be given
-to us for a moment to enter into the soul of a savage and through his
-eyes to look at the outer world and feel ourselves what it must feel
-to him to be himself--yet our final goal is to enrich and deepen our
-own world's vision, to understand our own nature and to make it finer,
-intellectually and artistically. In grasping the essential outlook of
-others, with the reverence and real understanding, due even to savages,
-we cannot but help widening our own. We cannot possibly reach the final
-Socratic wisdom of knowing ourselves if we never leave the narrow
-confinement of the customs, beliefs and prejudices into which every
-man is born. Nothing can teach us a better lesson in this matter of
-ultimate importance than the habit of mind which allows us to treat
-the beliefs and values of another man from his point of view. Nor
-has civilised humanity ever needed such tolerance more than now,
-when prejudice, ill will and vindictiveness are dividing each European
-nation from another, when all the ideals, cherished and proclaimed as
-the highest achievements of civilisation, science and religion, have
-been thrown to the winds. The Science of Man, in its most refined and
-deepest version should lead us to such knowledge and to tolerance and
-generosity, based on the understanding of other men's point of view.
-
-The study of Ethnology--so often mistaken by its very votaries for an
-idle hunting after curios, for a ramble among the savage and fantastic
-shapes of "barbarous customs and crude superstitions"--might become one
-of the most deeply philosophic, enlightening and elevating disciplines
-of scientific research. Alas! the time is short for Ethnology, and
-will this truth of its real meaning and importance dawn before it is
-too late?
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-NOTES
-
-
-[1] The Family among the Australian Aborigines: A Sociological
-Study. London: University of London Press, 1913.
-
-[2] "The Natives of Mailu: Preliminary Results of the Robert Mond
-Research Work in British New Guinea." Transactions of the Royal
-Society of South Australia, vol. xxxix., 1915.
-
-[3] The hiri, as these expeditions are called in Motuan, have been
-described with a great wealth of detail and clearness of outline by
-Captain F. Barton, in C. G. Seligman's "The Melanesians of British
-New Guinea," Cambridge, 1910, Chapter viii.
-
-[4] Cf: "The Mailu," by B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the
-R. Society of S. Australia, 1915; Chapter iv. 4, pp. 612 to 629.
-
-[5] Op. cit. Chapter xl.
-
-[6] On this point of method again, we are indebted to the Cambridge
-School of Anthropology for having introduced the really scientific
-way of dealing with the question. More especially in the writings
-of Haddon, Rivers and Seligman, the distinction between inference
-and observation is always clearly drawn, and we can visualise with
-perfect precision the conditions under which the work was done.
-
-[7] I may note at once that there were a few delightful exceptions to
-that, to mention only my friends Billy Hancock in the Trobriands;
-M. Raffael Brudo, another pearl trader; and the missionary,
-Mr. M. K. Gilmour.
-
-[8] According to a useful habit of the terminology of science, I
-use the word Ethnography for the empirical and descriptive results
-of the science of Man, and the word Ethnology for speculative and
-comparative theories.
-
-[9] The legendary "early authority" who found the natives only
-beastly and without customs is left behind by a modern writer, who,
-speaking about the Southern Massim with whom he lived and worked
-"in close contact" for many years, says:--"...We teach lawless men to
-become obedient, inhuman men to love, and savage men to change." And
-again:--"Guided in his conduct by nothing but his instincts and
-propensities, and governed by his unchecked passions...." "Lawless,
-inhuman and savage!" A grosser misstatement of the real state of things
-could not be invented by anyone wishing to parody the Missionary point
-of view. Quoted from the Rev. C. W. Abel, of the London Missionary
-Society, "Savage Life in New Guinea," no date.
-
-[10] For instance, the tables of circulation of the valuable axe
-blades, op. cit., pp. 531, 532.
-
-[11] In this book, besides the adjoining Table, which does not strictly
-belong to the class of document of which I speak here, the reader will
-find only a few samples of synoptic tables, such as the list of Kula
-partners mentioned and analysed in Chapter XIII, Division II, the list
-of gifts and presents in Chapter VI, Division VI, not tabularised,
-only described; the synoptic data of a Kula expedition in Chapter
-XVI, and the table of Kula magic given in Chapter XVII. Here, I have
-not wanted to overload the account with charts, etc., preferring to
-reserve them till the full publication of my material.
-
-[12] It was soon after I had adopted this course that I received a
-letter from Dr. A. H. Gardiner, the well-known Egyptologist, urging
-me to do this very thing. From his point of view as archæologist,
-he naturally saw the enormous possibilities for an Ethnographer of
-obtaining a similar body of written sources as have been preserved
-to us from ancient cultures, plus the possibility of illuminating
-them by personal knowledge of the full life of that culture.
-
-[13] The best accounts we possess of the inland tribes are
-those of W. H. Williamson, "The Mafulu," 1912, and of C. Keysser,
-"Aus dem Leben der Kaileute," in R. Neuhauss, "Deutsch Neu Guinea,"
-Vol. III. Berlin, 1911. The preliminary publications of G. Landtmann on
-the Kiwai, "Papuan magic in the Building of Houses," "Acta Arboenses,
-Humanora." I. Abo, 1920, and "The Folk-Tales of the Kiwai Papuans,"
-Helsingfors, 1917, promise that the full account will dispel some
-of the mysteries surrounding the Gulf of Papua. Meanwhile a good
-semi-popular account of these natives is to be found in W. N. Beaver's
-"Unexplored New Guinea," 1920. Personally I doubt very much whether
-the hill tribes and the swamp tribes belong to the same stock or
-have the same culture. Compare also the most recent contribution
-to this problem: "Migrations of Cultures in British New Guinea,"
-by A. C. Haddon, Huxley Memorial Lecture for 1921, published by the
-R. Anthrop. Institute.
-
-[14] See C. G. Seligman, "The Melanesians of British New Guinea,"
-Cambridge, 1910.
-
-[15] Cf. C. G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 5.
-
-[16] A number of good portraits of the S. Massim type are to be found
-in the valuable book of the Rev. H. Newton, "In Far New Guinea," 1914,
-and in the amusingly written though superficial and often unreliable
-booklet of the Rev. C. W. Abel (London Missionary Society), "Savage
-Life in New Guinea" (No date).
-
-[17] See Table in the Introduction (p. 16), and also Chapters XVI
-and XX.
-
-[18] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XL and XLII.
-
-[19] Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XXXV, XXXVI, XXXVII.
-
-[20] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, Chapters XXXVII and XXXVIII.
-
-[21] My knowledge of the Dobuans is fragmentary, derived from three
-short visits in their district, from conversation with several Dobu
-natives whom I had in my service, and from frequent parallels and
-allusions about Dobuan customs, which are met when doing field-work
-among the Southern Trobrianders. There is a short, sketchy account
-of certain of their customs and beliefs by the Rev. W. E. Bromilow,
-first missionary in Dobu, which I have also consulted, in the records
-of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science.
-
-[22] Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 170 and 171; 187 and 188
-about the Koita and Motu; and B. Malinowski, The Mailu, pp. 647-652.
-
-[23] Comp. D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, "The Northern
-d'Entrecasteaux," Oxford, 1920, Chapter XII.
-
-[24] I spent about a month in these islands, and found the
-natives surprisingly intractable and difficult to work with
-ethnographically. The Amphlett "boys" are renowned as good boat-hands,
-but in general they are not such capable and willing workers as
-the Dobuans.
-
-[25] Already Dr. C. G. Seligman has noticed that there are people
-of an outstanding fine physical type among the Northern Massim,
-of whom the Trobrianders form the Western section, people who are
-"generally taller (often very notably so) than the individuals of the
-short-faced, broad-nosed type, in whom the bridge of the nose is very
-low." Op. cit., p. 8.
-
-[26] I have dealt with the subject of garden work in the Trobriands
-and with its economic importance more fully in an article entitled
-"The Primitive Economics of the Trobriand Islanders" in The Economic
-Journal, March, 1921.
-
-[27] This does not mean that the general economic conclusions
-are wrong. The economic nature of Man is as a rule illustrated on
-imaginary savages for didactic purposes only, and the conclusions
-of the authors are in reality based on their study of the facts of
-developed economics. But, nevertheless, quite apart from the fact
-that pedagogically it is a wrong principle to make matters look more
-simple by introducing a falsehood, it is the Ethnographer's duty and
-right to protest against the introduction from outside of false facts
-into his own field of study.
-
-[28] Compare Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 663-668; also the
-Author, article on "War and Weapons among the Trobriand Islanders,"
-in Man, January, 1918.
-
-[29] Compare the Author's article on "Fishing and Fishing Magic in
-the Trobriands," Man, June, 1918.
-
-[30] The discovery of the existence of "linked" totems, and the
-introduction of this term and conception are due to Professor
-C. G. Seligman. op. cit., pp. 9, 11; see also Index.
-
-[31] See the Author's article, "Baloma, Spirits of the Dead," Part
-VII, J.R.A.I., 1917, where this statement has been substantiated
-with abundant evidence. Further information obtained during another
-expedition to the Trobriands, established by an additional wealth of
-detail the complete ignorance of physiological fatherhood.
-
-[32] See the Author's article "Baloma, Spirits of the Dead," quoted
-above.
-
-[33] I am using the words religion and magic according to Sir James
-Frazer's distinction (see "Golden Bough," vol. I). Frazer's definition
-suits the Kiriwinian facts much better than any other one. In fact,
-although I started my field work convinced that the theories of
-religion and magic expounded in the "Golden Bough" are inadequate,
-I was forced by all my observations in New Guinea to come over to
-Frazer's position.
-
-[34] Compare Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., the parallel
-description of the social institutions in the Trobriands, Marshall
-Bennetts, Woodlark Island and the Loughlans, Chapters XLIX-LV.
-
-[35] By "current view," I mean such as is to be found in text-books
-and in passing remarks, scattered through economic and ethnological
-literature. As a matter of fact, Economics is a subject very seldom
-touched upon either in theoretical works on Ethnology, or in accounts
-of field-work. I have enlarged on this deficiency in the article on
-"Primitive Economics," published in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.
-
-The best analysis of the problem of savage economy is to be found, in
-spite of its many shortcomings, in K. Bücher's "Industrial Evolution,"
-English Translation, 1901. on primitive trade, however, his views
-are inadequate. In accordance with his general view that savages
-have no national economy, he maintains that any spread of goods
-among natives is achieved by non-economic means, such as robbery,
-tributes and gifts. The information contained in the present volume
-is incompatible with Bücher's views, nor could he have maintained
-them had he been acquainted with Barton's description of the Hiri
-(contained in Seligman's "Melanesians.")
-
-A summary of the research done on Primitive Economics, showing
-incidentally, how little real, sound work has been accomplished, will
-be found in Pater W. Kopper's "Die Ethnologische Wirtschaftsforschung"
-in Anthropos, X--XI, 1915-16, pp. 611-651, and 971-1079. The article
-is very useful, where the author summarises the views of others.
-
-[36] Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 93, states that arm-shells
-toea, as they are called by the Motu, are traded from the Port Moresby
-district westward to the Gulf of Papua. Among the Motu and Koita,
-near Port Moresby, they are highly valued, and nowadays attain very
-high prices, up to £30, much more than is paid for the same article
-among the Massim.
-
-[37] This and the following quotations are from the Author's
-preliminary article on the Kula in Man, July, 1920. Article number 51,
-p. 100.
-
-[38] In order not to be guilty of inconsistency in using loosely the
-word "ceremonial" I shall define it briefly. I shall call an action
-ceremonial, if it is (1) public; (2) carried on under observance
-of definite formalities; (3) if it has sociological, religious,
-or magical import, and carries with it obligations.
-
-[39] This is not a fanciful construction of what an erroneous opinion
-might be, for I could give actual examples proving that such opinions
-have been set forth, but as I am not giving here a criticism of
-existing theories of Primitive Economics, I do not want to overload
-this chapter with quotations.
-
-[40] It is hardly necessary perhaps to make it quite clear that all
-questions of origins, of development or history of the institutions
-have been rigorously ruled out of this work. The mixing up of
-speculative or hypothetical views with an account of facts is, in my
-opinion an unpardonable sin against ethnographic method.
-
-[41] Comparing the frail yet clumsy native canoe with a fine European
-yacht, we feel inclined to regard the former almost in the light of a
-joke. This is the pervading note in many amateur ethnographic accounts
-of sailing, where cheap fun is made by speaking of roughly hewn
-dug-outs in terms of "dreadnoughts" or "Royal Yachts," just as simple,
-savage chiefs are referred to as "Kings" in a jocular vein. Such humour
-is doubtless natural and refreshing, but when we approach these matters
-scientifically, on the one hand we must refrain from any distortion of
-facts, and on the other, enter into the finer shades of the natives'
-thought and feeling with regard to his own, creations.
-
-[42] The crab-claw sails, used on the South Coast, from Mailu
-where I used to see them, to westwards where they are used with the
-double-masted lakatoi of Port Moresby, are still more picturesque. In
-fact, I can hardly imagine anything more strangely impressive than
-a fleet of crab-claw sailed canoes. They have been depicted in the
-British New Guinea stamp, as issued by Captain Francis Barton, the late
-Governor of the Colony. See also Plate XII of Seligman's "Melanesians."
-
-[43] A constructive expedient to achieve a symmetrical stability is
-exemplified by the Mailu system of canoe-building, where a platform
-bridges two parallel, hollowed-out logs. Cf. Author's article in the
-Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, Vol. XXXIX, 1915,
-pp. 494-706. Chapter IV, 612-599. Plates XXXV-XXXVII.
-
-[44] The whole tribal life is based on a continuous material give
-and take; cf. the above mentioned article in the Economic Journal,
-March, 1921, and the digression on this subject in Chapter VI,
-Division IV-VII.
-
-[45] This view has been more fully elaborated in the article on
-"Primitive Economics" in the Economic Journal, March, 1921; compare
-also the remarks on systematic magic in Chapter XVII, Division VII.
-
-[46] The way of hiring a masawa (sea-going) canoe is different from the
-usual transaction, when hiring a fishing canoe. In the latter case,
-the payment consists of giving part of the yield of fish, and this
-is called uwaga. The same term applies to all payments for objects
-hired. Thus, if fishing nets or hunting implements, or a small canoe
-for trading along the coast are hired out, part of the proceeds are
-given as uwaga.
-
-[47] The words within brackets in this and in some of the following
-spells are free additions, necessary to make the meaning clear in
-the English version. They are implied by the context in the native
-original, though not explicitly contained.
-
-[48] Compare therefore Chapter XII, Division IV.
-
-[49] All this is discussed at length in Chapter XVII, Division IV.
-
-[50] It is necessary to be acquainted with the mythology of
-canoe-building and of the Kula (Chapter XII) in order to understand
-thoroughly the meaning of this spell.
-
-[51] Compare the linguistic analysis of this spell in Chapter XVIII.
-
-[52] Cf. Chapter II, Divisions III and IV, and some of the following
-Divisions of this Chapter.
-
-[53] I am adducing these views not for any controversial purposes,
-but to justify and make clear why I stress certain general features of
-Trobriand Economic Sociology. My contentions might run the danger of
-appearing as gratuitous truisms if not thus justified. The opinion
-that primitive humanity and savages have no individual property
-is an old prejudice shared by many modern writers, especially in
-support of communistic theories, and the so-called materialistic
-view of history. The "communism of savages" is a phrase very often
-read, and needs no special quotation. The views of individual
-search for food and household economy are those of Karl Bücher,
-and they have directly influenced all the best modern writings
-on Primitive Economics. Finally, the view that we have done with
-Primitive Economics if we have described the way in which the natives
-procure their food, is obviously a fundamental premise of all the
-naïve, evolutionary theories which construct the successive stages
-of economic development. This view is summarised in the following
-sentence: "...In many simple communities, the actual food quest,
-and operations immediately arising from it, occupy by far the greater
-part of the people's time and energy, leaving little opportunity for
-the satisfaction of any lesser needs." This sentence, quoted out of
-"Notes and Queries on Anthropology," p. 160, article on the "Economics
-of the Social Group," represents what may be called the official view
-of contemporary Ethnology on the subject, and in perusing the rest
-of the article, it can be easily seen that all the manifold economic
-problems, with which we are dealing in this book, have been so far
-more or less neglected.
-
-[54] These views had to be adduced at length, although touched upon
-already in Chapter II, Division IV, because they imply a serious error
-with regard to human nature in one of its most fundamental aspects. We
-can show up their fallacy on one example only, that of the Trobriand
-Society, but even this is enough to shatter their universal validity
-and show that the problem must be re-stated. The criticised views
-contain very general propositions, which, however, can be answered
-only empirically. And it is the duty of the field Ethnographer to
-answer and correct them. Because a statement is very general, it can
-none the less be a statement of empirical fact. General views must
-not be mixed up with hypothetical ones. The latter must be banished
-from field work; the former cannot receive too much attention.
-
-[55] As a matter of fact, this custom is not so prominent in
-the Trobriands as in other Massim districts and all over the
-Papuo-Melanesian world, cf. for instance Seligman, op. cit., p. 56
-and Plate VI, Fig. 6.
-
-[56] Again, in explaining value, I do not wish to trace its possible
-origins, but I try simply to show what are the actual and observable
-elements into which the natives' attitude towards the object valued
-can be analysed.
-
-[57] These natives have no idea of physiological fatherhood. See
-Chapter II, Division VI.
-
-[58] Compare Plate XXXIII, where the yam houses of a headman are
-filled by his wife's brothers.
-
-[59] This advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays,
-when the fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving
-for pearls than by performing their share of the wasi, the exchange is
-as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most conspicuous
-examples of the tenacity of native custom that in spite of all
-the temptation which pearling offers them and in spite of the great
-pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never
-try to evade a wasi, and when they have received the inaugurating gift,
-the first calm day is always given to fishing, and not to pearling.
-
-[60] Compare the linguistic analysis of the original text of this
-spell, given in Chapter XVIII.
-
-[61] Koyatabu--the mountain on the North shore of Fergusson;
-Kamsareta,--the highest hill on Domdom,--in the Amphletts;
-Koyava'u--the mountain opposite Dobu island, on the North shore of
-Dawson Straits; Gorebubu--the volcano on Dobu island.
-
-[62] The prefix bo- has three different etymological derivations, each
-carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part
-of the word bomala, in which case, its meaning will be "ritual" or
-"sacred." Secondly, it may be derived from the word bu'a, areca-nut,
-a substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it
-is a narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix
-may be a derivation from butia, the sweet scented flower made into
-wreaths, in which case it would usually be bway, but sometimes might
-become bo-, and would carry the meaning of "festive," "decorated." To
-a native, who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document,
-but as an instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys
-all three meanings at once, and the word "ritual" covers best all
-these three meanings.
-
-[63] See Division II of Chapter V.
-
-[64] The word tabu, in the meaning of taboo--prohibition--is used
-in its verbal form in the language of the Trobriands, but not very
-often. The noun "prohibition," "sacred thing," is always bomala,
-used with suffixed personal pronouns.
-
-[65] At a later date, I hope to work out certain historical hypotheses
-with regard to migrations and cultural strata in Eastern New Guinea. A
-considerable number of independent indices seem to corroborate
-certain simple hypotheses as to the stratification of the various
-cultural elements.
-
-[66] The word vineylida suggests the former belief, as vine--female,
-lida--coral stone.
-
-[67] Professor Seligman has described the belief in similar beings on
-the North-East Coast of New Guinea. At Gelaria, inland of Bartle Bay,
-the flying witches can produce a double, or "sending," which they
-call labuni. "Labuni exists within women, and can be commanded by any
-woman who has had children.... It was said that the labuni existed in,
-or was derived from, an organ called ipona, situated in the flank,
-and literally meaning egg or eggs." op. cit., p. 640. The equivalence
-of beliefs here is evident.
-
-[68] Not all the spells which I have obtained have been equally well
-translated and commented upon. This one, although very valuable, for
-it is one of the spells of the old chief Maniyuwa, and one which had
-been recited when his corpse was brought over from Dobu by his son
-Maradiana, was obtained early in my ethnographic career, and Gomaya,
-Maradiana's son, from whom I got it, is a bad commentator. Nor could
-I find any other competent informant later on, who could completely
-elucidate it for me.
-
-[69] Such reconstructions are legitimate for an Ethnographer, as
-well as for a historian. But it is a duty of the former as well
-as of the latter to show his sources as well as to explain how he
-has manipulated them. In one of the next chapters, Chapter XVIII,
-Divisions XIV-XVII, a sample of this methodological aspect of the
-work will be given, although the full elaboration of sources and
-methods must be postponed to another publication.
-
-[70] See Chapter II, Division VII.
-
-[71] I cannot tell what sort of influence this would be, exercised
-by a sister over her brother in Dobu. I do not even know whether,
-in that district, there obtains the same taboo between brother and
-sister as in the Trobriands.
-
-[72] This is the information which I obtained during my short visit
-to Murua (Woodlark Island), and which was confirmed by the Trobriand
-Islanders. Professor Seligman states, also, that the sepulchral pots,
-found in this island come from the Amphletts. op. cit., p. 731. Compare
-also pp. 15 and 535.
-
-[73] See Chapter VI, Division VI.
-
-[74] The reader will note that this is the same name, which another
-mythical dog bore, also of the Lukuba clan as all dogs are, the
-one namely from whom the kayga'u magic is traced. Cf. Chapter X,
-Division V.
-
-[75] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman, "The Melanesians," Chapter LIV,
-"Burial and Mourning Ceremonies" (among the natives of the Trobriand
-Islands, of Woodlark and the Marshall Bennetts).
-
-[76] Compare also No. VI (A), in the Synoptic Table of Kula magic,
-in Chapter XVII, p. 418.
-
-[77] There can be no better expression to denote the mutual relation of
-all these ideas than that used by Frazer to describe one of the typical
-forms of magic thought, the 'contagion of ideas.' The subjective,
-psychological process leads the natives to the belief in magical
-contagion of things.
-
-[78] It will be noted, that this is the third meaning in which the
-term pokala is used by the natives. (Cf. Chapter VI, Division VI.)
-
-[79] See the Author's Memoir, "The Natives of Mailu" in Transactions
-of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p. 598.
-
-[80] These views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article
-on "Primitive Economics" in the Economic Journal, March, 1921.
-
-[81] The association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated
-by the case of pearling. Here, through the advent of white men,
-a new and very lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for
-the natives. A form of magic is now in existence, associated with
-this fishing. This of course apparently contradicts the native
-dogma that magic cannot be invented. The natives, if faced with
-this contradiction, explain that it is really an old magic of shell
-fishing which refers to all the shells found at the bottom of the
-Lagoon, but which so far had only been used with regard to fishing
-for the Conus. In fact, this magic is nothing but the adaptation of
-the mwali (armshell) magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less,
-whether even such a transference or adaptation would have taken place
-before the foundations of native belief and custom had been shaken
-by the well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings
-and rulings of the white man and by the introduction of trade.
-
-[82] See article by the Author on the "Baloma, spirits of the dead
-in the Trobriand islands." J. A. I., 1917.
-
-[83] An example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be
-found even in a book written by an exceptionally well-informed and
-enlightened missionary, "In Far New Guinea," by Henry Newton. In
-describing the feasts and dancing of the natives, he admits these
-to be a necessity of tribal life: "On the whole the feasting and
-dancing are good; they give excitement and relaxation to the young
-men, and tone the drab colours of life." He himself tells us that,
-"the time comes when the old men stop the dancing. They begin to growl
-because the gardens are neglected, and they want to know if dancing
-will give the people food, so the order is given that the drums are
-to be hung up, and the people settle down to work." But in spite
-of Mr. Newton's recognition of this natural, tribal authority, in
-spite of the fact that he really admits the views given in our  text,
-he cannot refrain from saying: "Seriously, however, for the benefit
-of the people themselves, it would be a good thing if there could
-be some regulations--if dancing were not allowed after midnight,
-for while it lasts nothing else is done.--The gardens suffer and
-it would help the people to learn self-restraint and so strengthen
-their characters if the dancing could be regulated." He goes on to
-admit quite candidly that it would be difficult to enforce such a
-regulation because "to the native mind, it would seem that it was
-the comfort of the white man, not the benefit of the native which
-was the reason for the regulation." And to my mind also, I am afraid!
-
-The following quotations from a recent scientific work published by
-the Oxford Press--"The Northern d'Entrecasteaux," by D. Jenness, and
-the Rev. A. Ballantyne, 1920--are also examples of the dangerous and
-heedless tampering with the one authority that now binds the natives,
-the one discipline they can be relied upon to observe--that of their
-own tribal tradition. The relations of a church member who died, were
-"counselled to drop the harsher elements in their mourning," and
-instead of the people being bidden "to observe each jot and tittle
-of their old, time-honoured rites," they were advised from that day
-forth to leave off "those which had no meaning." It is strange to find
-a trained ethnologist, confessing that old, time-honoured rites have
-no meaning! And one might feel tempted to ask: for whom it is that
-these customs have no meaning, for the natives or for the writers of
-the passage quoted?
-
-The following incident is even more telling. A native headman of an
-inland village was supposed to keep concealed in his hut a magic pot,
-the "greatest ruler of winds, rain, and sunshine," a pot which had
-"come down from times immemorial," which according to some of the
-natives "in the beginning simply was." According to the Authors,
-the owner of the pot used to descend on the coastal natives and "levy
-tribute," threatening them with the magical powers of the pot if they
-refused. Some of the coastal natives went to the Missionary and asked
-him to interfere or get the magistrate to do so. It was arranged they
-should all go with the Missionary and seize the pot. But on the day
-"only one man turned up." When the Missionary went, however, the
-natives blocked his path, and only through threats of punishments by
-the magistrate, were they induced to temporarily leave the village and
-thus to allow him to seize the pot! A few days later the Missionary
-accordingly took possession of the pot, which he broke. The Authors go
-on to say that after this incident "everyone was contented and happy;"
-except, one might add, the natives and those who would see in such
-occurrences the speedy destruction of native culture, and the final
-disintegration of the race.
-
-[84] I have not seen the site of Suloga myself. Interesting details
-are to be found in "The Melanesians" of Professor Seligman, who
-visited the spot himself, and who has collected a number of specimens
-in the locality, as well as many data about the production of the
-blades. Op. cit., pp. 530-533.
-
-[85] Cf. Op. cit., pp. 670-672.
-
-[86] Op. cit., description of the Walaga feast, pp. 594-603.
-
-[87] See the Author's Memoir in the Transactions of the Royal Society
-of S. Australia. "The Natives of Mailu," pp. 580-588.
-
-[88] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., Chapter XLIV.
-
-[89] Cf. Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., p. 584.
-
-[90] The ethnographic researches at present carried on in Su'a'u
-by Mr. W. E. Armstrong, of Cambridge, will no doubt throw light on
-this subject.
-
-[91] Seligman. Op. cit., p. 524.
-
-[92] Op. cit., p. 538.
-
-[93]  Ibid.
-
-[94] Cf. Op. cit., pp. 536-537.
-
-[95] I cannot follow Professor Seligman in his use of the word
-currency, which is not very clearly defined by him. This word can
-be correctly applied to the armshells, spondylus discs, big polished
-blades of green stones, etc., only if we give it simply the meaning of
-"objects" or "tokens of wealth." Currency as a rule means a medium
-of exchange and standard of value, and none of the Massim valuables
-fulfil these functions.
-
-[96]  A short article on this subject has been published by
-the Rev. M. Gilmour, now head of the Methodist Mission in New
-Guinea. (Annual Report of British New Guinea, 1904-5, p. 71.) I
-used this article in the field, going over it with several
-natives of Kavataria, and I found it substantially correct,
-and on the whole formulated with precision. The need for extreme
-compression of statement has, however, led the Author into one or two
-ambiguities. Thus, the constant mention of "feasting" might give a
-wrong impression, for it is always the matter of a public distribution
-of food, which is then eaten apart, or in small groups, while the
-word "feast" suggests eating in common. Again, the data about the
-"sea-chief," as Mr. Gilmour calls the leader of the privileged clan in
-Kavataria (cf. Chapter IX, Division III), seemed to me over-stated,
-when he is said to be "supreme," to have "the right of determining
-an expedition," and especially when it is said that he "had the
-right of first choice of a canoe." This latter phrase must involve a
-misunderstanding; as we saw, each sub-clan (that is, each sub-division
-of the village) build their own canoe, and a subsequent swapping and
-free choice are out of the question. Mr. Gilmour was fully acquainted
-with the facts of the Kula, as I learnt from personal conversation. In
-this article, he mentions it only in one phrase, saying that some of
-the expeditions "were principally concerned in the exchange of the
-circulated articles of native wealth ... in which trade was only a
-secondary consideration."
-
-[97] Mr. Gilmour's statement to the contrary namely that "the trips
-from the West--Kavataria and Kaileuna--were pure trading expeditions"
-(loc. cit.)--is incorrect. First, I am inclined to think that some
-of the Kavataria men did make the Kula in the Amphletts, where they
-always stopped on their way South, but this might have been only on a
-very small scale, and entirely overshadowed by the main object of the
-expedition, which was the trade with the Southern Koya. Secondly, as
-to the natives of Kayleula, I am certain that they made the Kula, from
-conclusive data collected both in the Trobriands and in the Amphletts.
-
-[98] I have given a more detailed description of this process which
-I had often opportunities to observe among the Mailu on the South
-coast. I never saw the making of an armshell in the Trobriands, but
-the two processes are identical according to detailed information
-which I obtained. (Compare the monograph on "The Natives of Mailu" by
-the Author, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia,
-1915, pp. 643-644.)
-
-[99] Both statements of Professor Seligman in the "Melanesians"
-(p. 89) are in entire agreement with the information I obtained among
-the Mailu. See Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia,
-1915, pp. 620-629.
-
-[100] Also in the before quoted article in the Economic Journal,
-March, 1921.
-
-
-
-
-
-
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-<pre>
-
-Project Gutenberg's Argonauts of the Western Pacific, by Bronislaw Malinowski
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: Argonauts of the Western Pacific
-       An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the
-              Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea
-
-Author: Bronislaw Malinowski
-
-Contributor: James George Frazer
-
-Release Date: October 27, 2017 [EBook #55822]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ASCII
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ARGONAUTS OF THE WESTERN PACIFIC ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team (Italy) for Project Gutenberg.
-
-
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-
-
-</pre>
-
-<div class="front">
-<div class="div1 cover"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"></p>
-<div class="figure cover-imagewidth"><img src="images/new-cover.jpg"
-alt="Newly Designed Front Cover." width="480" height="720"></div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="div1 frontispiece"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"></p>
-<div class="figure pl00width" id="pl00"><img src="images/pl00.jpg" alt=
-"A Ceremonial Act of the Kula" width="720" height="408">
-<p class="figureHead">A Ceremonial Act of the Kula</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="titlePage">
-<div class="docTitle">
-<div class="mainTitle">Argonauts of the Western Pacific</div>
-<br>
-<div class="mainTitle"><i>An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure
-in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea</i></div>
-</div>
-<div class="byline">By<br>
-<span class="docAuthor">Bronislaw Malinowski</span><br>
-PH.D. (Cracow), D.Sc. (London)<br>
-With a Preface<br>
-By<br>
-Sir James George, Frazer, F.B.A., F.R.S.</div>
-<div class="docImprint">With 5 Maps, 65 Illustrations, and 2
-Figures,<br>
-London: George Routledge &amp; Sons, Ltd.<br>
-New York: E. P. Dutton &amp; Co.<br>
-<span class="docDate">1922</span></div>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e217" href="#xd26e217" name=
-"xd26e217">v</a>]</span></p>
-<div class="div1 dedication"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first xd26e219">To<br>
-my friend and teacher<br>
-Professor C. G. Seligman, F.R.S. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"xd26e225" href="#xd26e225" name="xd26e225">vii</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="pre" class="div1 preface"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e411">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Preface</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first xd26e219">By Sir James G. Frazer</p>
-<p>My esteemed friend, Dr. B. Malinowski has asked me to write a
-preface to his book, and I willingly comply with his request, though I
-can hardly think that any words of mine will add to the value of the
-remarkable record of anthropological research which he has given us in
-this volume. My observations, such as they are, will deal partly with
-the writer&rsquo;s method and partly with the matter of his book.</p>
-<p>In regard to method, Dr. Malinowski has done his work, as it appears
-to me, under the best conditions and in the manner calculated to secure
-the best possible results. Both by theoretical training and by
-practical experience he was well equipped for the task which he
-undertook. Of his theoretical training he had given proof in his
-learned and thoughtful treatise on the family among the aborigines of
-Australia<a class="noteref" id="xd26e235src" href="#xd26e235" name=
-"xd26e235src">1</a>; of his practical experience he had produced no
-less satisfactory evidence in his account of the natives of Mailu in
-New Guinea, based on a residence of six months among them.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e240src" href="#xd26e240" name="xd26e240src">2</a> In
-the Trobriand Islands, to the east of New Guinea, to which he next
-turned his attention, Dr. Malinowski lived as a native among the
-natives for many months together, watching them daily at work and at
-play, conversing with them in their own tongue, and deriving all his
-information from the surest sources&mdash;personal observation and
-statements made to him directly by the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"xd26e246" href="#xd26e246" name="xd26e246">viii</a>]</span>natives in
-their own language without the intervention of an interpreter. In this
-way he has accumulated a large mass of materials, of high scientific
-value, bearing on the social, religious, and economic or industrial
-life of the Trobriand Islanders. These he hopes and intends to publish
-hereafter in full; meantime he has given us in the present volume a
-preliminary study of an interesting and peculiar feature in Trobriand
-society, the remarkable system of exchange, only in part economic or
-commercial, which the islanders maintain among themselves and with the
-inhabitants of neighbouring islands.</p>
-<p>Little reflection is needed to convince us of the fundamental
-importance of economic forces at all stages of man&rsquo;s career from
-the humblest to the highest. After all, the human species is part of
-the animal creation, and as such, like the rest of the animals, it
-reposes on a material foundation; on which a higher life, intellectual,
-moral, social, may be built, but without which no such superstructure
-is possible. That material foundation, consisting in the necessity of
-food and of a certain degree of warmth and shelter from the elements,
-forms the economic or industrial basis and prime condition of human
-life. If anthropologists have hitherto unduly neglected it, we may
-suppose that it was rather because they were attracted to the higher
-side of man&rsquo;s nature than because they deliberately ignored and
-undervalued the importance and indeed necessity of the lower. In excuse
-for their neglect we may also remember that anthropology is still a
-young science, and that the multitude of problems which await the
-student cannot all be attacked at once, but must be grappled with one
-by one. Be that as it may, Dr. Malinowski has done well to emphasise
-the great significance of primitive economics by singling out the
-notable exchange system of the Trobriand Islanders for special
-consideration.</p>
-<p>Further, he has wisely refused to limit himself to a mere
-description of the processes of the exchange, and has set himself to
-penetrate the motives which underlie it and the feelings which it
-excites in the minds of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e252"
-href="#xd26e252" name="xd26e252">ix</a>]</span>natives. It appears to
-be sometimes held that pure sociology should confine itself to the
-description of acts and should leave the problems of motives and
-feelings to psychology. Doubtless it is true that the analysis of
-motives and feelings is logically distinguishable from the description
-of acts, and that it falls, strictly speaking, within the sphere of
-psychology; but in practice an act has no meaning for an observer
-unless he knows or infers the thoughts and emotions of the agent; hence
-to describe a series of acts, without any reference to the state of
-mind of the agent, would not answer the purpose of sociology, the aim
-of which is not merely to register but to understand the actions of men
-in society. Thus sociology cannot fulfil its task without calling in at
-every turn the aid of psychology.</p>
-<p>It is characteristic of Dr. Malinowski&rsquo;s method that he takes
-full account of the complexity of human nature. He sees man, so to say,
-in the round and not in the flat. He remembers that man is a creature
-of emotion at least as much as of reason, and he is constantly at pains
-to discover the emotional as well as the rational basis of human
-action. The man of science, like the man of letters, is too apt to view
-mankind only in the abstract, selecting for his consideration a single
-side of our complex and many-sided being. Of this one-sided treatment
-Moli&egrave;re is a conspicuous example among great writers. All his
-characters are seen only in the flat: one of them is a miser, another a
-hypocrite, another a coxcomb, and soon; but not one of them is a man.
-All are dummies dressed up to look very like human beings; but the
-likeness is only on the surface, all within is hollow and empty,
-because truth to nature has been sacrificed to literary effect. Very
-different is the presentation of human nature in the greater artists,
-such as Cervantes and Shakespeare: their characters are solid, being
-drawn not from one side only but from many. No doubt in science a
-certain abstractness of treatment is not merely legitimate, but
-necessary, since science is nothing but knowledge raised to the highest
-power, and all <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e256" href="#xd26e256"
-name="xd26e256">x</a>]</span>knowledge implies a process of abstraction
-and generalisation: even the recognition of an individual whom we see
-every day is only possible as the result of an abstract idea of him
-formed by generalisation from his appearances in the past. Thus the
-science of man is forced to abstract certain aspects of human nature
-and to consider them apart from the concrete reality; or rather it
-falls into a number of sciences, each of which considers a single part
-of man&rsquo;s complex organism, it may be the physical, the
-intellectual, the moral, or the social side of his being; and the
-general conclusions which it draws will present a more or less
-incomplete picture of man as a whole, because the lines which compose
-it are necessarily but a few picked out of a multitude.</p>
-<p>In the present treatise Dr. Malinowski is mainly concerned with what
-at first sight might seem a purely economic activity of the Trobriand
-Islanders; but, with his usual width of outlook and fineness of
-perception, he is careful to point out that the curious circulation of
-valuables, which takes place between the inhabitants of the Trobriand
-and other islands, while it is accompanied by ordinary trade, is by no
-means itself a purely commercial transaction; he shows that it is not
-based on a simple calculation of utility, of profit and loss, but that
-it satisfies emotional and &aelig;sthetic needs of a higher order than
-the mere gratification of animal wants. This leads Dr. Malinowski to
-pass some severe strictures on the conception of the Primitive Economic
-Man as a kind of bogey who, it appears, still haunts economic
-text-books and even extends his blighting influence to the minds of
-certain anthropologists. Rigged out in cast-off garments of Mr. Jeremy
-Bentham and Mr. Gradgrind, this horrible phantom is apparently actuated
-by no other motive than that of filthy lucre, which he pursues
-relentlessly, on Spencerian principles, along the line of least
-resistance. If such a dismal fiction is really regarded by serious
-inquirers as having any counterpart in savage society, and not simply
-as a useful abstraction, Dr. Malinowski&rsquo;s account of the
-<i>Kula</i> in this book should <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e263"
-href="#xd26e263" name="xd26e263">xi</a>]</span>help to lay the phantom
-by the heels; for he proves that the trade in useful objects, which
-forms part of the <i>Kula</i> system, is in the minds of the natives
-entirely subordinate in importance to the exchange of other objects,
-which serve no utilitarian purpose whatever. In its combination of
-commercial enterprise, social organisation, mythical background, and
-magical ritual, to say nothing of the wide geographical range of its
-operations, this singular institution appears to have no exact parallel
-in the existing anthropological record; but its discoverer, Dr.
-Malinowski, may very well be right in surmising that it is probably a
-type of institution of which analogous, if not precisely similar,
-instances will hereafter be brought to light by further research among
-savage and barbarous peoples.</p>
-<p>Not the least interesting and instructive feature of the
-<i>Kula</i>, as it is described for us by Dr. Malinowski, is the
-extremely important part which magic is seen to play in the
-institution. From his description it appears that in the minds of the
-natives the performance of magical rites and the utterance of magical
-words are indispensable for the success of the enterprise in all its
-phases, from the felling of the trees out of which the canoes are to be
-hollowed, down to the moment when, the expedition successfully
-accomplished, the argosy with its precious cargo is about to start on
-its homeward voyage. And incidentally we learn that magical ceremonies
-and spells are deemed no less necessary for the cultivation of gardens
-and for success in fishing, the two forms of industrial enterprise
-which furnish the islanders with their principal means of support;
-hence the garden magician, whose business it is to promote the growth
-of the garden produce by his hocus-pocus, is one of the most important
-men in the village, ranking next after the chief and the sorcerer. In
-short, magic is believed to be an absolutely essential adjunct of every
-industrial undertaking, being just as requisite for its success as the
-mechanical operations involved in it, such as the caulking, painting
-and launching of a canoe, the planting of a garden, and the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e273" href="#xd26e273" name=
-"xd26e273">xii</a>]</span>setting of a fish-trap. &ldquo;A belief in
-magic,&rdquo; says Dr. Malinowski, &ldquo;is one of the main
-psychological forces which allow for organisation and systematisation
-of economic effort in the Trobriands.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This valuable account of magic as a factor of fundamental economic
-importance for the welfare and indeed for the very existence of the
-community should suffice to dispel the erroneous view that magic, as
-opposed to religion, is in its nature essentially maleficent and
-anti-social, being always used by an individual for the promotion of
-his own selfish ends and the injury of his enemies, quite regardless of
-its effect on the common weal. No doubt magic may be so employed, and
-has in fact probably been so employed, in every part of the world; in
-the Trobriand Islands themselves it is believed to be similarly
-practised for nefarious purposes by sorcerers, who inspire the natives
-with the deepest dread and the most constant concern. But in itself
-magic is neither beneficent nor maleficent; it is simply an imaginary
-power of controlling the forces of nature, and this control may be
-exercised by the magician for good or evil, for the benefit or injury
-of individuals and of the community. In this respect, magic is exactly
-on the same footing with the sciences, of which it is the bastard
-sister. They, too, in themselves, are neither good nor evil, though
-they become the source of one or other according to their application.
-It would be absurd, for example, to stigmatise pharmacy as antisocial,
-because a knowledge of the properties of drugs is often employed to
-destroy men as well as to heal them. It is equally absurd to neglect
-the beneficent application of magic and to single out its maleficent
-use as the characteristic property by which to define it. The processes
-of nature, over which science exercises a real and magic an imaginary
-control, are not affected by the moral disposition, the good or bad
-intention, of the individual who uses his knowledge to set them in
-motion. The action of drugs on the human body is precisely the same
-whether they are administered by a physician or by a poisoner.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e277" href="#xd26e277" name=
-"xd26e277">xiii</a>]</span>Nature and her handmaid Science are neither
-friendly nor hostile to morality; they are simply indifferent to it and
-equally ready to do the bidding of the saint and of the sinner,
-provided only that he gives them the proper word of command. If the
-guns are well loaded and well aimed, the fire of the battery will be
-equally destructive, whether the gunners are patriots fighting in
-defence of their country or invaders waging a war of unjust aggression.
-The fallacy of differentiating a science or an art according to its
-application and the moral intention of the agent is obvious enough with
-regard to pharmacy and artillery; it is equally real, though to many
-people apparently it is less obvious, with regard to magic.</p>
-<p>The immense influence wielded by magic over the whole life and
-thought of the Trobriand Islanders is perhaps the feature of Dr.
-Malinowski&rsquo;s book which makes the most abiding impression on the
-mind of the reader. He tells us that &ldquo;magic, the attempt of man
-to govern the forces of nature directly by means of a special lore, is
-all-pervading and all-important in the Trobriands&rdquo;; it is
-&ldquo;interwoven into all the many industrial and communal
-activities&rdquo;; &ldquo;all the data which have been so far mustered
-disclose the extreme importance of magic in the Kula. But if it were a
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e281" title=
-"Source: questions">question</span> of treating of any other aspect of
-the tribal life of these natives, it would also be found that, whenever
-they approach any concern of vital importance, they summon magic to
-their aid. It can be said without exaggeration that magic, according to
-their ideas, governs human destinies; that it supplies man with the
-power of mastering the forces of nature; and that it is his weapon and
-armour against the many dangers which crowd in upon him on every
-side.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Thus in the view of the Trobriand Islanders, magic is a power of
-supreme importance either for good or evil; it can make or mar the life
-of man; it can sustain and protect the individual and the community, or
-it can injure and destroy them. Compared to this universal and
-deep-rooted conviction, the belief in the existence of the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="xd26e287" href="#xd26e287" name=
-"xd26e287">xiv</a>]</span>spirits of the dead would seem to exercise
-but little influence on the life of these people. Contrary to the
-general attitude of savages towards the souls of the departed, they are
-reported to be almost completely devoid of any fear of ghosts. They
-believe, indeed, that the ghosts return to their villages once a year
-to partake of the great annual feast; but &ldquo;in general the spirits
-do not influence human beings very much, for better or worse&rdquo;;
-&ldquo;there is nothing of the mutual interaction, of the intimate
-collaboration between man and spirit which are the essence of religious
-cult.&rdquo; This conspicuous predominance of magic over religion, at
-least over the worship of the dead, is a very notable feature in the
-culture of a people so comparatively high in the scale of savagery as
-the Trobriand Islanders. It furnishes a fresh proof of the
-extraordinary strength and tenacity of the hold which this world-wide
-delusion has had, and still has, upon the human mind.</p>
-<p>We shall doubtless learn much as to the relation of magic and
-religion among the Trobrianders from the full report of Dr.
-Malinowski&rsquo;s researches in the islands. From the patient
-observation which he has devoted to a single institution, and from the
-wealth of details with which he has illustrated it, we may judge of the
-extent and value of the larger work which he has in preparation. It
-promises to be one of the completest and most scientific accounts ever
-given of a savage people.</p>
-<p class="signed">J. G. Frazer.</p>
-<p class="dateline"><i>The Temple, London.<br>
-7th March</i>, 1922. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e299" href=
-"#xd26e299" name="xd26e299">xv</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e235" href="#xd26e235src" name="xd26e235">1</a></span> <i>The
-Family among the Australian Aborigines: A Sociological Study</i>.
-London: University of London Press, 1913.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e235src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e240" href="#xd26e240src" name="xd26e240">2</a></span> &ldquo;The
-Natives of Mailu: Preliminary Results of the Robert Mond Research Work
-in British New Guinea.&rdquo; <i>Transactions of the Royal Society of
-South Australia</i>, vol. xxxix., 1915.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e240src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="fore" class="div1 foreword"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e418">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Foreword</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">By the Author</p>
-<p>Ethnology is in the sadly ludicrous, not to say tragic, position,
-that at the very moment when it begins to put its workshop in order, to
-forge its proper tools, to start ready for work on its appointed task,
-the material of its study melts away with hopeless rapidity. Just now,
-when the methods and aims of scientific field ethnology have taken
-shape, when men fully trained for the work have begun to travel into
-savage countries and study their inhabitants&mdash;these die away under
-our very eyes.</p>
-<p>The research which has been done on native races by men of academic
-training has proved beyond doubt and cavil that scientific, methodic
-inquiry can give us results far more abundant and of better quality
-than those of even the best amateur&rsquo;s work. Most, though not all,
-of the modern scientific accounts have opened up quite new and
-unexpected aspects of tribal life. They have given us, in clear
-outline, the picture of social institutions often surprisingly vast and
-complex; they have brought before us the vision of the native as he is,
-in his religious and magical beliefs and practices. They have allowed
-us to penetrate into his mind far more deeply than we have ever done
-before. From this new material, scientifically hall-marked, students of
-comparative Ethnology have already drawn some very important
-conclusions on the origin of human customs, beliefs and institutions;
-on the history of cultures, and their spread and contact; on the laws
-of human behaviour in society, and of the human mind.</p>
-<p>The hope of gaining a new vision of savage humanity through the
-labours of scientific specialists opens out like a mirage, vanishing
-almost as soon as perceived. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e311"
-href="#xd26e311" name="xd26e311">xvi</a>]</span>For though at present,
-there is still a large number of native communities available for
-scientific study, within a generation or two, they or their cultures
-will have practically disappeared. The need for energetic work is
-urgent, and the time is short. Nor, alas, up to the present, has any
-adequate interest been taken by the public in these studies. The number
-of workers is small, the encouragement they receive scanty. I feel
-therefore no need to justify an ethnological contribution which is the
-result of specialised research in the field.</p>
-<p>In this volume I give an account of one phase of savage life only,
-in describing certain forms of inter-tribal, trading relations among
-the natives of New Guinea. This account has been culled, as a
-preliminary monograph, from Ethnographic material, covering the whole
-extent of the tribal culture of one district. One of the first
-conditions of acceptable Ethnographic work certainly is that it should
-deal with the totality of all social, cultural and psychological
-aspects of the community, for they are so interwoven that not one can
-be understood without taking into consideration all the others. The
-reader of this monograph will clearly see that, though its main theme
-is economic&mdash;for it deals with commercial enterprise, exchange and
-trade&mdash;constant reference has to be made to social organisation,
-the power of magic, to mythology and folklore, and indeed to all other
-aspects as well as the main one.</p>
-<p>The geographical area of which the book treats is limited to the
-Archipelagoes lying off the eastern end of New Guinea. Even within
-this, the main field of research was in one district, that of the
-Trobriand Islands. This, however, has been studied minutely. I have
-lived in that one archipelago for about two years, in the course of
-three expeditions to New Guinea, during which time I naturally acquired
-a thorough knowledge of the language. I did my work entirely alone,
-living for the greater part of the time right in the villages. I
-therefore had constantly the daily life of the natives before my eyes,
-while accidental, dramatic occurrences, deaths, quarrels, village
-brawls, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e317" href="#xd26e317" name=
-"xd26e317">xvii</a>]</span>public and ceremonial events, could not
-escape my notice.</p>
-<p>In the present state of Ethnography, when so much has still to be
-done in paving the way for forthcoming research and in fixing its
-scope, each new contribution ought to justify its appearance in several
-Points. It ought to show some advance in method; it ought to push
-research beyond its previous limits in depth, in width, or in both;
-finally, it ought to endeavour to present its results in a manner
-exact, but not dry. The specialist interested in method, in reading
-this work, will find set out in the Introduction, Divisions <a href=
-"#div0.2">II</a>&ndash;<a href="#div0.9">IX</a> and in <a href=
-"#ch18">Chapter XVIII</a>, the exposition of my points of view and
-efforts in this direction. The reader who is concerned with results,
-rather than with the way of obtaining them, will find in Chapters
-<a href="#ch4">IV</a> to <a href="#ch21">XXI</a> a consecutive
-narrative of the Kula expeditions, and the various associated customs
-and beliefs. The student who is interested, not only in the narrative,
-but in the ethnographic background for it, and a clear definition of
-the institution, will find the first in Chapters <a href="#ch1">I</a>
-and <a href="#ch2">II</a>, and the latter in Chapter <a href=
-"#ch3">III</a>.</p>
-<p>To Mr. Robert Mond I tender my sincerest thanks. It is to his
-generous endowment that I owe the possibility of carrying on for
-several years the research of which the present volume is a partial
-result. To Mr. Atlee Hunt, C.M.G., Secretary of the Home and
-Territories Department of the Commonwealth of Australia, I am indebted
-for the financial assistance of the Department, and also for much help
-given on the spot. In the Trobriands, I was immensely helped in my work
-by Mr. B. Hancock, pearl trader, to whom I am grateful not only for
-assistance and services, but for many acts of friendship.</p>
-<p>Much of the argument in this book has been greatly improved by the
-criticism given me by my friend, Mr. Paul Khuner, of Vienna, an expert
-in the practical affairs of modern industry and a highly competent
-thinker on economic matters. Professor L. T. Hobhouse has kindly read
-the proofs and given me valuable advice on several points. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="xd26e350" href="#xd26e350" name=
-"xd26e350">xviii</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Sir James Frazer, by writing his Preface, has enhanced the value of
-this volume beyond its merit and it is not only a great honour and
-advantage for me to be introduced by him, but also a special pleasure,
-for my first love for ethnology is associated with the reading of the
-&ldquo;Golden Bough,&rdquo; then in its second edition.</p>
-<p>Last, not least, I wish to mention Professor C. G. Seligman, to whom
-this book is dedicated. The initiative of my expedition was given by
-him and I owe him more than I can express for the encouragement and
-scientific counsel which he has so generously given me during the
-progress of my work in New Guinea.</p>
-<p class="signed">B. M.</p>
-<p class="dateline"><i>El Boquin,<br>
-Icod de los Vinos,<br>
-Tenerife.<br>
-April</i>, 1921. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e368" href=
-"#xd26e368" name="xd26e368">xix</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ack" class="div1 acknowledgements"><span class=
-"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Acknowledgements</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">It is in the nature of the research, that an
-Ethnographer has to rely upon the assistance of others to an extent
-much greater than is the case with other scientific workers. I have
-therefore to express in this special place my obligations to the many
-who have helped me. As said in the Preface, financially I owe most to
-Mr. Robert Mond, who made my work possible by bestowing on me the
-Robert Mond Travelling Scholarship (University of London) of &pound;250
-per annum for five years (for 1914 and for 1917&ndash;1920). I was
-substantially helped by a grant of &pound;250 from the Home and
-Territories Department of Australia, obtained by the good offices of
-Mr. Atlee Hunt, C.M.G. The London School of Economics awarded me the
-Constance Hutchinson Scholarship of &pound;100 yearly for two years,
-1915&ndash;1916. Professor Seligman, to whom in this, as in other
-matters I owe so much, besides helping me in obtaining all the other
-grants, gave himself &pound;100 towards the cost of the expedition and
-equipped me with a camera, a phonograph, anthropometric instruments and
-other paraphernalia of ethnographic work. I went out to Australia with
-the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1914, as a
-guest, and at the expense, of the Commonwealth Government of
-Australia.</p>
-<p>It may be interesting for intending field-workers to observe that I
-carried out my ethnographic research for six years&mdash;1914 to
-1920&mdash;making three expeditions to the field of my work, and
-devoting the intervals between expeditions to the working out of my
-material and to the study of special literature, on little more than
-&pound;250 a year. I defrayed out of this, not only all the expenses of
-travel and research, such as fares, wages to native servants, payments
-of interpreters, but I was also able to collect a fair amount of
-ethnographic specimens, of which part has been presented to the
-Melbourne Museum as the Robert Mond Collection. This would not have
-been possible for me, had I not received much help from residents in
-New Guinea. My friend, Mr. B. Hancock, of Gusaweta, Trobriand Islands,
-allowed me to use his house and store as base for my gear and
-provisions; he lent me his cutter on various occasions and provided me
-with a home, where I could always repair in need or sickness. He helped
-me in my photographic work, and gave me a good number of his own
-photographic plates, of which several are reproduced in this book
-(Plates <a href="#pl11">XI</a>, <a href="#pl37">XXXVII</a>, and
-<a href="#pl50">L</a>&ndash;<a href="#pl52">LII</a>).</p>
-<p>Other pearl traders and buyers of the Trobriands were also very kind
-to me, especially M. and Mme. Raphael Brudo, of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="xd26e390" href="#xd26e390" name=
-"xd26e390">xx</a>]</span>Paris, Messrs. C. and G. Auerbach, and the
-late Mr. Mick George, all of whom helped me in various ways and
-extended to me their kind hospitality.</p>
-<p>In my interim studies in Melbourne, I received much help from the
-staff of the excellent Public Library of Victoria, for which I have to
-thank the Librarian, Mr. E. La Touche Armstrong, my friend Mr. E. Pitt,
-Mr. Cooke and others.</p>
-<p>Two maps and two plates are reproduced by kind permission of
-Professor Seligman from his &ldquo;Melanesians of British New
-Guinea.&rdquo; I have to thank the Editor of <i>Man</i> (Captain T. A.
-Joyce) for his permission to use here again the plates which were
-previously published in that paper.</p>
-<p>Mr. William Swan Stallybrass, Senior Managing Director of Messrs.
-Geo. Routledge &amp; Sons, Ltd., has spared no trouble in meeting all
-my wishes as to scientific details in the publication of this book, for
-which I wish to express my sincere thanks.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="phon" class="div1 note"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Phonetic Note.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The native names and words in this book are written
-according to the simple rules, recommended by the Royal Geographical
-Society and the Royal Anthropological Institute. That is, the vowels
-are to be pronounced as in Italian and the consonants as in English.
-This spelling suits the sounds of the Melanesian languages of New
-Guinea sufficiently well. The apostrophe placed between two vowels
-indicates that they should be pronounced separately and not merged into
-a diphthong. The accent is almost always on the penultimate, rarely on
-the anti-penultimate. All the syllables must be pronounced clearly and
-distinctly. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e406" href="#xd26e406"
-name="xd26e406">xxi</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="toc" class="div1 contents"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Table of Contents</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first tocChapter"><a href="#pre" id="xd26e411" name=
-"xd26e411">Preface by Sir James Frazer</a>
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">vii</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter"><a href="#fore" id="xd26e418" name=
-"xd26e418">Foreword by the Author</a>
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">xv</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter"><a href="#ch0" id="xd26e425" name=
-"xd26e425">Introduction: The Subject, Method and Scope of This
-Enquiry</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Sailing, and trading in the South Seas;
-the Kula. II&mdash;Method in Ethnography. III&mdash;Starting field
-work. Some perplexing difficulties. Three conditions of success.
-IV&mdash;Life in a tent among the natives. Mechanism of &ldquo;getting
-in touch&rdquo; with them. V&mdash;<i>Active methods of research</i>.
-Order and consistency in savage cultures. Methodological consequences
-of this truth. VI&mdash;Formulating the principles of tribal
-constitution and of the anatomy of culture. Method of inference from
-statistic accumulation of concrete data. Uses of synoptic charts.
-VII&mdash;Presentation of the intimate touches of native life; of types
-of behaviour. Method of systematic fixing of impressions; of detailed,
-consecutive records. Importance of personal participation in native
-life. VIII&mdash;Recording of stereotyped manners of thinking and
-feeling. <i lang="la">Corpus inscriptionum <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e435" title="Source: Kiriwinensium">Kiriwiniensium</span></i>.
-IX&mdash;Summary of argument. The native&rsquo;s vision of his world
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">1</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">I <a href="#ch1" id="xd26e443" name=
-"xd26e443">The Country and Inhabitants of the Kula District</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Racial divisions in Eastern New Guinea.
-Seligman&rsquo;s classification. The Kula natives.
-II&mdash;Sub-divisions of the Kula district. III&mdash;Scenery at the
-Eastern end of New Guinea. Villages of the S. Massim; their customs and
-social institutions. IV&mdash;The d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Archipelago.
-The tribes of Dobu. The mythological associations of their country.
-Some of their customs and institutions. Sorcery. A vision on Sarubwoyna
-beach. V&mdash;Sailing North. The Amphlett Group. Savage monopolists
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class="tocPageNum">27</span>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e451" href="#xd26e451" name=
-"xd26e451">xxii</a>]</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">II <a href="#ch2" id="xd26e454" name=
-"xd26e454">The Natives of the Trobriand Islands</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Arrival in the coral Islands. First
-impression of the native. Some significant appearances and their deeper
-meaning. II&mdash;Position of women; their life and conduct before and
-after marriage. III&mdash;Further exploration in the villages. A cross
-country walk. Gardens and gardening. IV&mdash;The native&rsquo;s
-working power; their motives and incentives to work. Magic and work. A
-digression on Primitive Economics. V&mdash;<i>Chieftainship</i>: power
-through wealth; a plutocratic community. List of the various provinces
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e462" title="Source: and and">and</span>
-political divisions in the Trobriands. VI&mdash;Totemism, the
-solidarity of clans and the bonds of kinship. VII&mdash;Spirits of the
-dead. The overweening importance of magic. Black magic. The prowling
-sorcerers and the flying witches. The malevolent visitors from the
-South, and epidemics. VIII&mdash;The Eastern neighbours <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e465" title="Source: of of">of</span> the Trobrianders.
-The remaining districts of the Kula
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">49</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">III <a href="#ch3" id="xd26e473" name=
-"xd26e473">The Essentials of the Kula</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;A concise definition of the Kula.
-II&mdash;Its economic character. III&mdash;The articles exchanged; the
-conception of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. IV&mdash;<i>The main
-rules and aspects of the Kula</i>: the sociological aspect
-(partnership); direction of movement; nature of Kula ownership; the
-differential and integral effect of these rules. V&mdash;The act of
-exchange; its regulations; the light it throws on the acquisitive and
-&ldquo;communistic&rdquo; tendencies of the natives; its concrete
-outlines; the sollicitory gifts. VI&mdash;<i>The associated activities
-and the secondary aspects of the Kula</i>: construction of canoes;
-subsidiary trade&mdash;their true relation to the Kula; the ceremonial,
-mythology and magic associated with the Kula; the mortuary taboos and
-distributions, in their relation to the Kula
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">81</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">IV <a href="#ch4" id="xd26e493" name=
-"xd26e493">Canoes and Sailing</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;The value and importance of a canoe to a
-native. Its appearance, the impressions and emotions it arouses in
-those who use or own it. The atmosphere of romance which surrounds it
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e498" href="#xd26e498" name=
-"xd26e498">xxiii</a>]</span>for the native. II&mdash;Analysis of its
-construction, in relation to its function. The three types of canoes in
-the Trobriand Islands. III&mdash;V&mdash;<i>Sociology of a large
-canoe</i> (<i lang="kij">masawa</i>). III&mdash;(A)&mdash;Social
-organisation of labour in constructing a canoe; the division of
-functions; the magical regulation of work. IV&mdash;(B)&mdash;Sociology
-of canoe ownership; the <i lang="kij">toli-</i>relationship; the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, &ldquo;master&rdquo; or &ldquo;owner&rdquo;
-of a canoe; the four privileges and functions of a <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>. V&mdash;(C)&mdash;The social division of functions
-in manning and sailing a canoe. Statistical data about the Trobriand
-shipping &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">105</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">V <a href="#ch5" id="xd26e521" name=
-"xd26e521">The Ceremonial Building of a Waga</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Construction of canoes as part of the
-Kula proceedings. Magic and mythology. The preparatory and the
-ceremonial stage of construction<span class="corr" id="xd26e526" title=
-"Not in source">.</span> II&mdash;<i>The first stage</i>: expelling the
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e532" title=
-"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span> <i lang="kij">Tokway</i>;
-transport of the log; the hollowing-out of the log and the associated
-magic. III&mdash;<i>The second stage</i>: the inaugural rite of Kula
-magic; the native at grips with problems of construction; the <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i> creeper; the magical spell uttered over it; caulking;
-the three magical exorcisms. IV&mdash;Some general remarks about the
-two stages of canoe-building and the concomitant magic. <i lang=
-"kij">Bulubwalata</i> (evil magic) of canoes. The ornamental
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e548" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>. The Dobuan and the Muruwan
-types of overseas canoe &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
-<span class="tocPageNum">124</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">VI <a href="#ch6" id="xd26e556" name=
-"xd26e556">Launching of a Canoe and Ceremonial Visiting&mdash;Tribal
-Economics in the Trobriands</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;The procedure and magic at launching.
-The trial run (<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i>). Account of the launching
-and <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> seen on the beach of Kualukuba.
-Reflections on the decay of customs under European influence.
-II&mdash;<i>Digression on the sociology of work</i>: organisation of
-labour; forms of <span class="corr" id="xd26e570" title=
-"Source: communial">communal</span> labour; payment for work.
-III&mdash;The custom of ceremonial visiting (<i lang=
-"kij">kabigidoya</i>); local trade, done on such expeditions.
-IV&mdash;VII&mdash;<i>Digression on gifts, payments, and exchange</i>.
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e580" title=
-"Source: V">IV</span>&mdash;Attitude of the native towards wealth.
-Desire of display. Enhancement of social prestige through wealth. The
-motives of accumulating food stuffs. The <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"xd26e583" href="#xd26e583" name="xd26e583">xxiv</a>]</span><i lang=
-"kij">vilamalya</i> (magic of plenty). The handling of yams. Psychology
-of eating. Value of manufactured goods, psychologically analysed.
-V&mdash;Motives for exchange. Giving, as satisfaction of vanity and as
-display of power. Fallacy of the &ldquo;economically isolated
-individual&rdquo; or &ldquo;household.&rdquo; Absence of gain in
-exchange. VI&mdash;Exchange of gifts and barter. List of gifts,
-payments and commercial transactions: 1. Pure gifts; 2. customary
-payments, repaid irregularly and without strict equivalents; 3.
-payments for services rendered; 4. gifts returned in strictly
-equivalent form; 5. exchange of material goods against privileges,
-titles and non-material possessions; 6. ceremonial barter with deferred
-payment; 7. trade pure and simple. VII&mdash;Economic duties
-corresponding to various social ties; table of eight classes of social
-relationship, characterised by definite economic obligations
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">146</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">VII <a href="#ch7" id="xd26e592" name=
-"xd26e592">The Departure of an Overseas Expedition</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">Scene laid in Sinaketa. The local chiefs. Stir
-in the village. The social differentiation of the sailing party.
-Magical rites, associated with the preparing and loading of a canoe.
-The <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> rite. The magical bundle (<i lang=
-"kij">lilava</i>). The compartments of a canoe and the <i lang=
-"kij">gebobo</i> spell. Farewells on the beach
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">195</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">VIII <a href="#ch8" id="xd26e611" name=
-"xd26e611">The First Halt of the Fleet on Muwa</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;The definition of an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> (ceremonial, competitive expedition). II&mdash;The
-<i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial distribution) on Muwa.
-III&mdash;The magic of sailing &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
-<span class="tocPageNum">207</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">IX <a href="#ch9" id="xd26e627" name=
-"xd26e627">Sailing on the Sea-arm of Pilolu</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;The landscape. Mythological geography of
-the regions beyond. II&mdash;<i>Sailing</i>: the winds; navigation;
-technique of sailing a canoe and its dangers. III&mdash;The customs and
-taboos of sailing. Privileged position of certain sub-clans.
-IV&mdash;The beliefs in dreadful monsters lurking in the sea
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">219</span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e639" href=
-"#xd26e639" name="xd26e639">xxv</a>]</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">X <a href="#ch10" id="xd26e642" name=
-"xd26e642">The Story of Shipwreck</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;<i>The flying witches, mulukwausi</i> or
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>: essentials of the belief; initiation and
-education of a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> (witch); secrecy surrounding
-this condition; manner of practising this witch-craft; actual cases.
-II&mdash;The flying witches at sea and in ship-wreck. Other dangerous
-agents. The <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> magic; its modes of
-operation. III&mdash;Account of the preparatory rites of <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>. Some incantations quoted. IV&mdash;The story
-of ship-wreck and rescue. V&mdash;The spell of the rescuing giant fish.
-The myth and the magical formula of Tokulubwaydoga.
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">237</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XI <a href="#ch11" id="xd26e668" name=
-"xd26e668">In the Amphletts&mdash;Sociology of the Kula</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Arrival in Gumasila. Example of a Kula
-conversation. Trobrianders on long visits in the Amphletts.
-II&mdash;<i>Sociology of the Kula</i>: 1. sociological limitations to
-participation in the Kula; 2. relation of partnership; 3. entering the
-Kula relationship; 4. participation of women in the Kula.
-III&mdash;<i>The Natives of the Amphletts</i>: their industries and
-trade; pottery; importing the clay; technology of pot-making;
-commercial relations with the surrounding districts. IV&mdash;Drift of
-migrations and cultural influences in this province
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">267</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XII <a href="#ch12" id="xd26e684" name=
-"xd26e684">In Tewara and Sanaroa&mdash;Mythology of the Kula</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Sailing under the lee of Koytabu. The
-cannibals of the unexplored jungle. Trobriand traditions and legends
-about them. The history and song of Gumagabu. II&mdash;<i>Myths and
-reality</i>: significance imparted to landscape by myth; line of
-distinction between the mythical and the actual occurrences; magical
-power and mythical atmosphere; the three strata of Trobriand myths.
-III&mdash;V&mdash;<i>The myths of the Kula</i>. III&mdash;Survey of
-Kula mythology and its geographical distribution. The story of
-Gere&rsquo;u of Muyuwa (Woodlark Island). The two stories of Tokosikuna
-of Digumenu and Gumasila. IV&mdash;The Kudayuri myth of the flying
-canoe. Commentary and analysis of this myth. Association between the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e695" href="#xd26e695" name=
-"xd26e695">xxvi</a>]</span>canoe and the flying witches. Mythology and
-the Lukuba clan. V&mdash;The myth of Kasabwaybwayreta and the necklace
-Gumakarakedakeda. Comparison of these stories. VI&mdash;<i>Sociological
-analysis of the myths</i>. influence of the Kula myths upon native
-outlook; myth and custom. VII&mdash;The relation between myth and
-actuality restated. VIII&mdash;The story, the natural monuments and the
-religious ceremonial of the mythical personalities
-Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine, Aturamo&rsquo;a and their sister
-Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i. Other rocks of similar traditional nature
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">290</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XIII <a href="#ch13" id="xd26e705" name=
-"xd26e705">On the Beach of Sarubwoyna</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;The halt on the Beach. The beauty magic.
-Some incantations quoted. The spell of the <i lang=
-"kij">ta&rsquo;uya</i> (conch shell). II&mdash;The magical onset on the
-Koya. Psychological analysis of this magic. III&mdash;The <i lang=
-"kij">Gwara</i> (taboo) and the <i lang=
-"kij">Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i> spell
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">334</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XIV <a href="#ch14" id="xd26e724" name=
-"xd26e724">The Kula in Dobu&mdash;Technicalities of the
-Exchange</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Reception in Dobu. II&mdash;<i>The main
-transactions of the Kula and the subsidiary gifts and exchanges</i>:
-some general reflections on the driving force of the Kula; regulations
-of the main transaction <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening gift) and
-<i lang="kij">yotile</i> (return gift); the sollicitory gifts (<i lang=
-"kij">pokala, kwaypolu, kaributu, korotomna</i>); intermediary gifts
-(<i lang="kij">basi</i>) and final clinching gift (<i lang=
-"kij">kudu</i>); the other articles sometimes exchanged in the main
-transaction of the Kula (<i lang="kij">doga, samakupa, beku</i>);
-commercial honour and ethics of the Kula. III&mdash;<i>The Kula
-proceedings in Dobu</i>: wooing the partner; <i lang=
-"kij">kwoygapani</i> magic; the subsidiary trade; roamings of the
-Boyowans in the Dobu district &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
-<span class="tocPageNum">350</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XV <a href="#ch15" id="xd26e763" name=
-"xd26e763">The Journey Home&mdash;The Fishing and Working of the Kaloma
-Shell</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Visits made on the return trip. Some
-articles acquired. II&mdash;<i>The spondylus shell fishing in Sanaroa
-lagoon and in home waters</i>: its general character and magic; the
-Kaloma myth; consecutive account of the technicalities, ceremonial
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e771" href="#xd26e771" name=
-"xd26e771">xxvii</a>]</span>and magic of the diving for the shell.
-III&mdash;Technology, economics and sociology of the production of the
-discs and necklaces from the shell. IV&mdash;<i lang=
-"kij">Tanarere</i>, display of the haul. Arrival of the party home to
-Sinaketa &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">366</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XVI <a href="#ch16" id="xd26e781" name=
-"xd26e781">The Return Visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;<i>The uvalaku (ceremonial expedition)
-from Dobu to Southern Boyowa</i>: the preparations in Dobu and Sanaroa;
-preparations in Gumasila; the excitement, the spreading and convergence
-of news; arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Nabwageta.
-II&mdash;Preparations in Sinaketa for the reception of the visiting
-party. The Dobuans arrive. The scene at Kaykuyawa point. The ceremonial
-reception. Speeches and gifts. The three days&rsquo; <span class="corr"
-id="xd26e789" title="Source: sojurn">sojourn</span> of the Dobuans in
-Sinaketa. Manner of living. Exchange of gifts and barter.
-III&mdash;Return home. Results shown at the <i lang="kij">tanarere</i>
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">376</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XVII <a href="#ch17" id="xd26e800" name=
-"xd26e800">Magic and the Kula</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;The subject matter of Boyowan magic. Its
-association with all the vital activities and with the unaccountable
-aspects of reality. II&mdash;V&mdash;<i>The native conception of
-magic</i>. II&mdash;The methods of arriving at its knowledge.
-III&mdash;Native views about the original sources of magic. Its
-primeval character. <span class="corr" id="xd26e808" title=
-"Source: Inadmissability">Inadmissibility</span> to the native of
-spontaneous generation in magic. Magic a power of man and not a force
-of nature. Magic and myth and their super-normal atmosphere.
-IV&mdash;<i>The magical acts</i>: spell and rite; relation between
-these two factors; spells uttered directly without a concomitant rite;
-spells accompanied by simple rite of impregnation; spells accompanied
-by a rite of transference; spells accompanied by offerings and
-invocations; summary of this survey. V&mdash;Place where magic is
-stored in the human anatomy. VI&mdash;Condition of the performer.
-Taboos and observances. Sociological position. Actual descent and
-magical filiation. VII&mdash;Definition of systematic magic. The
-&ldquo;systems&rdquo; of canoe magic and Kula magic.
-VIII&mdash;<i>Supernormal or supernatural character of magic</i>;
-emotional reaction of the natives to certain forms of magic;
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e817" href="#xd26e817" name=
-"xd26e817">xxviii</a>]</span>the <i lang="kij">kariyala</i> (magical
-portent); r&ocirc;le of ancestral spirits; native terminology.
-IX&mdash;Ceremonial setting of magic. X&mdash;Institution of taboo,
-supported by magic. <i lang="kij">Kaytubutabu</i> and <i lang=
-"kij">kaytapaku</i>. XI&mdash;Purchase of certain forms of magic.
-Payments for magical services. XII&mdash;Brief summary
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">392</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XVIII <a href="#ch18" id="xd26e834" name=
-"xd26e834">The Power of Words in Magic&mdash;Some Linguistic
-Data</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Study of linguistic data in magic to
-throw light on native ideas about the power of words. II&mdash;The text
-of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spell with literal translation.
-III&mdash;Linguistic analysis of its <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>
-(exordium). IV&mdash;Vocal technique of reciting a spell. Analysis of
-the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (main part) and <i lang="kij">dogina</i>
-(final part). V&mdash;The text of the Sulumwoya spell and its analysis.
-VI&mdash;XII&mdash;<i>Linguistic data referring to the other spells
-mentioned in this volume and some general inferences</i>. VI&mdash;The
-<i lang="kij">tokway</i> spell and the opening phrases of the canoe
-spells. VII&mdash;The <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (main parts) of the
-canoe spells. VIII&mdash;The end parts (<i lang="kij">dogina</i>) of
-these spells. IX&mdash;The <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> of the
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> spells. X&mdash;The <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>
-and the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> of these spells. XI&mdash;The <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> spells. XII&mdash;Summary of the results of
-this linguistic survey. XIII&mdash;Substances used in these magical
-rites. XIV&mdash;XVIII&mdash;Analysis of some non-magical linguistic
-texts, to illustrate ethnographic method and native way of thinking.
-XIV&mdash;General remarks about certain aspects of method.
-XV&mdash;Text No. 1, its literal and free translation.
-XVI&mdash;Commentary. XVII&mdash;Texts No. 2 and 3 translated and
-commented upon &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">428</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XIX <a href="#ch19" id="xd26e885" name=
-"xd26e885">The Inland Kula</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;To&rsquo;uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina,
-on a visit in Sinaketa. The decay of his power. Some melancholy
-reflections about the folly of destroying the native order of things
-and of undermining native authority as now prevailing. II&mdash;The
-division into &ldquo;Kula communities;&rdquo; the three types of Kula,
-with respect to this division. The overseas Kula. III&mdash;The inland
-Kula <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e890" href="#xd26e890" name=
-"xd26e890">xxix</a>]</span>between two &ldquo;Kula communities&rdquo;
-and within such a unit. IV&mdash;The &ldquo;Kula communities&rdquo; in
-Boyowa (Trobriand Islands) &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
-<span class="tocPageNum">464</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XX <a href="#ch20" id="xd26e897" name=
-"xd26e897">Expeditions Between Kiriwina and Kitava</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I, II&mdash;<i>Account of an expedition from
-Kiriwina to Kitava</i>. I&mdash;Fixing dates and preparing districts.
-II&mdash;Preliminaries of the journey. Departure from Kaulukuba Beach.
-Sailing. Analogies and differences between these expeditions and those
-of the Sinaketans to Dobu. Entering the village. The <i lang=
-"kij">youlawada</i> custom. Sojourn in Kitava and return. III&mdash;The
-<i lang="kij">So&rsquo;i</i> (mortuary feast) in the Eastern district
-(Kitava to Muyuwa) and its association with the Kula
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">478</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XXI <a href="#ch21" id="xd26e917" name=
-"xd26e917">The Remaining Branches and Offshoots of the Kula</a></p>
-<p class="tocArgument">I&mdash;Rapid survey of the routes between
-Woodlark Island (Murua or Muyuwa) and the Engineer group and between
-this latter and Dobu. II&mdash;The ordinary trade carried on between
-these communities. III&mdash;An offshoot of the Kula; trading
-expeditions between the Western Trobriand (Kavataria and Kayleula) and
-the Western d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux. IV&mdash;Production of <i lang=
-"kij">mwali</i> (armshells). V&mdash;Some other offshoots and leakages
-of the Kula ring. Entry of the Kula <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>
-into the Ring. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">494</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter">XXII <a href="#ch22" id="xd26e933" name=
-"xd26e933">The Meaning of the Kula</a>
-&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">509</span></p>
-<p class="tocChapter"><a href="#index" id="xd26e940" name=
-"xd26e940">Index</a> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <span class=
-"tocPageNum">519</span></p>
-<div class="div1">
-<h2 class="main">Table of Contents</h2>
-<table>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#pre">Preface</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#pre">vii</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#fore">Foreword</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#fore">xv</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href=
-"#ack">Acknowledgements</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ack">xix</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#phon">Phonetic
-Note.</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#phon">xx</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#toc">Table of
-Contents</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#toc">xxi</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#loi">List of
-Illustrations</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#loi">xxx</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#xd26e1699">Maps</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e1699">xxxi</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href=
-"#xd26e1752">Tables</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e1752">xxxi</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#xd26e1788">Figures in
-text</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e1788">xxxi</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch0">Introduction: The
-Subject, Method and Scope of this Inquiry</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch0">1</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.1">1</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.2">2</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.3">4</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.4">6</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.5">8</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.6">11</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.7">VII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.7">17</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.8">VIII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.8">22</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div0.9">IX</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div0.9">24</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch1">The Country and
-Inhabitants of the Kula District</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch1">27</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.1">27</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.2">29</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.3">33</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.4">38</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div1.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div1.5">45</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch2">The Natives of the
-Trobriand Islands</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch2">49</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.1">49</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.2">52</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.3">55</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.4">58</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.5">62</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.6">70</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.7">VII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.7">72</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div2.8">VIII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div2.8">78</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch3">The Essentials of
-the Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch3">81</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.1">81</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.2">84</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.3">86</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.4">91</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.5">95</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div3.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div3.6">99</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch4">Canoes and
-Sailing</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch4">105</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.1">105</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.2">108</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.3">113</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.4">116</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div4.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div4.5">120</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch5">The Ceremonial
-Building of a Waga</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch5">124</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.1">124</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.2">126</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.3">134</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div5.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div5.4">141</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch6">Launching of a Canoe
-and Ceremonial Visiting&mdash;Tribal Economics in the
-Trobriands</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch6">146</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.1">146</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.2">156</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.3">163</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.4">166</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.5">173</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.6">176</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2"></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="6"><a href="#xd26e6189">List of Gifts,
-Payments, and Commercial Transactions.</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e6189">177</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div6.7">VII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div6.7">191</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch7">The Departure of an
-Overseas Expedition</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch7">195</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch8">The First Halt of
-the Fleet on Muwa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch8">207</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div8.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div8.1">207</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div8.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div8.2">211</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div8.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div8.3">215</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch9">Sailing on the
-Sea-Arm of Pilolu</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch9">219</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.1">219</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.2">224</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.3">228</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div9.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div9.4">232</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch10">The Story of
-Shipwreck</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch10">237</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.1">237</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.2">244</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.3">248</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.4">255</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div10.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div10.5">261</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch11">In the
-Amphletts&mdash;Sociology of the Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch11">267</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.1">267</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.2">274</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.3">282</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div11.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div11.4">288</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch12">In Tewara and
-Sanaroa&mdash;Mythology of the Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch12">290</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.1">290</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.2">298</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.3">306</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.4">311</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.5">322</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.6">326</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.7">VII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.7">328</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div12.8">VIII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div12.8">330</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch13">On the Beach of
-Sarubwoyna</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch13">334</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div13.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div13.1">334</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div13.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div13.2">342</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div13.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div13.3">346</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch14">The Kula in
-Dobu&mdash;Technicalities of the Exchange</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch14">350</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div14.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div14.1">350</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div14.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div14.2">351</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div14.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div14.3">360</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch15">The Journey
-Home&mdash;The Fishing and Working of the Kaloma Shell</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch15">366</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.1">366</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.2">367</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.3">371</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div15.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div15.4">374</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch16">The Return Visit of
-the Dobuans to Sinaketa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch16">376</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div16.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div16.1">376</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div16.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div16.2">385</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div16.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div16.3">391</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch17">Magic and the
-Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch17">392</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.1">392</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.2">396</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.3">398</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.4">403</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.5">408</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.6">409</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.7">VII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.7">412</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.8">VIII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.8">420</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.9">IX</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.9">424</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.10">X</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.10">425</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.11">XI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.11">426</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div17.12">XII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div17.12">427</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch18">The Power of Words
-in Magic&mdash;Some Linguistic Data</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch18">428</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.1">428</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.2">429</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.3">III.</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.3">433</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.4">436</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.5">438</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.6">VI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.6">442</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.7">VII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.7">446</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.8">VIII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.8">447</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IX.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.9">IX</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.9">447</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">X.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.10">X</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.10">449</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.11">XI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.11">450</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.12">XII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.12">451</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.13">XIII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.13">452</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.14">XIV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.14">453</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.15">XV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.15">454</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.16">XVI</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.16">458</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div18.17">XVII</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div18.17">459</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIX.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch19">The Inland
-Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch19">464</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.1">464</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.2">468</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.3">470</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div19.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div19.4">475</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XX.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch20">Expeditions Between
-Kiriwina and Kitava</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch20">478</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div20.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div20.1">478</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div20.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div20.2">482</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div20.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div20.3">489</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXI.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch21">The Remaining
-Branches and Offshoots of the Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch21">494</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.1">I</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.1">494</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.2">II</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.2">498</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.3">III</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.3">500</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.4">IV</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.4">502</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#div21.5">V</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#div21.5">505</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXII.</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#ch22">The Meaning of the
-Kula</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#ch22">509</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="8"><a href="#index">Index</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><a class="pageref" href="#index">521</a></td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e947" href="#xd26e947" name=
-"xd26e947">xxx</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="loi" class="div1 contents"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">List of Illustrations</h2>
-<table class="tocList">
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum"></td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl00">A ceremonial act of
-the <i lang="kij">kula</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum"><i>Frontispiece</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">Plate</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">Facing page</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl01">The
-ethnographer&rsquo;s tent on the beach of Nu&rsquo;agasi</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">6</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl02">The chief&rsquo;s
-<i lang="kij">lisiga</i> (personal hut) in Omarakana</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">6</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl03">Street of
-Kasana&rsquo;i (in Kiriwina, Trobriand Island)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">7</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl04">Scene in Yourawotu
-(Trobriands)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">7</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl05">Scenes on the beach
-of Silosilo (Southern Massim district)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">33</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl06">Village scenes
-during a <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> feast</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">37</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl07">In the
-Amphletts</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">46</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">VIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl08">Group of natives in
-the village of Tukwa&rsquo;ukwa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">48</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl09">Men of rank from
-Kiriwina</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">49</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">X</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl10">Fishermen from
-Teyava</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">49</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl11">A typical <i lang=
-"kij">nakubukwabuya</i> (unmarried woman)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">52</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl12">Boyowan
-girls</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">53</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl13"><i lang=
-"kij">Kaydebu</i> dance</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">56</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl14">Dancers in full
-decoration</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">57</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl15">A family
-group</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">72</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl16">Armshells</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">80</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl17">Two men wearing
-armshells</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">81</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XVIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl18">Two necklaces, made
-of red spondylus discs</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">88</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XIX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl19">Two women adorned
-with necklaces</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">89</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl20">A Kula gathering on
-the beach of Sinaketa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">98</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl21">A <i lang=
-"kij">masawa</i> canoe</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">106</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl22">Putting a canoe
-into its hangar</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">106</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl23">Canoe under
-sail</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">107</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXIV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl24">The fishing canoe
-(<i lang="kij">kalipoulo</i>)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">112</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl25">The dug-out in the
-village</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">124</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXVI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl26">Carving a <i lang=
-"kij">tabuyo</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">125</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXVII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl27">Construction of a
-<i lang="kij">waga</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">138</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXVIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl28">Sail
-making</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">139</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXIX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl29">Rolls of dried
-pandanus leaf</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">139</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl30">Launching of a
-canoe</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">148</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl31">The <i lang=
-"kij">tasasoria</i> on the beach of Kaulukuba</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">148</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl32">A chief&rsquo;s
-yam-house in Kasana&rsquo;i</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">149</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl33">Filling a yam-house
-in Yalumugwa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">149</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXIV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl34">Display of pigs and
-yams at a distribution (<i lang="kij">sagali</i>)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">170</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl35">Communal cooking of
-<i lang="kij">mona</i> (taro dumplings)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">170</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXVI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl36">Scene in the
-<i lang="kij">wasi</i> (ceremonial exchange of vegetables for
-fish)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">171</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXVII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl37"><i lang=
-"kij">Vava</i>, direct barter of vegetables for fish</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">171</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXVIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl38">Koutau&rsquo;ya,
-one of the chiefs of Sinaketa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">196</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XXXIX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl39">A loaded canoe</a>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e1398" href="#xd26e1398" name=
-"xd26e1398">xxxi</a>]</span></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">197</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XL</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl40">A <i lang=
-"kij">waga</i> sailing on a Kula expedition</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">224</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl41">The rigging of a
-canoe</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">225</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl42">Scenery in the
-Amphletts</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">268</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl43">Landing in the main
-village of Gumasila</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">269</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLIV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl44">Technology of
-pot-making (I)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">284</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl45">Technology of
-pot-making (II)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">285</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLVI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl46">Fine specimens of
-Amphlett pots</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">288</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLVII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl47">A canoe in Gumasila
-loading pots</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">289</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLVIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl48">A Kula fleet
-halting to perform the final rites of <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">334</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">XLIX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl49">The beauty magic of
-the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">335</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">L (A)</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl50-1">Working the
-<i>kaloma shell</i> (I)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">370</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">L (B)</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl50-2">working the
-<i>kaloma shell</i> (II)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">371</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl51">Working the
-<i>kaloma shell</i> (III)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">372</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl52">Working the
-<i>kaloma shell</i> (IV)</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">373</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl53">On the beach of
-Nabwageta</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">376</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LIV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl54">The Dobuan canoes
-pulled up on Sinaketa beach</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">388</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl55">Some canoes moored
-on the shallow lagoon near the shore</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">388</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LVI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl56">Dobuan visitors in
-Sinaketa</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">389</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LVII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl57">A magical spell
-associated with pregnancy</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">406</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LVIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl58">A rite of war
-magic</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">406</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LIX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl59">A rite of garden
-magic</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">407</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LX</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl60">Armshells brought
-from Kitava</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">470</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LXI</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl61">Bringing in a
-<i lang="kij">soulava</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">471</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LXII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl62">Offering the
-<i lang="kij">soulava</i></a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">471</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LXIII</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl63">Ceremonial
-destruction during a <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> feast</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">486</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LXIV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl64"><i lang=
-"kij">Nagega</i> canoe</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">496</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">LXV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#pl65">A corpse covered
-with valuables</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">512</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-<div id="xd26e1699" class="div2 section"><span class=
-"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">Maps</h3>
-<table class="tocList">
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map1">Eastern New
-Guinea</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">xxxiii</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map2">Racial distribution
-in Eastern New Guinea</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">26</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map3">The Kula
-district</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">30</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">IV</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map4">The Trobriand
-archipelago</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">50</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">V</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#map5">The Kula
-ring</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">82</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="xd26e1752" class="div2 section"><span class=
-"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">Tables</h3>
-<table class="tocList">
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#table1">Chronological
-list of Kula events witnessed by the writer</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">16</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#table2">Time-table of the
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, Dobu to Sinaketa, 1918</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">381</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">III</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#table3">Table of Kula
-magic and of the corresponding activities</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">415&ndash;418</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="xd26e1788" class="div2 section"><span class=
-"pagenum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">Figures in text</h3>
-<table class="tocList">
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">I</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#fig1">Diagram of canoe
-stability and construction</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">109</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tocDivNum">II</td>
-<td class="tocDivTitle" colspan="7"><a href="#fig2"><span class="corr"
-id="xd26e1807" title="Source: Diagramatic">Diagrammatic</span> sections
-of canoes</a></td>
-<td class="tocPageNum">111</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e1813" href="#xd26e1813" name=
-"xd26e1813">xxxii</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="div1 frontispiece"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"></p>
-<div class="figure map1width" id="map1"><a href=
-"images/map1h.png"><img src="images/map1.png" alt="" width="720"
-height="609"></a>
-<p class="first">Map I&mdash;The native names and their spelling on
-this and the following map conform to the traditional nomenclature to
-be found on charts and old maps. Maps III&ndash;V show, the native
-names as ascertained by myself and phonetically spelled.</p>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb1" href="#pb1" name=
-"pb1">1</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="body">
-<div id="ch0" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e425">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Introduction: The Subject, Method and Scope of this
-Inquiry</h2>
-<div id="div0.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The coastal populations of the South Sea Islands, with
-very few exceptions, are, or were before their extinction, expert
-navigators and traders. Several of them had evolved excellent types of
-large sea-going canoes, and used to embark in them on distant trade
-expeditions or raids of war and conquest. The Papuo-Melanesians, who
-inhabit the coast and the out-lying islands of New Guinea, are no
-exception to this rule. In general they are daring sailors, industrious
-manufacturers, and keen traders. The manufacturing centres of important
-articles, such as pottery, stone implements, canoes, fine baskets,
-valued ornaments, are localised in several places, according to the
-skill of the inhabitants, their inherited tribal tradition, and special
-facilities offered by the district; thence they are traded over wide
-areas, sometimes travelling more than hundreds of miles.</p>
-<p>Definite forms of exchange along definite trade routes are to be
-found established between the various tribes. A most remarkable form of
-intertribal trade is that obtaining between the Motu of Port Moresby
-and the tribes of the Papuan Gulf. The Motu sail for hundreds of miles
-in heavy, unwieldy canoes, called <i lang="kij">lakatoi</i>, which are
-provided with the characteristic crab-claw sails. They bring pottery
-and shell ornaments, in olden days, stone blades, to Gulf Papuans, from
-whom they obtain in exchange sago and the heavy dug-outs, which are
-used afterwards by the Motu for the construction of their <i lang=
-"kij">lakatoi</i> canoes.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1839src" href=
-"#xd26e1839" name="xd26e1839src">1</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb2" href="#pb2" name="pb2">2</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Further East, on the South coast, there lives the industrious,
-sea-faring population of the Mailu, who link the East End of New Guinea
-with the central coast tribes by means of annual trading
-expeditions.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1848src" href="#xd26e1848"
-name="xd26e1848src">2</a> Finally, the natives of the islands and
-archipelagoes, scattered around the East End, are in constant trading
-relations with one another. We possess in Professor Seligman&rsquo;s
-book an excellent description of the subject, especially of the nearer
-trades routes between the various islands inhabited by the Southern
-Massim.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1851src" href="#xd26e1851" name=
-"xd26e1851src">3</a> There exists, however, another, a very extensive
-and highly complex trading system, embracing with its ramifications,
-not only the islands near the East End, but also the Louisiades,
-Woodlark Island, the Trobriand Archipelago, and the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux group; it penetrates into the mainland of New
-Guinea, and exerts an indirect influence over several outlying
-districts, such as Rossel Island, and some parts of the Northern and
-Southern coast of New Guinea. This trading system, the Kula, is the
-subject I am setting out to describe in this volume, and it will be
-seen that it is an economic phenomenon of <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e1854" title="Source: consideraable">considerable</span>
-theoretical importance. It looms paramount in the tribal life of those
-natives who live within its circuit, and its importance is fully
-realised by the tribesmen themselves, whose ideas, ambitions, desires
-and vanities are very much bound up with the Kula<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e1857" title="Not in source">.</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Before proceeding to the account of the Kula, it will
-be well to give a description of the methods used in the collecting of
-the ethnographic material. The results of scientific research in any
-branch of learning ought to be presented in a manner absolutely candid
-and above board. No one would dream of making an experimental
-contribution to physical or chemical science, without giving a detailed
-account of all the arrangements of the experiments; an exact
-description of the apparatus used; of the manner in which the
-observations were conducted; of their number; of the length of time
-devoted to them, and of the degree of approximation with which each
-measurement was made. In less exact sciences, as in biology or geology,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb3" href="#pb3" name=
-"pb3">3</a>]</span>this cannot be done as rigorously, but every student
-will do his best to bring home to the reader all the conditions in
-which the experiment or the observations were made. In Ethnography,
-where a candid account of such data is perhaps even more necessary, it
-has unfortunately in the past not always been supplied with sufficient
-generosity, and many writers do not ply the full searchlight of
-methodic sincerity, as they move among their facts and produce them
-before us out of complete obscurity.</p>
-<p>It would be easy to quote works of high repute, and with a
-scientific hall-mark on them, in which wholesale generalisations are
-laid down before us, and we are not informed at all by what actual
-experiences the writers have reached their conclusion. No special
-chapter or paragraph is devoted to describing to us the conditions
-under which observations were made and information collected. I
-consider that only such ethnographic sources are of unquestionable
-scientific value, in which we can clearly draw the line between, on the
-one hand, the results of direct observation and of native statements
-and interpretations, and on the other, the inferences of the author,
-based on his common sense and <span class="corr" id="xd26e1869" title=
-"Source: psycholgical">psychological</span> insight.<a class="noteref"
-id="xd26e1872src" href="#xd26e1872" name="xd26e1872src">4</a> Indeed,
-Some such survey, as that contained in the table, given below (<a href=
-"#div0.6">Div. VI of this chapter</a>) ought to be forthcoming, so that
-at a glance the reader could estimate with precision the degree of the
-writer&rsquo;s personal acquaintance with the facts which he describes,
-and form an idea under what conditions information had been obtained
-from the natives.</p>
-<p>Again, in historical science, no one could expect to be seriously
-treated if he made any mystery of his sources and spoke of the past as
-if he knew it by divination. In Ethnography, the writer is his own
-chronicler and the historian at the same time, while his sources are no
-doubt easily accessible, but also supremely elusive and complex; they
-are not embodied in fixed, material documents, but in the behaviour and
-in the memory of living men. In Ethnography, the distance is often
-enormous between the brute material of <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb4" href="#pb4" name="pb4">4</a>]</span>information&mdash;as it is
-presented to the student in his own observations, in native statement,
-in the kaleidoscope of tribal life&mdash;and the final authoritative
-presentation of the results. The Ethnographer has to traverse this
-distance in the laborious years between the moment when he sets foot
-upon a native beach, and makes his first attempts to get into touch
-with the natives, and the time when he writes down the final version of
-his results. A brief outline of an Ethnographer&rsquo;s tribulations,
-as lived through by myself, may throw more light on the question, than
-any long abstract discussion could do.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Imagine yourself suddenly set down surrounded by all
-your gear, alone on a tropical beach close to a native village, while
-the launch or dinghy which has brought you sails away out of sight.
-Since you take up your abode in the compound of some neighbouring white
-man, trader or missionary, you have nothing to do, but to start at once
-on your ethnographic work. Imagine further that you are a beginner,
-without previous experience, with nothing to guide you and no one to
-help you. For the white man is temporarily absent, or else unable or
-unwilling to waste any of his time on you. This exactly describes my
-first initiation into field work on the south coast of New Guinea. I
-well remember the long visits I paid to the villages during the first
-weeks; the feeling of hopelessness and despair after many obstinate but
-futile attempts had entirely failed to bring me into real touch with
-the natives, or supply me with any material. I had periods of
-despondency, when I buried myself in the reading of novels, as a man
-might take to drink in a fit of tropical depression and boredom.</p>
-<p>Imagine yourself then, making your first entry into the village,
-alone or in company with your white cicerone. Some natives flock round
-you, especially if they smell tobacco. Others, the more dignified and
-elderly, remain seated where they are. Your white companion has his
-routine way of treating the natives, and he neither understands, nor is
-very much concerned with the manner in which you, as an ethnographer,
-will have to approach them. The first visit leaves you with a hopeful
-feeling that when you return alone, things will be easier. Such was my
-hope at least. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb5" href="#pb5" name=
-"pb5">5</a>]</span></p>
-<p>I came back duly, and soon gathered an audience around me. A few
-compliments in pidgin-English on both sides, some tobacco changing
-hands, induced an atmosphere of mutual amiability. I tried then to
-proceed to business. First, to begin with subjects which might arouse
-no suspicion, I started to &ldquo;do&rdquo; technology. A few natives
-were engaged in manufacturing some object or other. It was easy to look
-at it and obtain the names of the tools, and even some technical
-expressions about the proceedings, but there the matter ended. It must
-be borne in mind that pidgin-English is a very imperfect instrument for
-expressing one&rsquo;s ideas, and that before one gets a good training
-in framing questions and understanding answers one has the
-uncomfortable feeling that free communication in it with the natives
-will never be attained; and I was quite unable to enter into any more
-detailed or explicit conversation with them at first. I knew well that
-the best remedy for this was to collect concrete data, and accordingly
-I took a village census, wrote down genealogies, drew up plans and
-collected the terms of kinship. But all this remained dead material,
-which led no further into the understanding of real native mentality or
-behaviour, since I could neither procure a good native interpretation
-of any of these items, nor get what could be called the hang of tribal
-life. As to obtaining their ideas about religion, and magic, their
-beliefs in sorcery and spirits, nothing was forthcoming except a few
-superficial items of folk-lore, mangled by being forced into
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e1892" title=
-"Source: pidgin English">pidgin-English</span>.</p>
-<p>Information which I received from some white residents in the
-district, valuable as it was in itself, was more discouraging than
-anything else with regard to my own work. Here were men who had lived
-for years in the place with constant opportunities of observing the
-natives and communicating with them, and who yet hardly knew one thing
-about them really well. How could I therefore in a few months or a
-year, hope to overtake and go beyond them? Moreover, the manner in
-which my white informants spoke about the natives and put their views
-was, naturally, that of untrained minds, unaccustomed to formulate
-their thoughts with any degree of consistency and precision. And they
-were for the most part, naturally enough, full of the biassed and
-pre-judged opinions inevitable in the average practical man, whether
-administrator, missionary, or trader; yet so strongly repulsive to a
-mind striving after the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb6" href="#pb6"
-name="pb6">6</a>]</span>objective, scientific view of things. The habit
-of treating with a self-satisfied frivolity what is really serious to
-the ethnographer; the cheap rating of what to him is a scientific
-treasure, that is to say, the native&rsquo;s cultural and mental
-peculiarities and independence&mdash;these features, so well known in
-the inferior amateur&rsquo;s writing, I found in the tone of the
-majority of white residents.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e1899src" href=
-"#xd26e1899" name="xd26e1899src">5</a></p>
-<div class="figure pl01width" id="pl01">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl01width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-I</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl01.jpg" alt=
-"The Ethnographer&rsquo;s Tent on the Beach of Nu&rsquo;agasi." width=
-"664" height="409">
-<p class="figureHead">The Ethnographer&rsquo;s Tent on the Beach of
-Nu&rsquo;agasi.</p>
-<p>This is illustrates the manner of life among the natives, described
-in <a href="#div1.4">Div. IV</a>. Note (with reference to <a href=
-"#ch4">Chs. IV</a> and <a href="#ch5">V</a>) the dug-out log of a large
-canoe beside the tent, and the <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe, beached
-under Palm leaves to the left.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl02width" id="pl02">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl02width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-II</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl02.jpg" alt=
-"The Chief&rsquo;s Lisiga (Personal Hut) in Omarakana." width="661"
-height="373">
-<p class="figureHead">The Chief&rsquo;s Lisiga (Personal Hut) in
-Omarakana.</p>
-<p>To&rsquo;uluwa, the present chief, is standing in front (cf.
-<a href="#div2.5">Ch. II, Div. V</a>); to the left, among the palms, is
-the Ethnographer&rsquo;s tent (see <a href="#div0.4">Div. IV</a>), with
-a group of natives squatting in front of it.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl03width" id="pl03">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl03width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-III</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl03.jpg" alt=
-"Street of Kasana&rsquo;i (Inkiriwina, Trobriand Islands)" width="668"
-height="398">
-<p class="figureHead">Street of Kasana&rsquo;i (Inkiriwina, Trobriand
-Islands)</p>
-<p>An everyday scene, showing groups of people at their ordinary
-occupations. (See <a href="#div0.4">Div. IV</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl04width" id="pl04">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl04width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-IV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl04.jpg" alt="Scene in Yourawotu (Trobriands)" width=
-"658" height="387">
-<p class="figureHead">Scene in Yourawotu (Trobriands)</p>
-<p>A complex, but well-defined, act of a <i lang="kij">sagali</i>
-(ceremonial distribution) is going on. There is a definite system of
-sociological, economic and ceremonial principles at the bottom of the
-apparently confused proceedings. (See <a href="#div0.4">Div.
-IV</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>Indeed, in my first piece of Ethnographic research on the South
-coast, it was not until I was alone in the district that I began to
-make some headway; and, at any rate, I found out where lay the secret
-of effective field-work. What is then this ethnographer&rsquo;s magic,
-by which he is able to evoke the real spirit of the natives, the true
-picture of tribal life? As usual, success can only be obtained by a
-patient and systematic application of a number of rules of common sense
-and well-known scientific principles, and not by the discovery of any
-marvellous short-cut leading to the desired results without effort or
-trouble. The principles of method can be grouped under three main
-headings; first of all, naturally, the student must possess real
-scientific aims, and know the values and criteria of modern
-ethnography. Secondly, he ought to put himself in good conditions of
-work, that is, in the main, to live without other white men, right
-among the natives. Finally, he has to apply a number of special methods
-of collecting, manipulating and fixing his evidence. A few words must
-be said about these three foundation stones of fieldwork, beginning
-with the second as the most elementary.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><i>Proper conditions for ethnographic work</i>. These,
-as said, consist mainly in cutting oneself off from the company of
-other white men, and remaining in as close contact with the natives as
-possible, which really can only be achieved by camping right in their
-villages (see Plates <a href="#pl01">I</a> and <a href="#pl02">II</a>).
-It is very nice to have a base in a white man&rsquo;s compound for the
-stores, and to know there is a refuge there in times of sickness and
-surfeit of native. But it must be far enough away not to become a
-permanent milieu in which you live and from which you emerge at fixed
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb7" href="#pb7" name=
-"pb7">7</a>]</span>hours only to &ldquo;do the village.&rdquo; It
-should not even be near enough to fly to at any moment for recreation.
-For the native is not the natural companion for a white man, and after
-you have been working with him for several hours, seeing how he does
-his gardens, or letting him tell you items of folk-lore, or discussing
-his customs, you will naturally hanker after the company of your own
-kind. But if you are alone in a village beyond reach of this, you go
-for a solitary walk for an hour or so, return again and then quite
-naturally seek out the natives&rsquo; society, this time as a relief
-from loneliness, just as you would any other companionship. And by
-means of this natural intercourse, you learn to know him, and you
-become familiar with his customs and beliefs far better than when he is
-a paid, and often bored, informant.</p>
-<p>There is all the difference between a sporadic plunging into the
-company of natives, and being really in contact with them. What does
-this latter mean? On the Ethnographer&rsquo;s side, it means that his
-life in the village, which at first is a strange, sometimes unpleasant,
-sometimes intensely interesting adventure, soon adopts quite a natural
-course very much in harmony with his surroundings.</p>
-<p>Soon after I had established myself in Omarakana (Trobriand
-Islands), I began to take part, in a way, in the village life, to look
-forward to the important or festive events, to take personal interest
-in the gossip and the developments of the small village occurrences; to
-wake up every morning to a day, presenting itself to me more or less as
-it does to the native. I would get out from under my mosquito net, to
-find around me the village life beginning to stir, or the people well
-advanced in their working day according to the hour and also to the
-season, for they get up and begin their labours early or late, as work
-presses. As I went on my morning walk through the village, I could see
-intimate details of family life, of toilet, cooking, taking of meals; I
-could see the arrangements for the day&rsquo;s work, people starting on
-their errands, or groups of men and women busy at some manufacturing
-tasks (see <a href="#pl03">Plate III</a>). Quarrels, jokes, family
-scenes, events usually trivial, sometimes dramatic but always
-significant, formed the atmosphere of my daily life, as well as of
-theirs. It must be remembered that as the natives saw me constantly
-every day, they ceased to be interested or alarmed, or made
-self-conscious by my <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb8" href="#pb8"
-name="pb8">8</a>]</span>presence, and I ceased to be a disturbing
-element in the tribal life which I was to study, altering it by my very
-approach, as always happens with a new-comer to every savage community.
-In fact, as they knew that I would thrust my nose into everything, even
-where a well-mannered native would not dream of intruding, they
-finished by regarding me as part and parcel of their life, a necessary
-evil or nuisance, mitigated by donations of tobacco.</p>
-<p>Later on in the day, whatever happened was within easy reach, and
-there was no possibility of its escaping my notice. Alarms about the
-sorcerer&rsquo;s approach in the evening, one or two big, really
-important quarrels and rifts within the community, cases of illness,
-attempted cures and deaths, magical rites which had to be performed,
-all these I had not to pursue, fearful of missing them, but they took
-place under my very eyes, at my own doorstep, so to speak (see <a href=
-"#pl04">Plate IV</a>). And it must be emphasised whenever anything
-dramatic or important occurs it is essential to investigate it at the
-very moment of happening, because the natives cannot but talk about it,
-are too excited to be reticent, and too interested to be mentally lazy
-in supplying details. Also, over and over again, I committed breaches
-of etiquette, which the natives, familiar enough with me, were not slow
-in pointing out. I had to learn how to behave, and to a certain extent,
-I acquired &ldquo;the feeling&rdquo; for native good and bad manners.
-With this, and with the capacity of enjoying their company and sharing
-some of their games and amusements, I began to feel that I was indeed
-in touch with the natives, and this is certainly the preliminary
-condition of being able to carry on successful field work.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">But the Ethnographer has not only to spread his nets
-in the right place, and wait for what will fall into them. He must be
-an active huntsman, and drive his quarry into them and follow it up to
-its most inaccessible lairs. And that leads us to the more active
-methods of pursuing ethnographic evidence. It has been mentioned at the
-end of <a href="#div0.3">Division III</a> that the Ethnographer has to
-be inspired by the knowledge of the most modern results of scientific
-study, by its principles and aims. I shall not enlarge upon this
-subject, except by way of one remark, to avoid the possibility of
-misunderstanding. Good <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb9" href="#pb9"
-name="pb9">9</a>]</span>training in theory, and acquaintance with its
-latest results, is not identical with being burdened with
-&ldquo;preconceived ideas.&rdquo; If a man sets out on an expedition,
-determined to prove certain hypotheses, if he is incapable of changing
-his views constantly and casting them off ungrudgingly under the
-pressure of evidence, needless to say his work will be worthless. But
-the more problems he brings with him into the field, the more he is in
-the habit of moulding his theories according to facts, and of seeing
-facts in their bearing upon theory, the better he is equipped for the
-work. Preconceived ideas are pernicious in any scientific work, but
-foreshadowed problems are the main endowment of a scientific thinker,
-and these problems are first revealed to the observer by his
-theoretical studies.</p>
-<p>In Ethnology the early efforts of Bastian, Tylor, Morgan, the German
-V&ouml;lkerpsychologen have remoulded the older crude information of
-travellers, missionaries, etc., and have shown us the importance of
-applying deeper conceptions and discarding crude and misleading
-ones.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2008src" href="#xd26e2008" name=
-"xd26e2008src">6</a></p>
-<p>The concept of animism superseded that of &ldquo;fetichism&rdquo; or
-&ldquo;devil-worship,&rdquo; both meaningless terms. The understanding
-of the classificatory systems of relationship paved the way for the
-brilliant, modern researches on native sociology in the field-work of
-the Cambridge school. The psychological analysis of the German thinkers
-has brought forth an abundant crop of most valuable information in the
-results obtained by the recent German expeditions to Africa, South
-America and the Pacific, while the theoretical works of Frazer,
-Durkheim and others have already, and will no doubt still for a long
-time inspire field workers and lead them to new results. The field
-worker relies entirely upon inspiration from theory. Of course he may
-be also a theoretical thinker and worker, and there he can draw on
-himself for stimulus. But the two functions are separate, and in actual
-research they have to be separated both in time and conditions of
-work.</p>
-<p>As always happens when scientific interest turns towards and begins
-to labour on a field so far only prospected by the curiosity of
-amateurs, Ethnology has introduced law and order into what seemed
-chaotic and freakish. It has transformed for us the sensational, wild
-and unaccountable world of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb10" href=
-"#pb10" name="pb10">10</a>]</span>&ldquo;savages&rdquo; into a number
-of well ordered communities, governed by law, behaving and thinking
-according to consistent principles. The word &ldquo;savage,&rdquo;
-whatever association it might have had originally, connotes ideas of
-boundless liberty, of irregularity, of something extremely and
-extraordinarily quaint. In popular thinking, we imagine that the
-natives live on the bosom of Nature, more or less as they can and like,
-the prey of irregular, phantasmagoric beliefs and apprehensions. Modern
-science, on the contrary, shows that their social institutions have a
-very definite organisation, that they are governed by authority, law
-and order in their public and personal relations, while the latter are,
-besides, under the control of extremely complex ties of kinship and
-clanship. Indeed, we see them entangled in a mesh of duties, functions
-and privileges which correspond to an elaborate tribal, communal and
-kinship organisation (see <a href="#pl04">Plate IV</a>). Their beliefs
-and practices do not by any means lack consistency of a certain type,
-and their knowledge of the outer world is sufficient to guide them in
-many of their strenuous enterprises and activities. Their artistic
-productions again lack neither meaning nor beauty.</p>
-<p>It is a very far cry from the famous answer given long ago by a
-representative authority who, asked, what are the manners and customs
-of the natives, answered, &ldquo;Customs none, manners beastly,&rdquo;
-to the position of the modern Ethnographer! This latter, with his
-tables of kinship terms, genealogies, maps, plans and diagrams, proves
-an extensive and big organisation, shows the constitution of the tribe,
-of the clan, of the family; and he gives us a picture of the natives
-subjected to a strict code of behaviour and good manners, to which in
-comparison the life at the Court of Versailles or Escurial was free and
-easy.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2022src" href="#xd26e2022" name=
-"xd26e2022src">7</a></p>
-<p>Thus the first and basic ideal of ethnographic field-work is to give
-a clear and firm outline of the social constitution, and disentangle
-the laws and regularities of all cultural phenomena <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb11" href="#pb11" name="pb11">11</a>]</span>from the
-irrelevances. The firm skeleton of the tribal life has to be first
-ascertained. This ideal imposes in the first place the fundamental
-obligation of giving a complete survey of the phenomena, and not of
-picking out the sensational, the singular, still less the funny and
-quaint. The time when we could tolerate accounts presenting us the
-native as a distorted, childish caricature of a human being are gone.
-This picture is false, and like many other falsehoods, it has been
-killed by Science. The field Ethnographer has seriously and soberly to
-cover the full extent of the phenomena in each aspect of tribal culture
-studied, making no difference between What is commonplace, or drab, or
-ordinary, and what strikes him as astonishing and out-of-the-way. At
-the same time, the whole area of tribal culture <i>in all its
-aspects</i> has to be gone over in research. The consistency, the law
-and order which obtain within each aspect make also for joining them
-into one coherent whole.</p>
-<p>An Ethnographer who sets out to study only religion, or only
-technology, or only social organisation cuts out an artificial field
-for inquiry, and he will be seriously handicapped in his work.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Having settled this very general rule, let us descend
-to more detailed consideration of method. The Ethnographer has in the
-field, according to what has just been said, the duty before him of
-drawing up all the rules and regularities of tribal life; all that is
-permanent and fixed; of giving an anatomy of their culture, of
-depicting the constitution of their society. But these things, though
-crystallised and set, are nowhere <i>formulated</i>. There is no
-written or explicitly expressed code of laws, and their whole tribal
-tradition, the whole structure of their society, are embodied in the
-most elusive of all materials; the human being. But not even in human
-mind or memory are these laws to be found definitely formulated. The
-natives obey the forces and commands of the tribal code, but they do
-not comprehend them; exactly as they obey their instincts and their
-impulses, but could not lay down a single law of psychology. The
-regularities in native institutions are an automatic result of the
-interaction of the mental forces of tradition, and of the material
-conditions of environment. Exactly as a humble member of any modern
-institution, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb12" href="#pb12" name=
-"pb12">12</a>]</span>whether it be the state, or the church, or the
-army, is <i>of</i> it and <i>in</i> it, but has no vision of the
-resulting integral action of the whole, still less could furnish any
-account of its organisation, so it would be futile to attempt
-questioning a native in abstract, sociological terms. The difference is
-that, in our society, every institution has its intelligent members,
-its historians, and its archives and documents, whereas in a native
-society there are none of these. After this is realised an expedient
-has to be found to overcome this difficulty. This expedient for an
-Ethnographer consists in collecting concrete data of evidence, and
-drawing the general inferences for himself. This seems obvious on the
-face of it, but was not found out or at least practised in Ethnography
-till field work was taken up by men of science. Moreover, in giving it
-practical effect, it is neither easy to devise the concrete
-applications of this method, nor to carry them out systematically and
-consistently.</p>
-<p>Though we cannot ask a native about abstract, general rules, we can
-always enquire how a given case would be treated. Thus for instance, in
-asking how they would treat crime, or punish it, it would be vain to
-put to a native a sweeping question such as, &ldquo;How do you treat
-and punish a criminal?&rdquo; for even words could not be found to
-express it in native, or in pidgin. But an imaginary case, or still
-better, a real occurrence, will stimulate a native to express his
-opinion and to supply plentiful information. A real case indeed will
-start the natives on a wave of discussion, evoke expressions of
-indignation, show them taking sides&mdash;all of which talk will
-probably contain a wealth of definite views, of moral censures, as well
-as reveal the social mechanism set in motion by the crime committed.
-From there, it will be easy to lead them on to speak of other similar
-cases, to remember other actual occurrences or to discuss them in all
-their implications and aspects. From this material, which ought to
-cover the widest possible range of facts, the inference is obtained by
-simple induction. The <i>scientific</i> treatment differs from that of
-good common sense, first in that a student will extend the completeness
-and minuteness of survey much further and in a pedantically systematic
-and methodical manner; and secondly, in that the scientifically trained
-mind, will push the inquiry along really relevant lines, and towards
-aims possessing real importance. Indeed, the object of scientific
-training is to provide the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb13" href=
-"#pb13" name="pb13">13</a>]</span>empirical investigator with a
-<i>mental chart</i>, in accordance with which he can take his bearings
-and lay his course.</p>
-<p>To return to our example, a number of definite cases discussed will
-reveal to the Ethnographer the social machinery for punishment. This is
-one part, one aspect of tribal authority. Imagine further that by a
-similar method of inference from definite data, he arrives at
-understanding leadership in war, in economic enterprise, in tribal
-festivities&mdash;there he has at once all the data necessary to answer
-the questions about tribal government and social authority. In actual
-field work, the comparison of such data, the attempt to piece them
-together, will often reveal rifts and gaps in the information which
-lead on to further investigations.</p>
-<p>From my own experience, I can say that, very often, a problem seemed
-settled, everything fixed and clear, till I began to write down a short
-preliminary sketch of my results. And only then, did I see the enormous
-deficiencies, which would show me where lay new problems, and lead me
-on to new work. In fact, I spent a few months between my first and
-second expeditions, and over a year between that and the subsequent
-one, in going over all my material, and making parts of it almost ready
-for publication each time, though each time I knew I would have to
-re-write it. Such cross-fertilisation of constructive work and
-observation, I found most valuable, and I do not think I could have
-made real headway without it. I give this bit of my own history merely
-to show that what has been said so far is not only an empty programme,
-but the result of personal experience. In this volume, the description
-is given of a big institution connected with ever so many associated
-activities, and presenting many aspects. To anyone who reflects on the
-subject, it will be clear that the information about a phenomenon of
-such high complexity and of so many ramifications, could not be
-obtained with any degree of exactitude and completeness, without a
-constant interplay of constructive attempts and empirical checking. In
-fact, I have written up an outline of the Kula institution at least
-half a dozen times while in the field and in the intervals between my
-expeditions. Each time, new problems and difficulties presented
-themselves.</p>
-<p>The collecting of concrete data over a wide range of facts is thus
-one of the main points of field method. The obligation <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb14" href="#pb14" name="pb14">14</a>]</span>is not
-to enumerate a few examples only, but to exhaust as far as possible all
-the cases within reach; and, on this search for cases, the investigator
-will score most whose mental chart is clearest. But, whenever the
-material of the search allows it, this mental chart ought to be
-transformed into a real one; it ought to materialise into a diagram, a
-plan, an exhaustive, synoptic table of cases. Long since, in all
-tolerably good modern books on natives, we expect to find a full list
-or table of kinship terms, which includes all the data relative to it,
-and does not just pick out a few strange and anomalous relationships or
-expressions. In the investigation of kinship, the following up of one
-relation after another in concrete cases leads naturally to the
-construction of genealogical tables. Practised already by the best
-early writers, such as Munzinger, and, if I remember rightly, Kubary,
-this method has been developed to its fullest extent in the works of
-Dr. Rivers. Again, studying the concrete data of economic transactions,
-in order to trace the history of a valuable object, and to gauge the
-nature of its circulation, the principle of completeness and
-thoroughness would lead to construct tables of transactions, such as we
-find in the work of Professor Seligman.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2068src" href="#xd26e2068" name="xd26e2068src">8</a> It is in
-following Professor Seligman&rsquo;s example in this matter that I was
-able to settle certain of the more difficult and detailed rules of the
-Kula. The method of reducing information, if possible, into charts or
-synoptic tables ought to be extended to the study of practically all
-aspects of native life. All types of economic transactions may be
-studied by following up connected, actual cases, and putting them into
-a synoptic chart; again, a table ought to be drawn up of all the gifts
-and presents customary in a given society, a table including the
-sociological, ceremonial, and economic definition of every item. Also,
-systems of magic, connected series of ceremonies, types of legal acts,
-all could be charted, allowing each entry to be synoptically defined
-under a number of headings. Besides this, of course, the genealogical
-census of every community, studied more in detail, extensive maps,
-plans and diagrams, illustrating ownership in garden land, hunting and
-fishing privileges, etc., serve as the more fundamental documents of
-ethnographic research.</p>
-<p>A genealogy is nothing else but a synoptic chart of a number
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb15" href="#pb15" name=
-"pb15">15</a>]</span>of connected relations of kinship. Its value as an
-instrument of research consists in that it allows the investigator to
-put questions which he formulates to himself <i lang="la">in
-abstracto</i>, but can put concretely to the native informant. As a
-document, its value consists in that it gives a number of authenticated
-data, presented in their natural grouping. A synoptic chart of magic
-fulfils the same function. As an instrument of research, I have used it
-in order to ascertain, for instance, the ideas about the nature of
-magical power. With a chart before me, I could easily and conveniently
-go over one item after the other, and note down the relevant practices
-and beliefs contained in each of them. The answer to my abstract
-problem could then be obtained by drawing a general inference from all
-the cases, and the procedure is illustrated in Chapters <a href=
-"#ch17">XVII</a> and <a href="#ch18">XVIII</a>.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2084src" href="#xd26e2084" name="xd26e2084src">9</a> I cannot
-enter further into the discussion of this question, which would need
-further distinctions, such as between a chart of concrete, actual data,
-such as is a genealogy, and a chart summarising the outlines of a
-custom or belief, as a chart of a magical system would be.</p>
-<p>Returning once more to the question of methodological candour,
-discussed previously in <a href="#div0.2">Division II</a> I wish to
-point out here, that the procedure of concrete and tabularised
-presentation of data ought to be applied first to the
-Ethnographer&rsquo;s own credentials. That is, an Ethnographer, who
-wishes to be trusted, must show clearly and concisely, in a tabularised
-form, which are his own direct observations, and which the indirect
-information that form the bases of his account. The Table on the next
-page will serve as an example of this procedure and help the reader of
-this book to form an idea of the trustworthiness of any statement he is
-specially anxious to check. With the help of this Table and the many
-references scattered throughout the text, as to how, under what
-circumstances, and with what degree of accuracy I arrived at a given
-item of knowledge, there will, I hope remain no obscurity whatever as
-to the sources of the book. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb016" href=
-"#pb016" name="pb016">16</a>]</span></p>
-<p id="table1" class="h3">Chronological List of Kula Events Witnessed
-by the Writer</p>
-<ul>
-<li><span class="sc">First Expedition</span>, August, 1914&ndash;March,
-1915.
-<ul>
-<li><i>March</i>, 1915. In the village of Dikoyas (Woodlark Island) a
-few ceremonial offerings seen. Preliminary information obtained.</li>
-</ul>
-</li>
-<li><span class="sc">Second Expedition</span>, May, 1915&ndash;May,
-1916.
-<ul>
-<li><i>June</i>, 1915. A Kabigidoya visit arrives from Vakuta to
-Kiriwina. Its anchoring at Kavataria witnessed and the men seen at
-Omarakana, where information collected.</li>
-<li><i>July</i>, 1915. Several parties from Kitava land on the beach of
-Kaulukuba. The men examined in Omarakana. Much information collected in
-that period.</li>
-<li><i>September</i>, 1915. Unsuccessful attempt to sail to Kitava with
-To&rsquo;uluwa, the chief of Omarakana.</li>
-<li><i>October&ndash;November</i>, 1915. Departure noticed of three
-expeditions from Kiriwina to Kitava. Each time To&rsquo;uluwa brings
-home a haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshells).</li>
-<li><i>November</i>, 1915&ndash;<i>March</i>, 1916. Preparations for a
-big overseas expedition from Kiriwina to the Marshall Bennett Islands.
-Construction of a canoe; renovating of another; sail making in
-Omarakana; launching; <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> on the beach of
-Kaulukuba. At the same time, information is being obtained about these
-and the associated subjects. Some magical texts of canoe building and
-Kula magic obtained.</li>
-</ul>
-</li>
-<li><span class="sc">Third Expedition</span>, October,
-1917&ndash;October, 1918.
-<ul>
-<li><i>November</i>, 1917&ndash;<i>December</i>, 1917. Inland Kula;
-some data obtained in Tukwaukwa.</li>
-<li><i>December&ndash;February</i>, 1918. Parties from Kitava arrive in
-Wawela. Collection of information about the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>.
-Magic and spells of Kaygau obtained.</li>
-<li><i>March</i>, 1918. Preparations in Sanaroa; preparations in the
-Amphletts; the Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts. The <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition from Dobu followed to Boyowa.</li>
-<li><i>April</i>, 1918. Their arrival; their reception in Sinaketa; the
-Kula transactions; the big intertribal gathering. Some magical
-formul&aelig; obtained.</li>
-<li><i>May</i>, 1918. Party from Kitava seen in Vakuta.</li>
-<li><i>June, July</i>, 1918. Information about Kula magic and customs
-checked and amplified in Omarakana, especially with regard to its
-Eastern branches.</li>
-<li><i>August, September</i>, 1918. Magical texts obtained in
-Sinaketa.</li>
-<li><i>October</i>, 1918. Information obtained from a number of natives
-in Dobu and Southern Massim district (examined in Samarai).</li>
-</ul>
-</li>
-</ul>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb17" href="#pb17" name=
-"pb17">17</a>]</span></p>
-<p>To summarise the first, cardinal point of method, I may say each
-phenomenon ought to be studied through the broadest range possible of
-its concrete manifestations; each studied by an exhaustive survey of
-detailed examples. If possible, the results ought to be embodied into
-some sort of synoptic chart, both to be used as an instrument of study,
-and to be presented as an ethnological document. With the help of such
-documents and such study of actualities the clear outline of the
-framework of the natives&rsquo; culture in the widest sense of the
-word, and the constitution of their society, can be presented. This
-method could be called <i>the method of statistic documentation by
-concrete evidence</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Needless to add, in this respect, the scientific
-field-work is far above even the best amateur productions. There is,
-however, one point in which the latter often excel. This is, in the
-presentation of intimate touches of native life, in bringing home to us
-these aspects of it with which one is made familiar only through being
-in close contact with the natives, one way or the other, for a long
-period of time. In certain results of scientific work&mdash;especially
-that which has been called &ldquo;survey work&rdquo;&mdash;we are given
-an excellent skeleton, so to speak, of the tribal constitution, but it
-lacks flesh and blood. We learn much about the framework of their
-society, but within it, we cannot perceive or imagine the realities of
-human life, the even flow of everyday events, the occasional ripples of
-excitement over a feast, or ceremony, or some singular occurrence. In
-working out the rules and regularities of native custom, and in
-obtaining a precise formula for them from the collection of data and
-native statements, we find that this very precision is foreign to real
-life, which never adheres rigidly to any rules. It must be supplemented
-by the observation of the manner in which a given custom is carried
-out, of the behaviour of the natives in obeying the rules so exactly
-formulated by the ethnographer, of the very exceptions which in
-sociological phenomena almost always occur.</p>
-<p>If all the conclusions are solely based on the statements of
-informants, or deduced from objective documents, it is of course
-impossible to supplement them in actually observed data of real
-behaviour. And that is the reason why certain works of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb18" href="#pb18" name="pb18">18</a>]</span>amateur
-residents of long standing, such as educated traders and planters,
-medical men and officials, and last, not least, of the few intelligent
-and unbiassed missionaries to whom Ethnography owes so much, this is
-the reason why these works surpass in plasticity and in vividness most
-of the purely scientific accounts. But if the specialised field-worker
-can adopt the conditions of living described above, he is in a far
-better position to be really in touch with the natives than any other
-white resident. For none of them lives right in a native village,
-except for very short periods, and everyone has his own business, which
-takes up a considerable part of his time. Moreover, if, like a trader
-or a missionary or an official he enters into active relations with the
-native, if he has to transform or influence or make use of him, this
-makes a real, unbiassed, impartial observation impossible, and
-precludes all-round sincerity, at least in the case of the missionaries
-and officials.</p>
-<p>Living in the village with no other business but to follow native
-life, one sees the customs, ceremonies and transactions over and over
-again, one has examples of their beliefs as they are actually lived
-through, and the full body and blood of actual native life fills out
-soon the skeleton of abstract constructions. That is the reason why,
-working under such conditions as previously described, the Ethnographer
-is enabled to add something essential to the bare outline of tribal
-constitution, and to supplement it by all the details of behaviour,
-setting and small incident. He is able in each case to state whether an
-act is public or private; how a public assembly behaves, and what it
-looks like; he can judge whether an event is ordinary or an exciting
-and singular one; whether natives bring to it a great deal of sincere
-and earnest spirit, or perform it in fun; whether they do it in a
-perfunctory manner, or with zeal and deliberation.</p>
-<p>In other words, there is a series of phenomena of great importance
-which cannot possibly be recorded by questioning or computing
-documents, but have to be observed in their full actuality. Let us call
-them the <i><span class="corr" id="xd26e2220" title=
-"Source: inponderabilia">imponderabilia</span> of actual life</i>. Here
-belong such things as the routine of a man&rsquo;s working day, the
-details of his care of the body, of the manner of taking food and
-preparing it; the tone of conversational and social life around the
-village fires, the existence of strong friendships or hostilities, and
-of passing sympathies and dislikes between <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb19" href="#pb19" name="pb19">19</a>]</span>people;
-the subtle yet unmistakable manner in which personal vanities and
-ambitions are reflected in the behaviour of the individual and in the
-emotional reactions of those who surround him. All these facts can and
-ought to be scientifically <span class="corr" id="xd26e2226" title=
-"Source: formalated">formulated</span> and recorded, but it is
-necessary that this be done, not by a superficial registration of
-details, as is usually done by untrained observers, but with an effort
-at penetrating the mental attitude expressed in them. And that is the
-reason why the work of scientifically trained observers, once seriously
-applied to the study of this aspect, will, I believe, yield results of
-surpassing value. So far, it has been done only by amateurs, and
-therefore done, on the whole, indifferently.</p>
-<p>Indeed, if we remember that these imponderable yet all important
-facts of actual life are part of the real substance of the social
-fabric, that in them are spun the innumerable threads which keep
-together the family, the clan, the village community, the
-tribe&mdash;their significance becomes clear. The more crystallised
-bonds of social grouping, such as the definite ritual, the economic and
-legal duties, the obligations, the ceremonial gifts and formal marks of
-regard, though equally important for the student, are certainly felt
-less strongly by the individual who has to fulfil them. Applying this
-to ourselves, we all know that &ldquo;family life&rdquo; means for us,
-first and foremost, the atmosphere of home, all the innumerable small
-acts and attentions in which are expressed the affection, the mutual
-interest, the little preferences, and the little antipathies which
-constitute intimacy. That we may inherit from this person, that we
-shall have to walk after the hearse of the other, though sociologically
-these facts belong to the definition of &ldquo;family&rdquo; and
-&ldquo;family life,&rdquo; in personal perspective of what family truly
-is to us, they normally stand very much in the background.</p>
-<p>Exactly the same applies to a native community, and if the
-Ethnographer wants to bring their real life home to his readers, he
-must on no account neglect this. Neither aspect, the intimate, as
-little as the legal, ought to be glossed over. Yet as a rule in
-ethnographic accounts we have not both but either the one or the
-other&mdash;and, so far, the intimate one has hardly ever been properly
-treated. In all social relations besides the family ties, even those
-between mere tribesmen and, beyond that, between hostile or friendly
-members of different tribes, meeting on any sort of social business,
-there is this intimate <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb20" href="#pb20"
-name="pb20">20</a>]</span>side, expressed by the typical details of
-intercourse, the tone of their behaviour in the presence of one
-another. This side is different from the definite, crystalised legal
-frame of the relationship, and it has to be studied and stated in its
-own right.</p>
-<p>In the same way, in studying the conspicuous acts of tribal life,
-such as ceremonies, rites, festivities, etc., the details and tone of
-behaviour ought to be given, besides the bare outline of events. The
-importance of this may be exemplified by one instance. Much has been
-said and written about survival. Yet the survival character of an act
-is expressed in nothing as well as in the concomitant behaviour, in the
-way in which it is carried out. Take any example from our own culture,
-whether it be the pomp and pageantry of a state ceremony, or a
-picturesque custom kept up by street urchins, its &ldquo;outline&rdquo;
-will not tell you whether the rite flourishes still with full vigour in
-the hearts of those who perform it or assist at the performance or
-whether they regard it as almost a dead thing, kept alive for
-tradition&rsquo;s sake. But observe and fix the data of their
-behaviour, and at once the degree of vitality of the act will become
-clear. There is no doubt, from all points of sociological, or
-psychological analysis, and in any question of theory, the manner and
-type of behaviour observed in the performance of an act is of the
-highest importance. Indeed behaviour is a fact, a relevant fact, and
-one that can be recorded. And foolish indeed and short-sighted would be
-the man of science who would pass by a whole class of phenomena, ready
-to be garnered, and leave them to waste, even though he did not see at
-the moment to what theoretical use they might be put!</p>
-<p>As to the actual method of observing and recording in field-work
-these <i>imponderabilia of actual life and of typical behaviour</i>,
-there is no doubt that the personal equation of the observer comes in
-here more prominently, than in the collection of crystalised,
-ethnographic data. But here also the main endeavour must be to let
-facts speak for themselves. If in making a daily round of the village,
-certain small incidents, characteristic forms of taking food, of
-conversing, of doing work (see for instance <a href="#pl03">Plate
-III</a>) are found <span class="corr" id="xd26e2245" title=
-"Source: occuring">occurring</span> over and over again, they should be
-noted down at once. It is also important that this work of collecting
-and fixing impressions should begin early in the course of working out
-a district. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb21" href="#pb21" name=
-"pb21">21</a>]</span>Because certain subtle peculiarities, which make
-an impression as long as they are novel, cease to be noticed as soon as
-they become familiar. Others again can only be perceived with a better
-knowledge of the local conditions. An ethnographic diary, carried on
-systematically throughout the course of one&rsquo;s work in a district
-would be the ideal instrument for this sort of study. And if, side by
-side with the normal and typical, the ethnographer carefully notes the
-slight, or the more pronounced deviations from it, he will be able to
-indicate the two extremes within which the normal moves.</p>
-<p>In observing ceremonies or other tribal events, such, for instance
-as the scene depicted in <a href="#pl04">Plate IV</a>, it is necessary,
-not only to note down those occurrences and details which are
-prescribed by tradition and custom to be the essential course of the
-act, but also the Ethnographer ought to record carefully and precisely,
-one after the other, the actions of the actors and of the spectators.
-Forgetting for a moment that he knows and understands the structure of
-this ceremony, the main dogmatic ideas underlying it, he might try to
-find himself only in the midst of an assembly of human-beings, who
-behave seriously or jocularly, with earnest concentration or with bored
-frivolity, who are either in the same mood as he finds them every day,
-or else are screwed up to a high pitch of excitement, and so on and so
-on. With his attention constantly directed to this aspect of tribal
-life, with the constant endeavour to fix it, to express it in terms of
-actual fact, a good deal of reliable and expressive material finds its
-way into his notes. He will be able to &ldquo;set&rdquo; the act into
-its proper place in tribal life, that is to show whether it is
-exceptional or commonplace, one in which the natives behave ordinarily,
-or one in which their whole behaviour is transformed. And he will also
-be able to bring all this home to his readers in a clear, convincing
-manner.</p>
-<p>Again, in this type of work, it is good for the Ethnographer
-sometimes to put aside camera, note book and pencil, and to join in
-himself in what is going on. He can take part in the natives&rsquo;
-games, he can follow them on their visits and walks, sit down and
-listen and share in their conversations. I am not certain if this is
-equally easy for everyone&mdash;perhaps the Slavonic nature is more
-plastic and more naturally savage than that of Western
-Europeans&mdash;but though the degree of success varies, the attempt is
-possible for everyone. Out of such <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb22"
-href="#pb22" name="pb22">22</a>]</span>plunges into the life of the
-natives&mdash;and I made them frequently not only for study&rsquo;s
-sake but because everyone needs human company&mdash;I have carried away
-a distinct feeling that their behaviour, their manner of being, in all
-sorts of tribal transactions, became more transparent and easily
-understandable than it had been before. All these methodological
-remarks, the reader will find again illustrated in the following
-chapters.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VIII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Finally, let us pass to the third and last aim of
-scientific field-work, to the last type of phenomenon which ought to be
-recorded in order to give a full and adequate picture of native
-culture. Besides the firm outline of tribal constitution and
-crystallised cultural items which form the skeleton, besides the data
-of daily life and ordinary behaviour, which are, so to speak, its flesh
-and blood, there is still to be recorded the spirit&mdash;the
-natives&rsquo; views and opinions and utterances. For, in every act of
-tribal life, there is, first, the routine prescribed by custom and
-tradition, then there is the manner in which it is carried out, and
-lastly there is the commentary to it, contained in the natives&rsquo;
-mind. A man who submits to various customary obligations, who follows a
-traditional course of action, does it impelled by certain motives, to
-the accompaniment of certain feelings, guided by certain ideas. These
-ideas, feelings, and impulses are moulded and conditioned by the
-culture in which we find them, and are therefore an ethnic peculiarity
-of the given society. An attempt must be made therefore, to study and
-record them.</p>
-<p>But is this possible? Are these subjective states not too elusive
-and shapeless? And, even granted that people usually do feel or think
-or experience certain psychological states in association with the
-performance of customary acts, the majority of them surely are not able
-to formulate these states, to put them into words. This latter point
-must certainly be granted, and it is perhaps the real Gordian knot in
-the study of the facts of social psychology. Without trying to cut or
-untie this knot, that is to solve the problem theoretically, or to
-enter further into the field of general methodology, I shall make
-directly for the question of practical means to overcome some of the
-difficulties involved. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb23" href="#pb23"
-name="pb23">23</a>]</span></p>
-<p>First of all, it has to be laid down that we have to study here
-stereotyped manners of thinking and feeling. As sociologists, we are
-not interested in what A or B may feel <i>qua</i> individuals, in the
-accidental course of their own personal experiences&mdash;we are
-interested only in what they feel and think <i>qua</i> members of a
-given community. Now in this capacity, their mental states receive a
-certain stamp, become stereotyped by the institutions in which they
-live, by the influence of tradition and folk-lore, by the very vehicle
-of thought, that is by language. The social and cultural environment in
-which they move forces them to think and feel in a definite manner.
-Thus, a man who lives in a polyandrous community cannot experience the
-same feelings of jealousy, as a strict monogynist, though he might have
-the elements of them. A man who lives within the sphere of the Kula
-cannot become permanently and sentimentally attached to certain of his
-possessions, in spite of the fact that he values them most of all.
-These examples are crude, but better ones will be found in the text of
-this book.</p>
-<p>So, the third commandment of field-work runs: Find out the typical
-ways of thinking and feeling, corresponding to the institutions and
-culture of a given community, and formulate the results in the most
-convincing manner. What will be the method of procedure? The best
-ethnographical writers&mdash;here again the Cambridge school with
-Haddon, Rivers, and Seligman rank first among English
-Ethnographers&mdash;have always tried to quote <i>verbatim</i>
-statements of crucial importance. They also adduce terms of native
-classification; sociological, psychological and industrial <i lang=
-"la">termini technici</i>, and have rendered the verbal contour of
-native thought as precisely as possible. One step further in this line
-can be made by the Ethnographer, who acquires a knowledge of the native
-language and can use it as an instrument of inquiry. In working in the
-Kiriwinian language, I found still some difficulty in writing down the
-statement directly in translation which at first I used to do in the
-act of taking notes. The translation often robbed the text of all its
-significant characteristics&mdash;rubbed off all its points&mdash;so
-that gradually I was led to note down certain important phrases just as
-they were spoken, in the native tongue. As my knowledge of the language
-progressed, I put down more and more in Kiriwinian, till at last I
-found myself writing exclusively in that language, rapidly taking
-notes, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb24" href="#pb24" name=
-"pb24">24</a>]</span>word for word, of each statement. No sooner had I
-arrived at this point, than I recognised that I was thus acquiring at
-the same time an abundant linguistic material, and a series of
-ethnographic documents which ought to be reproduced as I had fixed
-them, besides being utilised in the writing up of my account.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e2285src" href="#xd26e2285" name=
-"xd26e2285src">10</a> This <i lang="la">corpus inscriptionum
-Kiriwiniensium</i> can be utilised, not only by myself, but by all
-those who, through their better penetration and ability of interpreting
-them, may find points which escape my attention, very much as the other
-<i>corpora</i> form the basis for the various interpretations of
-ancient and prehistoric cultures; only, these ethnographic inscriptions
-are all decipherable and clear, have been almost all translated fully
-and unambiguously, and have been provided with native
-cross-commentaries or <i>scholia</i> obtained from living sources.</p>
-<p>No more need be said on this subject here, as later on a whole
-chapter (<a href="#ch18">Chapter XVIII</a>) is devoted to it, and to
-its exemplification by several native texts. The <i>Corpus</i> will of
-course be published separately at a later date.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div0.9" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IX</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Our considerations thus indicate that the goal of
-ethnographic field-work must be approached through three avenues:</p>
-<p>1. <i>The organisation of the tribe, and the anatomy</i> of <i>its
-culture</i> must be recorded in firm, clear outline. The method of
-<i>concrete, statistical documentation</i> is the means through which
-such an outline has to be given.</p>
-<p>2. Within this frame, the <i>imponderabilia of actual life</i>, and
-the <i>type of behaviour</i> have to be filled in. They have to be
-collected through minute, detailed observations, in the form of some
-sort of ethnographic diary, made possible by close contact with native
-life.</p>
-<p>3. A collection of ethnographic statements, characteristic
-narratives, typical utterances, items of folk-lore and magical
-formul&aelig; has to be given as a <i lang="la">corpus
-inscriptionum</i>, as documents of native mentality. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb25" href="#pb25" name="pb25">25</a>]</span></p>
-<p>These three lines of approach lead to the final goal, of which an
-Ethnographer should never lose sight. This goal is, briefly, to grasp
-the native&rsquo;s point of view, his relation to life, to realise
-<i>his</i> vision of <i>his</i> world. We have to study man, and we
-must study what concerns him most intimately, that is, the hold which
-life has on him. In each culture, the values are slightly different;
-people aspire after different aims, follow different impulses, yearn
-after a different form of happiness. In each culture, we find different
-institutions in which man pursues his life-interest, different customs
-by which he satisfies his aspirations, different codes of law and
-morality which reward his virtues or punish his defections. To study
-the institutions, customs, and codes or to study the behaviour and
-mentality without the subjective desire of feeling by what these people
-live, of realising the substance of their happiness&mdash;is, in my
-opinion, to miss the greatest reward which we can hope to obtain from
-the study of man.</p>
-<p>These generalities the reader will find illustrated in the following
-chapters. We shall see there the savage striving to satisfy certain
-aspirations, to attain his type of value, to follow his line of social
-ambition. We shall see him led on to perilous and difficult enterprises
-by a tradition of magical and heroical exploits, shall see him
-following the lure of his own romance. Perhaps as we read the account
-of these remote customs there may emerge a feeling of solidarity with
-the endeavours and ambitions of these natives. Perhaps man&rsquo;s
-mentality will be revealed to us, and brought near, along some lines
-which we never have followed before. Perhaps through realising human
-nature in a shape very distant and foreign to us, we shall have some
-light shed on our own. In this, and in this case only, we shall be
-justified in feeling that it has been worth our while to understand
-these natives, their institutions and customs, and that we have
-gathered some profit from the Kula.</p>
-<div class="figure map2width" id="map2"><a href=
-"images/map2h.png"><img src="images/map2.png" alt="" width="720"
-height="389"></a>
-<p class="first">Map II&mdash;Diagram showing the geographical area of
-the Massim and its relation to the districts inhabited by W.
-Papuo-Melanesians and by Papuans. Reproduced from the
-&ldquo;Melanesians of British New Guinea&rdquo; by kind permission of
-Professor C. G. Seligman.</p>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb27" href="#pb27" name=
-"pb27">27</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e1839" href="#xd26e1839src" name="xd26e1839">1</a></span> The
-<i lang="kij">hiri</i>, as these expeditions are called in Motuan, have
-been described with a great wealth of detail and clearness of outline
-by Captain F. Barton, in C. G. Seligman&rsquo;s &ldquo;The Melanesians
-of British New Guinea,&rdquo; Cambridge, 1910, Chapter
-viii.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1839src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e1848" href="#xd26e1848src" name="xd26e1848">2</a></span> Cf:
-&ldquo;The Mailu,&rdquo; by B. Malinowski, in Transactions of the R.
-Society of S. Australia, 1915; Chapter iv. 4, pp. 612 to
-629.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1848src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e1851" href="#xd26e1851src" name="xd26e1851">3</a></span> Op. cit.
-Chapter xl.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1851src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e1872" href="#xd26e1872src" name="xd26e1872">4</a></span> On this
-point of method again, we are indebted to the Cambridge School of
-Anthropology for having introduced the really scientific way of dealing
-with the question. More especially in the writings of Haddon, Rivers
-and Seligman, the distinction between inference and observation is
-always clearly drawn, and we can visualise with perfect precision the
-conditions under which the work was done.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e1872src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e1899" href="#xd26e1899src" name="xd26e1899">5</a></span> I may
-note at once that there were a few delightful exceptions to that, to
-mention only my friends Billy Hancock in the Trobriands; M. Raffael
-Brudo, another pearl trader; and the missionary, Mr. M. K.
-Gilmour.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e1899src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2008" href="#xd26e2008src" name="xd26e2008">6</a></span>
-According to a useful habit of the terminology of science, I use the
-word Ethnography for the empirical and descriptive results of the
-science of Man, and the word Ethnology for speculative and comparative
-theories.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2008src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2022" href="#xd26e2022src" name="xd26e2022">7</a></span> The
-legendary &ldquo;early authority&rdquo; who found the natives only
-beastly and without customs is left behind by a modern writer, who,
-speaking about the Southern Massim with whom he lived and worked
-&ldquo;in close contact&rdquo; for many years,
-says:&mdash;&ldquo;&hellip;&#8202;We teach lawless men to become
-obedient, inhuman men to love, and savage men to change.&rdquo; And
-again:&mdash;&ldquo;Guided in his conduct by nothing but his instincts
-and propensities, and governed by his unchecked
-passions&#8202;&hellip;.&rdquo; &ldquo;Lawless, inhuman and
-savage!&rdquo; A grosser misstatement of the real state of things could
-not be invented by anyone wishing to parody the Missionary point of
-view. Quoted from the Rev. C. W. Abel, of the London Missionary
-Society, &ldquo;Savage Life in New Guinea,&rdquo; no
-date.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2022src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2068" href="#xd26e2068src" name="xd26e2068">8</a></span> For
-instance, the tables of circulation of the valuable axe blades, op.
-cit., pp. 531, 532.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e2068src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2084" href="#xd26e2084src" name="xd26e2084">9</a></span> In this
-book, besides the adjoining Table, which does not strictly belong to
-the class of document of which I speak here, the reader will find only
-a few samples of synoptic tables, such as the list of Kula partners
-mentioned and analysed in <a href="#div13.2">Chapter XIII, Division
-II</a>, the list of gifts and presents in <a href="#div6.6">Chapter VI,
-Division VI</a>, not tabularised, only described; the synoptic data of
-a Kula expedition in <a href="#ch16">Chapter XVI</a>, and the table of
-Kula magic given in <a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>. Here, I have not
-wanted to overload the account with charts, etc., preferring to reserve
-them till the full publication of my material.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e2084src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2285" href="#xd26e2285src" name="xd26e2285">10</a></span> It was
-soon after I had adopted this course that I received a letter from Dr.
-A. H. Gardiner, the well-known Egyptologist, urging me to do this very
-thing. From his point of view as arch&aelig;ologist, he naturally saw
-the enormous possibilities for an Ethnographer of obtaining a similar
-body of written sources as have been preserved to us from ancient
-cultures, plus the possibility of illuminating them by personal
-knowledge of the full life of that culture.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e2285src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch1" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e443">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter I</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Country and Inhabitants of the Kula District</h2>
-<div id="div1.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The tribes who live within the sphere of the Kula
-system of trading belong, one and all&mdash;with the exception perhaps,
-of the Rossel Island natives, of whom we know next to nothing&mdash;to
-the same racial group. These tribes inhabit the easternmost end of the
-mainland of New Guinea and those islands, scattered in the form of the
-long-drawn archipelago, which continue in the same south-easternly
-trend as the mainland, as if to bridge over the gap between New Guinea
-and the Solomons.</p>
-<p>New Guinea is a mountainous island-continent, very difficult of
-access in its interior, and also at certain portions of the coast,
-where barrier reefs, swamps and rocks practically prevent landing or
-even approach for native craft. Such a country would obviously not
-offer the same opportunities in all its parts to the drifting
-migrations which in all probability are responsible for the composition
-of the present population of the South Seas. The easily accessible
-portions of the coast and the outlying islands would certainly offer a
-hospitable reception to immigrants of a higher stock; but, on the other
-hand, the high hills, the impregnable fastnesses in swampy flats and
-shores where landing was difficult and dangerous, would give easy
-protection to the aborigines, and discourage the influx of
-migrators.</p>
-<p>The actual distribution of races in New Guinea completely justifies
-these hypotheses. <a href="#map2">Map II</a> shows the Eastern part of
-the main island and archipelagoes of New Guinea and the racial
-distribution of the natives. The interior of the continent, the low
-sago swamps and deltas of the Gulf of Papua&mdash;probably the greater
-part of the North Coast and of the South-West Coast of New Guinea, are
-inhabited by a &ldquo;relatively <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb28"
-href="#pb28" name="pb28">28</a>]</span>tall, dark-skinned,
-frizzly-haired&rdquo; race, called by Dr. Seligman <i>Papuan</i>, and
-in the hills more especially by pygmy tribes. We know little about
-these people, swamp tribes and hill tribes alike, who probably are the
-autochtons in this part of the world.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2374src" href="#xd26e2374" name="xd26e2374src">1</a> As we shall
-also not meet them in the following account, it will be better to pass
-to the tribes who inhabit the accessible parts of New Guinea.
-&ldquo;The Eastern Papuasians, that is, the generally smaller, lighter
-coloured, frizzly-haired races of the eastern peninsula of New Guinea
-and its archipelagoes now require a name, and since the true Melanesian
-element is dominant in them, they may be called Papuo-Melanesians. With
-regard to these Eastern Papuasians, Dr. A. C. Haddon first recognised
-that they came into the country as the result of a &lsquo;Melanesian
-migration into New Guinea,&rsquo; and further, &lsquo;That a single
-wandering would not account for certain puzzling
-facts.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2383src" href=
-"#xd26e2383" name="xd26e2383src">2</a> The Papuo-Melanesians again can
-be divided into two groups, a Western and an Eastern one, which,
-following Dr. Seligman&rsquo;s terminology, we shall call the Western
-Papuo-Melanesians and the Massim respectively. It is with these latter
-we shall become acquainted in the following pages.</p>
-<p>If we glance at a map and follow the orographical features of
-Eastern New Guinea and its coast line, we see at once that the high
-main range of mountains drops off between the 149th and 150th
-meridians, and again that the fringing reef disappears at the same
-point, that is, at the west end of Orangerie Bay. This means that the
-extreme East End of New Guinea, with its archipelagoes, in other words,
-the Massim country, is the most easily accessible area, and might be
-expected to be inhabited by a homogeneous stock of people, consisting
-of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb29" href="#pb29" name=
-"pb29">29</a>]</span>immigrants almost unmixed with the autochtons (Cf.
-<a href="#map2">Map II</a>). &ldquo;Indeed, while the condition
-actually existing in the Massim area suggests that there was no slow
-mingling of the invaders with a previous stock, the geographical
-features of the territory of the Western Papuo-Melanesians with its
-hills, mountains and swamps, are such that invaders could not have
-speedily overrun the country, nor failed to have been influenced by the
-original inhabitants&#8202;&hellip;&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2393src" href="#xd26e2393" name="xd26e2393src">3</a></p>
-<p>I shall assume that the reader is acquainted with the quoted work of
-Dr. Seligman, where a thorough account is given of all the main types
-of Papuo-Melanesian sociology and culture one after the other. But the
-tribes of the Eastern Papuo-Melanesian or Massim area, must be
-described here somewhat more in detail, as it is within this fairly
-homogeneous area that the Kula takes place. Indeed, the Kula sphere of
-influence and the ethnographic area of the Massim tribes almost
-completely overlap, and we can speak about the Kula type of culture and
-the Massim culture almost synonymously.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div1.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The adjacent <a href="#map3">Map III</a> shows the
-Kula district, that is, the easternmost end of the main island and the
-archipelagoes lying to its East and North-East. As Professor C. G.
-Seligman says: &ldquo;This area can be divided into two parts, a small
-northern portion comprising the Trobriands, the Marshall Bennets, the
-Woodlarks (Murua), as well as a number of smaller islands such as the
-Laughlans (Nada), and a far larger southern portion comprising the
-remainder of the Massim domain&rdquo; (op. cit., p. 7).</p>
-<p>This division is represented on <a href="#map3">Map III</a> by the
-thick line isolating to the North the Amphletts, the Trobriands, the
-small Marshall Bennet Group, Woodlark Island and the Laughlan Group.
-The Southern portion, I found convenient to divide further into two
-divisions by a vertical line, leaving to the East Misima, Sud-Est
-Island and Rossel Island. As our information about this district is
-extremely scanty, I have preferred to exclude it from the area of the
-Southern Massim. In this excluded area, only the natives of Misima
-enter into the Kula, but their participation will play a very small
-part only in the following account. The western segment, and this is
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb31" href="#pb31" name=
-"pb31">31</a>]</span>the part of which we shall speak as the district
-of the Southern Massim, comprises first the East End of the mainland,
-the few adjacent islands, Sariba, Roge&rsquo;a, Side&rsquo;a, and
-Basilaki; to the South, the island of Wari, to the East the important,
-though small archipelago of Tubetube (Engineer Group); and to the
-North, the big archipelago of the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Islands. From
-this latter, only one district, that of Dobu, interests us more
-specially. The culturally homogeneous tribes of the Southern Massim
-have been marked off on our map as district V, the Doubans as district
-IV.</p>
-<div class="figure map3width" id="map3"><a href=
-"images/map3h.png"><img src="images/map3.png" alt="" width="720"
-height="403"></a>
-<p class="first">Map III&mdash;The Kula district. Sketch map, showing
-the sub-divisions of the Massim and the principal places of importance
-in the Kula.</p>
-</div>
-<p>Returning to the two main divisions into the Southern and Northern
-portion, this latter is occupied by a very homogeneous population,
-homogeneous both in language and culture, and in the clear recognition
-of their own ethnic unity. To quote further Professor Seligman, it
-&ldquo;is characterised by the absence of cannibalism, which, until put
-down by the Government, existed throughout the remaining portion of the
-district; another peculiarity of the Northern Massim is their
-recognition&rdquo; in certain districts, though not in all, of
-chieftains who wield extensive powers (op. cit. p. 7). The natives of
-that northern area used to practise&mdash;I say used because wars are a
-thing of the past&mdash;a type of warfare open and chivalrous, very
-different from the raids of the Southern Massim. Their villages are
-built in big compact blocks, and they have storehouses on piles for
-storing food, distinct from their rather miserable dwellings, which
-stand directly on the ground and are not raised on piles. As can be
-seen on the map, it has been necessary to sub-divide this Northern
-Massim further into three groups, first, that of the Trobriand
-Islanders, or the Boyowans (the Western Branch); secondly that of the
-natives of Woodlark Island and the Marshall Bennets (the Eastern
-Branch); and, thirdly, the small group of the Amphlett natives.</p>
-<p>The other big sub-division of the Kula tribes is composed of the
-Southern Massim, of which, as just said, the western branch mainly
-concerns us. These last natives are smaller in stature, and with,
-broadly speaking, a much less attractive appearance than those of the
-North.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2422src" href="#xd26e2422" name=
-"xd26e2422src">4</a> They live in widely <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb32" href="#pb32" name="pb32">32</a>]</span>scattered communities,
-each house or group of houses standing in its own little grove of palm
-and fruit trees, apart from the others. Formerly they were cannibals
-and head-hunters, and used to make unexpected raids on their
-adversaries. There is no chieftainship, authority being exercised by
-the elders in each community. They build very elaborately constructed
-and beautifully decorated houses on piles.</p>
-<p>I have found it necessary for the purpose of this study to cut out
-of the western branch of the southern portion of the Massim the two
-areas (marked IV and V on the <a href="#map3">Map III</a>), as they are
-of special importance to the Kula. It must, however, be borne in mind
-that our present knowledge does not allow of any final classification
-of the Southern Massim.</p>
-<p>Such are the general characteristics of the Northern and Southern
-Massim respectively, given in a few words. But before proceeding with
-our subject, it will be good to give a short but more detailed sketch
-of each of these tribes. I shall begin with the southernmost section,
-following the order in which a visitor, travelling from Port Moresby
-with the Mail boat, would come in contact with these districts, the way
-indeed in which I received my first impressions of them. My personal
-knowledge of the various tribes is, however, very uneven, based on a
-long residence among the Trobriand Islanders (District I), on a
-month&rsquo;s study of the Amphletts (District III); on a few weeks
-spent in Woodlark Island or Murua (District II), the neighbourhood of
-Samarai (District V), and the South Coast of New Guinea (also V); and
-on three short visits to Dobu (District IV). My knowledge of some of
-the remaining localities which enter into the Kula is derived only from
-a few conversations I had with natives of this district, and on
-second-hand information derived from white residents. The work of
-Professor C. G. Seligman, however, supplements my personal acquaintance
-in so far as the districts of Tubetube, Woodlark Island, the Marshall
-Bennets, and several others are concerned.</p>
-<p>The whole account of the Kula will therefore naturally be given from
-the perspective, so to speak, of the Trobriand district. This district
-is often called in this book by its native name, Boyowa, and the
-language is spoken of as Kiriwinian, Kiriwina being the main province
-of the district, and its language considered by the natives as a
-standard speech. But <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb33" href="#pb33"
-name="pb33">33</a>]</span>I may add at once that in studying the Kula
-in that part, I <i lang="la">ipso facto</i> studied its adjacent
-branches between the Trobriands and the Amphletts, between the
-Trobriands and Kitava, and between the Trobriands and Dobu; seeing not
-only the preparations and departures in Boyowa, but also the arrival of
-the natives from other districts, in fact, following one or two of such
-expeditions in person.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2441src" href=
-"#xd26e2441" name="xd26e2441src">5</a> Moreover, the Kula being an
-international affair, the natives of one tribe know more about Kula
-customs abroad than they would about any other subject. And in all its
-essentials, the customs and tribal rules of the exchange are identical
-throughout the whole Kula area.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div1.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us imagine that we are sailing along the South
-coast of New Guinea towards its Eastern end. At about the middle of
-Orangerie Bay we arrive at the boundary of the Massim, which runs from
-this point north-westwards till it strikes the northern coast near Cape
-Nelson (see <a href="#map2">Map II</a>). As mentioned before, the
-boundary of the district inhabited by this tribe corresponds to
-definite geographical conditions, that is, to the absence of natural,
-inland fastnesses, or of any obstacles to landing. Indeed, it is here
-that the Great Barrier Reef becomes finally submerged, while again the
-Main Range of mountains, which follows up to this point, always
-separated from the foreshore by minor ranges, comes to an end.</p>
-<p>Orangerie Bay is closed, on its Eastern side, by a headland, the
-first of a series of hills, rising directly out of the sea. As we
-approach the land, we can see distinctly the steep, folded slopes,
-covered with dense, rank jungle, brightened here and there by bold
-patches of lalang grass. The coast is broken first by a series of
-small, land-locked bays or lagoons; then, after Fife Bay, come one or
-two larger bays, with a flat, alluvial foreshore, and then from South
-Cape the coast stretches in an almost unbroken line, for several miles,
-to the end of the mainland.</p>
-<p>The East End of New Guinea is a tropical region, where the
-distinction between the dry and wet season is not felt very sharply. In
-fact, there is no pronounced dry season there, and so the land is
-always clad in intense, shining green, which forms a crude contrast
-with the blue sea. The summits of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb34" href="#pb34" name="pb34">34</a>]</span>hills are often shrouded
-in trailing mist, whilst white clouds brood or race over the sea,
-breaking up the monotony of saturated, stiff blue and green. To someone
-not acquainted with the South Sea landscape it is difficult to convey
-the permanent impression of smiling festiveness, the alluring clearness
-of the beach, fringed by jungle trees and palms, skirted by white foam
-and blue sea, above it the slopes ascending in rich, stiff folds of
-dark and light green, piebald and shaded over towards the summit by
-steamy, tropical mists.</p>
-<p>When I first sailed along this coast, it was after a few
-months&rsquo; residence and field work in the neighbouring district of
-the Mailu. From Toulon Island, the main centre and most important
-settlement of the Mailu, I used to look towards the East end of
-Orangerie Bay, and on clear days I could see the pyramidal hills of
-Bonabona, of Gadogado&rsquo;a, as blue silhouettes in the distance.
-Under the influence of my work, I came to regard this country within
-the somewhat narrow native horizon, as the distant land to which
-perilous, seasonal voyages are made, from whence come certain
-objects&mdash;baskets, decorated carvings, weapons,
-ornaments&mdash;particularly well formed, and superior to the local
-ones; the land to which the natives point with awe and distrust, when
-speaking of specially evil and virulent forms of sorcery; the home of a
-folk mentioned with horror as cannibals. Any really fine touch of
-artistic taste, in Mailu carvings, would always be directly imported or
-imitated from the East, and I also found that the softest and most
-melodious songs and the finest dances came from the Massim. Many of
-their customs and institutions would be quoted to me as quaint and
-unusual, and thus, I, the ethnographer working on the borderland of two
-cultures, naturally had my interest and curiosity aroused. It seemed as
-if the Eastern people must be much more complex, in one direction
-towards the cruel, man-eating savage, in the other towards the
-finely-gifted, poetical lord of primitive forest and seas, when I
-compared them with the relatively coarse and dull native of Mailu. No
-wonder, therefore, that on approaching their coast&mdash;travelling on
-that occasion in a small launch&mdash;I scanned the landscape with keen
-interest, anxious to catch my first glimpse of natives, or of their
-traces.</p>
-<p>The first distinctly visible signs of human existence in this
-neighbourhood are the patches of garden land. These big <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb35" href="#pb35" name=
-"pb35">35</a>]</span>clearings, triangular in shape, with the apex
-pointing uphill, look as if they were plastered on to the steep slopes.
-From August to November, the season when the natives cut and burn the
-bush, they can be seen, at night, alight with slowly-blazing logs, and
-in daytime, their smoke clings over the clearings, and slowly drifts
-along the hill side. Later on in the year, when the plantation sprouts,
-they form a bright spot, with the light green of their fresh
-leaves.</p>
-<p>The villages in this district are to be found only on the foreshore,
-at the foot of the hills, hidden in groves of trees, with here and
-there a golden or purplish bit of thatch showing through the dark green
-of the leaves. In calm weather a few canoes are probably not far off,
-fishing. If the visitor is lucky enough to pass at the time of feasts,
-trading expeditions, or any other big tribal gathering, many a fine
-sea-going canoe may be seen approaching the village with the sound of
-conch shells blowing melodiously.</p>
-<p>In order to visit one of the typical, large settlements of these
-natives, let us say near Fife Bay, on the South coast, or on the island
-of Sariba, or Roge&rsquo;a, it would be best to go ashore in some big,
-sheltered bay, or on one of the extensive beaches at the foot of a
-hilly island. We enter a clear, lofty grove, composed of palms, bread
-fruit, mangoes, and other fruit trees, often with a sandy subsoil, well
-weeded-out and clean, where grow clumps of ornamental bushes, such as
-the red-flowering hybiscus, croton or aromatic shrub. Here we find the
-village. Fascinating as may be the Motuan habitations standing on high
-piles in the middle of a lagoon, or the neat streets of an Aroma or
-Mailu settlement, or the irregular warren of small huts on the
-Trobriand coast, all these cannot compete in picturesqueness or charm
-with the villages of the Southern Massim. When, on a hot day, we enter
-the deep shadow of fruit trees and palms, and find ourselves in the
-midst of the wonderfully designed and ornamented houses hiding here and
-there in irregular groups among the green, surrounded by little
-decorative gardens of shells and flowers, with pebble-bordered paths
-and stone-paved sitting circles, it seems as if the visions of a
-primeval, happy, savage life were suddenly realised, even if only in a
-fleeting impression. Big bodies of canoes are drawn high up the beach
-and covered with palm leaves; here and there nets are drying, spread
-out on special <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb36" href="#pb36" name=
-"pb36">36</a>]</span>stands, and on the platforms in front of the
-houses sit groups of men and women, busy at some domestic work, smoking
-and chatting.</p>
-<p id="pl05"></p>
-<div class="figure pl05-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl05-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-V</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl05-1.jpg" alt="" width="516" height="360"></div>
-<div class="figure pl05-2width"><img src="images/pl05-2.jpg" alt=
-"Scenes on the Beach of Silosilo (Southern Massim District)." width=
-"518" height="353">
-<p class="figureHead">Scenes on the Beach of Silosilo (Southern Massim
-District).</p>
-<p class="first">These represent phases of a big annual feast, the
-<i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i>. (See <a href="#div1.3">Div. III.</a>, and
-compare also <a href="#ch21">Ch. XXI.</a>) Note the prominent part
-taken by women in the proceedings; the use of the
-&ldquo;ceremonial&rdquo; axe handles; the manner of carrying pigs, and
-the canoes beached on the shore.</p>
-</div>
-<p id="pl06"></p>
-<div class="figure pl06-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl06-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-VI</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl06-1.jpg" alt="" width="519" height="397"></div>
-<div class="figure pl06-2width"><img src="images/pl06-2.jpg" alt=
-"Village Scenes During a So&rsquo;i Feast." width="520" height="411">
-<p class="figureHead">Village Scenes During a So&rsquo;i Feast.</p>
-<p class="first">These show types of Southern Massim and their
-decorations again note the prominent part taken by women in the
-ceremonial actions. (See <a href="#div1.3">Div. III.</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>Walking along the paths which lead on for miles, we come every few
-hundred yards on another hamlet of a few houses. Some of these are
-evidently new and freshly decorated, while others are abandoned, and a
-heap of broken household objects is lying on the ground, showing that
-the death of one of the village elders has caused it to be deserted. As
-the evening approaches, the life becomes more active, fires are
-kindled, and the natives busy themselves cooking and eating food. In
-the dancing season, towards dusk, groups of men and women foregather,
-singing, dancing, and beating drums.</p>
-<p>When we approach the natives closer and scan their personal
-appearance, we are struck&mdash;if we compare them with their Western
-neighbours&mdash;by the extreme lightness of their skin, their sturdy,
-even lumpy stature, and a sort of soft, almost effete general
-impression which their physique produces. Their fat, broad faces, their
-squashed noses, and frequently oblique eyes, make them appear quaint
-and grotesque rather than impressively savage. Their hair, not so
-woolly as that of the pure Papuans, nor growing into the enormous halo
-of the Motuans, is worn in big mops, which they often cut at the sides
-so as to give the head an oblong, almost cylindrical shape. Their
-manner is shy and diffident, but not unfriendly&mdash;rather smiling
-and almost servile, in very great contrast to the morose Papuan, or the
-unfriendly, reserved South Coast Mailu or Aroma. On the whole, they
-give at first approach not so much the impression of wild savages as of
-smug and self-satisfied bourgeois.</p>
-<p>Their ornaments are much less elaborate and more toned down than
-those of their Western neighbours. Belts and armlets plaited of a dark
-brown fern vine, small red shell disks and turtle shell rings as ear
-ornaments are the only permanent, every-day decorations worn. Like all
-Melanesians of Eastern New Guinea, they are quite cleanly in their
-persons, and a personal approach to them does not offend any of our
-senses. They are very fond of red hibiscus flowers stuck in their hair,
-of scented flower wreaths on their head, of aromatic leaves thrust into
-their belts and armlets. Their grand, festive head-dress is extremely
-modest compared with the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb37" href=
-"#pb37" name="pb37">37</a>]</span>enormous erections of feathers used
-by the Western tribes, and consists mainly of a round halo of white
-cockatoo feathers stuck into their hair (see <a href="#pl05">Plate
-V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a>).</p>
-<p>In olden days, before the advent of white men, these pleasant,
-apparently effete people were inveterate cannibals and head-hunters,
-and in their large war-canoes they carried on treacherous, cruel raids,
-falling upon sleeping villages, killing man, woman and child, and
-feasting on their bodies. The attractive stone circles in their
-villages were associated with their cannibal feasts.<a class="noteref"
-id="xd26e2532src" href="#xd26e2532" name="xd26e2532src">6</a></p>
-<p>The traveller, who could settle down in one of their villages and
-remain there sufficiently long to study their habits and enter into
-their tribal life, would soon be struck by the absence of a well
-recognised general authority. In this, however, the natives resemble
-not only the other Western Melanesians of New Guinea, but also the
-natives of the Melanesian Archipelago. The authority in the Southern
-Massim tribe, as in many others, is vested in the village elders. In
-each hamlet the eldest man has a position of personal influence and
-power, and these collectively would in all cases represent the tribe
-and carry out and enforce their decisions&mdash;always arrived at in
-strict accord with tribal tradition.</p>
-<p>Deeper sociological study would reveal the characteristic totemism
-of these natives, and also the matrilineal construction of their
-society. Descent, inheritance, and social position follow the female
-line&mdash;a man always belongs to his mother&rsquo;s totemic division
-and local group, and inherits from his mother&rsquo;s brother. Women
-also enjoy a very independent position, and are exceedingly well
-treated, and in tribal and festive affairs they play a prominent part
-(see Plates <a href="#pl05">V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a>). Some
-women, even, owing to their magical powers, wield a considerable
-influence.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2545src" href="#xd26e2545" name=
-"xd26e2545src">7</a></p>
-<p>The sexual life of these natives is extremely lax. Even when we
-remember the very free standard of sex morals in the Melanesian tribes
-of New Guinea, such as the Motu or the Mailu, we still find these
-natives exceedingly loose in such matters. Certain reserves and
-appearances which are usually kept up in other tribes, are here
-completely abandoned. As is probably the case in many communities where
-sex morals are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb38" href="#pb38" name=
-"pb38">38</a>]</span>lax, there is a complete absence of unnatural
-practices and sex perversions. Marriage is concluded as the natural end
-of a long and lasting liaison.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2552src"
-href="#xd26e2552" name="xd26e2552src">8</a></p>
-<p>These natives are efficient and industrious manufacturers, and great
-traders. They own large sea-going canoes, which, however, they do not
-manufacture themselves, but which they import from the Northern Massim
-district, or from Panayati. Another feature of their culture, which we
-shall meet again, consists of their big feasts, called <i lang=
-"kij">So&rsquo;i</i> (see Plates <a href="#pl05">V</a> and <a href=
-"#pl06">VI</a>), associated with mortuary celebrations and with a
-special mortuary taboo called <i lang="kij">gwara</i>. In the big
-inter-tribal trading of the Kula, these feasts play a considerable
-r&ocirc;le.</p>
-<p>This general, and necessarily somewhat superficial description, is
-meant to give the reader a definite impression of these tribes, provide
-them, so to speak, with a physiognomy, rather than to give a full
-account of their tribal constitution. For this the reader is referred
-to Professor C. G. Seligman&rsquo;s treatise, our main source of
-knowledge on the Melanesians of New Guinea. The above sketch refers to
-what Professor Seligman calls the Southern Massim, or more exactly to
-the portion marked off in the Ethnographic sketch <a href="#map3">Map
-No. III</a> as &ldquo;V, the Southern Massim&rdquo;&mdash;the
-inhabitants of the Easternmost mainland and the adjacent
-archipelago.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div1.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us now move North, towards the district marked
-&ldquo;IV, the Dobu,&rdquo; in our map, which forms one of the most
-important links in the chain of Kula and a very influential centre of
-cultural influence. As we sail North, passing East Cape, the
-Easternmost point of the main island&mdash;a long, flat promontory
-covered with palms and fruit belts, and harbouring a very dense
-population&mdash;a new world, new both geographically and
-ethnographically, opens up before us. At first it is only a faint,
-bluish silhouette, like a shadow of a distant mountain range, hovering
-far north over the horizon. As we approach, the hills of Normanby, the
-nearest of three big islands of the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Archipelago,
-become clearer and take more definite shape and substance. A few high
-summits stand out more distinctly through the usual tropical haze,
-among them the characteristic double-peaked top of Bwebweso, the
-mountain <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb39" href="#pb39" name=
-"pb39">39</a>]</span>where, according to native legend, the spirits of
-the dead in these parts lead their latter existence. The South Coast of
-Normanby, and the interior are inhabited by a tribe or tribes of which
-we know nothing ethnographically, except that they differ culturally
-from the rest of their neighbours. These tribes also take no direct
-part in the Kula.</p>
-<p>The Northern end of Normanby, both sides of the Dawson Straits which
-separate the two islands of Normanby and Fergusson, and the
-South-eastern tip of Fergusson, are inhabited by a very important
-tribe, the Dobu. The heart of their district is the small extinct
-volcano forming an island at the Eastern entrance to Dawson
-Straits&mdash;Dobu, after which island they are named. To reach it, we
-have to sail through this extremely picturesque channel. On either side
-of the winding, narrow strait, green hills descend, and close it in,
-till it is more like a mountain lake. Here and there they recede, and a
-lagoon opens out. Or again they rise in fairly steep slopes, on which
-there can be plainly seen triangular gardens, native houses on piles,
-large tracts of unbroken jungle and patches of grass land. As we
-proceed, the narrow straits broaden, and we see on our right a wide
-flank of Mt. Sulomona&rsquo;i on Normanby Island. On our left, there is
-a shallow bay, and behind it a large, flat plain, stretching far into
-the interior of Fergusson Island, and over it, we look into wide
-valleys, and on to several distant mountain ranges. After another turn,
-we enter a big bay, on both sides bordered by a flat foreshore, and in
-the middle of it rises out of a girdle of tropical vegetation, the
-creased cone of an extinct volcano, the island of Dobu.</p>
-<p>We are now in the centre of a densely populated and ethnographically
-important district. From this island, in olden days, fierce and daring
-cannibal and head-hunting expeditions were periodically launched, to
-the dread of the neighbouring tribes. The natives of the immediately
-surrounding districts, of the flat foreshore on both sides of the
-straits, and of the big neighbouring islands were allies. But the more
-distant districts, often over a hundred miles away by sail, never felt
-safe from the Dobuans. Again, this was, and still is, one of the main
-links in the Kula, a centre of trade, industries and general cultural
-influence. It is characteristic of the international position of the
-Dobuans that their language is spoken as a lingua franca all over the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb40" href="#pb40"
-name="pb40">40</a>]</span>Archipelago, in the Amphletts, and as far
-north as the Trobriands. In the southern part of these latter islands,
-almost everyone speaks Dobuan, although in Dobu the language of the
-Trobriands or Kiriwinian is hardly spoken by anyone. This is a
-remarkable fact, which cannot be easily explained in terms of the
-present conditions, as the Trobrianders, if anything, are on a higher
-level of cultural development than Dobuans, are more numerous, and
-enjoy the same general prestige.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2587src"
-href="#xd26e2587" name="xd26e2587src">9</a></p>
-<p>Another remarkable fact about Dobu and its district is that it is
-studded with spots of special, mythological interest. Its charming
-scenery, of volcanic cones, of wide, calm bays, and lagoons overhung by
-lofty, green mountains, with the reef-riddled, island-strewn ocean on
-the North, has deep, legendary meaning for the native. Here is the land
-and sea where the magically inspired sailors and heroes of the dim past
-performed feats of daring and power. As we sail from the entrance into
-Dawson Straits, through Dobu and the Amphletts to Boyowa, almost every
-new configuration of the land which we pass is the scene of some
-legendary exploit. Here the narrow gorge has been broken through by a
-magic canoe flying in the air. There the two rocks standing in the sea
-are the petrified bodies of two mythological heroes who were stranded
-at this spot after a quarrel. Here again, a land-locked lagoon has been
-a port of refuge to a mythical crew. Apart from its legends, the
-scenery before us, fine as it is, derives still more charm from the
-knowledge that it is, and has been a distant Eldorado, a land of
-promise and hope to generation after generation of really daring native
-sailors from the Northern islands. And in the past these lands and seas
-must have been the scene of migrations and fights, of tribal invasions,
-and of gradual infiltrations of peoples and cultures.</p>
-<p>In personal appearance, the Dobuans have a very distinct physique,
-which differentiates them sharply from the Southern Massim and from the
-Trobrianders; very dark-skinned, small of stature, with big heads and
-rounded shoulders, they give a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb41"
-href="#pb41" name="pb41">41</a>]</span>strange, almost gnome-like
-impression on a first encounter. In their manner, and their tribal
-character, there is something definitely pleasant, honest and
-open&mdash;an impression which long acquaintance with them confirms and
-strengthens. They are the general favourites of the whites, form the
-best and most reliable servants, and traders who have resided long
-among them compare them favourably with other natives.</p>
-<p>Their villages, like those of the previously described Massim, are
-scattered over wide areas. The fertile and flat foreshores which they
-inhabit are studded with small, compact hamlets of a dozen or so
-houses, hidden in the midst of one continuous plantation of fruit
-trees, palms, bananas and yams. The houses are built on piles, but are
-cruder architecturally than those of the S. Massim, and almost without
-any decorations, though in the olden days of head-hunting some of them
-were ornamented with skulls.</p>
-<p>In their social constitution, the people are totemic, being divided
-into a number of exogamous clans with linked totems. There is no
-institution of regular chieftainship, nor have they any system of rank
-or caste such as we shall meet in the Trobriands. Authority is vested
-in the elders of the tribe. In each hamlet there is a man who wields
-the greatest influence locally, and acts as its representative on such
-tribal councils as may arise in connection with ceremonies and
-expeditions.</p>
-<p>Their system of kinship is matrilineal, and women hold a very good
-position, and wield great influence. They also seem to take a much more
-permanent and prominent part in tribal life than is the case among the
-neighbouring populations. There is notably one of the features of
-Dobuan society, which seems to strike the Trobrianders as peculiar, and
-to which they will direct attention while giving information, even
-although in the Trobriands also women have a good enough social
-position. In Dobu, women take an important part in gardening, and have
-a share in performing garden magic, and this in itself gives them a
-high status. Again, the main instrument for wielding power and
-inflicting penalties in these lands, sorcery, is to a great extent in
-the hands of women. The flying witches, so characteristic of the
-Eastern New Guinea type of culture, here have one of their strongholds.
-We shall have to go into this subject more in detail when speaking
-about shipwreck and the dangers of sailing. Besides this, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb42" href="#pb42" name="pb42">42</a>]</span>women
-practice ordinary sorcery, which in other tribes is only man&rsquo;s
-prerogative.</p>
-<p>As a rule, amongst natives, a high position of women is associated
-with sex laxity. In this, Dobu is an exception. Not only are married
-women expected to remain faithful, and adultery considered a great
-crime, but, in sharp contrast to all surrounding tribes, the unmarried
-girls of Dobu remain strictly chaste. There are no ceremonial or
-customary forms of licence, and an intrigue would be certainly regarded
-as an offence.</p>
-<p>A few more words must be said here about sorcery, as this is a
-matter of great importance in all inter-tribal relations. The dread of
-sorcery is enormous, and when the natives visit distant parts, this
-dread is enhanced by the additional awe of the unknown and foreign.
-Besides the flying witches, there are, in Dobu, men and women who, by
-their knowledge of magical spells and rites, can inflict disease and
-cause death. The methods of these sorcerers, and all the beliefs
-clustering round this subject are very much the same as those in the
-Trobriands which we shall meet later on. These methods are
-characterised by being very rational and direct, and implying hardly
-any supernatural element. The sorcerer has to utter a spell over some
-substance, and this must be administered by mouth, or else burnt over
-the fire in the victim&rsquo;s hut. The pointing stick is also used by
-the sorcerers in certain rites.</p>
-<p>If his methods are compared with those used by flying witches, who
-eat the heart and lungs, drink the blood, snap the bones of their
-enemies, and moreover possess the powers of invisibility and of flying,
-the Dobuan sorcerer seems to have but simple and clumsy means at his
-disposal. He is also very much behind his Mailu or Motu
-namesakes&mdash;I say namesakes, because sorcerers throughout the
-Massim are called <i lang="kij">Bara&rsquo;u</i>, and the same word is
-used in Mailu, while the Motu use the reduplicated <i lang=
-"kij">Babara&rsquo;u</i>. The magicians in these parts use such
-powerful methods as those of killing the victim first, opening up the
-body, removing, lacerating or charming the inside, then bringing the
-victim to life again, only that he may soon sicken and eventually
-die.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2617src" href="#xd26e2617" name=
-"xd26e2617src">10</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb43" href="#pb43"
-name="pb43">43</a>]</span></p>
-<p>According to Dobuan belief, the spirits of the dead go to the top of
-Mt. Bwebweso on Normanby Island. This confined space harbours the
-shades of practically all the natives of the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux
-Archipelago, except those of Northern Goodenough Island, who, as I was
-told by some local informants, go after death to the spirit land of the
-Trobrianders.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2626src" href="#xd26e2626"
-name="xd26e2626src">11</a> The Dobuans have also the belief in a double
-soul&mdash;one, shadowy and impersonal, surviving the bodily death for
-a few days only, and remaining in the vicinity of the grave, the other
-the real spirit, who goes to Bwebweso.</p>
-<p>It is interesting to note how natives, living on the boundary
-between two cultures and between two types of belief, regard the
-ensuing differences. A native of, say, Southern Boyowa, confronted with
-the question:&mdash;how it is that the Dobuans place spirit-land on
-Bwebweso, whereas they, the Trobrianders, place it in Tuma?&mdash;does
-not see any difficulty in solving the problem. He does not regard the
-difference as due to a dogmatic conflict in doctrine. Quite simply he
-answers:&mdash;&ldquo;Their dead go to Bwebweso and ours to
-Tuma.&rdquo; The metaphysical laws of existence are not yet considered
-subject to one invariable truth. As human destinies in life change,
-according to varieties in tribal custom, so also the doings of the
-spirit! An interesting theory is evolved to harmonise the two beliefs
-in a mixed case. There is a belief that if a Trobriander were to die in
-Dobu, when on a Kula expedition, he would go for a time to Bwebweso. In
-due season, the spirits of the Trobrianders would sail from Tuma, the
-spirit land, to Bwebweso, on a spirit Kula, and the newly departed one
-would join their party and sail with them back to Tuma.</p>
-<p>On leaving Dobu, we sail the open sea, a sea studded with coral
-patches and sand-banks, and seamed with long barrier reefs, where
-treacherous tides, running sometimes as much as five knots, make
-sailing really dangerous, especially for helpless native craft. This is
-the Kula sea, the scene of the inter-tribal expeditions and adventures
-which will be the theme of our future descriptions.</p>
-<p>The Eastern shore of Ferguson Island, near Dobu, along which we are
-sailing, consists first of a series of volcanic cones and capes, giving
-the landscape the aspect of something <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb44" href="#pb44" name="pb44">44</a>]</span>unfinished and crudely
-put together. At the foot of the hills there stretches for several
-miles beyond Dobu a broad alluvial flat covered with
-villages&mdash;Deide&rsquo;i, Tu&rsquo;utauna, Bwayowa, all important
-centres of trade, and the homes of the direct Kula partners of the
-Trobrianders. Heavy fumes can be seen floating above the jungle, coming
-from the hot geysers of Deide&rsquo;i, which spurt up in high jets
-every few minutes.</p>
-<p>Soon we come abreast of two characteristically shaped, dark rocks,
-one half hidden in the vegetation of the shore, the other standing in
-the sea at the end of a narrow sand-spit dividing the two. These are
-Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and Aturamo&rsquo;a, two men turned into stone,
-as mythical tradition has it. Here the big sailing expeditions, those
-starting northwards from Dobu, as well as those arriving from the
-North, still make a halt&mdash;just as they have done for centuries,
-and, under observation of many taboos, give sacrificial offerings to
-the stones, with ritual invocations for propitious trade.</p>
-<p>In the lee of these two rocks, runs a small bay with a clean, sandy
-beach, called Sarubwoyna. Here a visitor, lucky enough to pass at the
-right moment of the right season would see a picturesque and
-interesting scene. There before him would lie a huge fleet of some
-fifty to a hundred canoes, anchored in the shallow water, with swarms
-of natives upon them, all engaged in some strange and mysterious task.
-Some of these, bent over heaps of herbs, would be mumbling
-incantations; others would be painting and adorning their bodies. An
-onlooker of two generations ago coming upon the same scene would no
-doubt have been led to suspect that he was watching the preparations
-for some dramatic tribal contest, for one of those big onslaughts in
-which the existence of whole villages and tribes were wiped out. It
-would even have been difficult for him to discern from the behaviour of
-the natives whether they were moved more by fear or by the spirit of
-aggression, as both these passions might have been read&mdash;and
-correctly so&mdash;into their attitudes and movements. That the scene
-contained no element of warfare; that this fleet had come here from
-about a hundred miles sailing distance on a well regulated tribal
-visit; that it had drawn up here for the final and most important
-preparations&mdash;this would not have been an easy guess to make.
-Nowadays&mdash;for this is carried out to this day with undiminished
-pomp&mdash;it would be an equally <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb45"
-href="#pb45" name="pb45">45</a>]</span>picturesque, but of course,
-tamer affair, since the romance of danger has gone from native life. As
-we learn in the course of this study to know more about these natives,
-their general ways and customs, and more especially about their Kula
-cycle of beliefs, ideas and sentiments, we shall be able to look with
-understanding eyes upon this scene, and comprehend this mixture of awe
-with intense, almost aggressive eagerness and this behaviour, which
-appears cowed and fierce at the same time.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div1.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Immediately after leaving Sarubwoyna and rounding the
-promontory of the two rocks, we come in sight of the island of Sanaroa,
-a big, sprawling, coral flat, with a range of volcanic hills on its
-western side. On the wide lagoon to the East of this island are the
-fishing grounds, where year after year the Trobrianders, returning from
-Dobu, look for the valuable spondylus shell, which, after their arrival
-home, is worked into the red discs, which form one of the main objects
-of native wealth. In the North of Sanaroa there is a stone in one of
-the tidal creeks called Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i, once a woman, the
-sister of Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and Aturamo&rsquo;a, who, with her
-brothers came in here and was petrified before the last stage of the
-journey. She also receives offerings from canoes, coming either way on
-Kula expeditions.</p>
-<p>Sailing further, some fine scenery unfolds itself on our left, where
-the high mountain range comes nearer to the sea shore, and where small
-bays, deep valleys and wooded slopes succeed one another. By carefully
-scanning the slopes, we can see small batches of some three to six
-miserable huts. These are the dwellings of the inhabitants, who are of
-a distinctly lower culture than the Dobuans, take no part in the Kula,
-and in olden days were the cowed and unhappy victims of their
-neighbours.</p>
-<p>On our right there emerge behind Sanaroa the islands of Uwama and
-Tewara, the latter inhabited by Dobuan natives. Tewara is of interest
-to us, because one of the myths which we shall get to know later on
-makes it the cradle of the Kula. As we sail on, rounding one after the
-other the Eastern promontories of Fergusson Island, a group of strongly
-marked monumental profiles appears far on the horizon from behind the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb46" href="#pb46" name=
-"pb46">46</a>]</span>receding headlands. These are the Amphlett
-Islands, the link, both geographically and culturally, between the
-coastal tribes of the volcanic region of Dobu and the inhabitants of
-the flat coral archipelago of the Trobriands. This portion of the sea
-is very picturesque, and has a charm of its own even in this land of
-fine and varied scenery. On the main island of Fergusson, overlooking
-the Amphletts from the South, and ascending straight out of the sea in
-a slim and graceful pyramid, lies the tall mountain of Koyatabu, the
-highest peak on the island. Its big, green surface is cut in half by
-the white ribbon of a watercourse, starting almost half-way up and
-running down to the sea. Scattered under the lea of Koyatabu are the
-numerous smaller and bigger islands of the Amphlett
-Archipelago&mdash;steep, rocky hills, shaped into pyramids,
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e2654" title=
-"Source: sphynxes">sphinxes</span> and cupolas, the whole a strange and
-picturesque assemblage of characteristic forms.</p>
-<div class="figure pl07width" id="pl07">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl07width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-VII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl07.jpg" alt="In the Amphletts." width="622" height=
-"491">
-<p class="figureHead">In the Amphletts.</p>
-<p>The sea-front of the main village on Gumasila (or Gumawana). (See
-<a href="#div1.5">Div. V.</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>With a strong South-Easterly wind, which blows here for three
-quarters of the year, we approach the islands very fast, and the two
-most important ones, Gumawana and Ome&rsquo;a, almost seem to leap out
-of the mist. As we anchor in front of Gumawana village at the S.E. end
-of the island, we cannot but feel impressed. Built on a narrow strip of
-foreshore, open to the breakers, and squeezed down to the water&rsquo;s
-edge by an almost precipitously rising jungle at its back, the village
-has been made sea-proof by walls of stone surrounding the houses with
-several bulwarks, and by stone dykes forming small artificial harbours
-along the sea front. The shabby and unornamented huts, built on piles,
-look very picturesque in these surroundings (see Plates <a href=
-"#pl07">VII</a> and <a href="#pl43">XLIII</a>).</p>
-<p>The inhabitants of this village, and of the four remaining ones in
-the archipelago, are a queer people. They are a numerically weak tribe,
-easily assailable from the sea, getting hardly enough to eat from their
-rocky islands; and yet, through their unique skill in pottery, their
-great daring and efficiency as sailors, and their central position half
-way between Dobu and the Trobriands, they have succeeded in becoming in
-several respects the monopolists of this part of the world. They have
-also the main characteristics of monopolists: grasping and mean,
-inhospitable and greedy, keen on keeping the trade and exchange in
-their own hands, yet unprepared to make any sacrifice towards improving
-it; shy, yet arrogant <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb47" href="#pb47"
-name="pb47">47</a>]</span>to anyone who has any dealings with them;
-they contrast unfavourably with their southern and northern neighbours.
-And this is not only the white man&rsquo;s impression.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e2681src" href="#xd26e2681" name=
-"xd26e2681src">12</a> The Trobrianders, as well as the Dobuans, give
-the Amphlett natives a very bad name, as being stingy and unfair in all
-Kula transactions, and as having no real sense of generosity and
-hospitality.</p>
-<p>When our boat anchors there, the natives approach it in their
-canoes, offering clay pots for sale. But if we want to go ashore and
-have a look at their village, there is a great commotion, and all the
-women disappear from the open places. The younger ones run and hide in
-the jungle behind the village, and even the old hags conceal themselves
-in the houses. So that if we want to see the making of pottery, which
-is almost exclusively women&rsquo;s work, we must first lure some old
-woman out of her retreat with generous promises of tobacco and
-assurances of honourable intentions.</p>
-<p>This has been mentioned here, because it is of ethnographic
-interest, as it is not only white men who inspire this shyness; if
-native strangers, coming from a distance for trade, put in for a short
-time in the Amphletts, the women also disappear in this fashion. This
-very ostentatious coyness is, however, not a sham, because in the
-Amphletts, even more than in Dobu, married and unmarried life is
-characterised by strict chastity and fidelity. Women here have also a
-good deal of influence, and take a great part in gardening and the
-performance of garden magic. In social institutions and customs, the
-natives present a mixture of Northern and Southern Massim elements.
-There are no chiefs, but influential elders wield authority, and in
-each village there is a head man who takes the lead in ceremonies and
-other big tribal affairs. Their totemic clans are identical with those
-of Murua (District II). Their somewhat precarious food supply comes
-partly from the poor gardens, partly from fishing with kite and fish
-trap, which, however, can only seldom be carried out, and does not
-yield very much. They are not self-supporting, and receive, in form of
-presents and by trade, a good deal of vegetable food as well as pigs
-from the mainland, from Dobu and the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb48" href="#pb48" name="pb48">48</a>]</span>Trobriands. In personal
-appearance they are very much like the Trobrianders, that is, taller
-than the Dobuans, lighter skinned, and with finer features.</p>
-<p>We must now leave the Amphletts and proceed to the Trobriand
-Islands, the scene of most of the occurrences described in this book,
-and the country concerning which I possess by far the largest amount of
-ethnographic information.</p>
-<div class="figure pl08width" id="pl08">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl08width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-VIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl08.jpg" alt=
-"Group of Natives in the Village of Tukwa&rsquo;ukwa." width="505"
-height="720">
-<p class="figureHead">Group of Natives in the Village of
-Tukwa&rsquo;ukwa.</p>
-<p>This shows the type of coastal village, with the natives squatting
-round, to illustrate Div. I.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl09width" id="pl09">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl09width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-IX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl09.jpg" alt="Men of Rank From Kiriwina." width="659"
-height="374">
-<p class="figureHead">Men of Rank From Kiriwina.</p>
-<p>Tokulubakiki, a chief&rsquo;s son; Towese&rsquo;i and
-Yobukwa&rsquo;u, of the highest and somewhat inferior rank
-respectively. All three show fine features and intelligent expressions;
-they were among my best informants. (See <a href="#div1.1">Divs. I</a>
-and <a href="#div1.5">V.</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl10width" id="pl10">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl10width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-X</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl10.jpg" alt="Fishermen From Teyava." width="655"
-height="380">
-<p class="figureHead">Fishermen From Teyava.</p>
-<p>Types of commoners from a Lagoon village. (See <a href=
-"#div1.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb49" href="#pb49" name=
-"pb49">49</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2374" href="#xd26e2374src" name="xd26e2374">1</a></span> The best
-accounts we possess of the inland tribes are those of W. H. Williamson,
-&ldquo;The Mafulu,&rdquo; 1912, and of C. Keysser, &ldquo;<span lang=
-"de">Aus dem Leben der Kaileute</span>,&rdquo; in R. Neuhauss,
-&ldquo;<span lang="de">Deutsch Neu Guinea</span>,&rdquo; Vol. III.
-Berlin, 1911. The preliminary publications of G. Landtmann on the
-Kiwai, &ldquo;Papuan magic in the Building of Houses,&rdquo;
-&ldquo;Acta Arboenses, Humanora.&rdquo; I. Abo, 1920, and &ldquo;The
-Folk-Tales of the Kiwai Papuans,&rdquo; Helsingfors, 1917, promise that
-the full account will dispel some of the mysteries surrounding the Gulf
-of Papua. Meanwhile a good semi-popular account of these natives is to
-be found in W. N. Beaver&rsquo;s &ldquo;Unexplored New Guinea,&rdquo;
-1920. Personally I doubt very much whether the hill tribes and the
-swamp tribes belong to the same stock or have the same culture. Compare
-also the most recent contribution to this problem: &ldquo;Migrations of
-Cultures in British New Guinea,&rdquo; by A. C. Haddon, Huxley Memorial
-Lecture for 1921, published by the R. Anthrop.
-Institute.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2374src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2383" href="#xd26e2383src" name="xd26e2383">2</a></span> See C.
-G. Seligman, &ldquo;The Melanesians of British New Guinea,&rdquo;
-Cambridge, 1910.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e2383src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2393" href="#xd26e2393src" name="xd26e2393">3</a></span> Cf. C.
-G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 5.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e2393src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2422" href="#xd26e2422src" name="xd26e2422">4</a></span> A number
-of good portraits of the S. Massim type are to be found in the valuable
-book of the Rev. H. Newton, &ldquo;In Far New Guinea,&rdquo; 1914, and
-in the amusingly written though superficial and often unreliable
-booklet of the Rev. C. W. Abel (London Missionary Society),
-&ldquo;Savage Life in New Guinea&rdquo; (No date).&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2422src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2441" href="#xd26e2441src" name="xd26e2441">5</a></span> See
-Table in the Introduction (<a href="#pb016">p. 16</a>), and also
-Chapters <a href="#ch16">XVI</a> and <a href=
-"#ch20">XX</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e2441src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2532" href="#xd26e2532src" name="xd26e2532">6</a></span> Cf.
-Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XL and
-XLII.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2532src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2545" href="#xd26e2545src" name="xd26e2545">7</a></span>
-Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., Chapters XXXV, XXXVI,
-XXXVII.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2545src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2552" href="#xd26e2552src" name="xd26e2552">8</a></span> Cf.
-Professor C. G. Seligman, Chapters XXXVII and XXXVIII.&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2552src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2587" href="#xd26e2587src" name="xd26e2587">9</a></span> My
-knowledge of the Dobuans is fragmentary, derived from three short
-visits in their district, from conversation with several Dobu natives
-whom I had in my service, and from frequent parallels and allusions
-about Dobuan customs, which are met when doing field-work among the
-Southern Trobrianders. There is a short, sketchy account of certain of
-their customs and beliefs by the Rev. W. E. Bromilow, first missionary
-in Dobu, which I have also consulted, in the records of the
-Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science.&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2587src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2617" href="#xd26e2617src" name="xd26e2617">10</a></span>
-Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 170 and 171; 187 and 188 about
-the Koita and Motu; and B. Malinowski, <i>The Mailu</i>, pp.
-647&ndash;652.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e2617src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2626" href="#xd26e2626src" name="xd26e2626">11</a></span> Comp.
-D. Jenness and A. Ballantyne, &ldquo;The Northern
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux,&rdquo; Oxford, 1920, Chapter XII.&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2626src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2681" href="#xd26e2681src" name="xd26e2681">12</a></span> I spent
-about a month in these islands, and found the natives surprisingly
-intractable and difficult to work with ethnographically. The Amphlett
-&ldquo;boys&rdquo; are renowned as good boat-hands, but in general they
-are not such capable and willing workers as the Dobuans.&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e2681src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch2" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e454">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter II</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Natives of the Trobriand Islands</h2>
-<div id="div2.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Leaving the bronzed rocks and the dark jungle of the
-Amphletts for the present&mdash;for we shall have to revisit them in
-the course of our study, and then shall learn more about their
-inhabitants&mdash;we sail North into an entirely different world of
-flat coral islands; into an ethnographic district, which stands out by
-ever so many peculiar manners and customs from the rest of
-Papuo-Melanesia. So far, we have sailed over intensely blue, clear
-seas, where in shallow places the coral bottom, with its variety of
-colour and form, with its wonderful plant and fish life, is a
-fascinating spectacle in itself&mdash;a sea framed in all the
-splendours of tropical jungle, of volcanic and mountainous scenery,
-with lively watercourses and falls, with steamy clouds trailing in the
-high valleys. From all this we take a final farewell as we sail North.
-The outlines of the Amphletts soon fade away in tropical haze, till
-only Koyatabu&rsquo;s slender pyramid, lifted over them, remains on the
-horizon, the graceful form, which follows us even as far as the Lagoon
-of Kiriwina.</p>
-<p>We now enter an opaque, greenish sea, whose monotony is broken only
-by a few sandbanks, some bare and awash, others with a few pandanus
-trees squatting on their air roots, high in the sand. To these banks,
-the Amphlett natives come and there they spend weeks on end, fishing
-for turtle and dugong. Here is also laid the scene of several of the
-mythical incidents of primeval Kula. Further ahead, through the misty
-spray, the line of horizon thickens here and there, as if faint pencil
-marks had been drawn upon it. These become more substantial, one of
-them lengthens and broadens, the others spring into the distinct shapes
-of small islands, and we find ourselves in the big Lagoon of the
-Trobriands, with Boyowa, the largest island, on our right, and with
-many others, inhabited and uninhabited, to the North and
-North-West.</p>
-<div class="figure map4width" id="map4"><a href=
-"images/map4h.png"><img src="images/map4.png" alt="" width="544"
-height="720"></a>
-<p class="first">Map IV&mdash;The Trobriand Archipelago, also called
-Boyowa or Kiriwina.</p>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb50" href="#pb50" name=
-"pb50">50</a>]</span><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb51" href="#pb51"
-name="pb51">51</a>]</span></p>
-<p>As we sail in the Lagoon, following the intricate passages between
-the shallows, and as we approach the main island, the thick, tangled
-matting of the low jungle breaks here and there over a beach, and we
-can see into a palm grove, like an interior, supported by pillars. This
-indicates the site of a village. We step ashore on to the sea front, as
-a rule covered with mud and refuse, with canoes drawn up high and dry,
-and passing through the grove, we enter the village itself (see
-<a href="#pl08">Plate VIII</a>).</p>
-<p>Soon we are seated on one of the platforms built in front of a
-yam-house, shaded by its overhanging roof. The round, grey logs, worn
-smooth by contact with naked feet and bodies; the trodden ground of the
-village-street; the brown skins of the natives, who immediately
-surround the visitor in large groups&mdash;all these form a colour
-scheme of bronze and grey, <span class="corr" id="xd26e2756" title=
-"Source: unforgetable">unforgettable</span> to anyone, who, like
-myself, has lived among these people.</p>
-<p>It is difficult to convey the feelings of intense interest and
-suspense with which an Ethnographer enters for the first time the
-district that is to be the future scene of his field-work. Certain
-salient features, characteristic of the place, at once rivet his
-attention, and fill him with hopes or apprehensions. The appearance of
-the natives, their manners, their types of behaviour, may augur well or
-ill for the possibilities of rapid and easy research. One is on the
-lookout for symptoms of deeper, sociological facts, one suspects many
-hidden and mysterious ethnographic phenomena behind the commonplace
-aspect of things. Perhaps that queer-looking, intelligent native is a
-renowned sorcerer; perhaps between those two groups of men there exists
-some important rivalry or vendetta which may throw much light on the
-customs and character of the people if one can only lay hands upon it?
-Such at least were my thoughts and feelings as on the day of my arrival
-in Boyowa I sat scanning a chatting group of Trobriand natives.</p>
-<p>The great variety in their physical appearance is what strikes one
-first in Boyowa.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e2763src" href="#xd26e2763"
-name="xd26e2763src">1</a> There are men and women of tall stature, fine
-bearing, and delicate features, with clear-cut aquiline profile and
-high foreheads, well formed nose and chin, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb52" href="#pb52" name="pb52">52</a>]</span>and an
-open, intelligent expression (see Plates <a href="#pl09">IX</a>,
-<a href="#pl15">XV</a>, <a href="#pl17">XVII</a>). And besides these,
-there are others with <span class="corr" id="xd26e2778" title=
-"Source: prognatic">prognathic</span>, negroid faces, broad,
-thick-lipped mouths, narrow foreheads, and a coarse expression (see
-Plates <a href="#pl10">X</a>, <a href="#pl11">XI</a>, <a href=
-"#pl12">XII</a>). The better featured have also a markedly lighter
-skin. Even their hair differs, varying from quite straight locks to the
-frizzly mop of the typical Melanesian. They wear the same classes of
-ornaments as the other Massim, consisting mainly of fibre armlets and
-belts, earrings of turtle shell and spondylus discs, and they are very
-fond of using, for personal decoration, flowers and aromatic herbs. In
-manner they are much freer, more familiar and confident, than any of
-the natives we have so far met. As soon as an interesting stranger
-arrives, half the village assembles around him, talking loudly and
-making remarks about him, frequently uncomplimentary, and altogether
-assuming a tone of jocular familiarity.</p>
-<div class="figure pl11width" id="pl11">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl11width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl11.jpg" alt=
-"A Typical Nakubukwabuya (Unmarried Woman)." width="519" height="666">
-<p class="figureHead">A Typical Nakubukwabuya (Unmarried Woman).</p>
-<p>This shows the coarse, though fine-looking, type of a commoner
-woman. (See <a href="#div2.2">Div. II</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p id="pl12"></p>
-<div class="figure pl12-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl12-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XII</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl12-1.jpg" alt="" width="515" height="388"></div>
-<div class="figure pl12-2width"><img src="images/pl12-2.jpg" alt=
-"Boyowan Girls." width="513" height="386">
-<p class="figureHead">Boyowan Girls.</p>
-<p class="first">Such facial painting and decorations are used when
-they go on a <i lang="kij">katuyausi</i> expedition. (See <a href=
-"#div2.2">Div. II</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>One of the main sociological features at once strikes an observant
-newcomer&mdash;the existence of rank and social differentiation. Some
-of the natives&mdash;very frequently those of the finer looking
-type&mdash;are treated with most marked deference by others, and in
-return, these chiefs and persons of rank behave in quite a different
-way towards the strangers. In fact, they show excellent manners in the
-full meaning of this word.</p>
-<p>When a chief is present, no commoner dares to remain in a physically
-higher position; he has to bend his body or squat. Similarly, when the
-chief sits down, no one would dare to stand. The institution of
-definite chieftainship, to which are shown such extreme marks of
-deference, with a sort of rudimentary Court ceremonial, with insignia
-of rank and authority, is so entirely foreign to the whole spirit of
-Melanesian tribal life, that at first sight it transports the
-Ethnographer into a different world. In the course of our inquiry, we
-shall constantly meet with manifestation of the Kiriwinian
-chief&rsquo;s authority, we shall notice the difference in this respect
-between the Trobrianders and the other tribes, and the resulting
-adjustments of tribal usage.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Another sociological feature, which forcibly obtrudes
-itself on the visitor&rsquo;s notice is the social position of the
-women. Their behaviour, after the cool aloofness of the Dobuan women,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb53" href="#pb53" name=
-"pb53">53</a>]</span>and the very uninviting treatment which strangers
-receive from those of the Amphletts, comes almost as a shock in its
-friendly familiarity. Naturally, here also, the manners of women of
-rank are quite different from those of low class commoners. But, on the
-whole, high and low alike, though by no means reserved, have a genial,
-pleasant approach, and many of them are very fine-looking (see Plates
-<a href="#pl11">XI</a>, <a href="#pl12">XII</a>). Their dress is also
-different from any so far observed. All the Melanesian women in New
-Guinea wear a petticoat made of fibre. Among the Southern Massim, this
-fibre skirt is long, reaching to the knees or below, whereas in the
-Trobriands it is much shorter and fuller, consisting of several layers
-standing out round the body like a ruff (compare the S. Massim women on
-Plates <a href="#pl05">V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a> with the
-Trobrianders on <a href="#pl04">Plate IV</a>). The highly ornamental
-effect of that dress is enhanced by the elaborate decorations made in
-three colours on the several layers forming the top skirt. On the
-whole, it is very becoming to fine young women, and gives to small
-slender girls a graceful, elfish appearance.</p>
-<p>Chastity is an unknown virtue among these natives. At an incredibly
-early age they become initiated into sexual life, and many of the
-innocent looking plays of childhood are not as innocuous as they
-appear. As they grow up, they live in promiscuous free-love, which
-gradually develops into more permanent attachments, one of which ends
-in marriage. But before this is reached, unmarried girls are openly
-supposed to be quite free to do what they like, and there are even
-ceremonial arrangements by which the girls of a village repair in a
-body to another place; there they publicly range themselves for
-inspection, and each is chosen by a local boy, with whom she spends a
-night. This is called <i lang="kij">katuyausi</i> (see <a href=
-"#pl12">Plate XII</a>). Again, when a visiting party arrives from
-another district, food is brought to them by the unmarried girls, who
-are also expected to satisfy their sexual wants. At the big mortuary
-vigils round the corpse of a newly deceased person, people from
-neighbouring villages come in large bodies to take part in the wailing
-and singing. The girls of the visiting party are expected by usage to
-comfort the boys of the bereaved village, in a manner which gives much
-anguish to their official lovers. There is another remarkable form of
-ceremonial licence, in which indeed women are openly the initiators.
-During the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb54" href="#pb54" name=
-"pb54">54</a>]</span>gardening season, at the time of weeding, the
-women do communal work, and any strange man who ventures to pass
-through the district runs a considerable risk, for the women will run
-after him, seize him, tear off his pubic leaf, and ill-treat him
-orgiastically in the most <span class="corr" id="xd26e2858" title=
-"Source: ignominous">ignominious</span> manner. Side by side with these
-ceremonial forms of licence, there go, in the normal course of events,
-constant private intrigues, more intense during the festive seasons,
-becoming less prominent as garden work, trading expeditions, or
-harvesting take up the energies and attention of the tribe.</p>
-<p>Marriage is associated with hardly any public or private rite or
-ceremony. The woman simply joins her husband in his house, and later
-on, there is a series of exchanges of gifts, which in no way can be
-interpreted as purchase money for the wife. As a matter of fact, the
-most important feature of the Trobriand marriage is the fact that the
-wife&rsquo;s family have to contribute, and that in a very substantial
-manner, to the economics of her household, and also they have to
-perform all sorts of services for the husband. In her married life, the
-woman is supposed to remain faithful to her husband, but this rule is
-neither very strictly kept nor enforced. In all other ways, she retains
-a great measure of independence, and her husband has to treat her well
-and with consideration. If he does not, the woman simply leaves him and
-returns to her family, and as the husband is as a rule economically the
-loser by her action, he has to exert himself to get her
-back&mdash;which he does by means of presents and persuasions. If she
-chooses, she can leave him for good, and she can always find someone
-else to marry.</p>
-<p>In tribal life, the position of women is also very high. They do not
-as a rule join the councils of men, but in many matters they have their
-own way, and control several aspects of tribal life. Thus, some of the
-garden work is their business; and this is considered a privilege as
-well as a duty. They also look after certain stages in the big,
-ceremonial divisions of food, associated with the very complete and
-elaborate mortuary ritual of the Boyowans (see <a href="#pl04">Plate
-IV</a>). Certain forms of magic&mdash;that performed over a first-born
-baby, beauty-magic made at tribal ceremonies, some classes of
-sorcery&mdash;are also the monopoly of women. Women of rank share the
-privileges incidental to it, and men of low caste will bend before them
-and observe all the necessary formalities and taboos due <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb55" href="#pb55" name="pb55">55</a>]</span>to a
-chief. A woman of chief&rsquo;s rank, married to commoner, retains her
-status, even with regard to her husband, and has to be treated
-accordingly.</p>
-<p>The Trobrianders are matrilineal, that is, in tracing descent and
-settling inheritance, they follow the maternal line. A child belongs to
-the clan and village community of its mother, and wealth, as well as
-social position, are inherited, not from father to son, but from
-maternal uncle to nephew. This rule admits of certain important and
-interesting exceptions, which we shall come across in the course of
-this study.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Returning to our imaginary first visit ashore, the
-next interesting thing to do, after we have sufficiently taken in the
-appearance and manners of the natives, is to walk round the village. In
-doing this, again we would come across much, which to a trained eye,
-would reveal at once deeper sociological facts. In the Trobriands,
-however, it would be better to make our first observations in one of
-the large, inland villages, situated on even, flat ground with plenty
-of space, so that it has been possible to build it in the typical
-pattern. In the coastal villages, placed on marshy ground and coral
-outcrop, the irregularity of the soil and cramped space have
-obliterated the design, and they present quite a chaotic appearance.
-The big villages of the central districts, on the other hands, are
-built one and all with an almost geometrical regularity.</p>
-<p>In the middle, a big circular space is surrounded by a ring of yam
-houses. These latter are built on piles, and present a fine, decorative
-front, with walls of big, round logs, laid crosswise on one another, so
-as to leave wide interstices through which the stored yams can be seen
-(see Plates <a href="#pl15">XV</a>, <a href="#pl32">XXXII</a>, <a href=
-"#pl33">XXXIII</a>). Some of the store-houses strike us at once as
-being better built, larger, and higher than the rest, and these have
-also big, ornamented boards, running round the gable and across it.
-These are the yam houses of the chief or of persons of rank. Each yam
-house also has, as a rule, a small platform in front of it, on which
-groups of men will sit and chat in the evening, and where visitors can
-rest.</p>
-<p>Concentrically with the circular row of yam houses, there runs a
-ring of dwelling huts, and thus a street going all round the village is
-formed between the two rows (see Plates <a href="#pl03">III</a>,
-<a href="#pl04">IV</a>, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb56" href=
-"#pb56" name="pb56">56</a>]</span><a href="#pl08">VIII</a>). The
-dwellings are lower than the yam houses, and instead of being on piles,
-are built directly on the ground. The interior is dark and very stuffy,
-and the only opening into it is through the door, and that is usually
-closed. Each hut is occupied by one family (see <a href="#pl15">Plate
-XV</a>), that is, husband, wife and small children, while adolescent
-and grown-up boys and girls live in separate small bachelor&rsquo;s
-houses, harbouring some two to six inmates. Chiefs and people of rank
-have their special, personal houses, besides those of their wives. The
-Chief&rsquo;s house often stands in the central ring of the
-store-houses facing the main place.</p>
-<div class="figure pl13width" id="pl13">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl13width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl13.jpg" alt="Kaydebu Dance" width="720" height=
-"406">
-<p class="figureHead">Kaydebu Dance</p>
-<p>The circular dance with the carved shiled on the <i lang=
-"kij">baku</i> of Omarakana. (See <a href="#div2.3">Div. III</a>) Note
-the plain, though <span class="corr" id="xd26e2917" title=
-"Source: pictureseque">picturesque</span>, headdress of cockatoo
-feathers.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl14width" id="pl14">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl14width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XIV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl14.jpg" alt="Dancers in Full Decoration" width="720"
-height="413">
-<p class="figureHead">Dancers in Full Decoration</p>
-<p>A segment of the dancing circle, in a <i lang="kij">kaydebu</i>
-dance, village of Yalaka. (See <a href="#div2.3">Div. III</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>The broad inspection of the village would therefore reveal to us the
-r&ocirc;le of decoration as insignia of rank, the existence of
-bachelors&rsquo; and spinsters&rsquo; houses, the great importance
-attached to the yam-harvest&mdash;all these small symptoms which,
-followed up, would lead us deep into the problems of native sociology.
-Moreover, such an inspection would have led us to inquire as to the
-part played by the different divisions of the village in tribal life.
-We should then learn that the <i lang="kij">baku</i>, the central
-circular space, is the scene of public ceremonies and festivities, such
-as dancing (see Plates <a href="#pl13">XIII</a>, <a href=
-"#pl14">XIV</a>), division of food, tribal feasts, mortuary vigils, in
-short, of all doings that represent the village as a whole. In the
-circular street between the stores and living houses, everyday life
-goes on, that is, the preparation of food, the eating of meals, and the
-usual exchange of gossip and ordinary social amenities. The interior of
-the houses is only used at night, or on wet days, and is more a
-sleeping than a living room. The backs of the houses and the contiguous
-groves are the scene of the children&rsquo;s play and the women&rsquo;s
-occupations. Further away, remote parts of the grove are reserved for
-sanitary purposes, each sex having its own retreat.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">baku</i> (central place) is the most picturesque
-part, and there the somewhat monotonous colour scheme of the brown and
-grey is broken by the overhanging foliage of the grove, seen above the
-neat fronts and gaudy ornamentation of the yam-houses and by the
-decorations worn by the crowd when a dance or ceremony is taking place
-(see Plates <a href="#pl13">XIII</a>, <a href="#pl33">XXXIII</a>).
-Dancing is done only at one time in the year, in connection with the
-harvest festivities, called <i lang="kij">milamala</i>, at which season
-also the spirits of the dead return from Tuma, the nether-world,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb57" href="#pb57" name=
-"pb57">57</a>]</span>to the villages from which they hail. Sometimes
-the dancing season lasts only for a few weeks or even days, sometimes
-it is extended into a special dancing period called <i lang=
-"kij">usigola</i>. During such a time of festivities, the inhabitants
-of a village will dance day after day, for a month or longer, the
-period being inaugurated by a feast, punctuated by several more, and
-ending in a big culminating performance. At this many villages assist
-as spectators, and distributions of food take place. During an <i lang=
-"kij">usigola</i>, dancing is done in full dress, that is, with facial
-painting, floral decorations, valuable ornaments, and a head-dress of
-white cockatoo feathers (see Plates <a href="#pl13">XIII</a>, <a href=
-"#pl14">XIV</a>). A <span class="corr" id="xd26e2976" title=
-"Source: performmance">performance</span> consists always of a dance
-executed in a ring to the accompaniment of singing and drum-beating,
-both of which are done by a group of people standing in the middle.
-Some dances are done with the carved dancing shield.</p>
-<p>Sociologically, the village is an important unit in the Trobriands.
-Even the mightiest chief in the Trobriands wields his authority
-primarily over his own village and only secondarily over the district.
-The village community exploit jointly their garden lands, perform
-ceremonies, wage warfare, undertake trading expeditions, and sail in
-the same canoe or fleet of canoes as one group.</p>
-<p>After the first inspection of the village, we would be naturally
-interested to know more of the surrounding country, and would take a
-walk through the bush. Here, however, if we hoped for a picturesque and
-varied landscape, we should receive a great disappointment. The
-extensive, flat island consists only of one fertile plain, with a low
-coral ridge running along portions of the coast. It is almost entirely
-under intermittent cultivation, and the bush, regularly cleared away
-every few years, has no time to grow high. A low, dense jungle grows in
-a matted tangle, and practically wherever we move on the island we walk
-along between two green walls, presenting no variety, allowing of no
-broader view. The monotony is broken only by an occasional clump of old
-trees left standing&mdash;usually a tabooed place&mdash;or by one of
-the numerous villages which we meet with every mile or two in this
-densely populated country. The main element, both of picturesqueness
-and ethnographic interest, is afforded by the native gardens. Each year
-about one quarter or one fifth of the total area is under actual
-cultivation as gardens, and these <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb58"
-href="#pb58" name="pb58">58</a>]</span>are well tended, and present a
-pleasant change from the monotony of the scrub. In its early stages,
-the garden site is simply a bare, cleared space, allowing of a Wider
-outlook upon the distant coral ridge in the East, and upon the tall
-groves, scattered over the horizon, which indicate villages or tabooed
-tree clumps. Later on, when the yam-vines, taro, and sugar cane begin
-to grow and bud, the bare brown soil is covered with the fresh green of
-the tender plants. After some more time still, tall, stout poles are
-planted over each yam-plant; the vine climbs round them, grows into a
-full, shady garland of foliage, and the whole makes the impression of a
-large, exuberant hop-yard.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Half of the natives&rsquo; working life is spent in
-the garden, and around it centres perhaps more than half of his
-interests and ambitions. And here we must pause and make an attempt to
-understand his attitude in this matter, as it is typical of the way in
-which he goes about all his work. If we remain under the delusion that
-the native is a happy-go-lucky, lazy child of nature, who shuns as far
-as possible all labour and effort, waiting till the ripe fruits, so
-bountifully supplied by generous tropical Nature, fall into his mouth,
-we shall not be able to understand in the least his aims and motives in
-carrying out the Kula or any other enterprise. On the contrary, the
-truth is that the native can and, under circumstances, does work hard,
-and work systematically, with endurance and purpose, nor does he wait
-till he is pressed to work by his immediate needs.</p>
-<p>In gardening, for instance, the natives produce much more than they
-actually require, and in any average year they harvest perhaps twice as
-much as they can eat. Nowadays, this surplus is exported by Europeans
-to feed plantation hands in other parts of New Guinea; in olden days it
-was simply allowed to rot. Again, they produce this surplus in a manner
-which entails much more work than is strictly necessary for obtaining
-the crops. Much time and labour is given up to &aelig;sthetic purposes,
-to making the gardens tidy, clean, cleared of all debris; to building
-fine, solid<a id="xd26e2992" name="xd26e2992"></a> fences, to providing
-specially strong and big yam-poles. All these things are to some extent
-required for the growth of the plant; but there can be no doubt that
-the natives push their conscientiousness far <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb59" href="#pb59" name="pb59">59</a>]</span>beyond
-the limit of the purely necessary. The non-utilitarian element in their
-garden work is still more clearly perceptible in the various tasks
-which they carry out entirely for the sake of ornamentation, in
-connection with magical ceremonies, and in obedience to tribal usage.
-Thus, after the ground has been scrupulously cleared and is ready for
-planting, the natives divide each garden plot into small squares, each
-a few yards in length and width, and this is done only in obedience to
-usage, in order to make the gardens look neat. No self-respecting man
-would dream of omitting to do this. Again, in especially well trimmed
-gardens, long horizontal poles are tied to the yam supports in order to
-embellish them. Another, and perhaps the most interesting example of
-non-utilitarian work is afforded by the big, prismatic erections called
-<i lang="kij">kamkokola</i>, which serve ornamental and magical
-purposes, but have nothing to do with the growth of plants (comp.
-<a href="#pl59">Plate LIX</a>).</p>
-<p>Among the forces and beliefs which bear upon and regulate garden
-work, perhaps magic is the most important. It is a department of its
-own, and the garden magician, next to the chief and the sorcerer, is
-the most important personage of the village. The position is
-hereditary, and, in each village, a special system of magic is handed
-on in the female line from one generation to another. I have called it
-a system, because the magician has to perform a series of rites and
-spells over the garden, which run parallel with the labour, and which,
-in fact, initiate each stage of the work and each new development of
-the plant life. Even before any gardening is begun at all, the magician
-has to consecrate the site with a big ceremonial performance in which
-all the men of the village take part. This ceremony officially opens
-the season&rsquo;s gardening, and only after it is performed do the
-villagers begin to cut the scrub on their plots. Then, in a series of
-rites, the magician inaugurates successively all the various stages
-which follow one another&mdash;the burning of the scrub, the clearing,
-the planting, the weeding and the harvesting. Also, in another series
-of rites and spells, he magically assists the plant in sprouting, in
-budding, in bursting into leaf, in climbing, in forming the rich
-garlands of foliage, and in producing the edible tubers.</p>
-<p>The garden magician, according to native ideas, thus controls both
-the work of man and the forces of Nature. He also acts directly as
-supervisor of gardening, sees to it that <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb60" href="#pb60" name="pb60">60</a>]</span>people do not skimp their
-work, or lag behind with it. Thus magic is a systematising, regulating,
-and controlling influence in garden work. The magician, in carrying out
-the rites, sets the pace, compels people to apply themselves to certain
-tasks, and to accomplish them properly and in time. Incidentally, magic
-also imposes on the tribe a good deal of extra work, of apparently
-unnecessary, hampering taboos and regulations. In the long run,
-however, there is no doubt that by its influence in ordering,
-systematising and regulating work, magic is economically invaluable for
-the natives.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3008src" href="#xd26e3008"
-name="xd26e3008src">2</a></p>
-<p>Another notion which must be exploded, once and for ever, is that of
-the Primitive Economic Man of some current economic text books. This
-fanciful, dummy creature, who has been very tenacious of existence in
-popular and semi-popular economic literature, and whose shadow haunts
-even the minds of competent anthropologists, blighting their outlook
-with a preconceived idea, is an imaginary, primitive man, or savage,
-prompted in all his actions by a rationalistic conception of
-self-interest, and achieving his aims directly and with the minimum of
-effort. Even <i>one</i> well established instance should show how
-preposterous is this assumption that man, and especially man on a low
-level of culture, should be actuated by pure economic motives of
-enlightened self-interest. The primitive Trobriander furnishes us with
-such an instance, contradicting this fallacious theory. He works
-prompted by motives of a highly complex, social and traditional nature,
-and towards aims which are certainly not directed towards the
-satisfaction of present wants, or to the direct achievement of
-utilitarian purposes. Thus, in the first place, as we have seen, work
-is not carried out on the principle of the least effort. On the
-contrary, much time and energy is spent on wholly unnecessary effort,
-that is, from a utilitarian point of view. Again, work and effort,
-instead of being merely a means to an end, are, in a way an end in
-themselves. A good garden worker in the Trobriands derives a direct
-prestige from the amount of labour he can do, and the size of garden he
-can till. The title <i lang="kij">tokwaybagula</i>, which means
-&ldquo;good&rdquo; or &ldquo;efficient gardener,&rdquo; is bestowed
-with discrimination, and borne with pride. Several of my friends,
-renowned as <i lang="kij">tokwaybagula</i>, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb61" href="#pb61" name="pb61">61</a>]</span>would
-boast to me how long they worked, how much ground they tilled, and
-would compare their efforts with those of less efficient men. When the
-labour, some of which is done communally, is being actually carried
-out, a good deal of competition goes on. Men vie with one another in
-their speed, in their thoroughness, and in the weights they can lift,
-when bringing big poles to the garden, or in carrying away the
-harvested yams.</p>
-<p>The most important point about this is, however, that all, or almost
-all the fruits of his work, and certainly any surplus which he can
-achieve by extra effort, goes not to the man himself, but to his
-relatives-in-law. Without entering into details of the system of the
-apportionment of the harvest, of which the sociology is rather complex
-and would require a preliminary account of the Trobriand kinship system
-and kinship ideas, it may be said that about three quarters of a
-man&rsquo;s crops go partly as tribute to the chief, partly as his due
-to his sister&rsquo;s (or mother&rsquo;s) husband and family.</p>
-<p>But although he thus derives practically no personal benefit in the
-utilitarian sense from his harvest, the gardener receives much praise
-and renown from its size and quality, and that in a direct and
-circumstantial manner. For all the crops, after being harvested, are
-displayed for some time afterwards in the gardens, piled up in neat,
-conical heaps under small shelters made of yam vine. Each man&rsquo;s
-harvest is thus exhibited for criticism in his own plot, and parties of
-natives walk about from garden to garden, admiring, comparing and
-praising the best results. The importance of the food display can be
-gauged by the fact that, in olden days, when the chief&rsquo;s power
-was much more considerable than now, it was dangerous for a man who was
-not either of high rank himself, or working for such a one, to show
-crops which might compare too favourably with those of the chief.</p>
-<p>In years when the harvest promises to be plentiful, the chief will
-proclaim a <i lang="kij">kayasa</i> harvest, that is to say,
-ceremonial, competitive display of food, and then the straining for
-good results and the interest taken in them are still higher. We shall
-meet later on with ceremonial enterprises of the <i lang=
-"kij">kayasa</i> type, and find that they play a considerable part in
-the Kula. All this shows how entirely the real native of flesh and bone
-differs from the shadowy Primitive Economic Man, on whose imaginary
-behaviour many of the scholastic deductions of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb62" href="#pb62" name="pb62">62</a>]</span>abstract
-economics are based.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3041src" href=
-"#xd26e3041" name="xd26e3041src">3</a> The Trobriander works in a
-roundabout way, to a large extent for the sake of the work itself, and
-puts a great deal of &aelig;sthetic polish on the arrangement and
-general appearance of his garden. He is not guided primarily by the
-desire to satisfy his wants, but by a very complex set of traditional
-forces, duties and obligations, beliefs in magic, social ambitions and
-vanities. He wants, if he is a <i>man</i>, to achieve social
-distinction as a <i>good gardener</i> and a good worker in general.</p>
-<p>I have dwelt at this length upon these points concerning the motives
-and aims of the Trobrianders in their garden work, because, in the
-chapters that follow, we shall be studying economic activities, and the
-reader will grasp the attitude of the natives best if he has it
-illustrated to him by various examples. All that has been said in this
-matter about the Trobrianders applies also to the neighbouring
-tribes.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">With the help of this new insight gained into the mind
-of the native, and into their social scheme of harvest distribution, it
-will be easier to describe the nature of the chief&rsquo;s authority.
-Chieftainship in the Trobriands is the combination of two institutions:
-first, that of headmanship, or village authority; secondly, that of
-totemic clanship, that is the division of the community into classes or
-castes, each with a certain more or less definite rank.</p>
-<p>In every community in the Trobriands, there is one man who wields
-the greatest authority, though often this does not amount to very much.
-He is, in many cases, nothing more than the <i lang="la">Primus inter
-pares</i> in a group of village elders, who deliberate on all important
-matters together, and arrive at a decision by common consent. It must
-not be forgotten that there is hardly ever much room for doubt or
-deliberation, as natives communally, as well as individually, never act
-except on traditional and conventional lines. This village headman is,
-as a rule, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb63" href="#pb63" name=
-"pb63">63</a>]</span>therefore, not much more than a master of tribal
-ceremonies, and the main speaker within and without the tribe, whenever
-one is needed.</p>
-<p>But the position of headman becomes much more than this, when he is
-a person of high rank, which is by no means always the case. In the
-Trobriands there exist four totemic clans, and each of these is divided
-into a number of smaller sub-clans,&mdash;which could also be called
-families or castes, for the members of each claim common descent from
-one ancestress, and each of them holds a certain, specified rank. These
-sub-clans have also a local character, because the original ancestress
-emerged from a hole in the ground, as a rule somewhere in the
-neighbourhood of their village community. There is not one sub-clan in
-the Trobriands whose members cannot indicate its original locality,
-where their group, in the form of the ancestress, first saw the light
-of the sun. Coral outcrops, water-holes, small caves or grottoes, are
-generally pointed out as the original &ldquo;holes&rdquo; or
-&ldquo;houses,&rdquo; as they are called. Often such a hole is
-surrounded by one of the tabooed clumps of trees alluded to before.
-Many of them are situated in the groves surrounding a village, and a
-few near the sea shore. Not one is on the cultivable land.</p>
-<p>The highest sub-clan is that of the Tabalu, belonging to the Malasi
-totem clan. To this sub-clan belongs the main chief of Kiriwina,
-To&rsquo;uluwa, who resides in the village of Omarakana (see <a href=
-"#pl02">Plate II</a> and <a href="#pl00">Frontispiece</a>). He is in
-the first place the headman of his own village, and in contrast to the
-headmen of low rank, he has quite a considerable amount of power. His
-high rank inspires everyone about him with the greatest and most
-genuine respect and awe, and the remnants of his power are still
-surprisingly large, even now, when white authorities, very foolishly
-and with fatal results, do their utmost to undermine his prestige and
-influence.</p>
-<p>Not only does the chief&mdash;by which word I shall designate a
-headman of rank&mdash;possess a high degree of authority within his own
-village, but his sphere of influence extends far beyond it. A number of
-villages are tributary to him, and in several respects subject to his
-authority. In case of war, they are his allies, and have to foregather
-in his village. When he needs men to perform some task, he can send to
-his subject villages, and they will supply him with workers. In all big
-festivities <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb64" href="#pb64" name=
-"pb64">64</a>]</span>the villages of his district will join, and the
-chief will act as master of ceremonies. Nevertheless, for all these
-services rendered to him he has to pay. He even has to pay for any
-tributes received out of his stores of wealth. Wealth, in the
-Trobriands, is the outward sign and the substance of power, and the
-means also of exercising it. But how does he acquire his wealth? And
-here we come to the main duty of the vassal villages to the chief. From
-each subject village, he takes a wife, whose family, according to the
-Trobriand law, has to supply him with large amounts of crops. This wife
-is always the sister or some relation of the headman of the subject
-village, and thus practically the whole community has to work for him.
-In olden days, the chief of Omarakana had up to as many as forty
-consorts, and received perhaps as much as thirty to fifty per cent. of
-all the garden produce of Kiriwina. Even now, when his wives number
-only sixteen, he has enormous storehouses, and they are full to the
-roof with yams every harvest time.</p>
-<p>With this supply, he is able to pay for the many services he
-requires, to furnish with food the participants in big feasts, in
-tribal gatherings or distant expeditions. Part of the food he uses to
-acquire objects of native wealth, or to pay for the making of them. In
-brief, through his privilege of practising polygamy, the chief is kept
-supplied with an abundance of wealth in food stuffs and in valuables,
-which he uses to maintain his high position; to organise tribal
-festivities and enterprises, and to pay, according to custom, for the
-many personal services to which he is entitled.</p>
-<p>One point in connection with the chief&rsquo;s authority deserves
-special mention. Power implies not only the possibility of rewarding,
-but also the means of punishing. This in the Trobriands is as a rule
-done indirectly, by means of sorcery. The chief has the best sorcerers
-of the district always at his beck and call. Of course he also has to
-reward them when they do him a service. If anyone offends him, or
-trespasses upon his authority, the chief summons the sorcerer, and
-orders that the culprit shall die by black magic. And here the chief is
-powerfully helped in achieving his end by the fact that he can do this
-openly, so that everybody, and the victim himself knows that a sorcerer
-is after him. As the natives are very deeply and genuinely afraid of
-sorcery, the feeling of being <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb65" href=
-"#pb65" name="pb65">65</a>]</span>hunted, of imagining themselves
-doomed, is in itself enough to doom them in reality. Only in extreme
-cases, does a chief inflict direct punishment on a culprit. He has one
-or two hereditary henchmen, whose duty it is to kill the man who has so
-deeply offended him, that actual death is the only sufficient
-punishment. As a matter of fact, very few cases of this are on record,
-and it is now, of course, entirely in abeyance.</p>
-<p>Thus the chief&rsquo;s position can be grasped only through the
-realisation of the high importance of wealth, of the necessity of
-paying for everything, even for services which are due to him, and
-which could not be withheld. Again, this wealth comes to the chief from
-his relations-in-law, and it is through his right to practise polygamy
-that he actually achieves his position, and exercises his power.</p>
-<p>Side by side with this rather complex mechanism of authority, the
-prestige of rank, the direct recognition of his personal superiority,
-give the chief an immense power, even outside his district. Except for
-the few of his own rank, no native in the Trobriands will remain erect
-when the great chief of Omarakana approaches, even in these days of
-tribal disintegration. Wherever he goes, he is considered as the most
-important person, is seated on a high platform, and treated with
-consideration. Of course the fact that he is accorded marks of great
-deference, and approached in the manner as if he were a supreme despot,
-does not mean that perfect good fellowship and sociability do not reign
-in his personal relations with his companions and vassals. There is no
-difference in interests or outlook between him and his subjects. They
-sit together and chat, they exchange village gossip, the only
-difference being that the chief is always on his guard, and much more
-reticent and diplomatic than the other, though he is no less
-interested. The chief, unless he is too old, joins in dances and even
-in games, and indeed he takes precedence as a matter of course.</p>
-<p>In trying to realise the social conditions among the Trobrianders
-and their neighbours, it must not be forgotten that their social
-organisation is in certain respects complex and ill-defined. Besides
-very definite laws which are strictly obeyed, there exist a number of
-quaint usages, of vague graduations in rules, of others where the
-exceptions are so many, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb66" href=
-"#pb66" name="pb66">66</a>]</span>that they rather obliterate the rule
-than confirm it. The narrow social outlook of the native who does not
-see beyond his own district, the prevalence of singularities and
-exceptional cases is one of the leading characteristics of native
-sociology, one which for many reasons has not been sufficiently
-recognised. But the main outlines of chieftainship here presented, will
-be enough to give a clear idea of it and of some of the flavour of
-their institutions, as much, in fact, as is necessary, in order to
-understand the chief&rsquo;s r&ocirc;le in the Kula. But it must to a
-certain extent be supplemented by the concrete data, bearing upon the
-political divisions of the Trobriands.</p>
-<p>The most important chief is, as said, the one who resides in
-Omarakana and rules Kiriwina, agriculturally the richest and most
-important district. His family, or sub-clan, the Tabalu, are
-acknowledged to have by far the highest rank in all the Archipelago.
-Their fame is spread over the whole Kula district; the entire province
-of Kiriwina derives prestige from its chief, and its inhabitants also
-keep all his personal taboos, which is a duty but also a distinction.
-Next to the high chief, there resides in a village some two miles
-distant, a personage who, though in several respects his vassal, is
-also his main foe and rival, the headman of Kabwaku, and ruler of the
-province of Tilataula. The present holder of this title is an old rogue
-named Moliasi. From time to time, in the old days, war used to break
-out between the two provinces, each of which could muster some twelve
-villages for the fight. These wars were never very bloody or of long
-duration, and they were in many ways fought in a competitive, sporting
-manner, since, unlike with the Dobuans and Southern Massim, there were
-neither head-hunting nor cannibalistic practices among the Boyowans.
-Nevertheless, defeat was a serious matter. It meant a temporary
-destruction of the loser&rsquo;s villages, and exile for a year or two.
-After that, a ceremony of reconciliation took place, and friend and foe
-would help to rebuild the villages.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3096src"
-href="#xd26e3096" name="xd26e3096src">4</a> The ruler of Tilataula has
-an intermediate rank, and outside his district he does not enjoy much
-prestige; but within it, he has a considerable amount of power, and a
-good <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb67" href="#pb67" name=
-"pb67">67</a>]</span>deal of wealth, in the shape of stored food and
-ceremonial articles. All the villages under his rule, have, of course,
-their own independent headman, who, being of low rank, have only a
-small degree of local authority.</p>
-<p>In the West of the big, Northern half of Boyowa (that is of the main
-island of the Trobriand Group) are again two districts, in past times
-often at war with one another. One of them, Kuboma, subject to the
-chief of Gumilababa, of high rank, though inferior to the chief of
-Kiriwina, consists of some ten inland villages, and is very important
-as a centre of industry. Among these villages are included those of
-Yalaka, Buduwaylaka, Kudukwaykela, where the quicklime is prepared for
-betel chewing, and also the lime pots made. The highly artistic
-designs, burnt in on the lime pots, are the speciality of these
-villagers, but unfortunately the industry is fast decaying. The
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e3106" title=
-"Source: inhabitabts">inhabitants</span> of Luya are renowned for their
-basket work, of which the finest specimens are their production. But
-the most remarkable of all is the village of Bwoytalu, whose
-inhabitants are at the same time the most despised pariahs, the most
-dreaded sorcerers, and the most skilful and industrious craftsmen in
-the island. They belong to several sub-clans, all originating in the
-neighbourhood of the village, near which also, according to tradition,
-the original sorcerer came out of the soil in the form of a crab. They
-eat the flesh of bush-pigs, and they catch and eat the stingaree, both
-objects of strict taboos and of genuine loathing to the other
-inhabitants of Northern Boyowa. For this reason they are despised and
-regarded as unclean by the others. In olden days they would have to
-crouch lower and more abjectly than anyone else. No man or woman would
-mate with anyone from Bwoytalu, whether in marriage or in an intrigue.
-Yet in wood carving, and especially in the working out of the
-wonderful, round dishes, in the manufacture of plaited fibre work, and
-in the production of combs, they are far more skilful than anyone else,
-and acknowledged to be such; they are the wholesale manufacturers of
-these objects for export, and they can produce work not to be rivalled
-by any other village.</p>
-<p>The five villages lying on the western coast of the northern half,
-on the shores of the Lagoon, form the district of Kulumata. They are
-all fishing villages, but differ in their methods, and each has its own
-fishing grounds and its own methods of <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb68" href="#pb68" name="pb68">68</a>]</span>exploiting them.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e3113src" href="#xd26e3113" name="xd26e3113src">5</a>
-The district is much less homogeneous than any of those before
-mentioned. It <span class="corr" id="xd26e3119" title=
-"Source: posesses">possesses</span> no paramount chief, and even in war
-the villagers used not to fight on the same side. But it is impossible
-to enter here into all these shades and singularities of political
-organisation.</p>
-<p>In the southern part of Boyowa, there is first the province of Luba,
-occupying the waist of the island, the part where it narrows down to a
-long isthmus. This part is ruled by a chief of high rank, who resides
-in Olivilevi. He belongs to the same family as the chief of Omarakana,
-and this southern dominion is the result of a younger line&rsquo;s
-having branched off some three generations ago. This happened after an
-unsuccessful war, when the whole tribe of Kiriwina fled south to Luba,
-and lived there for two years in a temporary village. The main body
-returned afterwards, but a number remained behind with the
-chief&rsquo;s brother, and thus the village of Olivilevi was founded.
-Wawela, which was formerly a very big village, now consists of hardly
-more than twenty huts. The only one on the Eastern shore which lies
-right on the sea, it is very picturesquely situated, overlooking a wide
-bay with a clean beach. It is of importance as the traditional centre
-of astronomical knowledge. From here, for generation after generation
-up to the present day, the calendar of the natives has been regulated.
-This means that some of the most important dates are fixed, especially
-that of the great annual festival, the <i lang="kij">Milamala</i>,
-always held at full moon. Again, Wawela is one of the villages where
-the second form of sorcery, that of the flying witches, has its main
-Trobriand home. In fact, according to native belief, this form of
-sorcery has its seat only in the Southern half, and is unknown to the
-women in the North, though the Southern witches extend their field of
-operations all over Boyowa. Wawela, which lies facing the East, and
-which is always in close touch with the villages of Kitava and the rest
-of the Marshall Bennetts, shares with these islands the reputation of
-harbouring many women who can fly, kill by magic, who also feed on
-corpses, and are especially dangerous to seamen in peril.</p>
-<p>Further down to the South, on the Western shore of the Lagoon, we
-come to the big settlement of Sinaketa, consisting of some six villages
-lying within a few hundred yards from one <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb69" href="#pb69" name="pb69">69</a>]</span>another, but each having
-its own headman and a certain amount of local characteristics. These
-villages form, however, one community for purposes of war and of the
-Kula. Some of the local headmen of Sinaketa claim the highest rank,
-some are commoners; but on the whole, both the principle of rank and
-the power of the chief break down more and more as we move South.
-Beyond Sinaketa, we meet a few more villages, who practice a local
-Kula, and with whom we shall have to deal later on. Sinaketa itself
-will loom very largely in the descriptions that follow. The Southern
-part of the island is sometimes called Kaybwagina, but it does not
-constitute a definite political unit, like the Northern districts.</p>
-<p>Finally, south of the main island, divided from it by a narrow
-channel, lies the half-moon-shaped island of Vakuta, to which belong
-four small villages and one big one. Within recent times, perhaps four
-to six generations ago, there came down and settled in this last
-mentioned one a branch of the real Tabalu, the chiefly family of
-highest rank. But their power here never assumed the proportions even
-of the small chiefs of Sinaketa. In Vakuta, the typical
-Papuo-Melanesian system of government by tribal elders&mdash;with one
-more prominent than the others, but not paramount&mdash;is in full
-vigour.</p>
-<p>The two big settlements of Sinaketa and Vakuta play a great part in
-the Kula, and they also are the only two communities in the whole
-Trobriands where the red shell discs are made. This industry, as we
-shall see, is closely associated with the Kula. Politically, Sinaketa
-and Vakuta are rivals, and in olden days were periodically at war with
-one another.</p>
-<p>Another district which forms a definite political and cultural unit
-is the large island of Kayleula, in the West. The inhabitants are
-fishermen, canoe-builders, and traders, and undertake big expeditions
-to the western d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux islands, trading for <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e3137" title="Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span>, sago,
-pottery and turtle shell in exchange for their own industrial
-produce.</p>
-<p>It has been necessary to give a somewhat detailed description of
-chieftainship and political divisions, as a firm grasp of the main,
-political institutions is essential to the understanding of the Kula.
-All departments of tribal life, religion, magic, economics are
-interwoven, but the <i>social organisation</i> of the tribe lies at the
-foundation of everything else. Thus it is <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb70" href="#pb70" name="pb70">70</a>]</span>essential to bear in mind
-that the Trobriands form one cultural unit, speaking the same language,
-having the same institutions, obeying the same laws and regulations,
-swayed by the same beliefs and conventions. The districts just
-enumerated, into which the Trobriands are <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e3147" title="Source: subdivided">sub-divided</span>, are distinct
-politically and not culturally; that is, each of them comprises the
-same kind of natives, only obeying or at least acknowledging their own
-chief, having their own interests and pursuits, and in case of war each
-fighting their own fight.</p>
-<p>Again, within each district, the several village communities have
-each a great deal of independence. A village community is represented
-by a headman, its members make their gardens in one block and under the
-guidance of their own garden magician; they carry on their own feasts
-and ceremonial arrangements, mourn their dead in common, and perform,
-in remembrance of their departed ones, an endless series of food
-distributions. In all big affairs, whether of the district or of the
-tribe, members of a village community keep together, and act in one
-group.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Right across the political and local divisions cut the
-totemic clans, each having a series of linked totems, with a bird as
-principal one.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3157src" href="#xd26e3157"
-name="xd26e3157src">6</a> The members of these four clans are scattered
-over the whole tribe of Boyowa, and in each village community, members
-of all four are to be found, and even in every house, there are at
-least two classes represented, since a husband must be of a different
-clan from his wife and children. There is a certain amount of
-solidarity within the clan, based on the very vague feeling of communal
-affinity to the totem birds and animals, but much more on the many
-social duties, such as the performance of certain ceremonies,
-especially the mortuary ones, which band the members of a clan
-together. But real solidarity obtains only between members of a
-sub-clan. A sub-clan is a local division of a clan, whose members claim
-common ancestry, and hence real identity of bodily substance, and also
-are attached to the locality where their ancestors emerged. It is to
-these sub-clans that the idea of a definite <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb71" href="#pb71" name="pb71">71</a>]</span>rank
-attaches. One of the totemic clans, the Malasi, includes the most
-aristocratic sub-clan, the Tabalu, as well as the lowest one, the local
-division of the Malasi in Bwoytalu. A chief of the Tabalu feels very
-insulted if it is ever hinted that he is akin to one of the
-stingaree-eaters of the unclean village, although they are Malasi like
-himself. The principle of rank attached to totemic divisions is to be
-met only in Trobriand sociology; it is entirely foreign to all the
-other Papuo-Melanesian tribes.</p>
-<p>As regards kinship, the main thing to be remembered is that the
-natives are matrilineal, and that the succession of rank, membership in
-all the social groups, and the inheritance of possessions descend in
-the maternal line. The mother&rsquo;s brother is considered the real
-guardian of a boy, and there is a series of mutual duties and
-obligations, which establish a very close and important relation
-between the two. The real kinship, the real identity of substance is
-considered to exist only between a man and his mother&rsquo;s
-relations. In the first rank of these, his brothers and sisters are
-specially near to him. For his sister or sisters he has to work as soon
-as they are grown up and married. But, in spite of that, a most
-rigorous taboo exists between them, beginning quite early in life. No
-man would joke and talk freely in the presence of his sister, or even
-look at her. The slightest allusion to the sexual affairs, whether
-illicit or matrimonial, of a brother or sister in the presence of the
-other, is the deadliest insult and mortification. When a man approaches
-a group of people where his sister is talking, either she withdraws or
-he turns away.</p>
-<p>The father&rsquo;s relation to his children is remarkable.
-Physiological fatherhood<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3166src" href=
-"#xd26e3166" name="xd26e3166src">7</a> is unknown, and no tie of
-kinship or relationship is supposed to exist between father and child,
-except that between a mother&rsquo;s husband and the wife&rsquo;s
-child. Nevertheless, the father is by far the nearest and most
-affectionate friend of his children. In ever so many cases, I could
-observe that when a child, a young boy or girl, was in trouble or sick;
-when there was a question of some one exposing himself to difficulties
-or danger for the child&rsquo;s sake, it was <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb72" href="#pb72" name="pb72">72</a>]</span>always
-the father who worried, who would undergo all the hardships needed, and
-never the maternal uncle. This state of things is quite clearly
-recognised, and explicitly put into words by the natives. In matters of
-inheritance and handing over of possessions, a man always shows the
-tendency to do as much for his children as he is able, considering his
-obligations to his sister&rsquo;s family.</p>
-<div class="figure pl15width" id="pl15">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl15width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl15.jpg" alt="A Family Group" width="720" height=
-"406">
-<p class="figureHead">A Family Group</p>
-<p>Tokuulubakiki of Omarakana, with his mother, wife and children. (See
-<a href="#div2.3">Div. III</a>) Note the storehouse, with yams showing
-through the interstices.</p>
-</div>
-<p>It is difficult, in one phrase or two, to epitomise the distinction
-between the two relations, that between a boy and his maternal uncle,
-and that between a son and a father. The best way to put it shortly
-might be by saying that the maternal uncle&rsquo;s position of close
-relation is regarded as right by law and usage, whereas the
-father&rsquo;s interest and affection for his children are due to
-sentiment, and to the intimate personal relations existing between
-them. He has watched the children grow up, he has assisted the mother
-in many of the small and tender cares given to an infant, he has
-carried the child about, and given it such education as it gets from
-watching the elder ones at work, and gradually joining in. In matters
-of inheritance, the father gives the children all that he can, and
-gives it freely and with pleasure; the maternal uncle gives under the
-compulsion of custom what he cannot withhold and keep for his own
-children.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A few more words must be said about some of the
-magico-religious ideas of the Trobrianders. The main thing that struck
-me in connection with their belief in the spirits of the dead, was that
-they are almost completely devoid of any fear of ghosts, of any of
-these uncanny feelings with which we face the idea of a possible return
-of the dead. All the fears and dreads of the natives are reserved for
-black magic, flying witches, malevolent disease-bringing beings, but
-above all for sorcerers and witches. The spirits migrate immediately
-after death to the island of Tuma, lying in the North-West of Boyowa,
-and there they exist for another span of time, underground, say some,
-on the surface of the earth, though invisible, say others. They return
-to visit their own villages once a year, and take part in the big
-annual feast, <i lang="kij">milamala</i>, where they receive offerings.
-Sometimes, at this season, they show themselves to the living, who are,
-however, not alarmed by it, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb73" href=
-"#pb73" name="pb73">73</a>]</span>and in general the spirits do not
-influence human beings very much, for better or worse.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e3198src" href="#xd26e3198" name="xd26e3198src">8</a>
-In a number of magical formul&aelig;, there is an invocation of
-ancestral spirits, and they receive offerings in several rites. But
-there is nothing of the mutual interaction, of the intimate
-collaboration between man and spirit which are the essence of religious
-cult.</p>
-<p>On the other hand, magic, the attempt of man to govern the forces of
-nature directly, by means of a special lore, is all-pervading, and
-all-important in the Trobriands.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3203src"
-href="#xd26e3203" name="xd26e3203src">9</a> Sorcery and garden magic
-have already been mentioned. Here it must suffice to add, that
-everything that vitally affects the native is accompanied by magic. All
-economic activities have their magic; love, welfare of babies, talents
-and crafts, beauty and agility&mdash;all can be fostered or frustrated
-by magic. In dealing with the Kula&mdash;a pursuit of immense
-importance to the natives, and playing on almost all their social
-passions and ambitions&mdash;we shall meet with another system of
-magic, and we shall have then to go more into detail about the subject
-in general.</p>
-<p>Disease, health, or death are also the result of magic or
-counter-magic. The Trobrianders have a very complex and very definite
-set of theoretical views on these matters. Good health is primarily of
-course the natural, normal state. Minor ills may be contracted by
-exposure, over-eating, over-strain, bad food, or other ordinary causes.
-Such ailments never last, and have never any really bad effects, nor
-are they of immediate danger. But, if a man sickens for any length of
-time, and his strength seems to be really sapped, then the evil forces
-are at work. By far the most prevalent form of black magic, is that of
-the <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>, that is the black sorcerer, of
-whom there are a number in each district. Usually even in each village
-there are one or two men more or less dreaded as <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>. To be one does not require any special
-initiation except the knowledge of the spells. To learn
-these&mdash;that is, to learn them in such a manner as to become an
-acknowledged <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb74" href="#pb74" name=
-"pb74">74</a>]</span><i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>&mdash;can only be
-done by means of high payment, or in exceptional circumstances. Thus, a
-father will often &ldquo;give&rdquo; his sorcery to his son, always,
-however, without payment; or a commoner will teach it to a man of rank,
-or a man to his sister&rsquo;s son. In these two latter cases a very
-high payment would have to be given. It is important as a
-characteristic of the kinship conditions of this people, that a man
-receives sorcery gratis from his father, who according to the
-traditional kinship system is no blood-relation, whereas he has to pay
-for it to his maternal uncle, whose natural heir he is.</p>
-<p>When a man has acquired the black art, he applies it to a first
-victim, and this has always to be some one of his own family. It is a
-firm and definite belief among all the natives that if a man&rsquo;s
-sorcery has to be any good, it must first be practised on his mother or
-sister, or any of his maternal kindred. Such a matricidal act makes him
-a genuine <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>. His art then can be
-practised on others, and becomes an established source of income.</p>
-<p>The beliefs about sorcery are complex; they differ according as to
-whether taken from a real sorcerer, or from an outsider; and there are
-also evidently strata of belief, due perhaps to local variation,
-perhaps to superimposed versions. Here a short summary must
-suffice.</p>
-<p>When a sorcerer wants to attack someone, the first step is to cast a
-light spell over his habitual haunts, a spell which will affect him
-with a slight illness and compel him to keep to his bed in his house,
-where he will try to cure himself by lying over a small fire and
-warming his body. His first ailment, called <i lang=
-"kij">kaynagola</i>, comprises pains in the body, such as (speaking
-from our point of view) would be brought about by rheumatism, general
-cold, influenza, or any incipient disease. When the victim is in bed,
-with a fire burning under him, and also, as a rule, one in the middle
-of the hut, the <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> stealthily approaches
-the house. He is accompanied by a few nightbirds, owls and night-jars,
-which keep guard over him, and he is surrounded by a halo of legendary
-terrors which make all natives shiver at the idea of meeting a sorcerer
-on such a nocturnal visit. He then tries to insert through the thatch
-wall a bunch of herbs impregnated with some deadly charm and tied to a
-long stick, and these he attempts to thrust into the fire over which
-the sick man is lying. If he succeeds, the fumes <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb75" href="#pb75" name="pb75">75</a>]</span>of the
-burnt leaves will be inhaled by the victim, whose name has been uttered
-in the charm, and he will be seized by one or other of the deadly
-diseases of which the natives have a long list, with a definite
-symptomatology, as well as a magical etiology. Thus the preliminary
-sorcery was necessary, in order to keep the victim to his house, in
-which spot only can the mortal magic be performed.</p>
-<p>Of course, the sick man is on the defensive as well. First of all,
-his friends and relatives&mdash;this is one of the main duties of the
-wife&rsquo;s brothers&mdash;will keep a close watch over him, sitting
-with spears round the hut, and at all approaches to it. Often have I
-come across such vigils, when walking late at night through some
-village. Then, the services of some rival <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> are invoked (for the art of killing and curing
-is always in the same hand), and he utters counter-spells, so that at
-times the efforts of the first sorcerer, even should he succeed in
-burning the herbs according to the dreaded <i lang="kij">toginivayu</i>
-rite, are fruitless.</p>
-<p>Should this be so, he resorts to the final and most fatal rite, that
-of the pointing-bone. Uttering powerful spells, the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> and one or two accomplices, boil some coco-nut
-oil in a small pot, far away in a dense patch of jungle. Leaves of
-herbs are soaked in the oil, and then wrapped round a sharp stingaree
-spine, or some similar pointed object, and the final incantation, most
-deadly of all, is chanted over it. Then the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> steals towards the village, catches sight of
-his victim, and hiding himself behind a shrub or house, points the
-magical dagger at him. In fact, he violently and viciously turns it
-round in the air, as if to stab the victim, and to twist and wrench the
-point in the wound. This, if carried out properly, and not counteracted
-by a still more powerful magician, will never fail to kill a man.</p>
-<p>I have here summarised the bare outlines of the successive
-application of black magic as it is believed by sorcerer and outsider
-alike to be done, and to act in producing disease and death. There can
-be no doubt that the acts of sorcery are really carried out by those
-who believe themselves to possess the black powers. It is equally
-certain that the nervous strain of knowing one&rsquo;s life to be
-threatened by a <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> is very great, and
-probably it is much worse when a man knows that behind the sorcerer
-stands the might of the chief, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb76"
-href="#pb76" name="pb76">76</a>]</span>and this apprehension certainly
-contributes powerfully towards the success of black magic. On the other
-hand, a chief, if attacked, would have a good guard to protect him, and
-the most powerful wizards to back him up, and also the authority to
-deal directly with anyone suspected of plotting against him. Thus
-sorcery, which is one of the means of carrying on the established
-order, is in its turn strengthened by it.</p>
-<p>If we remember that, as in all belief in the miraculous and
-supernatural, so also here, there is the loophole of counterforces, and
-of the sorcery being incorrectly or inefficiently applied, spoilt by
-broken taboos, mispronounced spells, or what not; again, that
-suggestion strongly influences the victim, and undermines his natural
-resistance; further that all disease is invariably traced back to some
-sorcerer or other, who, whether it is true or not, often frankly admits
-his responsibility in order to enhance his reputation, there is then no
-difficulty in understanding why the belief in black magic flourishes,
-why no empirical evidence can ever dispel it, and why the sorcerer no
-less than the victim, has confidence in his own powers. At least, the
-difficulty is the same as in explaining many contemporary examples of
-results achieved by miracles and faith healing, such as Christian
-Science or Lourdes, or in any cure by prayers and devotion.</p>
-<p>Although by far the most important of them all, the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> is only one among the beings who can cause
-disease and death. The often-mentioned flying-witches, who come always
-from the Southern half of the island, or from the East, from the
-islands of Kitava, Iwa, Gava, or Murua, are even more deadly. All very
-rapid and violent diseases, more especially such as show no direct,
-perceptible symptoms, are attributed to the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>, as they are called. Invisible, they fly through
-the air, and perch on trees, house-tops, and other high places. From
-there, they pounce upon a man or woman and remove and hide &ldquo;the
-inside,&rdquo; that is, the lungs, heart and guts, or the brains and
-tongue. Such a victim will die within a day or two, unless another
-witch, called for the purpose and well paid, goes in search and
-restores the missing &ldquo;inside.&rdquo; Of course, sometimes it is
-too late to do it, as the meal has been eaten in the meantime! Then the
-victim must die.</p>
-<p>Another powerful agency of death consists of the <i lang=
-"kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>, non-human though anthropomorphic beings, who
-cause all <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb77" href="#pb77" name=
-"pb77">77</a>]</span>epidemic disease. When, at the end of the rainy
-season the new and unripe yams have come in, and dysentery rages,
-decimating the villages; or, when in hot and damp years an infectious
-disease passes over the district, taking heavy toll, this means that
-the <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> have come from the South, and that,
-invisible, they march through the villages, rattling their lime gourds,
-and with their sword-clubs or sticks hitting their victims, who
-immediately sicken and die. The <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> can, at
-will, assume the shape of man or reptile. He appears then as a snake,
-or crab, or lizard, and you recognise him at once, for he will not run
-away from you, and he has as a rule a patch of some gaudy colour on his
-skin. It would be a fatal thing to kill such a reptile. On the
-contrary, it has to be taken up cautiously and treated as a chief; that
-is to say, it is placed on a high platform, and some of the valuable
-tokens of wealth&mdash;a polished green stone blade, or a pair of
-arm-shells, or a necklace of spondylus shell beads must be put before
-it as an offering.</p>
-<p>It is very interesting to note that the <i lang=
-"kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> are believed to come from the Northern coast of
-Normanby Island, from the district of Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, and more
-especially from a place called Sewatupa. This is the very place where,
-according to Dobuan belief and myth, their sorcery originated. Thus,
-what to the local tribes of the originating place is ordinary sorcery,
-practised by men, becomes, when looked at from a great distance, and
-from an alien tribe, a non-human agency, endowed with such super-normal
-powers as changing of shape, invisibility, and a direct, infallible
-method of inflicting death.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> have sometimes sexual
-intercourse with women; several present cases are on record, and such
-women who have a <span class="corr" id="xd26e3298" title=
-"Source: familar">familiar</span> <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>
-become dangerous witches, though how they practise their witchcraft is
-not quite clear to the natives.</p>
-<p>A much less dangerous being is the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, a
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e3309" title=
-"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>, living in trees and rocks,
-stealing crops from the field and from the yam-houses, and inflicting
-slight ailments. Some men in the past have acquired the knowledge of
-how to do this from the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, and have handed it on
-to their descendants.</p>
-<p>So we see that, except for the very light ailments which pass
-quickly and easily, all disease is attributed to sorcery. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb78" href="#pb78" name="pb78">78</a>]</span>Even
-accidents are not believed to happen without cause. That this is the
-case also with drowning, we shall learn more in detail, when we have to
-follow the Trobrianders in their dangerous sea-trips. Natural death,
-caused by old age, is admittedly possible, but when I asked in several
-concrete cases, in which age was obviously the cause, why such and such
-a man died, I was always told that a <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>
-was at the back of it. Only suicide and death in battle have a
-different place in the mind of the natives, and this is also confirmed
-by the belief that people killed in war, those that commit suicide, and
-those who are bewitched to death have, each class, their own way to the
-other world.</p>
-<p>This sketch of Trobriand tribal life, belief and customs must
-suffice, and we shall still have opportunities of enlarging upon these
-subjects that most matter to us for the present study.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div2.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VIII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Two more districts remain to be mentioned, through
-which the Kula trade passes on its circuit, before it returns to the
-place from where we started. One of them is the Eastern portion of the
-Northern Massim, comprising the Marshall Bennett Islands (Kitava, Iwa,
-Gawa, Kwayawata), and Woodlark Island (Murua), with the small group of
-Nada Islands<span class="corr" id="xd26e3329" title=
-"Not in source">.</span> The other district is that of St. Aignan
-Island, called by the natives Masima, or Misima, with the smaller
-island Panayati.</p>
-<p>Looking from the rocky shores of Boyowa, at its narrowest point, we
-can see over the white breakers on the fringing reef and over the sea,
-here always blue and limpid, the silhouette of a flat-topped, low rock,
-almost due East. This is Kitava. To the Trobrianders of the Eastern
-districts, this island and those behind it are the promised land of the
-Kula, just as Dobu is to the natives of Southern Boyowa. But here,
-unlike in the South, they have to deal with tribesmen who speak their
-own language, with dialectic differences only, and who have very much
-the same institutions and customs. In fact, the nearest island, Kitava,
-differs only very little from the Trobriands. Although the more distant
-islands, especially Murua, have a slightly different form of totemism,
-with hardly any idea of rank attached to the sub-clans, and
-consequently no chieftainship in the Trobriand sense, yet their social
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb79" href="#pb79" name=
-"pb79">79</a>]</span>organisation is also much the same as in the
-Western province.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3336src" href="#xd26e3336"
-name="xd26e3336src">10</a> I know the natives only from having seen
-them very frequently and in great numbers in the Trobriands, where they
-come on Kula expeditions. In Murua, however, I spent a short time doing
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e3342" title=
-"Source: field work">field-work</span> in the village of Dikoyas. In
-appearance, dress, ornaments and manners, the natives are
-indistinguishable from the Trobrianders. Their ideas and customs in
-matters of sex, marriage, and kinship are, with variations in detail
-only, the same as in Boyowa. In beliefs and mythology, they also belong
-to the same culture.</p>
-<p>To the Trobrianders, the Eastern islands are also the chief home and
-stronghold of the dreaded <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> (flying
-witches); the land whence love magic came, originating in the island of
-Iwa; the distant shores towards which the mythical hero Tudava sailed,
-performing many feats, till he finally disappeared, no one knows where.
-The most recent version is that he most likely finished his career in
-the white man&rsquo;s country. To the Eastern islands, says native
-belief, the spirits of the dead, killed by sorcery, go round on a short
-visit not stopping there, only floating through the air like clouds,
-before they turn round to the North-West to Tuma.</p>
-<p>From these islands, many important products come to Boyowa (the
-Trobriands), but none half as important as the tough, homogeneous
-green-stone, from which all their implements were made in the past, and
-of which the ceremonial axes are made up till now. Some of these places
-are renowned for their yam gardens, especially Kitava, and it is
-recognised that the best carving in black ebony comes from there. The
-most important point of difference between the natives of this district
-and the Trobrianders, lies in the method of mortuary distributions, to
-which subject we shall have to return in a later part of the book, as
-it is closely connected with Kula.</p>
-<p>From Murua (Woodlark Island) the Kula track curves over to the South
-in two different branches, one direct to Tubetube, and the other to
-Misima, and thence to Tubetube and Wari. The district of Misima is
-almost entirely unknown to me&mdash;I have only spoken once or twice
-with natives of this island, and there is not, to my knowledge, any
-reliable published <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb80" href="#pb80"
-name="pb80">80</a>]</span>information about that district, so we shall
-have to pass it over with a very few words. This is, however, not so
-alarming, because it is certain, even from the little I know about
-them, that the natives do not essentially differ from the other Massim.
-They are totemic and matrilineal; there is no chieftainship, and the
-form of authority is the same as in the Southern Massim. Their
-sorcerers and witches resemble those of the Southern Massim and
-Dobuans. In industries, they specialise in canoe-building, and in the
-small island of Panayati produce the same type of craft as the natives
-of Gawa and Woodlark Island, slightly different only from the Trobriand
-canoe. In the island of Misima, a very big supply of areca (betel) nut
-is produced, as there is a custom of planting a number of these nuts
-after a man&rsquo;s death.</p>
-<p>The small islands of Tubetube and Wari, which form the final link of
-the Kula, lie already within the district of the Southern Massim. In
-fact, the island of Tubetube is one of the places studied in detail by
-Professor Seligman, and its ethnographical description is one of three
-parallel monographs which form the division of the Southern Massim in
-the treatise so often quoted.</p>
-<p>Finally, I want to point out again that the descriptions of the
-various Kula districts given in this and in the previous chapter,
-though accurate in every detail, are not meant to be an exhaustive
-ethnographic sketch of the tribes. They have been given with a few
-light touches in order to produce a vivid and so-to-speak personal
-impression of the various type of natives, and countries and of
-cultures. If I have succeeded in giving a physiognomy to each of the
-various tribes, to the Trobrianders, to the Amphlettans, the Dobuans,
-and the Southern Massim, and in arousing some interest in them, the
-main purpose has been achieved, and the necessary ethnographic
-background for the Kula has been supplied.</p>
-<div class="figure pl16width" id="pl16">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl16width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XVI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl16.jpg" alt="Armshells" width="720" height="517">
-<p class="figureHead">Armshells</p>
-<p>This shows the several varieties, differing in size and finish. (See
-<a href="#div2.1">Div. I</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl17width" id="pl17">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl17width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XVII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl17.jpg" alt="Two Men Wearing Armshells" width="720"
-height="409">
-<p class="figureHead">Two Men Wearing Armshells</p>
-<p>This illustrates the manner in which the armshells are ususally
-adorned with beads, pendants and ribbons of dried pandanus. I do not
-remember having seen more than once or twice men wearing armshells, and
-then they were in full dancing array. (See <a href="#div2.1">Div.
-I</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb81" href="#pb81" name=
-"pb81">81</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e2763" href="#xd26e2763src" name="xd26e2763">1</a></span> Already
-Dr. C. G. Seligman has noticed that there are people of an outstanding
-fine physical type among the Northern Massim, of whom the Trobrianders
-form the Western section, people who are &ldquo;generally taller (often
-very notably so) than the individuals of the short-faced, broad-nosed
-type, in whom the bridge of the nose is very low.&rdquo; Op. cit., p.
-8.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e2763src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3008" href="#xd26e3008src" name="xd26e3008">2</a></span> I have
-dealt with the subject of garden work in the Trobriands and with its
-economic importance more fully in an article entitled &ldquo;The
-Primitive Economics of the Trobriand Islanders&rdquo; in <i>The
-Economic Journal</i>, March, 1921.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e3008src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3041" href="#xd26e3041src" name="xd26e3041">3</a></span> This
-does not mean that the general economic conclusions are wrong. The
-economic nature of Man is as a rule illustrated on imaginary savages
-for didactic purposes only, and the conclusions of the authors are in
-reality based on their study of the facts of developed economics. But,
-nevertheless, quite apart from the fact that pedagogically it is a
-wrong principle to make matters look more simple by introducing a
-falsehood, it is the Ethnographer&rsquo;s duty and right to protest
-against the introduction from outside of false facts into his own field
-of study.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3041src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3096" href="#xd26e3096src" name="xd26e3096">4</a></span> Compare
-Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., pp. 663&ndash;668; also the Author,
-article on &ldquo;War and Weapons among the Trobriand Islanders,&rdquo;
-in <i>Man</i>, January, 1918.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e3096src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3113" href="#xd26e3113src" name="xd26e3113">5</a></span> Compare
-the Author&rsquo;s article on &ldquo;Fishing and Fishing Magic in the
-Trobriands,&rdquo; <i>Man</i>, June, 1918.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e3113src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3157" href="#xd26e3157src" name="xd26e3157">6</a></span> The
-discovery of the existence of &ldquo;linked&rdquo; totems, and the
-introduction of this term and conception are due to Professor C. G.
-Seligman. op. cit., pp. 9, 11; see also Index.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e3157src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3166" href="#xd26e3166src" name="xd26e3166">7</a></span> See the
-Author&rsquo;s article, &ldquo;Baloma, Spirits of the Dead,&rdquo; Part
-VII, <i>J.R.A.I.,</i> 1917, where this statement has been substantiated
-with abundant evidence. Further information obtained during another
-expedition to the Trobriands, established by an additional wealth of
-detail the complete ignorance of physiological
-fatherhood.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3166src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3198" href="#xd26e3198src" name="xd26e3198">8</a></span> See the
-Author&rsquo;s article &ldquo;Baloma, Spirits of the Dead,&rdquo;
-quoted above.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e3198src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3203" href="#xd26e3203src" name="xd26e3203">9</a></span> I am
-using the words <i>religion</i> and <i>magic</i> according to Sir James
-Frazer&rsquo;s distinction (see &ldquo;Golden Bough,&rdquo; vol. I).
-Frazer&rsquo;s definition suits the Kiriwinian facts much better than
-any other one. In fact, although I started my field work convinced that
-the theories of religion and magic expounded in the &ldquo;Golden
-Bough&rdquo; are inadequate, I was forced by all my observations in New
-Guinea to come over to Frazer&rsquo;s position.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e3203src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3336" href="#xd26e3336src" name="xd26e3336">10</a></span> Compare
-Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., the parallel description of the
-social institutions in the Trobriands, Marshall Bennetts, Woodlark
-Island and the <span class="corr" id="xd26e3338" title=
-"Source: Loughlands">Loughlans</span>, Chapters
-XLIX&ndash;LV.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e3336src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch3" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e473">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter III</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Essentials of the Kula</h2>
-<div id="div3.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Having thus described the scene, and the actors, let
-us now proceed to the performance. The Kula is a form of exchange, of
-extensive, inter-tribal character; it is carried on by communities
-inhabiting a wide ring of islands, which form a closed circuit. This
-circuit can be seen on <a href="#map5">Map V</a>, where it is
-represented by the lines joining a number of islands to the North and
-East of the East end of New Guinea. Along this route, articles of two
-kinds, and these two kinds only, are constantly travelling in opposite
-directions. In the direction of the hands of a clock, moves constantly
-one of these kinds&mdash;long necklaces of red shell, called <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i> (Plates <a href="#pl18">XVIII</a> and <a href=
-"#pl19">XIX</a>). In the opposite direction moves the other
-kind&mdash;bracelets of white shell called <i lang="kij">mwali</i>
-(Plates <a href="#pl16">XVI</a> and <a href="#pl17">XVII</a>). Each of
-these articles, as it travels in its own direction on the closed
-circuit, meets on its way articles of the other class, and is
-constantly being exchanged for them. Every movement of the Kula
-articles, every detail of the transactions is fixed and regulated by a
-set of traditional rules and conventions, and some acts of the Kula are
-accompanied by an elaborate magical ritual and public ceremonies.</p>
-<p>On every island and in every village, a more or less limited number
-of men take part in the Kula&mdash;that is to say, receive the goods,
-hold them for a short time, and then pass them on. Therefore every man
-who is in the Kula, periodically though not regularly, receives one or
-several <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (arm-shells), or a <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i> (necklace of red shell discs), and then has to hand
-it on to one of his partners, from whom he receives the opposite
-commodity in exchange. Thus no man ever keeps any of the articles for
-any length of time in his possession. One transaction does not finish
-the Kula relationship, the rule being <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb82" href="#pb82" name="pb82">82</a>]</span>&ldquo;once in the Kula,
-always in the Kula,&rdquo; and a partnership between two men is a
-permanent and lifelong affair. Again, any given <i lang="kij">mwali</i>
-or <i lang="kij">soulava</i> may always be found travelling and
-changing hands, and there is no question of its ever settling down, so
-that the principle &ldquo;once in the Kula, always in the Kula&rdquo;
-applies also to the valuables themselves.</p>
-<div class="figure map5width" id="map5"><a href=
-"images/map5h.png"><img src="images/map5.png" alt=
-"Map V&mdash;The Kula Ring." width="720" height="542"></a>
-<p class="figureHead">Map V&mdash;The Kula Ring.</p>
-</div>
-<p>The ceremonial exchange of the two articles is the main, the
-fundamental aspect of the Kula. But associated with it, and done under
-its cover, we find a great number of secondary activities and features.
-Thus, side by side with the ritual exchange of arm-shells and
-necklaces, the natives carry on ordinary trade, bartering from one
-island to another a great number of utilities, often unprocurable in
-the district to which they are imported, and indispensable there.
-Further, there are other activities, preliminary to the Kula, or
-associated with it, such as the building of sea-going canoes for the
-expeditions, certain big forms of mortuary ceremonies, and preparatory
-taboos.</p>
-<p>The Kula is thus an extremely big and complex institution, both in
-its geographical extent, and in the manifoldness of its component
-pursuits. It welds together a <span class="corr" id="xd26e3442" title=
-"Source: condiderable">considerable</span> number of tribes, and it
-embraces a vast complex of activities, interconnected, and playing into
-one another, so as to form one organic whole.</p>
-<p>Yet it must be remembered that what appears to us an extensive,
-complicated, and yet well ordered institution is the outcome of ever so
-many doings and pursuits, carried on by savages, who have no laws or
-aims or charters definitely laid down. They have no knowledge of the
-<i>total outline</i> of any of their social structure. They know their
-own motives, know the purpose of individual actions and the rules which
-apply to them, but how, out of these, the whole collective institution
-shapes, this is beyond their mental range. Not even the most
-intelligent native has any clear idea of the Kula as a big, organised
-social construction, still less of its sociological function and
-implications. If you were to ask him what the Kula is, he would answer
-by giving a few details, most likely by giving his personal experiences
-and subjective views on the Kula, but nothing approaching the
-definition just given here. Not even a partial coherent account could
-be obtained. For the integral picture does not exist in his mind; he is
-in it, and cannot see the whole from the outside. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb84" href="#pb84" name="pb84">84</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The integration of all the details observed, the achievement of a
-sociological synthesis of all the various, relevant symptoms, is the
-task of the Ethnographer. First of all, he has to find out that certain
-activities, which at first sight might appear incoherent and not
-correlated, have a meaning. He then has to find out what is constant
-and relevant in these activities, and what accidental and inessential,
-that is, to find out the laws and rules of all the transactions. Again,
-the Ethnographer has to <i>construct</i> the picture of the big
-institution, very much as the physicist constructs his theory from the
-experimental data, which always have been within reach of everybody,
-but which needed a consistent interpretation. I have touched on this
-point of method in the Introduction (Divisions <a href="#div0.5">V</a>
-and <a href="#div0.6">VI</a>), but I have repeated it here, as it is
-necessary to grasp it clearly in order not to lose the right
-perspective of conditions as they really exist among the natives.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div3.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In giving the above abstract and concise definition, I
-had to reverse the order of research, as this is done in ethnographic
-field-work, where the most generalised inferences are obtained as the
-result of long inquiries and laborious inductions. The general
-definition of the Kula will serve as a sort of plan or diagram in our
-further concrete and detailed descriptions. And this is the more
-necessary as the Kula is concerned with the exchange of wealth and
-utilities, and therefore it is an economic institution, and there is no
-other aspect of primitive life where our knowledge is more scanty and
-our understanding more superficial than in Economics. Hence
-misconception is rampant, and it is necessary to clear the ground when
-approaching any economic subject.</p>
-<p>Thus in the Introduction we called the Kula a &ldquo;form of
-trade,&rdquo; and we ranged it alongside other systems of barter. This
-is quite correct, if we give the word &ldquo;<i>trade</i>&rdquo; a
-sufficiently wide interpretation, and mean by it any exchange of goods.
-But the word &ldquo;trade&rdquo; is used in current Ethnography and
-economic literature with so many different implications that a whole
-lot of misleading, preconceived ideas have to be brushed aside in order
-to grasp the facts correctly. Thus the aprioric current notion of
-primitive trade would be that of an exchange of indispensable or useful
-articles, done without much ceremony <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb85" href="#pb85" name="pb85">85</a>]</span>or regulation, under
-stress of dearth or need, in spasmodic, irregular intervals&mdash;and
-this done either by direct barter, everyone looking out sharply not to
-be done out of his due, or, if the savages were too timid and
-distrustful to face one another, by some customary arrangement,
-securing by means of heavy penalties compliance in the obligations
-incurred or imposed.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3474src" href=
-"#xd26e3474" name="xd26e3474src">1</a> Waiving for the present the
-question how far this conception is valid or not in general&mdash;in my
-opinion it is quite misleading&mdash;we have to realise clearly that
-the Kula contradicts in almost every point the above definition of
-&ldquo;savage trade.&rdquo; It shows to us primitive exchange in an
-entirely different light.</p>
-<p>The Kula is not a surreptitious and precarious form of exchange. It
-is, quite on the contrary, rooted in myth, backed by traditional law,
-and surrounded with magical rites. All its main transactions are public
-and ceremonial, and carried out according to definite rules. It is not
-done on the spur of the moment, but happens periodically, at dates
-settled in advance, and it is carried on along definite trade routes,
-which must lead to fixed trysting places. Sociologically, though
-transacted between tribes differing in language, culture, and probably
-even in race, it is based on a fixed and permanent status, on a
-partnership which binds into couples some thousands of individuals.
-This partnership is a lifelong relationship, it implies various mutual
-duties and privileges, and constitutes a type of inter-tribal
-relationship on an enormous scale. As to the economic mechanism of the
-transactions, this is based on a specific form of credit, which implies
-a high degree of mutual <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb86" href=
-"#pb86" name="pb86">86</a>]</span>trust and commercial honour&mdash;and
-this refers also to the subsidiary, minor trade, which accompanies the
-Kula proper. Finally, the Kula is not done under stress of any need,
-since its main aim is to exchange articles which are of no practical
-use.</p>
-<p>From the concise definition of Kula given at the beginning of this
-chapter, we see that in its final essence, divested of all trappings
-and accessories, it is a very simple affair, which at first sight might
-even appear tame and unromantic. After all, it only consists of an
-exchange, interminably repeated, of two articles intended for
-ornamentation, but not even used for that to any extent. Yet this
-simple action&mdash;this passing from hand to hand of two meaningless
-and quite useless objects&mdash;has somehow succeeded in becoming the
-foundation of a big inter-tribal institution, in being associated with
-ever so many other activities. Myth, magic and tradition have built up
-around it definite ritual and ceremonial forms, have given it a halo of
-romance and value in the minds of the natives, have indeed created a
-passion in their hearts for this simple exchange.</p>
-<p>The definition of the Kula must now be amplified, and we must
-describe one after the other its fundamental characteristics and main
-rules, so that it may be clearly grasped by what mechanism the mere
-exchange of two articles results in an institution so vast, complex,
-and deeply rooted.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div3.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">First of all, a few words must be said about the two
-principal objects of exchange, the arm-shells (<i lang="kij">mwali</i>)
-and the necklaces (<i lang="kij">soulava</i>). The arm-shells are
-obtained by breaking off the top and the narrow end of a big,
-cone-shaped shell (<i lang="la">Conus millepunctatus</i>), and then
-polishing up the remaining ring. These bracelets are highly coveted by
-all the Papuo-Melanesians of New Guinea, and they spread even into the
-pure Papuan district of the Gulf.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3513src"
-href="#xd26e3513" name="xd26e3513src">2</a> The manner of wearing the
-arm-shells is illustrated by <a href="#pl17">Plate XVII</a>, where the
-men have put them on on purpose to be photographed.</p>
-<p>The use of the small discs of red spondylus shell, out of which the
-<i lang="kij">soulava</i> are made, is also of a very wide diffusion.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb87" href="#pb87" name=
-"pb87">87</a>]</span>There is a manufacturing centre of them in one of
-the villages in Port Moresby, and also in several places in Eastern New
-Guinea, notably in Rossell Island, and in the Trobriands. I have said
-&ldquo;<i>use</i>&rdquo; on purpose here, because these small beads,
-each of them a flat, round disc with a hole in the centre, coloured
-anything from muddy brown to carmine red, are employed in various ways
-for ornamentation. They are most generally used as part of earrings,
-made of rings of turtle shell, which are attached to the ear lobe, and
-from which hang a cluster of the shell discs. These earrings are very
-much worn, and, especially among the Massim, you see them on the ears
-of every second man or woman, while others are satisfied with turtle
-shell alone, unornamented with the shell discs. Another everyday
-ornament, frequently met with and worn, especially by young girls and
-boys, consists of a short necklace, just encircling the neck, made of
-the red spondylus discs, with one or more cowrie shell pendants. These
-shell discs can be, and often are, used in the make-up of the various
-classes of the more elaborate ornaments, worn on festive occasions
-only. Here, however, we are more especially concerned with the very
-long necklaces, measuring from two to five metres, made of spondylus
-discs, of which there are two main varieties, one, much the finer, with
-a big shell pendant, the other made of bigger discs, and with a few
-cowrie shells or black banana seeds in the centre (see <a href=
-"#pl18">Plate XVIII</a>).</p>
-<p>The arm-shells on the one hand, and the long spondylus shell strings
-on the other, the two main Kula articles, are primarily ornaments. As
-such, they are used with the most elaborate dancing dress only, and on
-very festive occasions such as big ceremonial dances, great feasts, and
-big gatherings, where several villages are represented, as can be seen
-in <a href="#pl06">Plate VI</a>. Never could they be used as everyday
-ornaments, nor on occasions of minor importance, such as a small dance
-in the village, a harvest gathering, a love-making expedition, when
-facial painting, floral decoration and smaller though not quite
-everyday ornaments are worn (see Plates <a href="#pl12">XII</a> and
-<a href="#pl13">XIII</a>). But even though usable and sometimes used,
-this is not the main function of these articles. Thus, a chief may have
-several shell strings in his possession, and a few arm-shells.
-Supposing that a big dance is held in his or in a neighbouring village,
-he will not put on his ornaments himself if he goes to <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb88" href="#pb88" name="pb88">88</a>]</span>assist
-at it, unless he intends to dance and decorate himself, but any of his
-relatives, his children or his friends and even vassals, can have the
-use of them for the asking. If you go to a feast or a dance where there
-are a number of men wearing such ornaments, and ask anyone of them at
-random to whom it belongs, the chances are that more than half of them
-will answer that they themselves are not the owners, but that they had
-the articles lent to them. These objects are not owned in order to be
-used; the privilege of decorating oneself with them is not the real aim
-of possession.</p>
-<div class="figure pl18width" id="pl18">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl18width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XVIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl18.jpg" alt=
-"Two Necklaces, Made of Red Spondylus Discs" width="334" height="720">
-<p class="figureHead">Two Necklaces, Made of Red Spondylus Discs</p>
-<p>On the left, the <i lang="kij">soulava</i>, or <i lang=
-"kij">bagi</i>, the real Kula article. On the right, the <i lang=
-"kij">katudababile</i> (or <i lang="kij">samakupa</i>, as it is called
-among the Southern Massim), made of bigger discs, manufactured in the
-villages of Sinaketa and Vakuta (Trobriand Islands). This latter
-article does not play any important part in the Kula. (See <a href=
-"#div3.4">Div. III</a>; <a href="#div14.2">Ch. XIV, Div. II</a>;
-<a href="#div15.2">Ch. XV, Divs. II</a> and <a href=
-"#div15.3">III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl19width" id="pl19">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl19width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XIX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl19.jpg" alt="Two Women Adorned with Necklaces"
-width="720" height="426">
-<p class="figureHead">Two Women Adorned with Necklaces</p>
-<p>This shows the manner in which a soulava is worn, when used as a
-decoration. (See <a href="#div3.1">Div. I</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>Indeed&mdash;and this is more significant&mdash;by far the greater
-number of the arm-shells, easily ninety per cent., are of too small a
-size to be worn even by young boys and girls. A few are so big and
-valuable that they would not be worn at all, except once in a decade by
-a very important man on a very festive day. Though all the
-shell-strings can be worn, some of them are again considered too
-valuable, and are cumbersome for frequent use, and would be worn on
-very exceptional occasions only.</p>
-<p>This negative description leaves us with the questions: why, then,
-are these objects valued, what purpose do they serve? The full answer
-to this question will emerge out of the whole story contained in the
-following chapters, but an approximate idea must be given at once. As
-it is always better to approach the unknown through the known, let us
-consider for a moment whether among ourselves we have not some type of
-objects which play a similar r&ocirc;le and which are used and
-possessed in the same manner. When, after a six years&rsquo; absence in
-the South Seas and Australia, I returned to Europe and did my first bit
-of sight-seeing in Edinburgh Castle, I was shown the Crown jewels. The
-keeper told many stories of how they were worn by this or that king or
-queen on such and such occasion, of how some of them had been taken
-over to London, to the great and just indignation of the whole Scottish
-nation, how they were restored, and how now everyone can be pleased,
-since they are safe under lock and key, and no one can touch them. As I
-was looking at them and thinking how ugly, useless, ungainly, even
-tawdry they were, I had the feeling that something similar had been
-told to me of late, and that I had seen many other objects of this
-sort, which made a similar impression on me. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb89" href="#pb89" name="pb89">89</a>]</span></p>
-<p>And then arose before me the vision of a native village on coral
-soil, <span class="corr" id="xd26e3601" title="Source: ond">and</span>
-a small, rickety platform temporarily erected under a pandanus thatch,
-surrounded by a number of brown, naked men, and one of them showing me
-long, thin red strings, and big, white, worn-out objects, clumsy to
-sight and greasy to touch. With reverence he also would name them, and
-tell their history, and by whom and when they were worn, and how they
-changed hands, and how their temporary possession was a great sign of
-the importance and glory of the village. The analogy between the
-European and the Trobriand <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (valuables)
-must be delimited with more precision. The Crown jewels, in fact, any
-heirlooms too valuable and too cumbersome to be worn, represent the
-same type as <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> in that they are merely
-possessed for the sake of possession itself, and the ownership of them
-with the ensuing renown is the main source of their value. Also both
-heirlooms and <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> are cherished because of
-the historical sentiment which surrounds them. However ugly, useless,
-and&mdash;according to current standards&mdash;valueless an object may
-be, if it has figured in historical scenes and passed through the hands
-of historic persons, and is therefore an unfailing vehicle of important
-sentimental associations, it cannot but be precious to us. This
-historic sentimentalism, which indeed has a large share in our general
-interest in studies of past events, exists also in the South Seas.
-Every really good Kula article has its individual name, round each
-there is a sort of history and romance in the traditions of the
-natives. Crown jewels or heirlooms are insignia of rank and symbols of
-wealth respectively, and in olden days with us, and in New Guinea up
-till a few years ago, both rank and wealth went together. The main
-point of difference is that the Kula goods are only in possession for a
-time, whereas the European treasure must be permanently owned in order
-to have full value.</p>
-<p>Taking a broader, ethnological view of the question, we may class
-the Kula valuables among the many &ldquo;ceremonial&rdquo; objects of
-wealth; enormous, carved and decorated weapons, stone implements,
-articles of domestic and industrial nature, too well decorated and too
-clumsy for use. Such things are usually called
-&ldquo;ceremonial,&rdquo; but this word seems to cover a great number
-of meanings and much that has no meaning at all. In fact, very often,
-especially on museum labels, an article <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb90" href="#pb90" name="pb90">90</a>]</span>is called
-&ldquo;ceremonial&rdquo; simply because nothing is known about its uses
-and general nature. Speaking only about museum exhibits from New
-Guinea, I can say that many so-called ceremonial objects are nothing
-but simply overgrown objects of use, which preciousness of material and
-amount of labour expended have transformed into reservoirs of condensed
-economic value. Again, others are used on festive occasions, but play
-no part whatever in rites and ceremonies, and serve for decoration
-only, and these might be called <i>objects of parade</i> (comp.
-<a href="#div6.1">Chap. VI, Div. I</a>). Finally, a number of these
-articles function actually as instruments of a magical or religious
-rite, and belong to the intrinsic apparatus of a ceremony. Such and
-such only could be correctly called <i>ceremonial</i>. During the
-<i lang="kij">So&rsquo;i</i> feasts among the Southern Massim, women
-carrying polished axe blades in fine carved handles, accompany with a
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e3630" title=
-"Source: rythmic">rhythmic</span> step to the beat of drums, the entry
-of the pigs and mango saplings into the village (see Plates <a href=
-"#pl05">V</a> and <a href="#pl06">VI</a>). As this is part of the
-ceremony and the axes are an indispensable accessory, their use in this
-case can be legitimately called &ldquo;ceremonial.&rdquo; Again, in
-certain magical ceremonies in the Trobriands, the <i lang=
-"kij">towosi</i> (garden magician) has to carry a mounted axe blade on
-his shoulders, and with it he delivers a ritual blow at a <i lang=
-"kij">kamkokola</i> structure (see Plate <a href="#pl59">LIX</a>;
-compare <a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Division IV</a>).</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>&mdash;the Kula
-valuables&mdash;in one of their aspects are overgrown objects of use.
-They are also, however, <i>ceremonial</i> objects in the narrow and
-correct sense of the word. This will become clear after perusal of the
-following pages, and to this point we shall return in the <a href=
-"#ch22">last chapter</a>.</p>
-<p>It must be kept in mind that here we are trying to obtain a clear
-and vivid idea of what the Kula valuables are to the natives, and not
-to give a detailed and circumstantial description of them, nor to
-define them with precision. The comparison with the European heirlooms
-or Crown jewels was given in order to show that this type of ownership
-is not entirely a fantastic South Sea custom, untranslatable into our
-ideas. For&mdash;and this is a point I want to stress&mdash;the
-comparison I have made is not based on purely external, superficial
-similarity. The psychological and sociological forces at work are the
-same, it is really the same mental attitude which <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb91" href="#pb91" name="pb91">91</a>]</span>makes us
-value our heirlooms, and makes the natives in New Guinea value their
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div3.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The exchange of these two classes of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, of the armshells and the necklaces,
-constitutes the main act of the Kula. This exchange is not done freely,
-right and left, as opportunity offers, and where the whim leads. It is
-subject indeed to strict limitations and regulations. One of these
-refers to the sociology of the exchange, and entails that Kula
-transactions can be done only between partners. A man who is in the
-Kula&mdash;for not everyone within its district is entitled to carry it
-on&mdash;has only a limited number of people with whom he does it. This
-partnership is entered upon in a definite manner, under fulfilment of
-certain formalities, and it constitutes a life-long relationship. The
-number of partners a man has varies with his rank and importance. A
-commoner in the Trobriands would have a few partners only, whereas a
-chief would number hundreds of them. There is no special social
-mechanism to limit the partnership of some people and extend that of
-the others, but a man would naturally know to what number of partners
-he was entitled by his rank and position. And there would be always the
-example of his immediate ancestors to guide him. In other tribes, where
-the distinction of rank is not so pronounced, an old man of standing,
-or a headman of a hamlet or village would also have hundreds of Kula
-associates, whereas a man of minor importance would have but few.</p>
-<p>Two Kula partners have to <i lang="kij">kula</i> with one another,
-and exchange other gifts incidentally; they behave as friends, and have
-a number of mutual duties and obligations, which vary with the distance
-between their villages and with their reciprocal status. An average man
-has a few partners near by, as a rule his relations-in-law or his
-friends, and with these partners, he is generally on very friendly
-terms. The Kula partnership is one of the special bonds which unite two
-men into one of the standing relations of mutual exchange of gifts and
-services so characteristic of these natives. Again, the average man
-will have one or two chiefs in his or in the neighbouring districts
-with whom he <i>kulas</i>. In such a case, he would be bound to assist
-and serve them in various ways, and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb92"
-href="#pb92" name="pb92">92</a>]</span>to offer them the pick of his
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> when he gets a fresh supply. On the
-other hand he would expect them to be specially liberal to him.</p>
-<p>The overseas partner is, on the other hand, a host, patron and ally
-in a land of danger and insecurity. Nowadays, though the feeling of
-danger still persists, and natives never feel safe and comfortable in a
-strange district, this danger is rather felt as a magical one, and it
-is more the fear of foreign sorcery that besets them. In olden days,
-more tangible dangers were apprehended, and the partner was the main
-guarantee of safety. He also provides with food, gives presents, and
-his house, though never used to sleep in, is the place in which to
-foregather while in the village. Thus the Kula partnership provides
-every man within its ring with a few friends near at hand, and with
-some friendly allies in the far-away, dangerous, foreign districts.
-These are the only people with whom he can <i lang="kij">kula</i>, but,
-of course, amongst all his partners, he is free to choose to which one
-he will offer which object.</p>
-<p>Let us now try to cast a broad glance at the cumulative effects of
-the rules of partnership. We see that all around the ring of Kula there
-is a network of relationships, and that naturally the whole forms one
-interwoven fabric. Men living at hundreds of miles&rsquo; sailing
-distance from one another are bound together by direct or intermediate
-partnership, exchange with each other, know of each other, and on
-certain occasions meet in a large intertribal gathering (<a href=
-"#pl20">Plate XX</a>). Objects given by one, in time reach some very
-distant indirect partner or other, and not only Kula objects, but
-various articles of domestic use and minor gifts. It is easy to see
-that in the long run, not only objects of material culture, but also
-customs, songs, art motives and general cultural influences travel
-along the Kula route. It is a vast, inter-tribal net of relationships,
-a big institution, consisting of thousands of men, all bound together
-by one common passion for Kula exchange, and secondarily, by many minor
-ties and interests.</p>
-<p>Returning again to the personal aspect of the Kula, let us take a
-concrete example, that of <i>an average man</i> who lives, let us
-assume, in the village of Sinaketa, an important Kula centre in the
-Southern Trobriands. He has a few partners, near and far, but they
-again fall into categories, those who give him arm-shells, and those
-who give him necklaces. For it is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb93"
-href="#pb93" name="pb93">93</a>]</span>naturally an invariable rule of
-the Kula that arm-shells and necklaces are never received from the same
-man, since they must travel in different directions. If one partner
-gives the armshells, and I return to him a necklace, all future
-operations have to be of the same type. More than that, the nature of
-the operation between me, the man of Sinaketa, and my partner, is
-determined by our relative positions with regard to the points of the
-compass. Thus I, in Sinaketa, would receive from the North and East
-only arm-shells; from the South and West, necklaces are given to me. If
-I have a near partner next door to me, if his abode is North or East of
-mine, he will always be giving me arm-shells and receiving necklaces
-from me. If, at a later time he were to shift his residence within the
-village, the old relationship would obtain, but if he became a member
-of another village community on the other side of me the relationship
-would be reversed. The partners in villages to the North of Sinaketa,
-in the district of Luba, Kulumata, or Kiriwina all supply me with
-arm-shells. These I hand over to my partners in the South, and receive
-from them necklaces. The South in this case means the southern
-districts of Boyowa, as well as the Amphletts and Dobu.</p>
-<p>Thus every man has to obey definite rules as to the geographical
-direction of his transactions. At any point in the Kula ring, if we
-imagine him turned towards the centre of the circle, he receives the
-arm-shells with his left hand, and the necklaces with his right, and
-then hands them both on. In other words, he constantly passes the
-arm-shells from left to right, and the necklaces from right to
-left.</p>
-<p>Applying this rule of personal conduct to the whole Kula ring, we
-can see at once what the aggregate result is. The sum total of
-exchanges will not result in an aimless shifting of the two classes of
-article, in a fortuitous come and go of the armshells and necklaces.
-Two continuous streams will constantly flow on, the one of necklaces
-following the hands of a clock, and the other, composed of the
-arm-shells, in the opposite direction. We see thus that it is quite
-correct to speak of the <i>circular</i> exchange of the Kula, of a ring
-or circuit of moving articles (comp. <a href="#map5">Map V</a>). On
-this ring, all the villages are placed in a definitely fixed position
-with regard to one another, so that one is always on either the
-arm-shell or on the necklace side of the other. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb94" href="#pb94" name="pb94">94</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Now we pass to another rule of the Kula, of the greatest importance.
-As just explained &ldquo;the armshells and shell-strings always travel
-in their own respective directions on the ring, and they are never,
-under any circumstances, traded back in the wrong direction. Also, they
-never stop. It seems almost incredible at first, but it is the fact,
-nevertheless, that no one ever keeps any of the Kula: valuables for any
-length of time. Indeed, in the whole of the Trobriands there are
-perhaps only one or two specially fine armshells and shell-necklaces
-permanently owned as heirlooms, and these are set apart as a special
-class, and are once and for all out of the Kula.
-&lsquo;Ownership,&rsquo; therefore, in Kula, is quite a special
-economic relation. A man who is in the Kula never keeps any article for
-longer than, say, a year or two. Even this exposes him to the reproach
-of being niggardly, and certain districts have the bad reputation of
-being &lsquo;slow&rsquo; and &lsquo;hard&rsquo; in the Kula. On the
-other hand, each man has an enormous number of articles passing through
-his hands during his life time, of which he enjoys a temporary
-possession, and which he keeps in trust for a time. This possession
-hardly ever makes him use the articles, and he remains under the
-obligation soon again to hand them on to one of his partners. But the
-temporary ownership allows him to draw a great deal of renown, to
-exhibit his article, to tell how he obtained it, and to plan to whom he
-is going to give it. And all this forms one of the favourite subjects
-of tribal conversation and gossip, in which the feats and the glory in
-Kula of chiefs or commoners are constantly discussed and
-re-discussed.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3722src" href=
-"#xd26e3722" name="xd26e3722src">3</a> Thus every article moves in one
-direction only, never comes back, never permanently stops, and takes as
-a rule some two to ten years to make the round.</p>
-<p>This feature of the Kula is perhaps its most remarkable one, since
-it creates a new type of ownership, and places the two Kula articles in
-a class of their own. Here we can return to the comparison drawn
-between the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (Kiriwinian valuables) and
-the European heirlooms. This comparison broke down on one point: in the
-European objects of this class, permanent ownership, lasting
-association with the hereditary dignity or rank or with a family, is
-one of its main features. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb95" href=
-"#pb95" name="pb95">95</a>]</span>In this the Kula articles differ from
-heirlooms, but resemble another type of valued object, that is,
-trophies, gauges of superiority, sporting cups, objects which are kept
-for a time only by the winning party, whether a group or an individual.
-Though held only in trust, only for a period, though never used in any
-utilitarian way, yet the holders get from them a special type of
-pleasure by the mere fact of owning them, of being entitled to them.
-Here again, it is not only a superficial, external resemblance, but
-very much the same mental attitude, favoured by similar social
-arrangements. The resemblance goes so far that in the Kula there exists
-also the element of pride in merit, an element which forms the main
-ingredient in the pleasure felt by a man or group holding a trophy.
-Success in Kula is ascribed to special, personal power, due mainly to
-magic, and men are very proud of it. Again, the whole community glories
-in a specially fine Kula trophy, obtained by one of its members.</p>
-<p>All the rules so far enumerated&mdash;looking at them from the
-individual point of view&mdash;limit the social range and the direction
-of the transactions as well as the duration of ownership of the
-articles. Looking at them from the point of view of their integral
-effect, they shape the general outline of the Kula, give it the
-character of the double-closed circuit. Now a few words must be said
-about the nature of each individual transaction, in so far as its
-<i>commercial technicalities</i> are concerned. Here very definite
-rules also obtain.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div3.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The main principle underlying the regulations of
-actual exchange is that the Kula consists in the bestowing of a
-ceremonial gift, which has to be repaid by an equivalent counter-gift
-after a lapse of time, be it a few hours or even minutes, though
-sometimes as much as a year or more may elapse between
-payments.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3745src" href="#xd26e3745" name=
-"xd26e3745src">4</a> But it can never be exchanged from hand to hand,
-with the equivalence between the two objects discussed, bargained about
-and computed. The decorum of the Kula transaction is strictly kept, and
-highly <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb96" href="#pb96" name=
-"pb96">96</a>]</span>valued. The natives sharply distinguish it from
-barter, which they practise extensively, of which they have a clear
-idea, and for which they have a settled term&mdash;in Kiriwinian:
-<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>. Often, when criticising an incorrect, too
-hasty, or indecorous procedure of Kula, they will say: &ldquo;He
-conducts his Kula as if it were <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>The second very important principle is that the equivalence of the
-counter-gift is left to the giver, and it cannot be enforced by any
-kind of coercion. A partner who has received a Kula gift is expected to
-give back fair and full value, that is, to give as good an arm-shell as
-the necklace he receives, or vice versa. Again, a very fine article
-must be replaced by one of equivalent value, and not by several minor
-ones, though intermediate gifts may be given to mark time before the
-real repayment takes place.</p>
-<p>If the article given as counter-gift is not equivalent, the
-recipient will be disappointed and angry, but he has no direct means of
-redress, no means of coercing his partner, or of putting an end to the
-whole transaction. What then are the forces at work which keep the
-partners to the terms of the bargain? Here we come up against a very
-important feature of the native&rsquo;s mental attitude towards wealth
-and value. The great misconception of attributing to the savage a pure
-economic nature, might lead us to reason incorrectly thus: &ldquo;The
-passion of acquiring, the loathing to lose or give away, is the
-fundamental and most primitive element in man&rsquo;s attitude to
-wealth. In primitive man, this primitive characteristic will appear in
-its simplest and purest form. <i>Grab and never let go</i> will be the
-guiding principle of his life.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3763src" href="#xd26e3763" name="xd26e3763src">5</a> The
-fundamental error in this reasoning is that it assumes that
-&ldquo;primitive man,&rdquo; as represented by the present-day savage,
-lives, at least in economic matters, untrammelled by conventions and
-social restrictions. Quite the reverse is the case<span class="corr"
-id="xd26e3766" title="Not in source">.</span> Although, like every
-human being, the Kula native loves to possess and therefore desires to
-acquire and dreads to lose, the social code of rules, with regard to
-give and take by far overrides his natural acquisitive tendency.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb97" href="#pb97" name=
-"pb97">97</a>]</span></p>
-<p>This social code, such as we find it among the natives of the Kula
-is, however, far from weakening the natural desirability of possession;
-on the contrary, it lays down that to possess is to be great, and that
-wealth is the indispensable appanage of social rank and attribute of
-personal virtue. But the important point is that with them to possess
-is to give&mdash;and here the natives differ from us notably. A man who
-owns a thing is naturally expected to share it, to distribute it, to be
-its trustee and dispenser. And the higher the rank the greater the
-obligation. A chief will naturally be expected to give food to any
-stranger, visitor, even loiterer from another end of the village. He
-will be expected to share any of the betel-nut or tobacco he has about
-him. So that a man of rank will have to hide away any surplus of these
-articles which he wants to preserve for his further use. In the Eastern
-end of New Guinea a type of large basket, with three layers,
-manufactured in the Trobriands, was specially popular among people of
-consequence, because one could hide away one&rsquo;s small treasures in
-the lower compartments. Thus the main symptom of being powerful is to
-be wealthy, and of wealth is to be generous. Meanness, indeed, is the
-most despised vice, and the only thing about which the natives have
-strong moral views, while generosity is the essence of goodness.</p>
-<p>This moral injunction and ensuing habit of generosity, superficially
-observed and misinterpreted, is responsible for another wide-spread
-misconception, that of the <i>Primitive communism of savages</i>. This,
-quite as much as the diametrically opposed figment of the acquisitive
-and ruthlessly tenacious native, is definitely erroneous, and this will
-be seen with sufficient clearness in the following chapters.</p>
-<p>Thus the fundamental principle of the natives&rsquo; moral code in
-this matter makes a man do his fair share in Kula transaction and the
-more important he is, the more will he desire to shine by his
-generosity. <i lang="fr">Noblesse oblige</i> is in reality the social
-norm regulating their conduct<span class="corr" id="xd26e3782" title=
-"Not in source">.</span> This does not mean that people are always
-satisfied, and that there are no squabbles about the transactions, no
-resentments and even feuds. It is obvious that, however much a man may
-want to give a good equivalent for the object received, he may not be
-able to do so. And then, as there is always a keen competition to be
-the most generous giver, a man who has received less than he gave will
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb98" href="#pb98" name=
-"pb98">98</a>]</span>not keep his grievance to himself, but will brag
-about his own generosity and compare it to his partner&rsquo;s
-meanness; the other resents it, and the quarrel is ready to break out.
-But it is very important to realise that there is no actual haggling,
-no tendency to do a man out of his share. The giver is quite as keen as
-the receiver that the gift should be generous, though for different
-reasons. Then, of course, there is the important consideration that a
-man who is fair and generous in the Kula will attract a larger stream
-to himself than a mean one.</p>
-<p>The two main principles, namely, first that the Kula is a gift
-repaid after an interval of time by a counter-gift, and not a
-bartering; and second, that the equivalent rests with the giver, and
-cannot be enforced, nor can there be any haggling or going back on the
-exchange&mdash;these underlie all the transactions. A concrete outline
-of how they are carried on, will give a sufficient preliminary
-idea.</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Let us suppose that I, a Sinaketa man, am in possession of a
-pair of big armshells. An overseas expedition from Dobu in the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Archipelago, arrives at my village. Blowing a
-conch shell, I take my armshell pair and I offer it to my overseas
-partner, with some such words as &lsquo;This is a <i lang=
-"kij">vaga</i> (opening gift)&mdash;in due time, thou returnest to me a
-big <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklace) for it!&rsquo; Next year, when
-I visit my partner&rsquo;s village, he either is in possession of an
-equivalent necklace, and this he gives to me as <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i> (return gift), or he has not a necklace good enough to
-repay my last gift. In this case he will give me a small
-necklace&mdash;avowedly not equivalent to my gift&mdash;and he will
-give it to me as <i lang="kij">basi</i> (intermediary gift). This means
-that the main gift has to be repaid on a future occasion, and the
-<i lang="kij">basi</i> is given in token of good faith&mdash;but it, in
-turn, must be repaid by me in the meantime by a gift of small
-arm-shells. The final gift, which will be given to me to clinch the
-whole transaction, would then be called <i lang="kij">kudu</i>
-(clinching gift) in contrast to <i lang="kij">basi</i>&rdquo; (loc.
-cit., p. 99).</p>
-<div class="figure pl20width" id="pl20">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl20width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl20.jpg" alt=
-"A Kula Gathering on the Beach of Sinaketa" width="720" height="427">
-<p class="figureHead">A Kula Gathering on the Beach of Sinaketa</p>
-<p>Along about half a mile&rsquo;s length of shore, over eighty canoes
-are beached or moored, and in the village, on the beach, and in the
-surrounding country there are assembled some two thousand natives from
-several districts, ranging from Kitava to Dobu. This illustrates the
-manner in which the Kula brings together large numbers of people
-belonging to different cultures; in this case, that of Kitava, Boyowa,
-the Amphletts and Dobu. (See <a href="#div3.4">Div. IV</a>, and
-<a href="#div16.2">Ch. XVI, Div. II.</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>Although haggling and bargaining are completely ruled out of the
-Kula, there are customary and regulated ways of bidding for a piece of
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> known to be in the possession of
-one&rsquo;s partner. This is done by the offer of what we shall call
-solicitary gifts, of which there are several types. &ldquo;If I, an
-inhabitant of Sinaketa, happen to be in possession of a pair of
-arm-shells more than usually good, the fame of it spreads, for
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb99" href="#pb99" name=
-"pb99">99</a>]</span>it must be remembered that each one of the
-first-class armshells and necklaces has a personal name and a history
-of its own, and as they circulate around the big ring of the Kula, they
-are all well known, and their appearance in a given district always
-creates a sensation. Now, all my partners&mdash;whether from overseas
-or from within the district&mdash;compete for the favour of receiving
-this particular article of mine, and those who are specially keen try
-to obtain it by giving me <i lang="kij">pokala</i> (offerings) and
-<i lang="kij">kaributu</i> (solicitary gifts). The former (<i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i>) consist as a rule of pigs, especially fine bananas,
-and yams or taro; the latter (<i lang="kij">kaributu</i>) are of
-greater value: the valuable, large axe-blades (called <i lang=
-"kij">beku</i>), or lime spoons of whale bone are given&rdquo; (<i>loc.
-cit<span class="corr" id="xd26e3853" title=
-"Not in source">.</span></i>, p. 100). The further complication in the
-repayment of these solicitary gifts and a few more technicalities and
-technical expressions connected herewith will be given later on in
-<a href="#ch4">Chapter IV</a>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div3.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I have enumerated the main rules of the Kula in a
-manner sufficient for a preliminary definition, and now a few words
-must be said about the associated activities and secondary aspects of
-the Kula. If we realise that at times the exchange has to take place
-between districts divided by dangerous seas, over which a great number
-of people have to travel by sail, and do so keeping to appointed dates,
-it becomes clear at once that considerable preparations are necessary
-to carry out the expedition. Many preliminary activities are intimately
-associated with the Kula. Such are, particularly, the building of
-canoes, preparation of the outfit, the provisioning of the expedition,
-the fixing of dates and social organisation of the enterprise. All
-these are subsidiary to the Kula, and as they are carried on in pursuit
-of it, and form one connected series, a description of the Kula must
-embrace an account of these preliminary activities. The detailed
-account of canoe building, of the ceremonial attached to it, of the
-incidental magical rites, of the launching and trial run, of the
-associated customs which aim at preparing the outfit&mdash;all this
-will be described in detail in the next few chapters.</p>
-<p>Another important pursuit inextricably bound up with the Kula, is
-that of the <i>secondary trade</i>. Voyaging to far-off countries,
-endowed with natural resources unknown in their <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb100" href="#pb100" name="pb100">100</a>]</span>own
-homes, the Kula sailors return each time richly laden with these, the
-spoils of their enterprise. Again, in order to be able to offer
-presents to his partner, every outward bound canoe carries a cargo of
-such things as are known to be most desirable in the overseas district.
-Some of this is given away in presents to the partners, but a good deal
-is carried in order to pay for the objects desired at home. In certain
-cases, the visiting natives exploit on their own account during the
-journey some of the natural resources overseas. For example, the
-Sinaketans dive for the spondylus in Sanaroa Lagoon, and the Dobuans
-fish in the Trobriands on a beach on the southern end of the island.
-The secondary trade is complicated still more by the fact that such big
-Kula centres as, for instance, Sinaketa, are not efficient in any of
-the industries of special value to the Dobuans. Thus, Sinaketans have
-to procure the necessary store of goods from the inland villages of
-Kuboma, and this they do on minor trading expeditions preliminary to
-the Kula. Like the canoe-building, the secondary trading will be
-described in detail later on, and has only to be mentioned here.</p>
-<p>Here, however, these subsidiary and associated activities must be
-put in proper relation with regard to one another and to the main
-transaction. Both the canoe-building and the ordinary trade have been
-spoken of as secondary or subsidiary to the Kula proper. This requires
-a comment. I do not, by thus subordinating the two things in importance
-to the Kula, mean to express a philosophical reflection or a personal
-opinion as to the relative value of these pursuits from the point of
-view of some social teleology. Indeed, it is clear that if we look at
-the acts from the outside, as comparative sociologists, and gauge their
-real utility, trade and canoe-building will appear to us as the really
-important achievements, whereas we shall regard the Kula only as an
-indirect stimulus, impelling the natives to sail and to trade. Here,
-however, I am not dealing in sociological, but in pure ethnographical
-description, and any sociological analysis I have given is only what
-has been absolutely indispensable to clear away misconceptions and to
-define terms.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3873src" href="#xd26e3873"
-name="xd26e3873src">6</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb101" href=
-"#pb101" name="pb101">101</a>]</span></p>
-<p>By ranging the Kula as the primary and chief activity, and the rest
-as secondary ones, I mean that this precedence is implied in the
-institutions themselves. By studying the behaviour of the natives and
-all the customs in question, we see that the Kula is in all respects
-the main aim: the dates are fixed, the preliminaries settled, the
-expeditions arranged, the social organisation determined, not with
-regard to trade, but with regard to Kula. On an expedition, the big
-ceremonial feast, held at the start, refers to the Kula; the final
-ceremony of reckoning and counting the spoil refers to Kula, not to the
-objects of trade obtained. Finally, the magic, which is one of the main
-factors of all the procedure, refers only to the Kula, and this applies
-even to a part of the magic carried out over the canoe. Some rites in
-the whole cycle are done for the sake of the canoe itself, and others
-for the sake of Kula. The construction of the canoes is always carried
-on directly in connection with a Kula expedition. All this, of course,
-will become really clear and convincing only after the detailed account
-is given. But it was necessary at this point to set the right
-perspective in the relation between the main Kula and the trade.</p>
-<p>Of course not only many of the surrounding tribes who know nothing
-of the Kula do build canoes and sail far and daringly on trading
-expeditions, but even within the Kula ring, in the Trobriands for
-instance, there are several villages who do not kula, yet have canoes
-and carry on energetic overseas trade. But where the Kula is practised,
-it governs all the other allied activities, and canoe building and
-trade are made subsidiary to it. And this is expressed both by the
-nature of the institutions and the working of all the arrangements on
-the one hand, and by the behaviour and explicit statements of the
-natives on the other.</p>
-<p>The Kula&mdash;it becomes, I hope, more and more clear&mdash;is a
-big, complicated institution, insignificant though its nucleus might
-appear. To the natives, it represents one of the most vital interests
-in life, and as such it has a ceremonial character and is surrounded by
-magic. We can well imagine that articles of wealth might pass from hand
-to hand without ceremony or ritual, but in the Kula they never do. Even
-when at times only small parties in one or two canoes sail overseas and
-bring back <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, certain taboos are
-observed, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb102" href="#pb102" name=
-"pb102">102</a>]</span>and a customary course is taken in departing, in
-sailing, and in arriving; even the smallest expedition in one canoe is
-a tribal event of some importance, known and spoken of over the whole
-district. But the characteristic expedition is one in which a
-considerable number of canoes take part, organised in a certain manner,
-and forming one body. Feasts, distributions of food, and other public
-ceremonies are held, there is one leader and master of the expedition,
-and various rules are adhered to, in addition to the ordinary Kula
-taboos and observances.</p>
-<p>The ceremonial nature of the Kula is strictly bound up with another
-of its aspects&mdash;magic. &ldquo;The belief in the efficiency of
-magic dominates the Kula, as it does ever so many other tribal
-activities of the natives. Magical rites must be performed over the
-sea-going canoe when it is built, in order to make it swift, steady and
-safe; also magic is done over a canoe to make it lucky in the Kula.
-Another system of magical rites is done in order to avert the dangers
-of sailing. The third system of magic connected with overseas
-expeditions is the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> or the Kula magic proper.
-This system consists in numerous rites and spells, all of which act
-directly on the mind (<i lang="kij">nanola</i>) of one&rsquo;s partner,
-and make him soft, unsteady in mind, and eager to give Kula
-gifts&rdquo; (loc. cit., p. 100).</p>
-<p>It is clear that an institution so closely associated with magical
-and ceremonial elements, as is the Kula, not only rests on a firm,
-traditional foundation, but also has its large store of legends.
-&ldquo;There is a rich mythology of the Kula, in which stories are told
-about far-off times when mythical ancestors sailed on distant and
-daring expeditions. Owing totheir magical knowledge they were able to
-escape dangers, to conquer their enemies, to surmount obstacles, and by
-their feats they established many a precedent which is now closely
-followed by tribal custom. But their importance for their descendants
-lies mainly in the fact that they handed on their magic, and this made
-the Kula possible for the following generations&rdquo; (loc. cit., p.
-100).</p>
-<p>The Kula is also associated in certain districts, to which the
-Trobriands do not belong, with the mortuary feasts, called <i lang=
-"kij">so&rsquo;i</i>. The association is interesting and important, and
-in <a href="#ch20">Chapter XX</a> an account of it will be given.</p>
-<p>The big Kula expeditions are carried on by a great number of
-natives, a whole district together. But the geographical <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb103" href="#pb103" name=
-"pb103">103</a>]</span>limits, from which the members of an expedition
-are recruited, are well defined. Glancing at <a href="#map5">Map V</a>,
-&ldquo;we see a number of circles, each of which represents a certain
-sociological unit which we shall call a Kula community. A Kula
-community consists of a village or a number of villages, who go out
-together on big overseas expeditions, and who act as a body in the Kula
-transactions, perform their magic in common, have common leaders, and
-have the same outer and inner social sphere, within which they exchange
-their valuables. The Kula consists, therefore, first of the small,
-internal transactions within a Kula community or contiguous
-communities, and secondly, of the big over-seas expeditions in which
-the exchange of articles takes place between two communities divided by
-sea. In the first, there is a chronic, permanent trickling of articles
-from one village to another, and even within the village. In the
-second, a whole lot of valuables, amounting to over a thousand articles
-at a time, are exchanged in one enormous transaction, or, more
-correctly, in ever so many transactions taking place
-simultaneously&rdquo; (loc. cit., p. 101). &ldquo;The Kula trade
-consists of a series of such periodical overseas expeditions, which
-link together the various island groups, and annually bring over big
-quantities of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> and of subsidiary trade
-from one district to another. The trade is used and used up, but the
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>&mdash;the armshells and
-necklets&mdash;go round and round the ring&rdquo; (loc. cit., p.
-105).</p>
-<p>In this chapter, a short, summary definition of the Kula has been
-given. I enumerated one after the other its most salient features, the
-most remarkable rules as they are laid down in native custom, belief
-and behaviour. This was necessary in order to give a general idea of
-the institution before describing its working in detail. But no
-abridged definition can give to the reader the full understanding of a
-human social institution. It is necessary for this, to explain its
-working concretely, to bring the reader into contact with the people,
-show how they proceed at each successive stage, and to describe all the
-actual manifestations of the general rules laid down in abstract.</p>
-<p>As has been said above, the Kula exchange is carried on by
-enterprises of two sorts; first there are the big overseas expeditions,
-in which a more or less considerable amount of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb104" href="#pb104" name=
-"pb104">104</a>]</span>valuables are carried at one time. Then there is
-the inland trade in which the articles are passed from hand to hand,
-often changing several owners before they move a few miles.</p>
-<p>The big overseas expeditions are by far the more spectacular part of
-the Kula. They also contain much more public ceremonial, magical
-ritual, and customary usage. They require also, of course, more of
-preparation and preliminary activity. I shall therefore have a good
-deal more to say about the overseas Kula expeditions than about the
-internal exchange.</p>
-<p>As the Kula customs and beliefs have been mainly studied in Boyowa,
-that is, the Trobriand Islands, and from the Boyowan point of view, I
-shall describe, in the first place, the typical course of an overseas
-expedition, as it is prepared, organised, and carried out from the
-Trobriands. Beginning with the construction of the canoes, proceeding
-to the ceremonial launching and the visits of formal presentation of
-canoes, we shall choose then the community of Sinaketa, and follow the
-natives on one of their overseas trips, describing it in all details.
-This will serve us as a type of a Kula expedition to distant lands. It
-will then be indicated in what particulars such expeditions may differ
-in other branches of the Kula, and for this purpose I shall describe an
-expedition from Dobu, and one between Kiriwina and Kitava. An account
-of inland Kula in the Trobriands, of some associated forms of trading
-and of Kula in the remaining branches will complete the account.</p>
-<p>In the <a href="#ch4">next chapter</a> I pass, therefore, to the
-preliminary stages of the Kula, in the Trobriands, beginning with a
-description of the canoes. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb105" href=
-"#pb105" name="pb105">105</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3474" href="#xd26e3474src" name="xd26e3474">1</a></span> By
-&ldquo;current view,&rdquo; I mean such as is to be found in text-books
-and in passing remarks, scattered through economic and ethnological
-literature. As a matter of fact, Economics is a subject very seldom
-touched upon either in theoretical works on Ethnology, or in accounts
-of field-work. I have enlarged on this deficiency in the article on
-&ldquo;Primitive Economics,&rdquo; published in the <i>Economic
-Journal</i>, March, 1921.</p>
-<p class="footnote cont">The best analysis of the problem of savage
-economy is to be found, in spite of its many shortcomings, in K.
-B&uuml;cher&rsquo;s &ldquo;Industrial Evolution,&rdquo; English
-Translation, 1901. on primitive trade, however, his views are
-inadequate. In accordance with his general view that savages have no
-national economy, he maintains that any spread of goods among natives
-is achieved by non-economic means, such as robbery, tributes and gifts.
-The information contained in the present volume is incompatible with
-B&uuml;cher&rsquo;s views, nor could he have maintained them had he
-been acquainted with Barton&rsquo;s description of the Hiri (contained
-in Seligman&rsquo;s &ldquo;Melanesians.&rdquo;)</p>
-<p class="footnote cont">A summary of the research done on Primitive
-Economics, showing incidentally, how little real, sound work has been
-accomplished, will be found in Pater W. Kopper&rsquo;s
-&ldquo;<span lang="de">Die Ethnologische
-Wirtschaftsforschung</span>&rdquo; in <i>Anthropos</i>, X&mdash;XI,
-1915&ndash;16, pp. 611&ndash;651, and 971&ndash;1079. The article is
-very useful, where the author summarises the views of
-others.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3474src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3513" href="#xd26e3513src" name="xd26e3513">2</a></span>
-Professor C. G. Seligman, op. cit., p. 93, states that arm-shells
-<i lang="kij">toea</i>, as they are called by the Motu, are traded from
-the Port Moresby district westward to the Gulf of Papua. Among the Motu
-and Koita, near Port Moresby, they are highly valued, and nowadays
-attain very high prices, up to &pound;30, much more than is paid for
-the same article among the Massim.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e3513src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3722" href="#xd26e3722src" name="xd26e3722">3</a></span> This and
-the following quotations are from the Author&rsquo;s preliminary
-article on the Kula in <i>Man</i>, July, 1920. Article number 51, p.
-100.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3722src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3745" href="#xd26e3745src" name="xd26e3745">4</a></span> In order
-not to be guilty of inconsistency in using loosely the word
-&ldquo;ceremonial&rdquo; I shall define it briefly. I shall call an
-action ceremonial, if it is (1) public; (2) carried on under observance
-of definite formalities; (3) if it has sociological, religious, or
-magical import, and carries with it obligations.&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e3745src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3763" href="#xd26e3763src" name="xd26e3763">5</a></span> This is
-not a fanciful construction of what an erroneous opinion might be, for
-I could give actual examples proving that such opinions have been set
-forth, but as I am not giving here a criticism of existing theories of
-Primitive Economics, I do not want to overload this chapter with
-quotations.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e3763src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3873" href="#xd26e3873src" name="xd26e3873">6</a></span> It is
-hardly necessary perhaps to make it quite clear that all questions of
-origins, of development or history of the institutions have been
-rigorously ruled out of this work. The mixing up of speculative or
-hypothetical views with an account of facts is, in my opinion an
-unpardonable sin against ethnographic method.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e3873src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch4" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e493">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter IV</h2>
-<h2 class="main">Canoes and Sailing</h2>
-<div id="div4.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A canoe is an item of material culture, and as such it
-can be described, photographed and even bodily transported into a
-museum. But&mdash;and this is a truth too often overlooked&mdash;the
-ethnographic reality of the canoe would not be brought much nearer to a
-student at home, even by placing a perfect specimen right before
-him.</p>
-<p>The canoe is made for a certain use, and with a definite purpose; it
-is a means to an end, and we, who study native life, must not reverse
-this relation, and make a fetish of the object itself. In the study of
-the economic purposes for which a canoe is made, of the various uses to
-which it is submitted, we find the first approach to a deeper
-ethnographic treatment. Further sociological data, referring to its
-ownership, accounts of who sails in it, and how it is done; information
-regarding the ceremonies and customs of its construction, a sort of
-typical life history of a native craft&mdash;all that brings us nearer
-still to the understanding of what his canoe truly means to the
-native.</p>
-<p>Even this, however, does not touch the most vital reality of a
-native canoe. For a craft, whether of bark or wood, iron or steel,
-lives in the life of its sailors, and it is more to a sailor than a
-mere bit of shaped matter. To the native, not less than to the white
-seaman, a craft is surrounded by an atmosphere of romance, built up of
-tradition and of personal experience. It is an object of cult and
-admiration, a living thing, possessing its own individuality.</p>
-<p>We Europeans&mdash;whether we know native craft by experience or
-through descriptions&mdash;accustomed to our extraordinarily developed
-means of water transport, are apt to look down on a native canoe and
-see it in a false perspective&mdash;regarding it almost as a
-child&rsquo;s plaything, an abortive, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb106" href="#pb106" name="pb106">106</a>]</span>imperfect attempt to
-tackle the problem of sailing, which we ourselves have satisfactorily
-solved.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e3954src" href="#xd26e3954" name=
-"xd26e3954src">1</a> But to the native his cumbersome, sprawling canoe
-is a marvellous, almost miraculous achievement, and a thing of beauty
-(see Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a>, <a href="#pl23">XXIII</a>,
-<a href="#pl40">XL</a>, <a href="#pl47">XLVII</a>, <a href=
-"#pl55">LV</a>). He has spun a tradition around it, and he adorns it
-with his best carvings, he colours and decorates it. It is to him a
-powerful contrivance for the mastery of Nature, which allows him to
-cross perilous seas to distant places. It is associated with journeys
-by sail, full of threatening dangers, of living hopes and desires to
-which he gives expression in song and story. In short, in the tradition
-of the natives, in their customs, in their behaviour, and in their
-direct statements, there can be found the deep love, the admiration,
-the specific attachment as to something alive and personal, so
-characteristic of the sailors&rsquo; attitude towards his craft.</p>
-<p>And it is in this emotional attitude of the natives towards their
-canoes that I see the deepest ethnographic reality, which must guide us
-right through the study of other aspects&mdash;the customs and
-technicalities of construction and of use; the economic conditions and
-the associated beliefs and traditions. Ethnology or Anthropology, the
-science of Man, must not shun him in his innermost self, in his
-instinctive and emotional life.</p>
-<div class="figure pl21width" id="pl21">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl21width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl21.jpg" alt="A Masawa Canoe" width="663" height=
-"384">
-<p class="figureHead">A Masawa Canoe</p>
-<p>Nigada Bu&rsquo;a, the sea-going canoe of Omarakana, showing general
-form, ornamentation of <span class="corr" id="xd26e3983" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, the leaf-shaped paddles and
-the form of the outrigger log. (See <a href="#div4.1">Div. I</a> and
-<a href="#div4.2">II</a>, also next Chap.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl22width" id="pl22">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl22width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl22.jpg" alt="Putting a Canoe into its Hangar" width=
-"675" height="390">
-<p class="figureHead">Putting a Canoe into its Hangar</p>
-<p>The canoes on the East shores of Boyowa are seldom used, and when
-idle are housed in shelters, built very much like ordinary huts, only
-much larger.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl23width" id="pl23">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl23width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl23.jpg" alt="Canoe Under Sail" width="720" height=
-"417">
-<p class="figureHead">Canoe Under Sail</p>
-<p>This illustrates the rigging, the tilt of the canoe&mdash;the raised
-outrigger&mdash;and the carrying capacity of a canoe. This one is well
-in the water, with a crew of eighteen men. (See <a href="#div4.1">Div.
-I</a> and <a href="#div4.2">II</a>, and <a href="#ch9">Ch. IX</a>).</p>
-</div>
-<p>A look at the pictures (for instance Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a>,
-<a href="#pl24">XXIV</a>, <a href="#pl39">XXXIX</a>, or <a href=
-"#pl47">XLVII</a>) will give us some idea of the general structure of
-the native canoes: the body is a long, deep well, connected with an
-outrigger float, which stretches parallel with the body for almost all
-its length (see Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a> and <a href=
-"#pl23">XXIII</a>), and with a platform going across from one side to
-the other. The lightness of the material permits it to be much more
-deeply immersed than any sea-going European craft, and gives it greater
-buoyancy. It skims the surface, gliding up and down the waves, now
-hidden by the crests, now riding on top of them. It is a precarious but
-delightful sensation to sit in the slender body, while the canoe darts
-on with the float raised, the platform steeply slanting, and water
-constantly breaking over; or else, still better, to perch on the
-platform or on the float&mdash;the latter only feasible in the bigger
-canoes&mdash;and be carried across on the sea on a sort of suspended
-raft, gliding over the waves in a manner almost uncanny. Occasionally a
-wave leaps up and above the platform, and the canoe&mdash;unwieldy,
-square raft as it seems at first&mdash;heaves lengthways and crossways,
-mounting the furrows with graceful agility. When the sail is hoisted,
-its heavy, stiff folds of golden matting unroll with a characteristic
-swishing and crackling noise, and the canoe begins to make way; when
-the water rushes away below with a hiss, and the yellow sail glows
-against the intense blue of sea and sky&mdash;then indeed the romance
-of sailing seems to open through a new vista.</p>
-<p>The natural reflection on this description is that it presents the
-feelings of the Ethnographer, not those of the native. Indeed there is
-a great difficulty in disentangling our own sensations from a correct
-reading of the innermost native mind. But if an investigator, speaking
-the native&rsquo;s language and living among them for some time, were
-to try to share and understand their feelings, he will find that he can
-gauge them correctly. Soon he will learn to distinguish when the
-native&rsquo;s behaviour is in harmony with his own, and when, as it
-sometimes happens, the two are at variance.</p>
-<p>Thus, in this case, there is no mistaking the natives&rsquo; great
-admiration of a good canoe; of their quickness in appreciating
-differences in speed, buoyancy and stability, and of their emotional
-reaction to such difference. When, on a calm day, suddenly a fresh
-breeze rises, the sail is set, and fills, and the canoe lifts its
-<i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger float) out of the water, and races
-along, flinging the spray to right and left&mdash;there is no mistaking
-the keen enjoyment of the natives. All rush to their posts and keenly
-watch the movements of the boat; some break out into song, and the
-younger men lean over and play with the water. They are never tired of
-discussing the good points of their canoes, and analysing the various
-craft. In the coastal villages of the Lagoon, boys and young men will
-often sail out in small canoes on mere pleasure cruises, when they race
-each other, explore less familiar nooks of the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb108" href="#pb108" name=
-"pb108">108</a>]</span>Lagoon, and in general undoubtedly enjoy the
-outing, in just the same manner as we would do.</p>
-<p>Seen from outside, after you have grasped its construction and
-appreciated through personal experience its fitness for its purpose,
-the canoe is no less attractive and full of character than from within.
-When, on a trading expedition or as a visiting party, a fleet of native
-canoes appears in the offing, with their triangular sails like
-butterfly wings scattered over the water (see <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e4053" title="Source: Plates">Plate</span> <a href=
-"#pl48">XLVIII</a>), with the harmonious calls of conch shells blown in
-unison, the effect is unforgettable.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4059src" href="#xd26e4059" name="xd26e4059src">2</a> When the
-canoes then approach, and you see them rocking in the blue water in all
-the splendour of their fresh white, red, and black paint, with their
-finely designed <span class="corr" id="xd26e4065" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, and clanking array of large,
-white cowrie shells (see Plates <a href="#pl49">XLIX</a>, <a href=
-"#pl55">LV</a>)&mdash;you understand well the admiring love which
-results in all this care bestowed by the native on the decoration of
-his canoe.</p>
-<p>Even when not in actual use, when lying idle beached on the sea
-front of a village, the canoe is a characteristic element in the
-scenery, not without its share in the village life. The very big canoes
-are in some cases housed in large sheds (see Plate <a href=
-"#pl22">XXII</a>), which are by far the largest buildings erected by
-the Trobrianders. In other villages, where sailing is always being
-done, a canoe is simply covered with palm leaves (see Plates <a href=
-"#pl01">I</a>, <a href="#pl53">LIII</a>), as protection from the sun,
-and the natives often sit on its platform, chatting, and chewing
-betel-nut, and gazing at the sea. The smaller canoes, beached near the
-sea-front in long parallel rows, are ready to be launched at any
-moment. With their curved outline and intricate framework of poles and
-sticks, they form one of the most characteristic settings of a native
-coastal village.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div4.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A few words must be said now about the technological
-essentials of the canoe. Here again, a simple enumeration of the
-various parts of the canoe, and a description of them, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb109" href="#pb109" name="pb109">109</a>]</span>a
-pulling to pieces of a lifeless object will not satisfy us. I shall
-instead try to show how, given its purpose on the one hand, and the
-limitations in technical means and in material on the other, the native
-ship-builders have coped with the difficulties before them.</p>
-<p>A sailing craft requires a water-tight, immersible vessel of some
-considerable volume. This is supplied to our natives by a hollowed-out
-log. Such a log might carry fairly heavy loads, for wood is light, and
-the hollowed space adds to its buoyancy. Yet it possesses no lateral
-stability, as can easily be seen. A look at the diagrammatic section of
-a canoe <a href="#fig1">Fig. I (1)</a>, shows that a weight with its
-centre of gravity in the middle, that is, distributed symmetrically,
-will not upset the equilibrium, but any load placed so as to produce a
-momentum of rotation (that is, a turning force) at the sides (as
-indicated by arrows at A or B) will cause the canoe to turn round and
-capsize.</p>
-<div class="figure fig1width" id="fig1"><img src="images/fig1.png" alt=
-"Figure I&mdash;Diagram showing in transversal section some principles of canoe stability and construction."
-width="603" height="341">
-<p class="figureHead">Figure I&mdash;Diagram showing in transversal
-section some principles of canoe stability and construction.</p>
-</div>
-<p>If, however, as shown in <a href="#fig1">Fig. I (2)</a>, another
-smaller, solid log (C) be attached to the dug-out, a greater stability
-is achieved, though not a symmetrical one. If we press down the one
-side of the canoe (A) this will cause the canoe to turn round a
-longitudinal axis, so that its other side (B) is raised, <a href=
-"#fig1">Fig. I (3)</a>. The log (C) will be lifted out of the water,
-and its weight will produce a momentum (turning force) proportional to
-the displacement, and the rest of the canoe will come to <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb110" href="#pb110" name=
-"pb110">110</a>]</span>equilibrium. This momentum is represented in the
-diagram by the arrow R. Thus a great stability relative to any stress
-exercised upon A, will be achieved. A stress on B causes the log to be
-immersed, to which its buoyancy opposes a slight resistance. But it can
-easily be seen that the stability on this side is much smaller than on
-the other. This <span class="corr" id="xd26e4113" title=
-"Source: assymetrical">asymmetrical</span><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4115src" href="#xd26e4115" name="xd26e4115src">3</a> stability
-plays a great part in the technique of sailing. Thus, as we shall see,
-the canoe is always so sailed that its outrigger float (C) remains in
-the wind side. The pressure of the sail then lifts the canoe, so that A
-is pressed into the water, and B and C are lifted, a position in which
-they are extremely stable, and can stand great force of wind. Whereas
-the slightest breeze would cause the canoe to turn turtle, if it fell
-on the other side, and thus pressed B&mdash;C into the water.</p>
-<p>Another look at <a href="#fig1">Fig. I (2)</a> and (3) will help us
-to realise that the stability of the canoe will depend upon (i) the
-volume, and especially the depth of the dug-out; (ii) the distance
-B&mdash;C between the dug-out and the log; (iii) the size of the log C.
-The greater all these three magnitudes are, the greater the stability
-of the canoes. A shallow canoe, without much freeboard, will be easily
-forced into the water; moreover, if sailed in rough weather, waves will
-break over it, and fill it with water.</p>
-<p>(i) <i>The volume of the dug-out log</i> naturally depends upon the
-length, and thickness of the log. Fairly stable canoes are made of
-simply scooped-out logs. There are limits, however, to the capacity of
-these, which are very soon reached. But by building out the side, by
-adding one or several planks to them, as shown in <a href=
-"#fig1">Figure I (4)</a> the volume and the depth can be greatly
-increased without much increase in weight. So that such a canoe has a
-good deal of freeboard to prevent water from breaking in. The
-longitudinal boards in Kiriwinian canoes are closed in at each end by
-transversal prow-boards, which are also carved with more or less
-perfection (see Plates <a href="#pl24">XXIV c</a>, <a href=
-"#pl47">XLVII</a>).</p>
-<p>(ii) <i>The greater the distance B&mdash;C between dug-out and
-outrigger float</i>, the greater the stability of the canoe. Since
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb111" href="#pb111" name=
-"pb111">111</a>]</span>the momentum of rotation is the product of
-B&mdash;C (<a href="#fig1">Fig. I</a>), and the weight of the log C, it
-is clear, therefore, that the greater the distance, the greater will be
-the momentum. Too great a distance, however, would interfere with the
-wieldiness of the canoe. Any force acting on the log would easily tip
-the canoe, and as the natives, in order to manage the craft, have to
-walk upon the outrigger, the distance B&mdash;C must not be too great.
-In the Trobriands the distance B&mdash;C is about one-quarter, or less,
-of the total length of the canoe. In the big, sea-going canoes, it is
-always covered with a platform. In certain other districts, the
-distance is much bigger, and the canoes have another type of
-rigging.</p>
-<div class="figure fig2width" id="fig2"><img src="images/fig2.png" alt=
-"Figure II&mdash;Diagrammatic sections of the three types of Trobriand Canoe."
-width="609" height="416">
-<p class="figureHead">Figure II&mdash;Diagrammatic sections of the
-three types of Trobriand Canoe.</p>
-<p class="first">(1) <i lang="kij">Kewo&rsquo;u</i> (2) <i lang=
-"kij">Kalipoulo</i> (3) <i lang="kij">Masawa</i></p>
-</div>
-<p>(iii) <i>The size of the log (C) of which the float is formed</i>.
-This, in sea-going canoes, is usually of considerable dimensions. But,
-as a solid piece of wood becomes heavy if soaked by water, too thick a
-log would not be good.</p>
-<p>These are all the essentials of construction in their functional
-aspect, which will make clear further descriptions of sailing, of
-building, and of using. For, indeed, though I have said that
-technicalities are of secondary importance, still without grasping
-them, we cannot understand references to the managing and rigging of
-the canoes. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb112" href="#pb112" name=
-"pb112">112</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The Trobrianders use their craft for three main purposes, and these
-correspond to the three types of canoe. Coastal transport, especially
-in the Lagoon, requires small, light, handy canoes called <i lang=
-"kij">kewo&rsquo;u</i> (see <a href="#fig2">Fig. II (1)</a>, and Plates
-<a href="#pl24">XXIV</a>, top foreground, and <a href=
-"#pl36">XXXVI</a>, to the right); for fishing, bigger and more
-seaworthy canoes called <i lang="kij">kalipoulo</i> (see <a href=
-"#fig2">Fig. II (2)</a>, and Plates <a href="#pl24">XXIV</a>, and
-<a href="#pl36">XXXVI</a>, to the left, also <a href=
-"#pl37">XXXVII</a>) are used; finally, for deep sea sailing, the
-biggest type is needed, with a considerable carrying capacity, greater
-displacement, and stronger construction. These are called <i lang=
-"kij">masawa</i> (see <a href="#fig2">Fig. II (3)</a> and Plates
-<a href="#pl21">XXI</a>, <a href="#pl23">XXIII</a>, etc.). The word
-<i lang="kij">waga</i> is a general designation for all kinds of
-sailing craft.</p>
-<p>Only a few words need to be said about the first two types, so as to
-make, by means of comparison, the third type clearer. The construction
-of the smallest canoes is sufficiently illustrated by the diagram (1)
-in <a href="#fig2">Fig. II</a>. From this it is clear that it is a
-simple dug-out log, connected with a float. It never has any built-up
-planking, and no carved boards, nor as a rule any platform. In its
-economic aspect, it is always owned by one individual, and serves his
-personal needs. No mythology or magic is attached to it.</p>
-<p>Type (2), as can be seen in <a href="#fig2">Fig. II (2)</a>, differs
-in construction from (1), in so far that it has its well enclosed by
-built-out planking and carved prow-boards. A framework of six ribs
-helps to keep the planks firmly attached to the dug-out and to hold
-them together. It is used in fishing villages. These villages are
-organised into several fishing detachments, each with a headman. He is
-the owner of the canoe, he performs the fish magic, and among other
-privileges, obtains the main yield of fish. But all his crew <i lang=
-"la">de facto</i> have the right to use the canoe and share in the
-yield. Here we come across the fact that native ownership is not a
-simple institution, since it implies definite rights of a number of
-men, combined with the paramount right and title of one. There is a
-good deal of fishing magic, taboos and customs connected with the
-construction of these canoes, and also with their use, and they form
-the subject of a number of minor myths.</p>
-<p id="pl24"></p>
-<div class="figure pl24-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl24-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XIV</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl24-1.jpg" alt="" width="593" height="468"></div>
-<div class="figure pl24-2width"><img src="images/pl24-2.jpg" alt=
-"Fishing Canoe (Kalipoulo)" width="593" height="454">
-<p class="figureHead">Fishing Canoe (Kalipoulo)</p>
-<p class="first">Above the profile of a canoe, shows the outline of the
-dug-out, the relative width of the gunwale planks and the hull, and the
-general shape of the canoe. The bottom picture shows the attachment of
-the outrigger to the hull, the prow, the prow-boards and the platform.
-(See <a href="#div4.2">Div. II</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>By far the most elaborate technically, the most seaworthy and
-carefully built, are the sea-going canoes of the third type (see
-<a href="#fig2">Fig. II (3)</a>). These are undoubtedly the greatest
-achievement of craftsmanship of these natives. Technically,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb113" href="#pb113" name=
-"pb113">113</a>]</span>they differ from the previously described kinds,
-in the amount of time spent over their construction and the care given
-to details, rather than in essentials. The well is formed by a planking
-built over a hollowed log and closed up at both ends by carved,
-transversal prow-boards, kept in position by others, longitudinal and
-of oval form. The whole planking remains in place by means of ribs, as
-in the second type of canoes, the <i lang="kij">kalipoulo</i>, the
-fishing canoes, but all the parts are finished and fitted much more
-perfectly, lashed with a better creeper, and more thoroughly caulked.
-The carving, which in the fishing canoes is often quite indifferent,
-here is perfect. Ownership of these canoes is even more complex, and
-its construction is permeated with tribal customs, ceremonial, and
-magic, the last based on mythology. The magic is always performed in
-direct association with Kula expeditions.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div4.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">After having thus spoken about, first, the general
-impression made by a canoe and its psychological import, and then about
-the fundamental features of its technology, we have to turn to the
-social implications of a <i lang="kij">masawa</i> (sea-going
-canoe).</p>
-<p>The canoe is constructed by a group of people, it is owned, used and
-enjoyed communally, and this is done according to definite rules. There
-is therefore a social organisation underlying the building, the owning,
-and the sailing of a canoe. Under these three headings, we shall give
-an outline of the canoe&rsquo;s sociology, always bearing in mind that
-these outlines have to be filled in in the subsequent account.</p>
-<p>(A) <i>Social organisation of labour in constructing a
-Canoe</i>.</p>
-<p>In studying the construction of a canoe, we see the natives engaged
-in an economic enterprise on a big scale. Technical difficulties face
-them, which require knowledge, and can only be overcome by a
-continuous, systematic effort, and at certain stages must be met by
-means of communal labour. All this obviously implies some social
-organisation. All the stages of work, at which various people have to
-co-operate, must be co-ordinated, there must be someone in authority
-who takes the initiative and gives decisions; and there must be also
-someone with a technical capacity, who directs the construction.
-Finally, in Kiriwina, communal labour, and the services <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb114" href="#pb114" name="pb114">114</a>]</span>of
-experts have to be paid for, and there must be someone who has the
-means and is prepared to do it.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e4274src"
-href="#xd26e4274" name="xd26e4274src">4</a> This economic organisation
-rests on two fundamental facts&mdash;(1) the sociological
-differentiation of functions, and (2) the magical regulation of
-work.</p>
-<p>(1) <i>The sociological differentiation of
-functions</i>.&mdash;First of all there is the owner of the canoe, that
-is, the chief, or the headman of a village or of a smaller
-sub-division, who takes the responsibility for the undertaking. He pays
-for the work, engages the expert, gives orders, and commands communal
-labour.</p>
-<p>Besides the owner, there is next another office of great
-sociological importance, namely, that of the expert. He is the man who
-knows how to construct the canoe, how to do the carvings, and, last,
-not least, how to perform the magic. All these functions of the expert
-may be, but not necessarily are, united in one person. The owner is
-always one individual, but there may be two or even three experts.</p>
-<p>Finally, the third sociological factor in canoe-building, consists
-of the workers. And here there is a further division. First there is a
-smaller group, consisting of the relations and close friends of the
-owner or of the expert, who help throughout the whole process of
-construction; and, secondly, there is, besides them, the main body of
-villagers, who take part in the work at those stages where communal
-labour is necessary.</p>
-<p>(2) <i>The magical regulation of work</i>.&mdash;The belief in the
-efficiency of magic is supreme among the natives of Boyowa, and they
-associate it with all their vital concerns. In fact, we shall find
-magic interwoven into all the many industrial and communal activities
-to be described later on, as well as associated with every pursuit
-where either danger or chance conspicuously enter. We shall have to
-describe, besides the magic of canoe-making, that of propitious
-sailing, of shipwreck and salvage, of Kula and of trade, of fishing, of
-obtaining <i>spondylus</i> and <i>Conus</i> shell, and of protection
-against attack in foreign parts. It is imperative that we should
-thoroughly grasp what magic means to the natives and the r&ocirc;le it
-plays in all their vital pursuits, and a special chapter will be
-devoted <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb115" href="#pb115" name=
-"pb115">115</a>]</span>to magical ideas and magical practices in
-Kiriwina. Here, however, it is necessary to sketch the main outlines,
-at least as far as canoe magic is concerned.</p>
-<p>First of all, it must be realised that the natives firmly believe in
-the value of magic, and that this conviction, when put to the test of
-their actions, is quite unwavering, even nowadays when so much of
-native belief and custom has been undermined. We may speak of the
-sociological weight of tradition, that is of the degree to which the
-behaviour of a community is affected by the traditional commands of
-tribal law and customs. In the Trobriands, the general injunction for
-always building canoes under the guidance of magic is obeyed without
-the slightest deviation, for the tradition here weighs very heavily. Up
-to the present, not one single <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe has been
-constructed without magic, indeed without the full observance of all
-the rites and ceremonial. The forces that keep the natives to their
-traditional course of behaviour are, in the first place, the specific
-social inertia which obtains in all human societies and is the basis of
-all conservative tendencies, and then the strong conviction that if the
-traditional course were not taken, evil results would ensue. In the
-case of canoes, the Trobrianders would be so firmly persuaded that a
-canoe built without magic would be unseaworthy, slow in sailing, and
-unlucky in the Kula, that no one would dream of omitting the magic
-rites.</p>
-<p>In the myths related elsewhere (<a href="#ch12">Chap. XII</a>) we
-shall see plainly the power ascribed to magic in imparting speed and
-other qualities to a canoe. According to native mythology, which is
-literally accepted, and strongly believed, canoes could be even made to
-fly, had not the necessary magic fallen into oblivion.</p>
-<p>It is also important to understand rightly the natives&rsquo; ideas
-about the relation between magical efficiency and the results of
-craftsmanship. Both are considered indispensable, but both are
-understood to act independently. That is, the natives will understand
-that magic, however efficient, will not make up for bad workmanship.
-Each of these two has its own province: the builder by his skill and
-knowledge makes the canoe stable and swift, and magic gives it an
-additional stability and swiftness. If a canoe is obviously badly
-built, the natives will know why it sails slowly and is unwieldy.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb116" href="#pb116" name=
-"pb116">116</a>]</span>But if one of two canoes, both apparently
-equally well constructed surpasses the other in some respect, this will
-be attributed to magic.</p>
-<p>Finally, speaking from a sociological point of view, what is the
-economic function of magic in the process of canoe making? Is it simply
-an extraneous action, having nothing to do with the real work or its
-organisation? Is magic, from the economic point of view, a mere waste
-of time? By no means. In reading the account which follows, it will be
-seen clearly that magic puts order and sequence into the various
-activities, and that it and its associated ceremonial are instrumental
-in securing the co-operation of the community, and the organisation of
-communal labour. As has been said before, it inspires the builders with
-great confidence in the efficiency of their work, a mental state
-essential in any enterprise of complicated and difficult character. The
-belief that the magician is a man endowed with special powers,
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e4324" title=
-"Source: controling">controlling</span> the canoe, makes him a natural
-leader whose command is obeyed, who can fix dates, apportion work, and
-keep the worker up to the mark.</p>
-<p>Magic, far from being a useless appendage, or even a burden on the
-work, supplies the psychological influence, which keeps people
-confident about the success of their labour, and provides them with a
-sort of natural leader.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e4329src" href=
-"#xd26e4329" name="xd26e4329src">5</a> Thus the organisation of labour
-in canoe-building rests on the one hand on the division of functions,
-those of the owner, the expert and the helpers, and on the other on the
-co-operation between labour and magic.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div4.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">(B) <i>Sociology of Canoe Ownership</i>.</p>
-<p>Ownership, giving this word its broadest sense, is the relation,
-often very complex, between an object and the social community in which
-it is found. In ethnology it is extremely important not to use this
-word in any narrower sense than that just defined, because the types of
-ownership found in various parts of the world differ widely. It is
-especially a grave <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb117" href="#pb117"
-name="pb117">117</a>]</span>error to use the word ownership with the
-very definite connotation given to it in our own society. For it is
-obvious that this connotation presupposes the existence of very highly
-developed economic and legal conditions, such as they are amongst
-ourselves, and therefore the term &ldquo;own&rdquo; as we use it is
-meaningless, when applied to a native society. Or indeed, what is
-worse, such an application smuggles a number of preconceived ideas into
-our description, and before we have begun to give an account of the
-native conditions, we have distorted the reader&rsquo;s outlook.</p>
-<p>Ownership has naturally in every type of native society, a different
-specific meaning, as in each type, custom and tradition attach a
-different set of functions, rites and privileges to the word. Moreover,
-the social range of those who enjoy these privileges varies. Between
-pure individual ownership and collectivism, there is a whole scale of
-intermediate blendings and combinations.</p>
-<p>In the Trobriands, there is a word which may be said approximately
-to denote ownership, the prefix <i lang="kij">toli</i>&mdash;followed
-by the name of the object owned. Thus the compound word (pronounced
-without hiatus) <i lang="kij">toli-waga</i>, means &ldquo;owner&rdquo;
-or &ldquo;master&rdquo; of a canoe (<i lang="kij">waga</i>); <i lang=
-"kij">toli-bagula</i>, the master of the garden (<i lang=
-"kij">bagula</i>&mdash;garden); <i lang="kij">toli-bunukwa</i>, owner
-of the pig; <i lang="kij">toli-megwa</i> (owner, expert in magic, etc.)
-This word has to be used as a clue to the understanding of native
-ideas, but here again such a clue must be used with caution. For, in
-the first place, like all abstract native words, it covers a wide
-range, and has different meanings in different contexts. And even with
-regard to one object, a number of people may lay claim to ownership,
-claim to be <i lang="kij">toli</i>&mdash;with regard to it. In the
-second place, people having the full <i lang="la">de facto</i> right of
-using an object, might not be allowed to call themselves <i lang=
-"kij">toli</i>&mdash;of this object. This will be made clear in the
-concrete example of the canoe.</p>
-<p>The word <i lang="kij">toli</i>&mdash;in this example is restricted
-to one man only, who calls himself <i lang="kij">toli-waga</i>.
-Sometimes his nearest maternal relatives, such as his brothers and
-maternal nephews, might call themselves collectively <i lang=
-"kij">toli-waga</i>, but this would be an abuse of the term. Now, even
-the mere privilege of using exclusively this title is very highly
-valued by the natives. With this feature of the Trobriand social
-psychology, that is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb118" href="#pb118"
-name="pb118">118</a>]</span>with their characteristic ambition, vanity
-and desire to be renowned and well spoken of, the reader of the
-following pages will become very familiar. The natives, to whom the
-Kula and the sailing expeditions are so important, will associate the
-name of the canoe with that of its <i lang="kij">toli</i>; they will
-identify his magical powers and its good luck in sailing and in the
-Kula; they will often speak of So-and-so&rsquo;s sailing here and
-there, of his being very fast in sailing, etc., using in this the
-man&rsquo;s name for that of the canoe.</p>
-<p>Turning now to the detailed determination of this relationship, the
-most important point about it is that it always rests in the person of
-the chief or headman. As we have seen in our short account of the
-Trobrianders&rsquo; sociology, the village community is always subject
-to the authority of one chief or headman. Each one of these, whether
-his authority extends over a small sectional village, or over a whole
-district, has the means of accumulating a certain amount of garden
-produce, considerable in the case of a chief, relatively small in that
-of a headman, but always sufficient to defray the extra expenses
-incidental to all communal enterprise. He also owns native wealth
-condensed into the form of the objects of value called <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. Again, a headman will have little, a big chief
-a large amount. But everyone who is not a mere nobody, must possess at
-least a few stone blades, a few <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> belts, and
-some <i lang="kij">kuwa</i> (small necklets). Thus in all types of
-tribal enterprises, the chief or headman is able to bear the burden of
-expense, and he also derives the main benefit from the affair. In the
-case of the canoe, the chief, as we saw, acts as main organiser in the
-construction, and he also enjoys the title of <i lang=
-"kij">toli</i>.</p>
-<p>This strong economic position runs side by side with his direct
-power, due to high rank, or traditional authority. In the case of a
-small headman, it is due to the fact that he is at the head of a big
-kinship group (the totemic sub-clan). Both combined, allow him to
-command labour and to reward for it.</p>
-<p>This title of <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, besides the general social
-distinction which it confers, implies further a definite series of
-social functions with regard to its individual bearer.</p>
-<p>(1) There are first the formal and ceremonial privileges. Thus, the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has the privilege of acting as spokesman of
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb119" href="#pb119" name=
-"pb119">119</a>]</span>his community in all matters of sailing or
-construction. He assembles the council, informal or formal as the case
-may be, and opens the question of when the sailing will take place.
-This right of initiative is <a id="xd26e4429" name=
-"xd26e4429"></a>purely a nominal one, because both in construction and
-sailing, the date of enterprise is determined by outward causes, such
-as reciprocity to overseas tribes, seasons, customs, etc. Nevertheless,
-the formal privilege is strictly confined to the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>, and highly valued. The position of master and
-leader of ceremonies, of general spokesman, lasts right through the
-successive stages of the building of the canoe, and its subsequent use,
-and we shall meet with it in all the ceremonial phases of the Kula.</p>
-<p>(2) The economic uses and advantages derived from a canoe are not
-limited to the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. He, however, gets the
-lion&rsquo;s share. He has, of course, in all circumstances, the
-privilege of absolute priority in being included in the party. He also
-receives always by far the greatest proportion of Kula valuables, and
-other articles on every occasion. This, however, is in virtue of his
-general position as chief or headman, and should perhaps not be
-included under this heading. But a very definite and strictly
-individual advantage is that of being able to dispose of the canoe for
-hire, and of receiving the payment for it. The canoe can be, and often
-is, hired out from a headman, who at a given season has no intention of
-sailing, by another one, as a rule from a different district, who
-embarks on an expedition. The reason of this is, that the chief or
-headman who borrows, may at that time not be able to have his own canoe
-repaired, or construct another new one. The payment for hire is called
-<i lang="kij">toguna</i>, and it consists of a <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. Besides this, the best <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> obtained on the expedition would be
-kula&rsquo;d to the man from whom the canoe was hired.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e4448src" href="#xd26e4448" name=
-"xd26e4448src">6</a></p>
-<p>(3) The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has definite social privileges,
-and exercises definite functions, in the running of a canoe. Thus, he
-selects his companions, who will sail in his canoe, and has the nominal
-right to choose or reject those who may go on the expedition with him.
-Here again the privilege is much shorn of its <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb120" href="#pb120" name=
-"pb120">120</a>]</span>value by many restrictions imposed on the chief
-by the nature of things. Thus, on the one hand, his <i lang=
-"kij">veyola</i> (maternal kinsmen) have, according to all native ideas
-of right and law, a strong claim on the canoe. Again, a man of rank in
-a community could be excluded from an expedition only with difficulty,
-if he wished to go and there were no special grievance against him. But
-if there were such a cause, if the man had offended the chief, and were
-on bad terms with him, he himself would not even try to embark. There
-are actual examples of this on record. Another class of people having a
-<i lang="la">de facto</i> right to sail are the sailing experts. In the
-coastal villages like Sinaketa there are many of these; in inland ones,
-like Omarakana, there are few. So in one of these inland places, there
-are men who always go in a canoe, whenever it is used; who have even a
-good deal to say in all matters connected with sailing, yet who would
-never dare to use the title of <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, and would
-even definitely disclaim it if it were given to them. To sum up: the
-chief&rsquo;s privilege of choice is limited by two conditions, the
-rank and the seamanship of those he may select. As we have seen, he
-fulfils definite functions in the construction of the canoe. We shall
-see later on that he has also definite functions in sailing.</p>
-<p>(4) A special feature, implied in the title of <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>, is the performance of magical duties. It will be
-made clear that magic during the process of construction is done by the
-expert, but magic done in connection with sailing and Kula is done by
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. The latter must, by definition, know
-canoe magic. The r&ocirc;le of magic in this, and the taboos,
-ceremonial activities, and special customs associated with it, will
-come out clearly in the consecutive account of a Kula expedition.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div4.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">(<span class="corr" id="xd26e4490" title=
-"Source: 3">C</span>) <i>The Social Division of Functions in the
-Manning and Sailing</i> of <i>the Canoe</i>.</p>
-<p>Very little is to be said under this heading here, since to
-understand this we must know more about the technicalities of sailing.
-We shall deal with this subject later on (<a href="#div9.2">Chap. IX,
-Div. II</a>), and there the social organisation within the
-canoe&mdash;such as it is&mdash;will be indicated. Here it may be said
-that a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb121" href="#pb121" name=
-"pb121">121</a>]</span>number of men have definite tasks assigned to
-them, and they keep to these. As a rule a man will specialise, let us
-say, as steersman, and will always have the rudder given to his care.
-Captainship, carrying with it definite duties, powers and
-responsibilities, as a position distinct from that of the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>, does not exist. The owner of the canoe will always
-take the lead and give orders, provided that he is a good sailor.
-Otherwise the best sailor from the crew will say what is to be done
-when difficulties or dangers arise. As a rule, however, everyone knows
-his task, and everyone performs it in the normal course of events.</p>
-<p>A short outline of the concrete details referring to the
-distribution of canoes in the Trobriands must be given here. A glance
-at the map of Boyowa shows that various districts have not the same
-opportunities for sailing, and not all of them direct access to the
-sea. Moreover, the fishing villages on the Lagoon, where fishing and
-sailing have constantly to be done, will naturally have more
-opportunities for cultivating the arts of sailing and ship-building.
-And indeed we find that the villages of the two inland districts,
-Tilataula and Kuboma, know nothing about ship-building and sailing, and
-possess no canoes; the villages in Kiriwina and Luba, on the east
-coast, with indirect access to the sea, have only one canoe each, and
-few building experts; while some villagers on the Lagoon are good
-sailors and excellent builders. The best centres for canoe-building are
-found in the islands of Vakuta and Kayleula and to a lesser degree this
-craft flourishes in the village of Sinaketa. The island of Kitava is
-the traditional building centre, and at present the finest canoes as
-well as the best canoe carvings come from there. In this description of
-canoes, this island, which really belongs to the Eastern rather than to
-the Western branch of the N. Massim, must be included in the account,
-since all Boyowan canoe mythology and canoe industry is associated with
-Kitava.</p>
-<p>There are at present some sixty-four Masawa canoes in the Trobriands
-and Kitava. Out of these, some four belong to the Northern district,
-where Kula is not practised; all the rest are built and used for the
-Kula. In the foregoing chapters I have spoken about &ldquo;Kula
-communities,&rdquo; that is, such groups of villages as carry on the
-Kula as a whole, sail together on overseas expeditions, and do their
-internal Kula with one <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb122" href=
-"#pb122" name="pb122">122</a>]</span>another. We shall group the canoes
-according to the Kula community to which they belong.</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t5">
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellTop">Kiriwina</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellTop">8</td>
-<td class="cellRight cellTop">canoes.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft">Luba</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518">3</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class=
-"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class=
-"i">,,</span></span></span></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft">Sinaketa</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518">8</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class=
-"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class=
-"i">,,</span></span></span></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft">Vakuta</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518">22</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class=
-"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class=
-"i">,,</span></span></span></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Kayleula</td>
-<td>about</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518">20</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class=
-"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class=
-"i">,,</span></span></span></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Kitava</td>
-<td>about</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518">12</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><span class="ditto"><span class=
-"s">canoes.</span><span class="d"><span class=
-"i">,,</span></span></span></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellBottom">Total for all Kula
-communities</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellBottom"><span class="sum">60</span></td>
-<td class="cellRight cellBottom">canoes.</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>To this number, the canoes of the Northern district must be added,
-but they are never used in the Kula. In olden days, this figure was, on
-a rough estimate, more than double of what it is now, because, first of
-all, there are some villages which had canoes in the old days and now
-have none, and then the number of villages which became extinct a few
-generations ago is considerable. About half a century ago, there were
-in Vakuta alone about sixty canoes, in Sinaketa at least twenty, in
-Kitava thirty, in Kiriwina twenty, and in Luba ten. When all the canoes
-from Sinaketa and Vakuta sailed south, and some twenty to thirty more
-joined them from the Amphletts and Tewara, quite a stately fleet would
-approach Dobu.</p>
-<p>Turning now to the list of ownership in Kiriwina, the most important
-canoe is, of course, that owned by the chief of Omarakana. This canoe
-always leads the fleet; that is to say, on big ceremonial Kula
-sailings, called <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, it has the privileged
-position. It lives in a big shed on the beach of Kaulukuba (see Plates
-<a href="#pl22">XXII</a>, <a href="#pl30">XXX</a>), distant about one
-mile from the village, the beach on which also each new canoe is made.
-The present canoe (see Plates <a href="#pl21">XXI</a> and <a href=
-"#pl41">XLI</a>) is called Nigada Bu&rsquo;a&mdash;&ldquo;begging for
-an areca-nut.&rdquo; Every canoe has a personal name of its own,
-sometimes just an appropriate expression, like the one quoted,
-sometimes derived from some special incident. When a new canoe is
-built, it often inherits the name of its predecessor, but sometimes it
-gets a new name. The present Omarakana canoe was constructed by a
-master-builder from Kitava, who also carved the ornamental <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e4599" title="Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>.
-There is no one now in Omarakana who can build or carve properly. The
-magic over the latter stages ought to have been recited by the present
-chief, To&rsquo;uluwa, but as he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb123"
-href="#pb123" name="pb123">123</a>]</span>has very little capacity for
-remembering spells, the magic was performed by one of his kinsmen.</p>
-<p>All the other canoes of Kiriwina are also housed in hangars, each on
-a beach of clean, white sand on the Eastern coast. The chief or headman
-of each village is the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. In Kasana&rsquo;i,
-the sub-village of Omarakana, the canoe, called in feigned modesty
-<i lang="kij">tokwabu</i> (something like &ldquo;landlubber&rdquo;),
-was built by Ibena, a chief of equal rank, but smaller power than
-To&rsquo;uluwa, and he is also the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. Some
-other characteristic names of the canoes
-are:&mdash;Kuyamataym&rsquo;&mdash;&ldquo;Take care of yourself,&rdquo;
-that is, &ldquo;because I shall get ahead of you&rdquo;; the canoe of
-Liluta, called Siya&rsquo;i, which is the name of a Government station,
-where some people from Liluta were once imprisoned; Topusa&mdash;a
-flying fish; Yagwa&rsquo;u&mdash;a scarecrow;
-Akamta&rsquo;u&mdash;&ldquo;I shall eat men,&rdquo; because the canoe
-was a gift from the cannibals of Dobu.</p>
-<p>In the district of Luba there are at present only three canoes; one
-belongs to the chief of highest rank in the village of Olivilevi. This
-is the biggest canoe in all the Trobriands. Two are in the village of
-Wawela, and belong to two headmen, each ruling over a section of the
-village; one of them is seen being relashed on <a href="#pl27">Plate
-XXVII</a>.</p>
-<p>The big settlement of Sinaketa, consisting of sectional villages,
-has also canoes. There are about four expert builders and carvers, and
-almost every man there knows a good deal about construction. In Vakuta
-the experts are even more numerous, and this is also the case in
-Kayleula and Kitava. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb124" href="#pb124"
-name="pb124">124</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e3954" href="#xd26e3954src" name="xd26e3954">1</a></span>
-Comparing the frail yet clumsy native canoe with a fine European yacht,
-we feel inclined to regard the former almost in the light of a joke.
-This is the pervading note in many amateur ethnographic accounts of
-sailing, where cheap fun is made by speaking of roughly hewn dug-outs
-in terms of &ldquo;dreadnoughts&rdquo; or &ldquo;Royal Yachts,&rdquo;
-just as simple, savage chiefs are referred to as &ldquo;Kings&rdquo; in
-a jocular vein. Such humour is doubtless natural and refreshing, but
-when we approach these matters scientifically, on the one hand we must
-refrain from any distortion of facts, and on the other, enter into the
-finer shades of the natives&rsquo; thought and feeling with regard to
-his own, creations.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e3954src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4059" href="#xd26e4059src" name="xd26e4059">2</a></span> The
-crab-claw sails, used on the South Coast, from Mailu where I used to
-see them, to westwards where they are used with the double-masted
-<i lang="kij">lakatoi</i> of Port Moresby, are still more picturesque.
-In fact, I can hardly imagine anything more strangely impressive than a
-fleet of crab-claw sailed canoes. They have been depicted in the
-British New Guinea stamp, as issued by Captain Francis Barton, the late
-Governor of the Colony. See also Plate XII of Seligman&rsquo;s
-&ldquo;Melanesians.&rdquo;&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e4059src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4115" href="#xd26e4115src" name="xd26e4115">3</a></span> A
-constructive expedient to achieve a symmetrical stability is
-exemplified by the Mailu system of canoe-building, where a platform
-bridges two parallel, hollowed-out logs. Cf. Author&rsquo;s article in
-the Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, Vol. XXXIX,
-1915, pp. 494&ndash;706. Chapter IV, 612&ndash;599. Plates
-XXXV&ndash;XXXVII.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e4115src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4274" href="#xd26e4274src" name="xd26e4274">4</a></span> The
-whole tribal life is based on a continuous material give and take; cf.
-the above mentioned article in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, March,
-1921, and the <span class="corr" id="xd26e4279" title=
-"Source: disgression">digression</span> on this subject in <a href=
-"#div6.4">Chapter VI, Division IV&ndash;VII.</a>&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e4274src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4329" href="#xd26e4329src" name="xd26e4329">5</a></span> This
-view has been more fully elaborated in the article on &ldquo;Primitive
-Economics&rdquo; in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, March, 1921; compare
-also the remarks on systematic magic in <a href="#div17.7">Chapter
-XVII, Division VII</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e4329src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4448" href="#xd26e4448src" name="xd26e4448">6</a></span> The way
-of hiring a <i lang="kij">masawa</i> (sea-going) canoe is different
-from the usual transaction, when hiring a fishing canoe. In the latter
-case, the payment consists of giving part of the yield of fish, and
-this is called <i lang="kij">uwaga</i>. The same term applies to all
-payments for objects hired. Thus, if fishing nets or hunting
-implements, or a small canoe for trading along the coast are hired out,
-part of the proceeds are given as <i lang=
-"kij">uwaga</i>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e4448src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch5" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e521">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter V</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Ceremonial Building of a Waga</h2>
-<div id="div5.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The building of the sea-going canoe (<i lang=
-"kij">masawa</i>) is inextricably bound up with the general proceedings
-of the Kula. As we have said before, in all villages where Kula is
-practised the <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoes are built and repaired
-only in direct connection with it. That is, as soon as a Kula
-expedition is decided upon, and its date fixed, all the canoes of the
-village must be overhauled, and those too old for repair must be
-replaced by new ones. As the overhauling differs only slightly from
-building in the later, ceremonial stages of the procedure, the account
-in this chapter covers both.</p>
-<p>To the native, the construction of the canoe is the first link in
-the chain of the Kula performances. From the moment that the tree is
-felled till the return of the oversea party, there is one continuous
-flow of events, following in regular succession. Not only that: as we
-shall see, the technicalities of construction are interrupted and
-punctuated by magical rites. Some of these refer to the canoe, others
-belong to the Kula. Thus, canoe-building and the first stage of Kula
-dovetail into one another. Again, the launching of the canoe, and
-especially the <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> (the formal presentation
-visit) are in one respect the final acts of canoe-building, and in
-another they belong to the Kula. In giving the account of
-canoe-building, therefore, we start on the long sequence of events
-which form a Kula expedition. No account of the Kula could be
-considered complete in which canoe-building had been omitted.</p>
-<div class="figure pl25width" id="pl25">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl25width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl25.jpg" alt="The Dug-Out in the Village" width="720"
-height="432">
-<p class="figureHead">The Dug-Out in the Village</p>
-<p>A canoe hull in the process of being hollowed out, in the baku of
-one of the villages of Sinaketa. The parts not being worked are covered
-with cocoanut leaves. (See <a href="#div5.2">Div. II</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl26width" id="pl26">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl26width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXVI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl26.jpg" alt="Carving a Tabuyo" width="720" height=
-"448">
-<p class="figureHead">Carving a Tabuyo</p>
-<p>Molilakwa, a <i lang="kij">tokabitam</i> (master carver), giving the
-final touches to an oval <span class="corr" id="xd26e4667" title=
-"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span> (<i lang="kij">tabuyo</i>), made
-for a new canoe in Olivilevi. The carving is done with a long iron nail
-(formerly a wallaby bone was used), which is driven by means of a
-wooden hammer. (See <a href="#div5.2">Div. II</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>In this chapter, the incidents will be related one after the other
-as they happen in the normal routine of tribal life, obeying the
-commands of custom, and the indications of belief, the latter acting
-more rigidly and strongly even than the former. It will be necessary,
-in following this consecutive account, to keep in mind the definite,
-sociological mechanism <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb125" href=
-"#pb125" name="pb125">125</a>]</span>underlying the activities, and the
-system of ideas at work in regulating labour and magic. The social
-organisation has been described in the previous chapter. We shall
-remember that the owner, the expert or experts, a small group of
-helpers, and the whole community are the social factors, each of which
-fulfils a different function in the organisation and performance of
-work. As to the magical ideas which govern the various rites, they will
-be analysed later on in the course of this and some of the following
-chapters, and also in <a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>. Here it must
-suffice to say that they belong to several different systems of ideas.
-The one based on the myth of the flying canoe refers directly to the
-canoe; it aims at imparting a general excellence, and more especially
-the quality of speed to the canoe. The rites of the other type are
-really exorcisms directed against evil bewitchment (<i lang=
-"kij">bulubwalata</i>) of which the natives are much afraid. The third
-system of magic (performed during canoe construction) is the Kula
-magic, based on its own mythological cycle, and although performed on
-the canoe, yet aiming at the imparting of success to the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> in his Kula transactions. Finally, at the beginnings
-of the proceedings there is some magic addressed to the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i>, the malignant <span class="corr" id="xd26e4694"
-title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>.</p>
-<p>The construction of the canoe is done in two main stages, differing
-from one another in the character of the work, in the accompanying
-magic, and in the general sociological setting. In the first stage, the
-component parts of the canoe are prepared. A big tree is cut, trimmed
-into a log, then hollowed out and made into the basic dug-out; the
-planks, boards, poles, and sticks are prepared. This is achieved by
-slow, leisurely work, and it is done by the canoe-builder with the
-assistance of a few helpers, usually his relatives or friends or else
-those of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. This stage generally takes a
-long time, some two to six months, and is done in fits and starts, as
-other occupations allow, or the mood comes. The spells and rites which
-accompany it belong to the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> magic, and to that
-of the flying canoe cycle. To this first stage also belongs the carving
-of the decorative prow-boards. This is done sometimes by the builder,
-sometimes by another expert, if the builder cannot carve.</p>
-<p>The second stage is done by means of intense communal labour. As a
-rule this stage is spread over a short time, only perhaps a week or
-two&mdash;including the pauses between work. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb126" href="#pb126" name="pb126">126</a>]</span>The
-actual labour, in which the whole community is energetically engaged,
-takes up only some three to five days. The work consists of the piecing
-together of the planks and <span class="corr" id="xd26e4709" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, and, in case these do not fit
-well, of trimming them appropriately, and then of the lashing them
-together. Next comes the piecing and lashing of the outrigger, caulking
-and painting of the canoe. Sail-making is also done at this time, and
-belongs to this stage. As a rule, the main body of the canoe is
-constructed at one sitting, lasting about a day; that is, the
-prow-boards are put in, the ribs and planks fitted together, trimmed
-and lashed. Another day is devoted to the attaching of the float and
-binding of the outrigger frame and the platform. Caulking and painting
-are done at another sitting, or perhaps at two more, while the sail is
-made on yet another day. These times are only approximate, since the
-size of the canoe, as well as the number of people participating in
-communal labour, greatly varies. The second stage of canoe-building is
-accompanied by Kula magic, and by a series of exorcisms on the canoe,
-and the magic is performed by the owner of the canoe, and not by the
-builder or expert. This latter, however, directs the technicalities of
-the proceedings, in which he is assisted and advised by builders from
-other villages; by sailing experts, and by the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> and other notables. The lashing of the canoe with a
-specially strong creeper, called <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, is
-accompanied by perhaps the most important of the rites and spells
-belonging to the flying canoe magic.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div5.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">After the decision to build a <i lang="kij">waga</i>
-has been taken, a tree suitable for the main log has to be chosen.
-This, in the Trobriands, is not a very easy task. As the whole plain is
-taken up by garden land, only the small patches of fertile soil in the
-coral ridge which runs all round the island, remain covered with
-jungle. There the tree must be found, there felled, and thence
-transported to the village.</p>
-<p>Once the tree is chosen, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, the builder
-and a few helpers repair to the spot, and a preliminary rite must be
-performed, before they begin to cut it down. A small incision is made
-into the trunk, so that a particle of food, or a bit of areca-nut can
-be put into it. Giving this as an offering to the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i> (<span class="corr" id="xd26e4734" title=
-"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>), the magician utters an
-incantation:&mdash; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb127" href="#pb127"
-name="pb127">127</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Vabusi Tokway Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Come down, O <span class="corr" id="xd26e4746"
-title="Source: wood sprites">wood-sprites</span>, O <i lang=
-"kij">Tokway</i>, dwellers in branches, come down! Come down, dwellers
-in branch forks, in branch shoots! Come down, come, eat! Go to your
-coral outcrop over there; crowd there, swarm there, be noisy there,
-scream there!</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Step down from our tree, old men! This is a canoe ill spoken
-of; this is a canoe out of which you have been shamed; this is a canoe
-out of which you have been expelled! At sunrise and morning, you help
-us in felling the canoe; this our tree, old men, let it go and fall
-down!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This spell, given in free translation, which, however, follows the
-original very closely, word for word, is far clearer than the average
-sample of Trobriand magic. In the first part, the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i> is invoked under various names, and invited to leave
-his abode, and to move to some other place, and there to be at his
-ease. In the second part, the canoe is mentioned with several epithets,
-all of which denote an act of discourtesy or ill-omen. This is
-obviously done to compel the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> to leave the
-tree. In Boyowa, the <i lang="kij">yoba</i>, the chasing away, is under
-circumstances a great insult, and at times it commands immediate
-compliance. This is always the case when the chaser belongs to the
-local sub-clan of a village, and the person expelled does not. But the
-<i lang="kij">yoba</i> is always an act of considerable consequence,
-never used lightly, and in this spell, it carries these sociological
-associations with it. In the usual anticipatory way, characteristic of
-native speech, the tree is called in the spell &ldquo;canoe&rdquo;
-(<i lang="kij">waga</i>).</p>
-<p>The object of this spell is written very plainly in every word of
-it, and the natives also confirm it by saying that it is absolutely
-necessary to get rid of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>. What would
-happen, however, if the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> were not expelled, is
-not so unequivocally laid down by tradition, and it cannot be read out
-of the spell or the rite. Some informants say that the canoe would be
-heavy; others that the wood would be full of knots, and that there
-would be holes in the canoe, or that it would quickly rot.</p>
-<p>But though the rationale of the expulsion is not so well defined,
-the belief in the <i lang="kij">tokway&rsquo;s</i> evil influence, and
-in the dangers associated with his presence is positive. And this is in
-keeping with the general nature of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, as we
-find <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb128" href="#pb128" name=
-"pb128">128</a>]</span>him delineated by native belief. The <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i> is on the whole a harmful being, though the harm he
-does is seldom more than an unpleasant trick, perhaps a sudden fright,
-an attack of shooting pains, or a theft. The <i lang="kij">tokway</i>
-live in trees or in coral rocks and boulders, usually in the <i lang=
-"kij">raybwag</i>, the primeval jungle, growing on the coastal ridge,
-full of outcrops and rocks. Some people have seen a <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i>, although he is invisible at will. His skin is brown,
-like that of any Boyowan, but he has long, sleek hair, and a long
-beard. He comes often at night, and frightens people. But, though
-seldom seen, the <i lang="kij">tokway&rsquo;s</i> wailing is often
-heard from the branches of a big tree, and some trees evidently harbour
-more <i lang="kij">tokways</i> than others, since you can hear them
-very easily there. Sometimes, over such trees, where people often hear
-the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> and get a fright, the above quoted
-incantation and rite are performed.</p>
-<p>In their contact with men, the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> show their
-unpleasant side; often they come at night and steal food. Many cases
-can be quoted when a man, as it seemed, was surprised in the act of
-stealing yams out of a storehouse, but lo! when approached he
-disappeared&mdash;it was a <i lang="kij">tokway</i>. Then, sickness in
-some of its lighter forms is caused by the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>.
-Shooting pains, pricking and stabbing in one&rsquo;s inside, are often
-due to him, for he is in possession of magic by which he can insert
-small, sharp-edged and sharp-pointed objects into the body. Fortunately
-some men know magic by which to extract such objects. These men, of
-course, according to the general rule of sorcery, can also inflict the
-same ailments. In olden days, the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> gave both
-the harmful and beneficent magic to some men, and ever since, this form
-of sorcery and of concomitant healing have been handed on from one
-generation to another.</p>
-<p>Let us return to our canoe, however. After the rite has been
-performed, the tree is felled. In olden days, when stone implements
-were used, this must have been a laborious process, in which a number
-of men were engaged in wielding the axe, and others in re-sharpening
-the blunted or broken blades. The old technique was more like nibbling
-away the wood in small chips, and it must have taken a long time to cut
-out a sufficiently deep incision to fell the tree. After the tree is on
-the ground, the preliminary trimming is done on the spot. The branches
-are lopped off, and the log of appropriate length is made out of the
-tree. This log is cut into the rough shape of a canoe, so <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb129" href="#pb129" name="pb129">129</a>]</span>as
-to make it as light as possible, for now it has to be pulled to the
-village or to the beach.</p>
-<p>The transporting of the log is not an easy task, as it has to be
-taken out of the uneven, rocky <i lang="kij">raybwag</i>, and then
-pulled along very bad roads. Pieces of wood are put on the ground every
-few metres, to serve as slips on which the log can more easily glide
-than on the rocks and uneven soil. In spite of that, and in spite of
-the fact that many men are summoned to assist, the work of pulling the
-log is very heavy. The men receive food in payment for it. Pig flesh is
-cooked and distributed with baked yams; at intervals during the work
-they refresh themselves with green coco-nut drinks and with sucking
-sugar cane. Gifts of such food, given during work in payment of
-communal labour, are called <i lang="kij">puwaya</i>. To describe how
-heavy the work sometimes is, the native will say, in a
-characteristically figurative manner:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The pig, the coco drinks, the yams are
-finished, and yet we pull&mdash;very heavy!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In such cases the natives resort to a magical rite which makes the
-canoe lighter. A piece of dry banana leaf is put on top of the log. The
-owner or builder beats the log with a bunch of dry lalang grass and
-utters the following spell:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kaymomwa&rsquo;u Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Come down, come down, defilement by contact
-with excrement! Come down, defilement by contact with refuse! Come
-down, heaviness! Come down, rot! Come down fungus! &hellip;&rdquo; and
-soon, invoking a number of deteriorations to leave the log, and then a
-number of defilements and broken taboos. In other words, the heaviness
-and slowness, due to all these magical causes, are thrown out of the
-log.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This bunch of grass is then ritually thrown away. It is called
-<i lang="kij">momwa&rsquo;u</i>, or the &ldquo;heavy bunch.&rdquo;
-Another handful of the long lalang grass, seared and dry, is taken, and
-this is the <i lang="kij">gagabile</i>, the &ldquo;light bunch,&rdquo;
-and with this the canoe is again beaten. The meaning of the rite is
-quite plain: the first bunch takes into it the heaviness of the log,
-and the second imparts lightness to it. Both spells also express this
-meaning in plain terms. The second spell, recited with the <i lang=
-"kij">gagabile</i> bunch, runs thus: <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb130" href="#pb130" name="pb130">130</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kaygagabile Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;He fails to outrun me&rdquo; (repeated many
-times). &ldquo;The canoe trembles with speed&rdquo; (many times). A few
-untranslatable words are uttered; then a long chain of ancestral names
-is invoked. &ldquo;I lash you, O tree; the tree flies; the tree becomes
-like a breath of wind; the tree becomes like a butterfly; the tree
-becomes like a cotton seed fluff. One sun&rdquo; (i.e., time)
-&ldquo;for my companions, midday sun, setting sun; another sun for
-me&mdash;&mdash;&rdquo; (here the reciter&rsquo;s name is
-uttered)&mdash;&ldquo;the rising sun, the rays of the (rising) sun,
-(the time of) opening the huts, (the time of the) rising of the morning
-star!&rdquo; The last part means: &ldquo;My companions arrive at
-sunset, while I arrive with the rising sun&rdquo;&mdash;(indicating how
-far my canoe exceeds them in speed.)<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4876src" href="#xd26e4876" name="xd26e4876src">1</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>These formul&aelig; are used both to make the log lighter for the
-present purpose of pulling it into the village, and in order to give it
-greater speed in general, when it is made up into a <i lang=
-"kij">waga</i>.</p>
-<p>After the log has been finally brought into the village, and left on
-the <i lang="kij">baku</i>, the main central place, the creeper by
-means of which it has been pulled and which is called in this
-connection <i lang="kij">duku</i>, is not cut away at once. This is
-done ceremonially on the morning of the following day, sometimes after
-even two or three days have passed. The men of the community assemble,
-and the one who will scoop out the canoe, the builder (<i lang=
-"kij">tota&rsquo;ila waga</i>, &ldquo;the cutter of the canoe&rdquo;)
-performs a magical rite. He takes his adze (<i lang="kij">ligogu</i>)
-and wraps some very light and thin herbs round the blade with a piece
-of dried banana leaf, itself associated with the idea of lightness.
-This he wraps only half round, so that a broad opening is left, and the
-breath and voice have free access to the herbs and blade of the adze.
-Into this opening, the magician chants the following long spell:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kapitunena Duku Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I shall wave them back, (i.e., prevent all
-other canoes from overtaking me)!&rdquo; repeated many times. &ldquo;On
-the top of Si&rsquo;a Hill; women of Tokuna; my mother a sorceress,
-myself a sorcerer. It dashes forward, it flies ahead. The canoe body is
-light; the pandanus streamers are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb131"
-href="#pb131" name="pb131">131</a>]</span>aflutter; the prow skims the
-waves; the ornamental boards leap, like dolphins; the <i lang=
-"kij">tabuyo</i> (small prow-board) breaks the waves; the <i lang=
-"kij">lagim&rsquo;</i> (transversal prow-board) breaks the waves. Thou
-sleepest in the mountain, thou sleepest in Kuyawa Island. We shall
-kindle a small fire of lalang grass, we shall burn aromatic herbs
-(i.e., at our destination in the mountains)! Whether new or old, thou
-goest ahead.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This is the exordium of the formula. Then comes a very long middle
-part, in a form very characteristic of Trobriand magic. This form
-resembles a litany, in so far as a key word or expression is repeated
-many times with a series of complementary words and expressions. Then
-the first key word is replaced by another, which in its turn, is
-repeated with the same series of expressions; then comes another key
-word, and so on. We have thus two series of words; each term of the
-first is repeated over and over again, with all terms of the second,
-and in this manner, with a limited number of words, a spell is very
-much lengthened out, since its length is the product of the length of
-both series. In shorter spells, there may be only one key word, and in
-fact, this is the more usual type. In this spell, the first series
-consists of nouns denoting different parts of the canoe; the second are
-verbs, such as: to cut, to fly, to speed, to cleave a fleet of other
-canoes, to disappear, to skim over the waves. Thus the litany runs in
-such a fashion: &ldquo;The tip of my canoe starts, the tip of my canoe
-flies, the tip of my canoe speeds, etc., etc.&rdquo; After the long
-litany has been chanted, the magician repeats the exordium, and
-finishes it off with the conventional onomatopoetic word <i lang=
-"kij">saydididi</i>&mdash;which is meant to imitate the flying of the
-witches.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>After the recital of this long spell over the herbs and blade of his
-adze, the magician wraps up the dry banana leaf, thus imprisoning the
-magical virtue of the spell round the blade, and with this, he strikes
-and cuts through the <i lang="kij">duku</i> (the creeper used for the
-pulling of the canoes.)</p>
-<p>With this, the magic is not over yet, for on the same evening, when
-the canoe is put on transversal logs (<i lang="kij">nigakulu</i>),
-another rite has to be carried out. Some herbs are placed on the
-transversals between them and the body of the big canoe log. Over these
-herbs, again, another spell has to be uttered. In order not to overload
-this account with magical texts, I shall not adduce this spell in
-detail. Its wording also plainly <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb132"
-href="#pb132" name="pb132">132</a>]</span>indicates that it is speed
-magic, and it is a short formula running on directly, without
-cross-repetitions.</p>
-<p>After that, for some days, the outside of the canoe body is worked.
-Its two ends must be cut into tapering shape, and the bottom evened and
-smoothed. After that is done, the canoe has to be turned over, this
-time into its natural position, bottom down, and what is to be the
-opening, upwards. Before the scooping out begins, another formula has
-to be recited over the <i lang="kij">kavilali</i>, a special <i lang=
-"kij">ligogu</i> (adze), used for scooping out, which is inserted into
-a handle with a moveable part, which then allows the cutting to be done
-at varying angles to the plane of striking.</p>
-<p>The rite stands in close connection to the myth of the flying canoe,
-localised in Kudayuri, a place in the Island of Kitava, and many
-allusions are made to this myth.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e4944src"
-href="#xd26e4944" name="xd26e4944src">2</a> After a short exordium,
-containing untranslatable magical words, and geographical references,
-the spell runs:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Ligogu Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I shall take hold of an adze, I shall strike! I
-shall enter my canoe, I shall make thee fly, O canoe, I shall make thee
-jump! We shall fly like butterflies, like wind; we shall disappear in
-mist, we shall vanish. You will pierce the straits of Kadimwatu
-(between the islands of Tewara and Uwama) you will break the promontory
-of Saramwa (near Dobu), pierce the passage of Loma (in Dawson Straits),
-die away in the distance, die away with the wind, fade away with the
-mist, vanish away. Break through your seaweeds (i.e., on coming against
-the shore). Put on your wreath (probably an allusion to the seaweeds),
-make your bed in the sand. I turn round, I see the Vakuta men, the
-Kitava men behind me; my sea, the sea of Pilolu (i.e., the sea between
-the Trobriands and the Amphletts); to-day the Kudayuri men will burn
-their fires (i.e., on the shores of Dobu). Bind your grass skirt
-together, O canoe&rdquo; (here the personal name of the canoe is
-mentioned), &ldquo;fly!&rdquo; The last phrase contains an implicit
-hint that the canoe partakes of the nature of a flying witch, as it
-should, according to the Kudayuri myth.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>After this, the canoe-builder proceeds to scoop out the log. This is
-a long task, and a heavy one, and one which requires a good deal of
-skill, especially towards the end, when the walls of the dug-out have
-to be made sufficiently thin, and when <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb133" href="#pb133" name="pb133">133</a>]</span>the wood has to be
-taken off evenly over the whole surface. Thus, although at the
-beginning the canoe carpenter is usually helped by a few men&mdash;his
-sons or brothers or nephews who in assisting him also learn the
-trade&mdash;towards the end he has to do the work single-handed. It,
-therefore, always happens that this stage takes a very long time. Often
-the canoe will lie for weeks, untouched, covered with palm leaves
-against the sun, and filled with some water to prevent drying and
-cracking (see <a href="#pl25">Plate XXV</a>). Then the carpenter will
-set to work for a few days, and pause again. In almost all villages,
-the canoe is put up in the central place, or before the builder&rsquo;s
-hut. In some of the Eastern villages, the scooping out is done on the
-sea beach, to avoid pulling the heavy log to and from the village.</p>
-<p>Parallel with the process of hollowing out, the other parts of the
-canoe are made ready to be pieced together. Four broad and long planks
-form the gunwale; L-shaped pieces of wood are cut into ribs; long poles
-are prepared for longitudinal support of the ribs, and for platform
-rafters; short poles are made ready as transversals of the platform and
-main supports of the outrigging; small sticks to connect the float with
-the transversals; finally, the float itself, a long, bulky log. These
-are the main, constituent parts of a canoe, to be made by the builder.
-The four carved boards are also made by him if he knows how to carve,
-otherwise another expert has to do this part of the work (see <a href=
-"#pl26">Plate XXVI</a>).</p>
-<p>When all the parts are ready, another magical rite has to be
-performed. It is called &ldquo;<i lang="kij">kapitunela nanola
-waga</i>&rdquo;: &ldquo;the cutting off of the canoe&rsquo;s
-mind,&rdquo; an expression which denotes <i>a change of mind</i>, a
-<i>final determination</i>. In this case, the canoe makes up its mind
-to run quickly. The formula is short, contains at the beginning a few
-obscure words, and then a few geographical references to some places in
-the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Archipelago. It is recited over a few drops
-of coco-nut oil, which is then wrapped up in a small bundle. The same
-spell is then again spoken over the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> blade,
-round which a piece of dry banana has been wrapped in the manner
-described above. The canoe is turned bottom up, the bundle with
-coco-nut oil placed on it and struck with the adze. With this the canoe
-is ready to be pieced together, and the first stage of its construction
-is over. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb134" href="#pb134" name=
-"pb134">134</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div5.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">As has been said above, the two stages differ from one
-another in the nature of work done and in their sociological and
-ceremonial setting. So far, we have seen only a few men engaged in
-cutting the tree and scooping it out and then preparing the various
-parts of the canoe. Industriously, but slowly and deliberately, with
-many pauses, they toil over their work, sitting on the brown, trodden
-soil of the village in front of the huts, or scooping the canoe in the
-central place. The first part of the task, the felling of the tree,
-took us to the tall jungle and intricate undergrowth, climbing and
-festooned around the fantastic shapes of coral rocks.</p>
-<p>Now, with the second stage, the scene shifts to the clean,
-snow-white sand of a coral beach, where hundreds of natives in festive
-array crowd around the freshly scraped body of the canoe. The carved
-boards, painted in black, white and red, the green fringe of palms and
-jungle trees, the blue of the sea&mdash;all lend colour to the vivid
-and lively scene. Thus I saw the building of a canoe done on the East
-shore of the Trobriands, and in this setting I remember it. In
-Sinaketa, instead of the blue, open sea, breaking in a belt of white
-foam outside on the fringing reef and coming in limpid waves to the
-beach, there are the dull, muddy browns and greens of the Lagoon,
-playing into pure emerald tints where the clean sandy bottom
-begins.</p>
-<p>Into one of these two scenes, we must now imagine the dug-out
-transported from the village, after all is ready, and after the summons
-of the chief or headman has gone round the neighbouring villages. In
-the case of a big chief, several hundreds of natives will assemble to
-help, or to gaze on the performance. When a small community with a
-second-rate headman construct their canoe, only a few dozen people will
-come, the relatives-in-law of the headman and of other notables, and
-their close friends.</p>
-<p>After the body of the canoe and all the accessories have been placed
-in readiness, the proceedings are opened by a magical rite, called
-<i lang="kij">Katuliliva tabuyo</i>. This rite belongs to the Kula
-magic, for which the natives have a special expression; they call it
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>. It is connected with the inserting of the
-ornamental prow-boards into their grooves at both ends of the canoe.
-These ornamental parts of the canoe are put in first of all, and this
-is done ceremonially. A few sprigs of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb135" href="#pb135" name="pb135">135</a>]</span>mint plant are
-inserted under the boards, as they are put in, and the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> (owner of the canoe) hammers the boards in by means
-of a special stone imported from Dobu, and ritually repeats a formula
-of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic. The mint plant (<i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i>) plays an important part in the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) as well as in love spells, and in the
-magic of beauty. Whenever a substance is to be medicated for the
-purpose of charming, seducing, or persuading, as a rule <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i> is used. This plant figures also in several myths,
-where it plays a similar part, the mythical hero always conquering the
-foe or winning a woman by the use of the <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i>.</p>
-<p>I shall not adduce the magical formul&aelig; in this account, with
-the exception of the most important one. Even a short summary of each
-of them would obstruct the narrative, and it would blur completely the
-outline of the consecutive account of the various activities. The
-various complexities of the magical ritual and of the formul&aelig;
-will be set forth in <a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>. It may be
-mentioned here, however, that not only are there several types of magic
-performed during canoe building, such as the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>
-(Kula magic), the canoe speed magic, exorcisms against evil magic, and
-exorcism of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, but within each of these
-types, there are different systems of magic, each with its own
-mythological basis, each localised in a different district, and each
-having of course different formul&aelig; and slightly different
-rites.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e5035src" href="#xd26e5035" name=
-"xd26e5035src">3</a></p>
-<p>After the prow-boards are put in, and before the next bit of
-technical work is done, another magical rite has to be performed. The
-body of the canoe, now bright with the three-coloured boards, is pushed
-into the water. A handful of leaves, of a shrub called <i lang=
-"kij">bobi&rsquo;u</i>, is charmed by the owner or by the builder, and
-the body of the canoe is washed in sea water with the leaves. All the
-men participate in the washing, and this rite is intended to make the
-canoe fast, by removing the traces of any evil influence, which might
-still have remained, in spite of the previous magic, performed on the
-<i lang="kij">waga</i>. After the <i lang="kij">waga</i> has been
-rubbed and washed, it is pulled ashore again and placed on the skid
-logs.</p>
-<p>Now the natives proceed to the main and most important constructive
-part of their work; this consists of the erection of the gunwale planks
-at the sides of the dug-out log, so as to <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb136" href="#pb136" name="pb136">136</a>]</span>form the deep and
-wide well of the built-up canoe. They are kept in position by an
-internal framework of some twelve to twenty pairs of ribs, and all of
-this is lashed together with a special creeper called <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i>, and the holes and interstices are caulked with a
-resinous substance.</p>
-<p>I cannot enter here into details of building, though from the
-technological point of view, this is the most interesting phase,
-showing us the native at grips with real problems of construction. He
-has a whole array of component parts, and he must make them fit
-together with a considerable degree of precision, and that without
-having any exact means of measurement. By a rough appreciation based on
-long experience and great skill, he estimates the relative shapes and
-sizes of the planks, the angles and dimensions of the ribs, and the
-lengths of the various poles. Then, in shaping them out, the builder
-tests and fits them in a preliminary manner as work goes on, and as a
-rule the result is good. But now, when all these component parts have
-to be pieced finally together, it nearly always happens that some bit
-or other fails to fit properly with the rest. These details have to be
-adjusted, a bit taken off the body of the canoe, a plank or pole
-shortened, or even a piece added. The natives have a very efficient way
-of lashing on a whole bit of a plank, if this proves too short, or if,
-by some accident, it breaks at the end. After all has been finally
-fitted, and made to tally, the framework of ribs is put into the canoe
-(see <a href="#pl27">Plate XXVII</a>), and the natives proceed to lash
-them to the body of the dug-out, and to the two longitudinal poles to
-which the ribs are threaded.</p>
-<p>And now a few words must be said about the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>,
-the lashing creeper. Only one species of creeper is used for the
-lashing of boats, and it is of the utmost importance that this creeper
-should be sound and strong. It is this alone that maintains the
-cohesion of the various parts, and in rough weather, very much depends
-on how the lashings will stand the strain. The other parts of the
-canoe&mdash;the outrigger poles&mdash;can be more easily tested, and as
-they are made of strong, elastic wood, they usually stand any weather
-quite well. Thus the element of danger and uncertainty in a canoe is
-due mainly to the creeper. No wonder, therefore, that the magic of the
-creeper is considered as one of the most important ritual items in
-canoe-building. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb137" href="#pb137"
-name="pb137">137</a>]</span></p>
-<p>In fact, <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, the name of that creeper species,
-is also used as a general term for canoe magic. When a man has the
-reputation of building or owning a good and fast canoe, the usual way
-of explaining it is to say that he has, or knows &ldquo;a good <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i>.&rdquo; For, as in all other magic, there are several
-types of <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spells. The ritual is always
-practically the same: five coils of the creeper are, on the previous
-day, placed on a large wooden dish and chanted over in the
-owner&rsquo;s hut by himself. Only exceptionally can this magic be done
-by the builder. Next day they are brought to the beach ceremonially on
-the wooden plate. In one of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> systems, there
-is an additional rite, in which the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> (canoe
-owner) takes a piece of the creeper, inserts it into one of the holes
-pierced in the rim of the dug-out for the lashing, and pulling it to
-and fro, recites once more the spell.</p>
-<p>In consideration of the importance of this magic, the formula will
-be here adduced in full. It consists of an exordium (<i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>), a double main part (<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>),
-and a concluding period (<i lang="kij">dogina</i>).<a class="noteref"
-id="xd26e5099src" href="#xd26e5099" name="xd26e5099src">4</a></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Wayugo Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> he first repeats
-&ldquo;Sacred (or ritual) eating of fish, sacred inside,&rdquo; thus
-alluding to a belief that the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has in
-connection with this magic to partake ritually of baked fish. Then come
-the words&mdash;&ldquo;Flutter, betel plant, leaving behind,&rdquo; all
-associated with leading ideas of canoe magic&mdash;the flutter of
-pandanus streamers; the <span class="corr" id="xd26e5119" title=
-"Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span>, which the ancestral spirits in
-other rites are invited to partake of; the speed by which all comrades
-will be left behind!</p>
-<p>A list of ancestral names follows. Two of them, probably mythical
-personages, have significative names; &ldquo;Stormy sea&rdquo; and
-&ldquo;Foaming.&rdquo; Then the <i lang="kij">baloma</i> (spirits) of
-these ancestors are asked to sit on the canoe slips and to chew betel,
-and they are invoked to take the pandanus streamer of the
-Kudayuri&mdash;a place in Kitava, where the flying canoe magic
-originated&mdash;and plant it on top of Teula or Tewara, the small
-island off the East coast of Fergusson.</p>
-<p>The magician after that chants: &ldquo;I shall turn, I shall turn
-towards you, O men of Kitava, you remain behind <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb138" href="#pb138" name="pb138">138</a>]</span>on
-the To&rsquo;uru beach (in the Lagoon of Vakuta). Before you lies the
-sea arm of Pilolu. To-day, they kindle the festive fire of the
-Kudayuri, thou, O my boat&rdquo; (here the personal name of the boat is
-uttered), &ldquo;bind thy skirts together and fly!&rdquo; In this
-passage&mdash;which is almost identical with one in the previously
-quoted <i lang="kij">Ligogu</i> spell&mdash;there is a direct allusion
-to the Kudayuri myth, and to the custom of festive fires. Again the
-canoe is addressed as a woman who has to bind her grass petticoat
-together during her flight, a reference to the belief that a flying
-witch binds her skirts when starting into the air and to the tradition
-that this myth originates from Na&rsquo;ukuwakula, one of the flying
-Kudayuri sisters. The following main part continues with this mythical
-allusion: Na&rsquo;ukuwakula flew from Kitava through Sinaketa and
-Kayleula to Simsim, where she settled down and transmitted the magic to
-her progeny. In this spell the three places: Kuyawa (a creek and
-hillock near Sinaketa), Dikutuwa (a rock near Kayleula), and La&rsquo;u
-(a cleft rock in the sea near Simsim, in the Lousan&ccedil;ay Islands)
-are the leading words of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>.</p>
-<p>The last sentence of the first part, forming a transition into the
-<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, runs as follows: &ldquo;I shall grasp the
-handle of the adze, I shall grip all the component parts of the
-canoe&rdquo;&mdash;perhaps another allusion to the mythical
-construction of the Kudayuri canoe (comp. <a href="#div12.4">Chap. XII,
-Div. IV</a>)&mdash;&ldquo;I shall fly on the top of Kuyawa, I shall
-disappear; dissolve in mist, in smoke; become like a wind eddy, become
-alone&mdash;on top of Kuyawa.&rdquo; The same words are then repeated,
-substituting for Kuyawa the two other above-mentioned spots, one after
-the other, and thus retracing the flight of Na&rsquo;ukuwakula.</p>
-<p>Then the magician returns to the beginning and recites the spell
-over again up to the phrase: &ldquo;bind thy skirt together and
-fly,&rdquo; which is followed this time by a second <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>: &ldquo;I shall outdistance all my comrades with the
-bottom of my canoe; I shall out-distance all my comrades with the
-prow-board of my canoe, etc., etc.,&rdquo; repeating the prophetic
-boast with all the parts of the canoe, as is usual in the middle part
-of magical spells.</p>
-<p>In the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, the last part, the magician
-addresses the <i lang="kij">waga</i> in mythological terms, with
-allusions to the Kudayuri myth, and adds: &ldquo;Canoe thou art a
-ghost, thou art like a wind eddy; vanish, O my canoe, fly; break
-through your sea-passage of Kadimwatu, cleave through the promontory of
-Saramwa, pass through Loma; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb139" href=
-"#pb139" name="pb139">139</a>]</span>die away, disappear, vanish with
-an eddy, vanish with the mist; make your imprint in the sand, cut
-through the seaweed, go, put on your wreath of aromatic
-herbs.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd26e5160src" href="#xd26e5160"
-name="xd26e5160src">5</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<div class="figure pl27width" id="pl27">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl27width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXVII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl27.jpg" alt="Construction of a Waga" width="720"
-height="428">
-<p class="figureHead">Construction of a Waga</p>
-<p>This canoe has been partly dismembered, in the process of being
-relashed. It shows the construction of the tibs and the fixtures on the
-outrigger log. The men were just in the act of fitting in a new gunwale
-plank (to be seen in the background) which has to fit into the carved
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e5175" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span> and into the groove at the top
-of the hull. (see Div. V.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl28width" id="pl28">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl28width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXVIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl28.jpg" alt="Sail Making" width="667" height="397">
-<p class="figureHead">Sail Making</p>
-<p>Within a couple of hours a number of men perform this enormous task
-of sewing together small bands of pandanus leaf (see <a href=
-"#div5.3">Div. III</a> and <a href="#div6.2">next Chap. Div. II</a>)
-till they form a sail. Among the workers there is an albino.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl29width" id="pl29">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl29width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXIX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl29.jpg" alt="Rolls of Dried Pandanus Leaf" width=
-"666" height="383">
-<p class="figureHead">Rolls of Dried Pandanus Leaf</p>
-<p>This is the material of which the sail is made. The <i lang=
-"kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamer) is made of a softer variety of
-pandanus leaf, bleached at a fire.</p>
-</div>
-<p>After the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> has been ritually brought in, the
-lashing of the canoe begins. First of all the ribs are lashed into
-position then the planks, and with this the body of the canoe is ready.
-This takes a varying time, according to the number of people at work,
-and to the amount of tallying and adjusting to be done at the final
-fitting. Sometimes one whole day&rsquo;s work is spent on this stage,
-and the next piece of work, the construction of the outrigger, has to
-be postponed to another day. This is the next stage, and there is no
-magic to punctuate the course of technical activities. The big, solid
-log is put alongside the canoe, and a number of short, pointed sticks
-are driven into it. The sticks are put in crossways on the top of the
-float (<i lang="kij">lamina</i>). Then the tops of these sticks are
-again attached to a number of horizontal poles, which have to be thrust
-through one side of the canoe-body, and attached to the other. All this
-naturally requires again adjusting and fitting. When these sticks and
-poles are bound together, there results a strong yet elastic frame, in
-which the canoe and the float are held together in parallel positions,
-and across them transversely there run the several horizontal poles
-which keep them together. Next, these poles are bridged over by many
-longitudinal sticks lashed together, and thus a platform is made
-between the edge of the canoe and the tops of the float sticks.</p>
-<p>When that is done, the whole frame of the canoe is ready, and there
-remains only to caulk the holes and interstices. The caulking substance
-is prepared in the hut of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, and a spell
-is recited over it on the evening before the work is begun. Then again,
-the whole community turn out and do the work in one day&rsquo;s
-sitting.</p>
-<p>The canoe is now ready for the sea, except for the painting, Which
-is only for ornamentation. Three more magical rites have to be
-performed, however, before it is painted and then launched. All three
-refer directly to the canoe, and aim at giving it speed. At the same
-time all three are exorcisms against evil influences, resulting from
-various defilements or broken taboos, which possibly might have
-desecrated the <i lang="kij">waga</i>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb140" href="#pb140" name="pb140">140</a>]</span>The first is called
-<i lang="kij">Vakasulu</i>, which means something like &ldquo;ritual
-cooking&rdquo; of the canoe. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> has to
-prepare a real witches&rsquo; cauldron of all sorts of things, which
-afterwards are burnt under the bottom of the canoe, and the smoke is
-supposed to exercise a speed-giving and cleansing influence. The
-ingredients are: the wings of a bat, the nest of a very small bird
-called <i lang="kij">posisiku</i>, some dried bracken leaves, a bit of
-cotton fluff, and some lalang grass. All the substances are associated
-with flying and lightness. The wood used for kindling the fire is that
-of the light-timbered mimosa tree (<i lang="kij">liga</i>). The twigs
-have to be obtained by throwing at the tree a piece of wood (never a
-stone), and when the broken-off twig falls, it must be caught in the
-hand, and not allowed to touch the ground.</p>
-<p>The second rite, called <i lang="kij">Vaguri</i>, is an exorcism
-only, and it consists of charming a stick, and then knocking the body
-of the canoe all over with it. This <span class="corr" id="xd26e5247"
-title="Source: expells">expels</span> the evil witchery (<i lang=
-"kij">bulubwalata</i>), which it is only wise to suspect has been cast
-by some envious rivals, or persons jealous of the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>.</p>
-<p>Finally, the third of these rites, the <i lang="kij">Kaytapena
-waga</i>, consists in medicating a torch of coco-leaf with the
-appropriate spell, and fumigating with it the inside of the canoe. This
-gives speed and once more cleanses the canoe.</p>
-<p>After another sitting of a few days, the whole outside of the canoe
-is painted in three colours. Over each of them a special spell is
-chanted again, the most important one over the black colour. This is
-never omitted, while the red and white spells are optional. In the rite
-of the black colour, again, a whole mixture of <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e5263" title="Source: sunstances">substances</span> is
-used&mdash;a dry bracken leaf, grass, and a <i lang="kij">posisiku</i>
-nest&mdash;all this is charred with some coco-nut husk, and the first
-strokes of the black paint are made with the mixture. The rest is
-painted with a watery mixture of charred coco-nut. For red colour, a
-sort of ochre, imported from the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Islands, is
-used; the white one is made of a chalky earth, found in certain parts
-of the sea shore.</p>
-<p>Sail-making is done on another day, usually in the village, by
-communal labour, and, with a number of people helping, the tedious and
-complicated work is performed in a relatively short time. The
-triangular outline of the sail is first pegged out on the ground, as a
-rule the old sail being used as a pattern. After this is done, tapes of
-dried pandanus leaf (see Plates <a href="#pl28">XXVIII</a>, <a href=
-"#pl29">XXIX</a>) are stretched on the ground and first fixed
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb141" href="#pb141" name=
-"pb141">141</a>]</span>along the borders of the sail. Then, starting at
-the apex of the triangle, the sail-makers put tapes radiating towards
-the base, sewing them together with awls of flying fox bone, and using
-as thread narrow strips of specially toughened pandanus leaf. Two
-layers of tapes are sewn one on top of the other to make a solid
-fabric.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div5.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The canoe is now quite ready to be launched. But
-before we go on to an account of the ceremonial launching and the
-associated festivities, one or two general remarks must be made
-retrospectively about the proceedings just described.</p>
-<p>The whole of the first stage of canoe-building, that is, the cutting
-of the tree, the scooping out of the log, and the preparation of the
-other component parts, with all their associated magic, is done only
-when a new canoe is built.</p>
-<p>But the second stage has to be performed over all the canoes before
-every great overseas Kula expedition. On such an occasion, all the
-canoes have to be re-lashed, re-caulked, and re-painted. This obviously
-requires that they should all be taken to pieces and then lashed,
-caulked and painted exactly as is done with a new canoe. All the magic
-incidental to these three processes is then performed, in its due
-order, over the renovated canoe. So that we can say about the second
-stage of canoe-building that not only is it always performed in
-association with the Kula, but that no big expedition ever takes place
-without it.</p>
-<p>We have had a description of the magical rites, and the ideas which
-are implied in every one of them have been specified. But there are one
-or two more general characteristics which must be mentioned here.
-First, there is what could be called the &ldquo;ceremonial
-dimension&rdquo; of magical rites. That is, how far is the performance
-of the rite attended by the members of the community, if at all; and if
-so, do they actively take part in it, or do they simply pay keen
-attention and behave as an interested audience; or, though being
-present, do they pay little heed and show only small interest?</p>
-<p>In the first stage of canoe-building, the rites are performed by the
-magician himself, with only a few helpers in attendance. The general
-village public do not feel sufficiently interested and attracted to
-assist, nor are they bound by custom to do so. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb142" href="#pb142" name="pb142">142</a>]</span>The
-general character of these rites is more like the performance of a
-technicality of work than of a ceremony. The preparing of herbs for the
-<i lang="kij">ligogu</i> magic, for instance, and the charming it over,
-is carried out in a matter-of-fact, businesslike manner, and nothing in
-the <span class="corr" id="xd26e5297" title=
-"Source: beaviour">behaviour</span> of the magician and those casually
-grouped around him would indicate that anything specially interesting
-in the routine work is happening.</p>
-<p>The rites of the second stage are <i lang="la">ipso facto</i>
-attended by all those who help in piecing together and lashing, but on
-the whole those present have no special task assigned to them in the
-performance of these rites. As to the attention and behaviour during
-the performance of the magic, much depends of course on whether the
-magician officiating is a chief of great importance or someone of low
-rank. A certain decorum and even silence would be observed in any case.
-But many of those present would turn aside and go away, if they wanted
-to do so. The magician does not produce the impression of an
-officiating high priest performing a solemn ceremony, but rather of a
-specialised workman doing a particularly important piece of work. It
-must be remembered that all the rites are simple, and the chanting of
-the spells in public is done in a low voice, and quickly, without any
-specially effective vocal production. Again, the caulking and the
-<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> rites are, in some types of magic at least,
-performed in the magician&rsquo;s hut, without any attendance whatever,
-and so is that of the black paint.</p>
-<p>Another point of general importance is what could be called the
-stringency of magic rites. In canoe magic, for instance, the expulsion
-of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i>, the ritual cutting of the pulling
-rope, the magic of the adze (<i lang="kij">ligogu</i>), that of the
-lashing creeper (<i lang="kij">wayugo</i>), of the caulking, and of the
-black paint can never be omitted. Whereas the other rites are optional,
-though as a rule some of them are performed. But even those which are
-considered indispensable do not all occupy the same place of importance
-in native mythology and in native ideas, which is clearly expressed in
-the behaviour of the natives and their manner of speaking of them.
-Thus, the general term for canoe magic is either <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i> or <i lang="kij">ligogu</i>, from which we can see
-that these two spells are considered the most important. A man will
-speak about his <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> being better than that of the
-other, or of having learnt his <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> from his
-father. Again, as we shall see in the canoe myth, both these rites are
-explicitly <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb143" href="#pb143" name=
-"pb143">143</a>]</span>mentioned there. Although the expulsion of the
-<i lang="kij">tokway</i> is always done, it is definitely recognised by
-the natives as being of lesser importance. So are also the magic of
-caulking and of the black paint.</p>
-<p>A less general point, of great interest, however, is that of evil
-magic (<i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i>) and of broken taboos. I had to
-mention several exorcisms against those influences, and something must
-be said about them here. The term <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i> covers
-all forms of evil magic or witchery. There is that which, directed
-against pigs, makes them run away from their owners into the bush;
-there is <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i> for alienating the affections of
-a wife or sweetheart; there is evil magic against gardens,
-and&mdash;perhaps the most dreaded one&mdash;evil magic against rain,
-producing drought and famine. The evil magic against canoes, making
-them slow, heavy, and unseaworthy, is also much feared. Many men
-profess to know it, but it is very difficult for the Ethnographer to
-obtain a formula, and I succeeded only in taking down one. It is always
-supposed to be practised by canoe-owners upon the craft which they
-regard as dangerous rivals of their own.</p>
-<p>There are many taboos referring to an already constructed canoe, and
-we shall meet with them later when speaking about sailing and handling
-the canoe. But before that stage is reached, any defilement with any
-unclean substance of the log out of which the canoe is scooped, would
-make it slow and bad; or if anybody were to walk over a canoe log or
-stand on it there would be the same evil result.</p>
-<p>One more point must be mentioned here. As we have seen, the first
-magical rite, of the second stage of construction, is performed over
-the prow-boards. The question obtrudes itself as to whether the designs
-on these boards have any magical meaning. It must be clearly understood
-that any guesswork or speculations about origins must be rigidly
-excluded from ethnographic field work like this. For a sociologically
-empirical answer, the Ethnographer must look to two classes of facts.
-First of all, he may directly question the natives as to whether the
-prow-boards themselves or any of the motives upon them are done for
-magical purposes. Whether he questions the average man, or even the
-specialist in canoe magic and carving, to this he will always receive
-in Kiriwina a negative answer. He can then enquire whether in the
-magical <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb144" href="#pb144" name=
-"pb144">144</a>]</span>ritual for formul&aelig; there are no references
-to the prow-boards, or to any of the decorative motives on them. Here
-also, the evidence on the whole is negative. In one spell perhaps, and
-that belonging not to canoe but to the Kula magic (comp. below,
-<a href="#div13.2">Chap. XIII, Div. II</a>, the Kayikuna Tabuyo spell),
-there can be found an allusion to the prow-boards, but only to the term
-describing them in general, and not to any special decorative motive.
-Thus the only association between canoe decoration and canoe magic
-consists in the fact that two magical rites are performed over them,
-one mentioned already, and the other to be mentioned at the beginning
-of the next chapter.</p>
-<p>The description of canoe-building, in fact, all the data given in
-this chapter, refer only to one of the two types of sea-going canoe to
-be found in the Kula district. For the natives of the Eastern half of
-the ring use craft bigger, and in certain respects better, than the
-<i lang="kij">masawa</i>. The main difference between the Eastern and
-Western type consists in the fact that the bigger canoes have a higher
-gunwale or side, and consequently a greater carrying capacity, and they
-can be immersed deeper. The larger water board offers more resistance
-against making leeway, and this allows the canoes to be sailed closer
-to the wind. Consequently, the Eastern canoes can beat, and these
-natives are therefore much more independent of the direction of the
-wind in their sailings. With this is connected the position of the
-mast, which in this type is stepped in the middle, and it is also
-permanently fixed, and is not taken down every time after sailing. It
-obviously, therefore, need not be changed in its position every time
-the canoe goes on another tack.</p>
-<p>I have not seen the construction of a <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, as
-these canoes are called, but I think that it is technically a much more
-difficult task than the building of a <i lang="kij">masawa</i>. I was
-told that both magic and ceremonial of construction are very much the
-same in the building of both canoes.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, that is the larger and more seaworthy
-type, is used on the section of the Kula ring beginning in Gawa and
-ending in Tubetube. It is also used in certain parts of the Massim
-district, which lie outside the Kula ring, such as the Island of
-Sud-Est, and surrounding smaller islands, and it is used among the
-Southern Massim of the mainland. But though its use is very widely
-spread, its manufacture is confined <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb145" href="#pb145" name="pb145">145</a>]</span>to only a few places.
-The most important centres of <i lang="kij">nagega</i> building are
-Gawa, a few villages on Woodlark Islands, the island of Panayati, and
-perhaps one or two places on Misima. From there, the canoes are traded
-all over the district, and indeed this is one of the most important
-forms of trade in this part of the world. The <i lang="kij">masawa</i>
-canoes are used and manufactured in the district of Dobu, in the
-Amphletts, in the Trobriands, in Kitava and Iwa.</p>
-<p>One point of great importance in the relation of these two forms of
-canoe is that one of them has, within the last two generations, been
-expanding at the expense of the other. According to reliable
-information, gathered at several points in the Trobriands and the
-Amphletts, the <i lang="kij">nagega</i> type, that is the heavier, more
-seaworthy and better-sailing canoe, was driven out some time ago from
-the Amphletts and Trobriands. The <i lang="kij">masawa</i>, in many
-respects inferior, but less difficult to build, and swifter, has
-supplanted the bigger type. In olden days, that is, about two or three
-generations ago, the <i lang="kij">nagega</i> was used exclusively in
-Iwa, Kitava, Kiriwina, Vakuta, and Sinaketa, while the Amphlettans and
-the natives of Kayleula would usually use the <i lang="kij">nagega</i>,
-though sometimes they would sail in <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoes.
-Dobu was the real home and headquarters of the <i lang=
-"kij">masawa</i>. When the shifting began, and when it was completed, I
-could not ascertain. But the fact is that nowadays even the villages of
-Kitava and Iwa manufacture the smaller <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe.
-Thus, one of the most important cultural items is spreading from South
-to North. There is, however, one point on which I could not obtain
-definite information: that is, whether in the Trobriands the <i lang=
-"kij">nagega</i> in olden days was imported from Kitava, or whether it
-was manufactured locally by imported craftsmen (as is done even
-nowadays in Kiriwina at times), or whether the Trobrianders themselves
-knew how to make the big canoes. There is no doubt, however, that in
-olden days, the natives of Kitava and Iwa used themselves to make the
-<i lang="kij">nagega</i> canoes. The Kudayuri myth (see <a href=
-"#ch12">Chapter XII</a>), and the connected magic, refer to this type
-of canoe. Thus in this district at any rate, and probably in the
-Trobriands and Amphletts as well, not only the use, but also the
-manufacture of the bigger canoe has been superseded by that of the
-smaller one, the <i lang="kij">masawa</i>, now found in all these
-parts. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb146" href="#pb146" name=
-"pb146">146</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4876" href="#xd26e4876src" name="xd26e4876">1</a></span> The
-words within brackets in this and in some of the following spells are
-free additions, necessary to make the meaning clear in the English
-version. They are implied by the context in the native original, though
-not explicitly contained.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e4876src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e4944" href="#xd26e4944src" name="xd26e4944">2</a></span> Compare
-therefore <a href="#div12.4">Chapter XII, Division
-IV</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e4944src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e5035" href="#xd26e5035src" name="xd26e5035">3</a></span> All this
-is discussed at length in <a href="#div17.4">Chapter XVII, Division
-IV</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e5035src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e5099" href="#xd26e5099src" name="xd26e5099">4</a></span> It is
-necessary to be acquainted with the mythology of canoe-building and of
-the Kula (<a href="#ch12">Chapter XII</a>) in order to understand
-thoroughly the meaning of this spell.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e5099src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e5160" href="#xd26e5160src" name="xd26e5160">5</a></span> Compare
-the linguistic analysis of this spell in <a href="#ch18">Chapter
-XVIII</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e5160src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch6" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e556">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter VI</h2>
-<h2 class="main">Launching of a Canoe and Ceremonial
-Visiting&mdash;Tribal Economics in the Trobriands</h2>
-<div id="div6.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The canoe, painted and decorated, stands now ready to
-be launched, a source of pride to the owners and to the makers, and an
-object of admiration to the other beholders. A new sailing craft is not
-only another utility created; it is more: it is a new entity sprung
-into being, something with which the future destinies of the sailors
-will be bound up, and on which they will depend. There can be no doubt
-that this sentiment is also felt by the natives and expressed in their
-customs and behaviour. The canoe receives a personal name, it becomes
-an object of intense interest to the whole district. Its qualities,
-points of beauty, and of probable perfection or faultiness are
-canvassed round the fires at night. The owner and his kinsmen and
-fellow villagers will speak of it with the usual boasting and
-exaggerations, and the others will all be very keen to see it, and to
-watch its performances. Thus the institution of ceremonial launching is
-not a mere formality prescribed by custom; it corresponds to the
-psychological needs of the community, it rouses a great interest, and
-is very well attended even when the canoe belongs to a small community.
-When a big chief&rsquo;s canoe is launched, whether that of
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e5432" title=
-"Source: Kasanai">Kasana&rsquo;i</span> or Omarakana, Olivilevi or
-Sinaketa, up to a thousand natives will assemble on the beach.</p>
-<p>This festive and public display of a finished canoe, with its full
-paint and ornament, is not only in harmony with the natives&rsquo;
-sentiments towards a new sailing craft; it also agrees with the way
-they treat in general the results of their economic activities. Whether
-in gardening or in fishing, in the building of houses or in industrial
-achievements, there is a tendency to display the products, to arrange
-them, and even adorn at least certain classes of them, so as to produce
-a big, &aelig;sthetic <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb147" href=
-"#pb147" name="pb147">147</a>]</span>effect. In fishing, there are only
-traces of this tendency, but in gardening, it assumes very great
-proportions, and the handling, arranging and display of garden produce
-is one of the most characteristic features of their tribal life, and it
-takes up much time and work.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e5439src" href=
-"#xd26e5439" name="xd26e5439src">1</a></p>
-<p>Soon after the painting and adorning of the canoe, a date is fixed
-for the ceremonial launching and trial run, the <i lang=
-"kij">tasasoria</i> festivities, as they are called. Word is passed to
-the chiefs and headmen of the neighbouring villages. Those of them who
-own canoes and who belong to the same Kula community have always to
-come with their canoes and take part in a sort of regatta held on the
-occasion. As the new canoe is always constructed in connection with a
-Kula expedition, and as the other canoes of the same Kula community
-have to be either done up or replaced, it is the rule that on the
-<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> day a whole fleet of brand new or renovated
-canoes assemble on the beach, all resplendent in fresh colours and
-decoration of cowrie shells and bleached pandanus streamers.</p>
-<p>The launching itself is inaugurated with a rite of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic), called <i lang="kij">Kaytalula wadola
-waga</i> (&ldquo;staining red of the mouth of the canoe&rdquo;). After
-the natives have taken off the plaited coco-nut leaves with which the
-canoe is protected against the sun, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-chants a spell over some red ochre, and stains both bow and stern of
-the canoe. A special cowrie shell, attached to the prow-board (<i lang=
-"kij">tabuyo</i>) is stained at each end. After that the canoe is
-launched, the villagers pushing it into the water over pieces of wood
-transversely placed which act as slips (see <a href="#pl30">Plate
-XXX</a>). This is done amidst shouts and ululations, such as are made
-on all occasions when some piece of work has to be done in a festive
-and ceremonial manner, when, for instance, the harvest is brought in
-and given ceremonially by a man to his brother-in-law, or when a gift
-of yams or taro is laid down before a fisherman&rsquo;s house by an
-inland gardener, or the return gift of fish is made.</p>
-<p>Thus the canoe is finally launched after the long series of mingled
-work and ceremony, technical effort and magical rite.</p>
-<p>After the launching is done, there takes place a feast, or, more
-correctly, a distribution of food (<i lang="kij">sagali</i>) under
-observation of all sorts of formalities and ritual. Such a distribution
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb148" href="#pb148" name=
-"pb148">148</a>]</span>is always made when the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> has not built the canoe himself, and when he
-therefore has to repay the cutter of the canoe and his helpers. It also
-takes place whenever the canoe of a big chief is launched, in order to
-celebrate the occasion, to show off his wealth and generosity, and to
-give food to the many people who have been summoned to assist in the
-construction.</p>
-<p>After the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial distribution of food)
-is over, as a rule, in the afternoon, the new canoe is rigged, the mast
-is put up, the sail attached, and this and all the other boats make a
-trial run. It is not a competitive race in the strict sense of the
-word. The chief&rsquo;s canoe, which indeed would as a rule be best and
-fastest, in any case always wins the race. If it did not sail fastest,
-the others would probably keep back. The trial run is rather a display
-of the new canoe, side by side with the others.</p>
-<p>In order to give one concrete illustration of the ceremonial
-connected with canoe building and launching, it may be well to relate
-an actual event. I shall therefore describe the <i lang=
-"kij">tasasoria</i>, seen on the beach of Kaulukuba, in February, 1916,
-when the new canoe of Kasana&rsquo;i was launched. Eight canoes took
-part in the trial run, that is, all the canoes of Kiriwina, which forms
-what I have called the &ldquo;Kula community,&rdquo; the social group
-who make their Kula expeditions in a body, and who have the same limits
-within which they carry on their exchange of valuables.</p>
-<div class="figure pl30width" id="pl30">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl30width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl30.jpg" alt="Launching of a Canoe" width="665"
-height="401">
-<p class="figureHead">Launching of a Canoe</p>
-<p>Nigada Bu&rsquo;a, after its renovation, being pushed into the
-water. (See <a href="#div6.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl31width" id="pl31">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl31width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl31.jpg" alt=
-"The Tasasoria on the Beach of Kaulukuba" width="664" height="401">
-<p class="figureHead">The Tasasoria on the Beach of Kaulukuba</p>
-<p>Stepping the masts and getting the sails ready for the run. In the
-foreground, To&rsquo;uluwa, the chief of Kiriwina, standing at the
-mast, supervises the rigging of Nigada Bu&rsquo;a. (See <a href=
-"#div6.1">Div. I</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl32width" id="pl32">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl32width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl32.jpg" alt="A Chiefs Yam House in Kasana&rsquo;i"
-width="667" height="416">
-<p class="figureHead">A Chiefs Yam House in Kasana&rsquo;i</p>
-<p>This illustrates the display of yams in the interstices between the
-logs of the well, and the decorations of cocoanuts, running round the
-gable, along the supports and the walls. This yam house was quite
-recently put up and its barge boards had not yet been erected. (See
-<a href="#div6.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl33width" id="pl33">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl33width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl33.jpg" alt="Filling a Yam House in Yalumugwa"
-width="667" height="404">
-<p class="figureHead">Filling a Yam House in Yalumugwa</p>
-<p>The yams are taken from the conical heaps and put into the <i lang=
-"kij">bwayma</i> (store houses) by the brother-in-law (wife&rsquo;s
-brother) of the owner. Note the decorations on the gable&ucirc;the
-owner being a <i lang="kij">gumguya&rsquo;u</i> (chief of lower rank).
-See <a href="#div6.4">Div. IV</a>.</p>
-</div>
-<p>The great event which was the cause of the building and renovating
-of the canoes, was a Kula expedition planned by To&rsquo;ulawa and his
-Kula community. They were to go to the East, to Kitava, to Iwa or Gawa,
-perhaps even to Muruwa (Woodlark Island), though with this island the
-natives do not carry on the Kula directly. As is usual in such cases,
-months before the approximate date of sailing, plans and forecasts were
-made, stories of previous voyages were recounted, old men dwelt on
-their own reminiscences and reported what they had been told by their
-elders of the days when iron was unknown and everyone had to sail to
-the East in order to get the green stone quarried in Suloga on Woodlark
-Island. And so, as it always happens when future events are talked over
-round village fires, imagination outran all bounds of probability; and
-the hopes and anticipations grew bigger and bigger. In <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb149" href="#pb149" name="pb149">149</a>]</span>the
-end, everyone really believed his party would go at least to the
-Easternmost Marshall Bennetts (Gawa), whereas, as events turned out,
-they did not sail beyond Kitava.</p>
-<p>For this occasion a new canoe had to be constructed in
-Kasana&rsquo;i, and this was done by Ibena himself, the chief of that
-village, a man of rank equal to the highest chief (his kinsman, in
-fact) but of smaller power. Ibena is a skilled builder as well as a
-fair carver, and there is no class of magic in which he does not
-profess to be versed. The canoe was built, under his guidance; he
-carved the boards himself, he also performed the magic, and he was, of
-course, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>.</p>
-<p>In Omarakana, the canoe had to be slightly altered in construction;
-it had to be re-lashed and re-painted. To do this To&rsquo;uluwa, the
-chief, had summoned a master builder and carver from the island of
-Kitava, the same one who a couple of years before, had built this
-canoe. Also a new sail had to be made for the Omarakana boat, as the
-old one was too small. The ceremony of <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i>
-(launching and regatta) ought by rights to have been held on the beach
-of Kasana&rsquo;i, but as its sister village, Omarakana, is so much
-more important, it took place on Kaulukuba, the sea-shore of the
-latter.</p>
-<p>As the date approached, the whole district was alive with
-preparations, since the coastal villages had to put their canoes in
-order, while in the inland communities, new festive dresses and food
-had to be made ready. The food was not to be eaten, but to be offered
-to the chief for his <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial
-distribution). Only in Omarakana, the women had to cook for a big
-festive repast to be eaten on return from the <i lang=
-"kij">tasasoria</i>. In the Trobriands it is always a sign that a
-festive event is pending when all the women go in the evening to the
-bush to collect plenty of firewood. Next morning, this will be used for
-the <i lang="kij">kumkumuli</i>, the baking of food in the ground,
-which is one of the forms of cooking used on festive occasions. On the
-evening of the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> ceremony, people in
-Omarakana and Kasana&rsquo;i were also busy with the numerous other
-preparations, running to the shore and back, filling baskets with yams
-for the <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, getting ready their festive dress and
-decorations for the morrow. Festive dress means, for a woman, a new
-grass skirt, resplendent in fresh red, white and purple, and for the
-man a newly bleached, snow-white pubic leaf, made of the stalk of areca
-palm leaf. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb150" href="#pb150" name=
-"pb150">150</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Early in the morning of the appointed day, the food was packed into
-baskets of plaited leaf, the personal apparel on top of it, all covered
-as usual with folded mats and conveyed to the beach. The women carried
-on their heads the large baskets, shaped like big inverted bells, the
-men shouldered a stick with two bag-shaped baskets at each end. Other
-men had to carry the oars, paddles, rigging and sail, as these
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e5582" title=
-"Source: paraphenalia">paraphernalia</span> are always kept in the
-village. From one of the villages, one of the large, prismatic
-receptacles for food made of sticks was carried by several men right
-over the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i> (coral ridge) to be offered to the
-chief of Omarakana as a share in the <i lang="kij">sagali</i>. The
-whole village was astir, and on its outskirts, through the surrounding
-groves, parties from inland could be seen making their way rapidly to
-the shore. I left the village with a party of notables at about eight
-o&rsquo;clock in the morning. After leaving the grove of fruit and palm
-trees which grows especially densely around the village of Omarakana,
-we entered between the two walls of green, the usual monotonous
-Trobriand road, which passes through the low scrub. Soon, emerging on a
-garden space, we could see, beyond a gentle declivity, the rising slope
-of the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i>, a mixture of rank vegetation with
-monumental boulders of grey coral standing out here and there. Through
-this, the path led on, following in an intricate course between small
-precipices and towering outcrops, passing huge, ancient ficus trees,
-spreading around them their many trunks and aerial roots. At the top of
-the ridge, all of a sudden the blue sea shone through the foliage, and
-the roar of waves breaking on the reef struck our ears. Soon we found
-ourselves among the crowd assembled on the beach, near to the big
-boat-shed of Omarakana.</p>
-<p>By about nine o&rsquo;clock, everybody was ready on the beach. It
-was fully exposed to the Eastern sun, but this was not yet sufficiently
-high to drop its light right from above, and thus to produce that
-deadly effect of tropical mid-day, where the shadows instead of
-modelling out the details, blur every vertical surface and make
-everything dull and formless. The beach appeared bright and gaudy, and
-the lively brown bodies looked well against the background of green
-foliage and white sand. The natives were anointed with coco-nut oil,
-and decorated with flowers and facial paint. Large red hibiscus
-blossoms were stuck into their hair, and wreaths of the white,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb151" href="#pb151" name=
-"pb151">151</a>]</span>wonderfully scented <i lang="kij">butia</i>
-flowers crowned the dense black mops. There was a good display of ebony
-carvings, sticks and lime spoons. There were decorated lime pots, and
-such objects of personal adornment as belts of red shell discs or of
-small cowrie shells, nose sticks (very rarely used nowadays), and other
-articles so well known to everybody from ethnological collections in
-museums, and usually called &ldquo;ceremonial,&rdquo; though, as said
-above (<a href="#div3.3">Chapter III, Div. III</a>) the description
-&ldquo;objects of parade&rdquo; would be much more in agreement with
-the correct meaning of the words.</p>
-<p>Such popular festivities as the one just being described are the
-occasions on which these objects of parade, some of which astonish us
-by their artistic perfection, appear in native life. Before I had
-opportunities to see savage art in actual display, in its proper,
-&ldquo;living&rdquo; setting, there seemed to me always to exist some
-incongruity between the artistic finish of such objects and the general
-crudity of savage life, a crudity marked precisely on the
-&aelig;sthetic side. One imagines greasy, dirty, naked bodies, moppy
-hair full of vermin, and other realistic features which make up
-one&rsquo;s idea of the &ldquo;savage,&rdquo; and in some respects
-reality bears out imagination. As a matter of fact though, the
-incongruity does not exist when once one has seen native art actually
-displayed in its own setting. A festive mob of natives, with the
-wonderful golden-brown colour of their skins brought out by washing and
-anointing and set off by the gaudy white, red and black of facial
-paint, feathers and ornaments, with their exquisitely carved and
-polished ebony objects, with their finely worked lime pots, has a
-distinct elegance of its own, without striking one as grotesque or
-incongruous in any &aelig;sthetic detail. There is an evident harmony
-between their festive mood, the display of colours and forms, and the
-manner in which they put on and bear their ornaments.</p>
-<p>Those who have come from a distance, and who would spoil their
-decorations by the long march, wash with water and anoint themselves
-with coco-nut grease immediately before arriving at the scene of
-festivities. As a rule the best paint is put on later on, when the
-climax of the proceedings approaches. On this occasion, after the
-preliminaries (distribution of food, arrival of other canoes) were
-over, and when the races were just going to be started, the aristocracy
-of Omarakana&mdash;the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb152" href=
-"#pb152" name="pb152">152</a>]</span>wives and children of
-To&rsquo;uluwa, his relatives and himself&mdash;withdrew behind the
-shelters, near the boat shed, and proceeded to put on the red, white
-and black of full facial paint. They crushed young betel-nut, mixed it
-with lime, and put it on with the pestles of betel mortars; then some
-of the aromatic black resin (<i lang="kij">sayaku</i>) and white lime
-were applied. As the habit of mirrors is not quite well established yet
-in the Trobriands, the painting was done by one person on the face of
-another, and great care and patience were displayed on both sides.</p>
-<p>The numerous crowd spent the day without taking much
-refreshment&mdash;a feature strongly differentiating Kiriwinian
-festivities from our ideal of an entertainment or picnic. No cooking
-was done, and only a few bananas were eaten here and there, and green
-coco-nuts were drunk and eaten. But even these refreshments were
-consumed with great frugality.</p>
-<p>As always on such occasions, the people collected together in sets,
-the visitors from each village forming a group apart. The local natives
-kept to their own boat houses, those of Omarakana and Kurokaiwa having
-their natural centres on the beach of Kaulukuba. The other visitors
-similarly kept together in their position on the beach, according to
-their local distribution; thus, men from the Northern villages would
-keep to the Northern section of the beach, those from the South would
-stick to that point of the compass, so that villages which were
-neighbours in reality would also be side by side on the shore. There
-was no mingling in the crowd, and individuals would not walk about from
-one group to another. The aristocrats, out of personal dignity, humble
-folk because of a modesty imposed by custom, would keep in their
-places. To&rsquo;uluwa sat practically <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e5618" title="Not in source">still</span> during the whole
-performance, on the platform erected for this purpose, except when he
-went over to his boat, to trim it for the race.</p>
-<p>The boat shed of Omarakana, round which the chief, his family and
-the other villagers were grouped, was the centre of all the
-proceedings. Under one of the palms, a fairly high platform was put up
-to accommodate To&rsquo;uluwa. In a row in front of the sheds and
-shelters, there stood the prismatic food receptacles (<i lang=
-"kij">pwata&rsquo;i</i>). They had been erected by the inhabitants of
-Omarakana and Kasana&rsquo;i, on the previous day, and partially filled
-with yams. The rest had to be supplied <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb153" href="#pb153" name="pb153">153</a>]</span>by people from the
-other villages, on the day of the boat races. As the natives came to
-the beach on that day, village after village, they brought their
-contribution, and before settling down on their particular spot on the
-shore, they paid a visit to the chief and offered him their tributes.
-These would be put into one of the <i lang="kij">pwata&rsquo;i</i>. All
-the villages did not contribute their share, but the majority did,
-though some of them brought only a few baskets. One of the villages
-brought one complete <i lang="kij">pwata&rsquo;i</i>, filled with yams,
-and offered the whole to the chief.</p>
-<p>In the meantime, the eight canoes arrived, including that of
-Kasana&rsquo;i, which had been ceremonially launched that morning with
-the accompanying magical rite, on its own beach about half a mile away.
-The canoe of Omarakana had also been launched on this morning (<a href=
-"#pl30">Plate XXX</a>), and the same rite performed over it. It ought
-to have been done by To&rsquo;uluwa, the chief. As he, however, is
-quite incapable of remembering magical spells&mdash;in fact, he never
-does any of the magic which his rank and office impose on him&mdash;the
-rite was performed on this occasion by one of his kinsmen. This is a
-typical case of a rule very stringently formulated by all informants
-when you ask about it, yet in reality often observed with laxity. If
-you inquire directly, everyone will tell you that this rite, as all
-others of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) has to be done by
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. But every time when he ought to perform
-it, To&rsquo;uluwa will find some excuse, and delegate it to
-another.</p>
-<p>When all the canoes were present, as well as all the important
-villages, at about eleven o&rsquo;clock <span class="sc">a.m.</span>,
-there took place the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (ceremonial
-distribution). The food was given to people from various villages,
-especially such as took part in the races, or had assisted in the
-building of the new canoe. So we see that food contributed by all the
-villages before the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> was simply redistributed
-among them, a considerable quantity having been added first by the
-chief; and this indeed is the usual procedure at a <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i>. In this case, of course, the lion&rsquo;s share was
-taken by the Kitavans who helped at the building.</p>
-<p>After the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> was over, the canoes were all
-brought up to one spot, and the natives began to prepare them for the
-race. The masts were stepped, the fastenings trimmed, the sails made
-ready (see <a href="#pl31">Plate XXXI</a>). After that the canoes
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb154" href="#pb154" name=
-"pb154">154</a>]</span>all put off and gathered about half a mile off
-the shore, beyond the fringing reef; and at a sign given by some one on
-one of them, they all started. As said before, such a run is not a race
-properly speaking, in which the canoes would start scrupulously at the
-same minute, have the same distance to cover, and which would clearly
-show which is the fastest. In this case, it was merely, as always, a
-review of the boats sailing along as well as they were able, a review
-in which they all began to move, more or less at the same time, went in
-the same direction, and covered practically the same distance.</p>
-<p>As to the time table of the events, the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> was
-over before mid-day. There was a pause; and then, at about one p.m.,
-the natives began rigging the canoes. Then all hands had a spell, and
-not before three p.m. were the races started. The whole affair was over
-by about four o&rsquo;clock, and half an hour later, the boats from the
-other villages started to sail home, the people on the shore dispersed,
-so that by sunset, that is, about six o&rsquo;clock, the beach was
-almost deserted.</p>
-<p>Such was the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> ceremony which I saw in
-February, 1916. It was a fine sight from the spectacular point of view.
-A superficial onlooker could have hardly perceived any sign of white
-man&rsquo;s influence or interference. I was the only white man
-present, and besides myself only some two or three native missionary
-teachers were dressed in white cotton. Amongst the rest of us there
-could be seen sparsely a coloured rag, tied round as a neckerchief or
-head-dress. But otherwise there was only a swarm of naked brown bodies,
-shining with coco-nut oil, adorned in new festive dress, with here and
-there the three-coloured grass skirt of a woman (see Plates <a href=
-"#pl30">XXX</a> and <a href="#pl31">XXXI</a>).</p>
-<p>But alas, for one who could look below the surface and read the
-various symptoms of decay, deep changes would be discernible from what
-must have been the original conditions of such a native gathering. In
-fact, some three generations ago, even its appearances would have been
-different. The natives then would have been armed with shields and
-spears; some would have borne decorative weapons, such as the big
-sword-clubs of hard wood, or massive ebony cudgels, or small
-throwing-sticks. A closer inspection would have shown many more
-decorations and ornaments, such as nose-sticks, finely carved lime
-spatul&aelig;, gourds with burnt-in designs, some of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb155" href="#pb155" name=
-"pb155">155</a>]</span>which are now out of use, or those used of
-inferior workmanship or without decoration.</p>
-<p>But other and much deeper changes have taken place in the social
-conditions. Three generations ago both the canoes in the water and the
-people on the shore would have been more numerous. As mentioned above,
-in the olden days there would have been some twenty canoes in Kiriwina,
-as against eight at the present time. Again, the far stronger influence
-of the chief, and the much greater relative importance of the event
-would have attracted a larger proportion out of the then more numerous
-population. Nowadays, other interests, such as diving for pearls,
-working on white man&rsquo;s plantations, divert the native attention,
-while many events connected with Missions, Government and trading,
-eclipse the importance of old customs.</p>
-<p>Again, the people on the shore would have had to adhere in olden
-days even more closely to the local distribution, men of the same
-village community keeping together still more strictly, and looking
-with mistrust and perhaps even hostility, at other groups, especially
-those with whom they had hereditary feuds. The general tension would
-often be broken by squabbles or even miniature fights, especially at
-the moment of dispersing, and on the way home.</p>
-<p>One of the important features of the performance, and the one of
-which the natives think perhaps most&mdash;the display of
-food&mdash;would also have been quite different. The chief whom I saw
-sitting on a platform surrounded by a few wives only, and with small
-attendance would, under the old conditions, have been the owner of
-thrice as many wives and consequently relatives-in-law, and as it is
-these from whom he derives most of his income, he would have provided a
-much bigger <i lang="kij">sagali</i> than he is able to do
-nowadays.</p>
-<p>Three generations ago the whole event would have been much more
-solemn and dramatic to the natives. The very distance to the
-neighbouring island of Kitava is nowadays dwarfed. In the past, it
-would not, as now, be quickly obliterated by a white man&rsquo;s
-steam-launch. Then, the canoes on the beach were the only means of
-arriving there, and their value in the eyes of the natives must have,
-therefore, been even higher, although they think so much of them now.
-The outlines of the distant island and the small fleet of canoes on
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb156" href="#pb156" name=
-"pb156">156</a>]</span>the beach formed for the natives the first act
-of a big over seas expedition, an event of far deeper significance to
-them then than now. A rich haul of arm-shells, the arrival of many
-much-coveted utilities, the bringing back of news from the far-off
-land, all this meant much more in older days than it can mean at
-present. War, dancing, and the Kula supplied tribal life with its
-romantic and heroic elements. Nowadays, with war prohibited by the
-Government, with dancing discredited by missionary influence, the Kula
-alone remains, and even that is stripped of some of its glamour.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div6.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Before we proceed to the next stage, we must pause in
-following the events of a Kula expedition, and consider one or two
-points of more general importance. I have touched in the narrative, but
-not dwelt upon, certain problems of the sociology of work. At the
-outset of the preceding chapter it was mentioned that canoe-building
-requires a definite organisation of work, and in fact we saw that in
-the course of construction, various kinds of labour were employed, and
-more especially towards the end, much use was made of communal labour.
-Again, we saw that during the launching ceremony payment was given by
-the owner to the expert and his helpers. These two points therefore,
-the organisation of labour and communal labour in particular, and the
-system of payment for experts&rsquo; work must be here developed.</p>
-<p><i>Organisation of Labour</i>.&mdash;First of all, it is important
-to realise that a Kiriwinian is capable of working well, efficiently
-and in a continuous manner. But he must work under an effective
-incentive: he must be prompted by some duty imposed by tribal
-standards, or he must be lured by ambitions and values also dictated by
-custom and tradition. Gain, such as is often the stimulus for work in
-more civilised communities, never acts as an impulse to work under the
-original native conditions. It succeeds very badly, therefore, when a
-white man tries to use this incentive to make a native work.</p>
-<p>This is the reason why the traditional view of the lazy and indolent
-native is not only a constant refrain of the average white settler, but
-finds its way into good books of travel, and even serious ethnographic
-records. With us, labour is, or was till fairly recently, a commodity
-sold as any other, in the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb157" href=
-"#pb157" name="pb157">157</a>]</span>open market. A man accustomed to
-think in terms of current economic theory will naturally apply the
-conceptions of supply and demand to labour, and he applies them
-therefore to native labour. The untrained person does the same, though
-in less sophisticated terms, and as they see that the native will not
-work well for the white man, even if tempted by considerable payment
-and treated fairly well, they conclude that his capacity for labour is
-very small. This error is due to the same cause which lies at the
-bottom of all our misconceptions about people of different cultures. If
-you remove a man from his social milieu, you <i lang="la">eo ipso</i>
-deprive him of almost all his stimuli to moral steadfastness and
-economic efficiency and even of interest in life. If then you measure
-him by moral, legal or economic standards, also essentially foreign to
-him, you cannot but obtain a caricature in your estimate.</p>
-<p>But the natives are not only capable of energetic, continuous and
-skilful work; their social conditions also make it possible for them to
-employ organised labour. At the beginning of <a href="#ch4">Chapter
-IV</a>, the sociology of canoe-building was given in outline, and now,
-after the details of its successive stages have been filled in, it is
-possible to confirm what has been said there, and draw some conclusions
-as to this organisation of labour. And first, as we are using this
-expression so often, I must insist again on the fact that the natives
-are capable of it, and that this contention is not a truism, as the
-following considerations should show. The just mentioned view of the
-lazy, individualistic and selfish savage, who lives on the bounties of
-nature as they fall ripe and ready for him, implicitly precludes the
-possibility of his doing effective work, <i>integrated into an
-organised effort by social forces</i>. Again, the view, almost
-universally accepted by specialists, is that the lowest savages are in
-the pre-economic stage of individualistic search for food, whereas the
-more developed ones, such as the Trobrianders, for instance, live at
-the stage of isolated household economy. This view also ignores, when
-it does not deny explicitly, the possibility of socially organised
-labour.</p>
-<p>The view generally held is that, in native communities each
-individual works for himself, or members of a household work so as to
-provide each family with the necessities of life. Of course, a canoe,
-even a <i lang="kij">masawa</i>, could obviously be made by the members
-of a household, though with less efficiency <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb158" href="#pb158" name="pb158">158</a>]</span>and
-in a longer time. So that there is <i lang="la">a priori</i> nothing to
-foretell whether organised labour, or the unaided efforts of an
-individual or a small group of people should be used in the work. As a
-matter of fact, we have seen in canoe-building a number of men engaged
-in performing each a definite and difficult task, though united to one
-purpose. The tasks were differentiated in their sociological setting;
-some of the workers were actually to own the canoe; others belonged to
-a different community, and did it only as an act of service to the
-chief. Some worked in order to derive direct benefit from the use of
-the canoe, others were to be paid. We saw also that the work of
-felling, of scooping, of decorating, would in some cases be performed
-by various men, or it might be performed by one only. Certainly the
-minute tasks of lashing, caulking and painting, as well as sail-making,
-were done by communal labour as opposed to individual. And all these
-different tasks were directed towards one aim: the providing the chief
-or headman with the title of ownership of a canoe, and his whole
-community with its use.</p>
-<p>It is clear that this differentiation of tasks, co-ordinated to a
-general purpose, requires a well developed social apparatus to back it
-up, and that on the other hand, this social mechanism must be
-associated and permeated with economic elements. There must be a chief,
-regarded as representative of a group; he must have certain formal
-rights and privileges, and a certain amount of authority, and also he
-must dispose of part of the wealth of the community. There must also be
-a man or men with knowledge sufficient to direct and co-ordinate the
-technical operations. All this is obvious. But it must be clearly set
-forth that the real force which binds all the people and ties them down
-in their tasks is obedience to custom, to tradition.</p>
-<p>Every man knows what is expected from him, in virtue of his
-position, and he does it, whether it means the obtaining of a
-privilege, the performance of a task, or the acquiescence in a <i lang=
-"la">status quo</i>. He knows that it always has been thus, and thus it
-is all around him, and thus it always must remain. The chief&rsquo;s
-authority, his privileges, the customary give and take which exist
-between him and the community, all that is merely, so to speak, the
-mechanism through which the force of tradition acts. For there is no
-organised physical means <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb159" href=
-"#pb159" name="pb159">159</a>]</span>by which those in authority could
-enforce their will in a case like this. Order is kept by direct force
-of everybody&rsquo;s adhesion to custom, rules and laws, by the same
-psychological influences which in our society prevent a man of the
-world doing something which is not &ldquo;the right thing.&rdquo; The
-expression &ldquo;might is right&rdquo; would certainly not apply to
-Trobriand society. &ldquo;Tradition is right, and what is right
-<i>has</i> might&rdquo;&mdash;this rather is the rule governing the
-social forces in Boyowa, and I dare say in almost all native
-communities at this stage of culture.</p>
-<p>All the details of custom, all the magical formul&aelig;, the whole
-fringe of ceremonial and rite which accompany canoe-building, all these
-things add weight to the social scheme of duties. The importance of
-magical ideas and rites as integrating forces has been indicated at the
-outset of this description. It is easy to see how all the appurtenances
-of ceremony, that is, magic, decoration, and public attendance welded
-together into one whole with labour, serve to put order and
-organisation into it.</p>
-<p>Another point must be enlarged upon somewhat more. I have spoken of
-<i>organised labour</i>, and of <i>communal labour</i>. These two
-conceptions are not synonymous, and it is well to keep them apart. As
-already defined, organised labour implies the co-operation of several
-socially and economically different elements. It is quite another
-thing, however, when a number of people are engaged side by side,
-performing the same work, without any technical division of labour, or
-social differentiation of function. Thus, the whole enterprise of
-canoe-building is, in Kiriwina, the result of <i>organised labour</i>.
-But the work of some twenty to thirty men, who side by side do the
-lashing or caulking of the canoe, is <i>communal labour</i>. This
-latter form of work has a great psychological advantage. It is much
-more stimulating and more interesting, and it allows of emulation, and
-therefore of a better quality of work. For one or two men, it would
-require about a month to do the work which twenty to thirty men can do
-in a day. In certain cases, as in the pulling of the heavy log from the
-jungle to the village, the joining of forces is almost indispensable.
-True, the canoe could be scooped out in the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i>,
-and then a few men might be able to pull it along, applying some skill.
-But it would entail great hardships. Thus, in some cases, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb160" href="#pb160" name=
-"pb160">160</a>]</span>communal labour is of extreme importance, and in
-all casesit furthers the course of work considerably. Sociologically,
-it is important, because it implies mutual help, exchange of services,
-and solidarity in work within a wide range.</p>
-<p>Communal labour is an important factor in the tribal economy of the
-Trobriand natives. They resort to it in the building of living-huts and
-storehouses, in certain forms of industrial work, and in the transport
-of things, especially at harvest time, when great quantities of produce
-have to be shifted from one village to another, often over a great
-distance. In fishing, when several canoes go out together and fish each
-for itself, then we cannot speak of communal labour. When on the other
-hand, they fish in one band, each canoe having an appointed task, as is
-sometimes done, then we have to do with organised labour. Communal
-labour is also based upon the duties of <i lang="kij">urigubu</i>, or
-relatives-in-law. That is, a man&rsquo;s relatives-in-law have to
-assist him, whenever he needs their co-operation. In the case of a
-chief, there is an assistance on a grand scale, and whole villages will
-turn out. In the case of a commoner, only a few people will help. There
-is always a distribution of food after the work has been done, but this
-can hardly be considered as payment, for is is not proportional to the
-work each individual does.</p>
-<p>By far the most important part communal labour has to play, is in
-gardening. There are as many as five different forms of communal labour
-in the gardens, each called by a different name, and each distinct in
-its sociological nature. When a chief or headman summons the members of
-a village community, and they agree to do their gardens communally, it
-is called <i lang="kij">tamgogula</i>. When this is decided upon, and
-the time grows near for cutting the scrub for new gardens, a festive
-eating is held on the central place, and there all men go, and <i lang=
-"kij">takayva</i> (cut down) the scrub on the chief&rsquo;s plot. After
-that, they cut in turn the garden plots of everyone, all men working on
-the one plot during a day, and getting on that day food from the owner.
-This procedure is reproduced at each successive stage of gardening; at
-the fencing, planting of yams, bringing in supports, and finally, at
-the weeding, which is done by women. At certain stages, the gardening
-is often done by each one working for himself, namely at the clearing
-of the gardens after they are burnt, at the cleaning of the roots
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb161" href="#pb161" name=
-"pb161">161</a>]</span>of yams when they begin to produce tubers, and
-at harvesting.</p>
-<p>There are, as a rule, several communal feasts during the progress,
-and one at the end of a <i lang="kij">tamgogula</i> period. Gardens are
-generally worked in this fashion, in years when big ceremonial dancing
-or some other tribal festivity is held. This usually makes the work
-very late, and it has then to be done quickly and energetically, and
-communal labour has evidently been found suitable for this purpose.</p>
-<p>When several villages agree to work their gardens by communal
-labour, this is called <i lang="kij">lubalabisa</i>. The two forms do
-not differ very much except by name, and also by the fact that, in the
-latter form, more than one chief or headman has to direct the process.
-The <i lang="kij">lubalabisa</i> would only be held when there are
-several small villages, clustered together, as is the case in the
-village compounds of Sinaketa, Kavataria, Kabwaku or Yalaka.</p>
-<p>When a chief or headman, or man of wealth and influence summons his
-dependents or his relatives-in-law to work for him, the name <i lang=
-"kij">kabutu</i> is given to the proceedings. The owner has to give
-food to all those co-operating. A <i lang="kij">kabutu</i> may be
-instituted for one bit of gardening, for example, a headman may invite
-his villagers to do his cutting for him, or his planting or his
-fencing. It is clear that whenever communal labour is required by one
-man in the construction of his house or yam store, the labour is of the
-<i lang="kij">kabutu</i> type, and it is thus called by the
-natives.</p>
-<p>The fourth form of communal labour is called <i lang=
-"kij">ta&rsquo;ula</i>, and takes place whenever a number of villagers
-agree to do one stage of gardening in common, on the basis of
-reciprocity. No great or special payments take place. The same sort of
-communal labour extending over all stages of gardening, is called
-<i lang="kij">kari&rsquo;ula</i>, and it may be counted as the fifth
-form of communal labour in the gardens. Finally, a special word,
-<i lang="kij">tavile&rsquo;i</i>, is used when they wish to say that
-the gardens are done by individual labour, and that everyone works on
-his own plot. It is a rule, however, that the chief&rsquo;s plots,
-especially those of an influential chief of high rank, are always
-gardened by communal labour, and this latter is also used with regard
-to certain privileged plots, on which, in a given year, the garden
-magic is performed first, and with the greatest display. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb162" href="#pb162" name="pb162">162</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Thus there is a number of distinct forms of communal labour, and
-they show many more interesting features which cannot be mentioned in
-this short outline. The communal labour used in canoe-building is
-obviously of the <i lang="kij">kabutu</i> type. In having a canoe made,
-the chief is able to summon big numbers of the inhabitants of a whole
-district, the headman of an important village receives the assistance
-of his whole community, whereas a man of small importance, such as one
-of the smaller headmen of Sinaketa or Vakuta, would have to rely on his
-fellow villagers and relations-in-law. In all these cases, it would be
-the call of duty, laid down by custom, which would make them work. The
-payment would be of secondary importance, though in certain
-circumstances, it would be a considerable one. The distribution of food
-during launching forms such a payment, as we have seen in Division I of
-this chapter. In olden days, a meal of Pigs, an abundance of betel-nut
-and coco-nut and sugar cane would have made a veritable feast for the
-natives.</p>
-<p>Another point of importance from the economic aspect is the payment
-given by the chief to the builder of the canoe. The canoe of Omarakana
-was made, as we saw, for To&rsquo;uluwa by a specialist from Kitava,
-who was well paid with a quantity of food, pigs and <i lang=
-"kij">vaygua</i> (native valuables). Nowadays, when the power of the
-chiefs is broken, when they have much less wealth than formerly to back
-up their position, and cannot use even the little force they ever did
-and when the general breaking up of custom has undermined the
-traditional deference and loyalty of their subjects, the production of
-canoes and other forms of wealth by the specialist for the chief is
-only a vestige of what it once was. In olden days it was, economically,
-one of the most important features of the Trobriand tribal life. In the
-construction of the canoe, Which a chief in olden days would never
-build himself, we meet with an example of this.</p>
-<p>Here it will be enough to say that whenever a canoe is built for a
-chief or headman by a builder, this has to be paid for by an initial
-gift of food. Then, as long as the man is at work, provisional gifts of
-food are given him. If he lives away from home, like the Kitavan
-builder on the beach of Omarakana, he is fed by the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> and supplied with dainties such as coco-nut,
-betel-nut, pigs&rsquo; flesh, fish and fruits. When he works
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb163" href="#pb163" name=
-"pb163">163</a>]</span>in his own home, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-will bring him choice food at frequent intervals, inspecting, as he
-does so, the progress of the work. This feeding of the worker or
-bringing him extra choice food is called <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>.
-After the canoe is finished, a substantial gift is given to the
-master-builder during the ceremonial distribution of food. The proper
-amount would be a few hundred basketfuls of yams, a pig or two, bunches
-of betel-nut, and a great number of coco-nuts; also, a large stone
-blade or a pig, or a belt of red shell discs, and some smaller <i lang=
-"kij">vaygua</i> of the non-Kula type.</p>
-<p>In Vakuta, where chieftainship is not very distinct, and the
-difference in wealth less great, a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> also has
-to feed the workers during the time of hollowing out, preparing, and
-building a canoe. Then, after the caulking, some fifty <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e5854" title="Source: basketsful">basketfuls</span> are
-given to the builder. After the launching and trial run, this builder
-gives a rope, symbol of the canoe, to his wife, who, blowing the conch
-shell, presents the rope to the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. He, on the
-spot, gives her a bunch of betel or bananas. Next day, a considerable
-present of food, known as <i lang="kij">yomelu</i>, is given by the
-chief, and then at the next harvest, another fifty or sixty basketfuls
-of yams as <i lang="kij">karibudaboda</i> or closing up gift.</p>
-<p>I have chosen the data from two concrete cases, one noted in
-Kiriwina, the other in Vakuta&mdash;that is, in the district where the
-chief&rsquo;s power is greatest, and in that where there never has been
-more than a rudimentary distance in rank and wealth between chief and
-commoner. In both cases there is a payment, but in Kiriwina the payment
-is greater. In Vakuta, it is obviously rather an exchange of services,
-whereas in Kiriwina the chief maintains, as well as rewards his
-builder. In both cases we have the exchange of skilled services against
-maintenance by supply of food.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div6.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We shall pass now to the next ceremonial and customary
-performance in the succession of Kula events, to the display of a new
-canoe to the friends and relatives of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>.
-This custom is called <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>. The <i lang=
-"kij">tasasoria</i> (launching and trial run) is obviously at the same
-time the last act of ship-building, and by its associated magical rite,
-by the foretaste of sailing, it is also one of the beginning stages of
-the Kula. The <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> being a presentation of the
-new canoe, belongs <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb164" href="#pb164"
-name="pb164">164</a>]</span>to the series of building ceremonials; but
-in so far as it is a provisioning trip, it belongs to the Kula.</p>
-<p>The canoe is manned with the usual crew, it is rigged and fitted out
-with all its paraphernalia, such as paddles, baler, and conch shell,
-and it sets out on a short trip to the beaches of the neighbouring
-villages. When the canoe belongs to a compound settlement like
-Sinaketa, then it will stop at every beach of the sister villages. The
-conch shell is blown, and people in the village will know &ldquo;The
-<i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> men have arrived.&rdquo; The crew remains
-in the canoe, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> goes ashore, taking one
-paddle with him. He goes to the house of his fellow-headman, and
-thrusts the paddle into the frame of the house, with the words:
-&ldquo;I offer thee thy <i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamer);
-take a <i lang="kij">vaygua</i> (valuable), catch a pig and break the
-head of my new canoe.&rdquo; To which the local headman will
-answer&mdash;giving a present: &ldquo;This is the <i lang=
-"kij">katuvisala dabala</i> (the breaking of the head) of thy new
-canoe!&rdquo; This is an example of the quaint, customary wording used
-in the exchange of gifts, and in other ceremonial transactions. The
-<i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamer) is often used as a symbol
-for the canoe, in magical spells, in customary expressions, and in
-idiomatic terms of speech. Bleached pandanus streamers are tied to the
-mast, rigging and sail; a specially medicated strip is often attached
-to the prow of the canoe to give it speed, and there is also other
-<i lang="kij">bisila</i> magic to make a district partner inclined for
-Kula.</p>
-<p>The gifts given are not always up to the standard of those mentioned
-in the above customary phrase. The <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>,
-especially from the neighbouring villages, often brings only a few
-mats, a few dozen coco-nuts, some betel-nut, a couple of paddles, and
-such articles of minor value. And even in these trifles there is not
-much gain from the short <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>. For as we know,
-at the beginning of the Kula all the canoes of, say, Sinaketa or
-Kiriwina are either rebuilt or renewed. What therefore one canoe
-receives on its <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> round, from all the
-others, will have to be more or less returned to them, when they in
-their turn <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> one after the other. Soon
-afterwards, however, on an appointed day, all the canoes sail together
-on a visit to the other districts, and on this <i lang=
-"kij">kabigidoya</i>, they receive as a rule much more substantial
-presents, and these they will only have to return much later, after a
-year or two, when the visited district will come back to them on their
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb165" href="#pb165" name=
-"pb165">165</a>]</span>own <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>. Thus, when the
-canoes of Kirwina are built and renovated for a big Kula expedition,
-they will sail South along the coast, and stop first in Olivilevi,
-receiving presents from the chief there, and walking on a round of the
-inland villages of Luba. Then they will proceed to the next sea
-village, that of Wawela, leaving their canoes there, and going from
-there across to Sinaketa. Thence they proceed still further South, to
-Vakuta. The villages on the Lagoon, such as Sinaketa and Vakuta, will
-return these visits, sailing North along the Western shore on the
-Lagoon side. Then they stop at Tukwaukwa or Kavataria, and from there
-walk inland to Kiriwina, where they receive presents (see <a href=
-"#map4">Map IV</a>, p. 50).</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> trips of the Vakutans and
-Sinaketans are more important than those of the Northern or Eastern
-districts, because they are combined with a preliminary trade, in which
-the visitors replenish their stock of goods, which they will need
-presently on their trip South to Dobu. The reader will remember that
-Kuboma is the industrial district of the Trobriands, where are
-manufactured most of the useful articles, for which these islands are
-renowned in the whole of Eastern New Guinea. It lies in the Northern
-half of the island, and from Kiriwina it is only a few miles walk, but
-to reach it from Sinaketa or Vakuta it is necessary to sail North. The
-Southern villages therefore go to Kavataria, and from there walk inland
-to Bwoytalu, Luya, Yalaka and Kadukwaykela, where they make their
-purchases. The inhabitants of these villages also when they hear that
-the Sinaketans are anchored in Kavataria, bring their wares to the
-canoes.</p>
-<p>A brisk trade is carried on during the day or two that the
-Sinaketans remain in Kavataria. The natives of Kuboma are always eager
-to buy yams, as they live in an unfertile district, and devote
-themselves more to industrial productions than to gardening. And they
-are still more eager to acquire coco-nuts and betel-nut, of which they
-have a great scarcity. They desire besides to receive in exchange for
-their produce the red shell discs manufactured in Sinaketa and Vakuta,
-and the turtle-shell rings. For objects of great value, the Sinaketans
-would give the big clay pots which they receive directly from the
-Amphletts. For that they obtain different articles according to the
-villages with which they are exchanging. From Bwoytalu, they get the
-wonderfully fashioned and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb166" href=
-"#pb166" name="pb166">166</a>]</span>decorated wooden dishes of various
-sizes, depths and finish, made out of either hard or soft wood; from
-Bwaytelu, Wabutuma and Buduwaylaka, armlets of plaited fern fibre, and
-wooden combs; from Buduwaylaka, Yalaka, and Kadukwaykela, lime pots of
-different qualities and sizes. From the villages of Tilataula, the
-district North-east of Kuboma, the polished axe blades used to be
-acquired in olden days.</p>
-<p>I shall not enter into the technicalities of this exchange, nor
-shall I give here the approximate list of prices which obtain. We shall
-have to follow the traded goods further on to Dobu, and there we shall
-see how they change hands again, and under what conditions. This will
-allow us to compare the prices and thus to gauge the nature of the
-transaction as a whole. It will be better therefore to defer all
-details till then.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div6.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Here, however, its seems necessary to make another
-digression from the straight narrative of the Kula, and give an outline
-of the various forms of trade and exchange as we find them in the
-Trobriands. Indeed, the main theme of this volume is the Kula, a form
-of exchange, and I would be untrue to my chief principle of method,
-were I to give the description of one form of exchange torn out of its
-most intimate context; that is, were I to give an account of the Kula
-without giving at least a general outline of the forms of Kiriwinian
-payments and gifts and barter.</p>
-<p>In <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, speaking of some features of
-Trobriand tribal life, I was led to criticise the current views of
-primitive economic man. They depict him as a being indolent,
-independent, happy-go-lucky, yet at the same time governed exclusively
-by strictly rational and utilitarian motives, and logical and
-consistent in his behaviour. In this chapter again, in <a href=
-"#div6.2">Division II</a>, I pointed out another fallacy implied in
-this conception, a fallacy which declares that a savage is capable only
-of very simple, unorganised and unsystematic forms of labour. Another
-error more or less explicitly expressed in all writings on primitive
-economics, is that the natives possess only rudimentary forms of trade
-and exchange; that these forms play no essential part in the tribal
-life, are carried on only spasmodically and at rare intervals, and as
-necessity dictates. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb167" href="#pb167"
-name="pb167">167</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Whether we have to deal with the wide-spread fallacy of the
-primitive Golden Age, characterised mainly by the absence of any
-distinction between <i>mine</i> and <i>thine</i>; or whether we take
-the more sophisticated view, which postulates stages of individual
-search for food, and of isolated household catering; or if we consider
-for the moment the numerous theories which see nothing in primitive
-economics but simple pursuits for the maintenance of existence&mdash;in
-none of these can we find reflected even a hint of the real state of
-affairs as found in the Trobriands; namely, that <i>the whole tribal
-life is permeated by a constant give and take</i>; that every ceremony,
-every legal and customary act is done to the accompaniment of material
-gift and counter gift; that wealth, given and taken, is one of the main
-instruments of social organisation, of the power of the chief, of the
-bonds of kinship, and of relationship in law.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e5973src" href="#xd26e5973" name="xd26e5973src">2</a></p>
-<p>These views on primitive trade, prevalent though erroneous, appear
-no doubt quite consistent, that is, if we grant certain premises. Now
-these premises seem plausible, and yet they are false, and it will be
-good to have a careful look at them so that we can discard them once
-and for all. They are based on some sort of reasoning, such as the
-following one: If, in tropical conditions, there is a plenty of all
-utilities, why trouble about exchanging them? Then, why attach any
-value to them? Is there any reason for striving after wealth, where
-everyone can have as much as he wants without much effort? Is there
-indeed any room for value, if this latter is the result of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb168" href="#pb168" name=
-"pb168">168</a>]</span>scarcity as well as utility, in a community, in
-which all the useful things are plentiful? On the other hand, in those
-savage communities where the necessities of life are scarce, there is
-obviously no possibility of accumulating them, and thus creating
-wealth.</p>
-<div class="figure pl34width" id="pl34">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl34width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXIV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl34.jpg" alt=
-"Display of Pigs and Yams at a Distribution (Sagali)" width="668"
-height="406">
-<p class="figureHead">Display of Pigs and Yams at a Distribution
-(Sagali)</p>
-<p>All food to be given away is several times displayed before, during,
-and after the ceremony. Exhibiting of food in large, prismatic
-receptacles (<i lang="kij">pwata&rsquo;i</i>) is one of the typical
-features of Trobriand custom. (See <a href="#div6.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl35width" id="pl35">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl35width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl35.jpg" alt=
-"Communal Cooking of Mona (Taro Dumplings)" width="662" height="387">
-<p class="figureHead">Communal Cooking of Mona (Taro Dumplings)</p>
-<p>Large <span class="corr" id="xd26e6003" title=
-"Source: claypots">clay-pots</span>, imported from the Amphletts, are
-used for the purpose; in these, coco-nut oil is brought to a boil,
-pieces of pounded taro being thrown in afterwards, while a man stirs
-the contents with a long, decorated, wooden ladle.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl36width" id="pl36">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl36width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXVI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl36.jpg" alt=
-"Scene in the Wasi (Ceremonial Exchange of Vegetables for Fish)" width=
-"667" height="420">
-<p class="figureHead">Scene in the Wasi (Ceremonial Exchange of
-Vegetables for Fish)</p>
-<p>The inland party have brought their yams by boat to the village of
-Oburaku, which is practically inaccessible by land. They are putting up
-the vegetables into square, wooden crates in order to carry them
-ceremonially and to place each before the partner&rsquo;s house.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl37width" id="pl37">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl37width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXVII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl37.jpg" alt=
-"Vava, Direct Barter of Vegetables for Fish" width="664" height="406">
-<p class="figureHead">Vava, Direct Barter of Vegetables for Fish</p>
-<p>In the picture, the inland natives exchange bundles of taro directly
-for fish, without observing the rites and ceremonies obligatory in a
-<i lang="kij">wasi</i>. (See <a href="#div6.6">Div. VI</a>)</p>
-</div>
-<p>Again, since, in savage communities, whether bountifully or badly
-provided for by nature, everyone has the same free access to all the
-necessities, is there any need to exchange them? Why give a basketful
-of fruit or vegetables, if everybody has practically the same quantity
-and the same means of procuring it? Why make a present of it, if it
-cannot be returned except in the same form?<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6033src" href="#xd26e6033" name="xd26e6033src">3</a></p>
-<p>There are two main sources of error at the bottom of this faulty
-reasoning. The first is that the relation of the savage to material
-goods is a purely rational one, and that consequently, in his
-conditions, there is no room for wealth or value. The second erroneous
-assumption is that there can be no need for exchange if anyone and
-everyone can, by industry and skill, produce all that represents value
-through its quantity or its quality.</p>
-<p>As regards the first proposition, it is not true either with regard
-to what may be called primary wealth, that is, food stuffs, nor with
-regard to articles of luxury, which are by no means absent in Trobriand
-society. First as to food-stuffs, they are not merely regarded by the
-natives as nourishment, not merely valued because of their utility.
-They accumulate them not so much because they know that yams can be
-stored and used for a future date, but also because they like to
-display their possessions in food. Their yam houses are built so that
-the quantity of the food can be gauged, and its quality ascertained
-through the wide interstices between the beams (see Plates <a href=
-"#pl32">XXXII</a> and <a href="#pl33">XXXIII</a>). The yams are so
-arranged that the best specimens come to the outside and are well
-visible. Special <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb169" href="#pb169"
-name="pb169">169</a>]</span>varieties of yams, which grow up to two
-metres length, and weigh as much as several kilograms each, are framed
-in wood and decorated with paint, and hung on the outside of the yam
-houses. That the right to display food is highly valued can be seen
-from the fact that in villages where a chief of high rank resides, the
-commoners&rsquo; storehouses have to be closed up with coco-nut leaves,
-so as not to compete with his.</p>
-<p>All this shows that the accumulation of food is not only the result
-of economic foresight, but also prompted by the desire of display and
-enhancement of social prestige through possession of wealth.</p>
-<p>When I speak about ideas underlying accumulation of food stuffs in
-the Trobriands, I refer to the present, actual psychology of the
-natives, and I must emphatically declare that I am not offering here
-any conjectures about the &ldquo;origins&rdquo; or about the
-&ldquo;history&rdquo; of the customs and their psychology, leaving this
-to theoretical and comparative research.</p>
-<p>Another institution which illuminates the native ideas about food
-storage is the magic called <i lang="kij">vilamalya</i>, performed over
-the crops after harvest, and at one or two other stages. This magic is
-intended to make the food last long. Before the store-house is filled
-with yams, the magician places a special kind of heavy stone on the
-floor, and recites a long magical spell. On the evening of the same
-day, after the food houses have been filled, he spits over them with
-medicated ginger root, and he also performs a rite over all the roads
-entering into the village, and over the central place. All this will
-make food plentiful in that village, and will make the supplies last
-long. But, and this is the important point for us, this magic is
-conceived to act, not on the food, but on the inhabitants of the
-village. It makes their appetites poor, it makes them, as the natives
-put it, inclined to eat wild fruit of the bush, the mango and bread
-fruit of the village grove, and refuse to eat yams, or at least be
-satisfied with very little. They will boast that when this magic is
-performed well, half of the yams will rot away in the storehouses, and
-be thrown on the <i lang="kij">wawa</i>, the rubbish heap at the back
-of the houses, to make room for the new harvest. Here again we meet the
-typical idea that the main aim of accumulating food is to keep it
-exhibited in the yam houses till it rots, and then can be replaced by a
-new &eacute;talage. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb170" href="#pb170"
-name="pb170">170</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The filling of the storehouses involves a double display of food,
-and a good deal of ceremonial handling. When the tubers are taken out
-of the ground they are first displayed in the gardens. A shed of poles
-is erected, and covered with <i lang="kij">taitu</i> vine, which is
-thrown thickly over it. In such arbours, a circle is pegged out on the
-ground, and within this the <i lang="kij">taitu</i> (the ordinary small
-yams of the Trobriands which form the staple harvest) are carefully
-piled up into a conical heap. A great deal of care is lavished on this
-task, the biggest are selected, scrupulously cleaned, and put on the
-outside of the heap. After a fortnight or more of keeping the yams in
-the garden, where they are much admired by visiting parties, the owner
-of the garden plot summons a party of friends or relatives-in-law, and
-these transport them into a village. As we know already, from <a href=
-"#ch2">Chapter II</a>, such yams will be offered to the owner&rsquo;s
-sister&rsquo;s husband. It is to his village that they are brought,
-where again they are displayed in conical heaps, placed before his yam
-house. Only after they have thus remained for several
-days&mdash;sometimes up to a fortnight&mdash;are they put into the
-storehouse (see <a href="#pl33">Plate XXXIII</a>).</p>
-<p>Indeed, it would be enough for anyone to see how the natives handle
-the yams, how they admire big tubers, how they pick out freaks and
-sports and exhibit them, to realise that there is a deep, socially
-standardised sentiment centring round this staple product of their
-gardens. In many phases of their ceremonial life, big displays of food
-form the central feature. Extensive mortuary distributions called
-<i lang="kij">sagali</i>, are, in one of their aspects, enormous
-exhibitions of food, connected with their re-apportionment (see
-<a href="#pl34">Plate XXXIV</a>). At harvest of the early yams
-(<i lang="kij">kuvi</i>) there is an offering of first fruits to the
-memory of the recently dead. At the later, main harvest of <i lang=
-"kij">taitu</i> (small yams), the first tubers are dug out ceremonially
-brought into the village and admired by the whole community. Food
-contests between two villages at harvest, in olden days often followed
-by actual fighting, are also one of the characteristic features which
-throw light on the natives&rsquo; attitude towards edible wealth. In
-fact, one could almost speak of a &ldquo;cult of food&rdquo; among
-these natives, in so far as food is the central object of most of their
-public ceremonies.</p>
-<p>In the preparation of food, it must be noted that many taboos are
-associated with cooking, and especially with the cooking <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb171" href="#pb171" name=
-"pb171">171</a>]</span>pots. The wooden dishes on which the natives
-serve their food are called <i lang="kij">kaboma</i>, which means
-&ldquo;tabooed wood.&rdquo; The act of eating is as a rule strictly
-individual. People eat within their family circles, and even when there
-is public ceremonial cooking of the taro pudding (<i lang=
-"kij">mona</i>) in the big clay pots, especially tabooed for this
-purpose (see <a href="#pl35">Plate XXXV</a>), they do not eat in one
-body, but in small groups. A clay pot is carried into the different
-parts of the village, and men from that part squat round it and eat,
-followed afterwards by the women. Sometimes again the pudding is taken
-out, placed on wooden dishes, and eaten within the family.</p>
-<p>I cannot enter here into the many details of what could be called
-the social psychology of eating, but it is important to note that the
-centre of gravity of the feast lies, not in the eating, but in the
-display and ceremonial preparation of the food (see <a href=
-"#pl35">Plate XXXV</a>). When a pig is to be killed, which is a great
-culinary and festive event, it will be first carried about, and shown
-perhaps in one or two villages; then roasted alive, the whole village
-and neighbours enjoying the spectacle and the squeals of the animal. It
-is then ceremonially, and with a definite ritual, cut into pieces and
-distributed. But the eating of it is a casual affair; it will take
-place either within a hut, or else people will just cook a piece of
-flesh and eat it on the road, or walking about in the village. The
-relics of a feast such as pigs&rsquo; jaws and fish tails, however, are
-often collected and displayed in houses or yam stores.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e6111src" href="#xd26e6111" name=
-"xd26e6111src">4</a></p>
-<p>The quantity of food eaten, whether in prospect or retrospect, is
-what matters most. &ldquo;We shall eat, and eat till we vomit,&rdquo;
-is a stock phrase, often heard at feasts, intended to express enjoyment
-of the occasion, a close parallel to the pleasure felt at the idea of
-stores rotting away in the yam house. All this shows that the social
-act of eating and the associated conviviality are not present in the
-minds or customs of the Trobrianders, and what is socially enjoyed is
-the common admiration of fine and plentiful food, and the knowledge of
-its abundance. Naturally, like all animals, human or otherwise,
-civilised or savage, the Trobrianders enjoy their eating as one of the
-chief pleasures of life, but this remains an individual <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb172" href="#pb172" name="pb172">172</a>]</span>act,
-and neither its performance nor the sentiments attached to it have been
-socialised.</p>
-<p>It is this indirect sentiment, rooted of course in reality in the
-pleasures of eating, which makes for the value of food in the eyes of
-the natives. This value again makes accumulated food a symbol, and a
-vehicle of power. Hence the need for storing and displaying it. Value
-is not the result of utility and rarity, intellectually compounded, but
-is the result of a sentiment grown round things, which, through
-satisfying human needs, are capable of evoking emotions.</p>
-<p>The value of manufactured objects of use must also be explained
-through man&rsquo;s emotional nature, and not by reference to his
-logical construction of utilitarian views. Here, however, I think that
-the explanation must take into account, not so much the user of these
-objects, as the workman who produces them. These natives are
-industrious, and keen workers. They do not work under the spur of
-necessity, or to gain their living, but on the impulse of talent and
-fancy, with a high sense and enjoyment of their art, which they often
-conceive as the result of magical inspiration. This refers especially
-to those who produce objects of high value, and who are always good
-craftsmen and are fond of their workmanship. Now these native artists
-have a keen appreciation of good material, and of perfection in craft.
-When they find a specially good piece of material it lures them on to
-lavish on it an excess of labour, and to produce things too good to be
-used, but only so much the more desirable for possession.</p>
-<p>The careful manner of working, the perfection of craftmanship, the
-discrimination in material, the inexhaustible patience in giving the
-final touches, have been often noted by those who have seen natives at
-work. These observations have also come under the notice of some
-theoretical economists, but it is necessary to see these facts in their
-bearing upon the theory of value. That is, namely, that this loving
-attitude towards material and work must produce a sentiment of
-attachment to rare materials and well-worked objects, and that this
-must result in their being valued. Value will be attached to rare forms
-of such materials as the craftsman generally uses: classes of shell
-which are scarce, lending themselves especially to fashioning and
-polishing; kinds of wood which are also <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb173" href="#pb173" name="pb173">173</a>]</span>rare, like ebony; and
-more particularly, special varieties of that stone out of which
-implements are made.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6130src" href=
-"#xd26e6130" name="xd26e6130src">5</a></p>
-<p>We can now compare our results with the fallacious views on
-Primitive Economic Man, sketched out at the beginning of this Division.
-We see that value and wealth exist, in spite of abundance of things,
-that indeed this abundance is valued for its own sake. Great quantities
-are produced beyond any possible utility they could possess, out of
-mere love of accumulation for its own sake; food is allowed to rot, and
-though they have all they could desire in necessities, yet the natives
-want always more, to serve in its character of wealth. Again, in
-manufactured objects, and more especially in objects of the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> type (comp. <a href="#div3.3">Chapter III, Div.
-III</a>), it is not rarity within utility which creates value, but a
-rarity sought out by human skill within the workable materials. In
-other words, not those things are valued, which being useful or even
-indispensable are hard to get, since all the necessities of life are
-within easy reach of the Trobriand Islander. But such an article is
-valued where the workman, having found specially fine or sportive
-material, has been induced to spend a disproportionate amount of labour
-on it. By doing so, he creates an object which is a kind of economic
-monstrosity, too good, too big, too frail, or too overcharged with
-ornament to be used, yet just because of that, highly valued.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div6.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Thus the first assumption is exploded, &ldquo;that
-there is no room for wealth or value in native societies.&rdquo; What
-about the other assumption, namely, &ldquo;That there is no need to
-exchange if anyone can by industry and skill, produce all that
-represents value through its quantity or its quality?&rdquo; This
-assumption is confuted by realising a fundamental fact of native usage
-and psychology: the love of give and take for its own sake; the active
-enjoyment in possession of wealth, through handing it over.</p>
-<p>In studying any sociological questions in the Trobriands, in
-describing the ceremonial side of tribal life, or religion and magic,
-we constantly meet with this give and take, with <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb174" href="#pb174" name=
-"pb174">174</a>]</span>exchange of gifts and payments. I had occasion
-several times to mention this general feature, and in the short outline
-of the Trobriand sociology in <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, I gave
-some examples of it. Even a walk across the island, such as we imagined
-in that chapter, would reveal to an open-eyed Ethnographer this
-economic truth. He would see visiting parties&mdash;women carrying big
-food baskets on their head, men with loads on their shoulders&mdash;and
-on inquiring he would learn that these were gifts to be presented under
-one of the many names they bear, in fulfilment of some social
-obligation. Offerings of first fruits are given to the chief or to
-relatives-in-law, when the mango or bread fruit or sugar cane are ripe.
-Big quantities of sugar cane being borne to a chief, carried by some
-twenty to thirty men running along the road, produce the impressions of
-a tropical Birnam Wood moving through the jungle. At harvest time all
-the roads are full of big parties of men carrying food, or returning
-with empty baskets. From the far North of Kiriwina a party will have to
-run for some twelve miles to the creek of Tukwa&rsquo;ukwa, get into
-canoes, punt for miles along the shallow Lagoon, and have another good
-walk inland from Sinaketa; and all this is in order to fill the yam
-house of a man who could do it quite well for himself, if it were not
-that he is under obligation to give all the harvest to his
-sister&rsquo;s husband! Displays of gifts associated with marriage,
-with <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (food distributions), with payments for
-magic, all these are some of the most picturesque characteristics of
-the Trobriand garden, road and village, and must impress themselves
-upon even a superficial observer.</p>
-<p>The second fallacy, that man keeps all he needs and never
-spontaneously gives it away, must therefore be completely discarded.
-Not that the natives do not possess a strongly retentive tendency. To
-imagine that they differ from other human beings in this, would be to
-fall out of one fallacy into the opposite one also already mentioned,
-namely that there is a sort of primitive communism among the natives.
-On the contrary, just because they think so much of giving, the
-distinction between mine and thine is not obliterated but enhanced; for
-the presents are by no means given haphazardly, but practically always
-in fulfilment of definite obligations, and with a great deal of formal
-punctilio. The very fundamental motive of giving, the vanity of a
-display of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb175" href="#pb175" name=
-"pb175">175</a>]</span>possession and power, <i lang="la">a limine</i>
-rules out any assumption of communistic tendencies or institutions. Not
-in all cases, but in many of them, the handing over of wealth is the
-expression of the superiority of the giver over the recipient. In
-others, it represents subordination to a chief, or a kinship relation
-or relationship-in-law. And it is important to realise that in almost
-all forms of exchange in the Trobriands, there is not even a trace of
-gain, nor is there any reason for looking at it from the purely
-utilitarian and economic standpoint, since there is no enhancement of
-mutual utility through the exchange.</p>
-<p>Thus, it is quite a usual thing in the Trobriands for a type of
-transaction to take place in which A gives twenty baskets of yams to B,
-receiving for it a small polished blade, only to have the whole
-transaction reversed in a few weeks&rsquo; time. Again, at a certain
-stage of mortuary ritual, a present of valuables is given, and on the
-same day later on, the identical articles are returned to the giver.
-Cases like that described in the <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> custom
-(<a href="#div6.3">Div. III of this chapter</a>), where each owner of a
-new canoe made a round of all the others, each thus giving away again
-what he receives, are typical. In the <i lang=
-"kij">wasi</i>&mdash;exchange of fish for yams, to be described
-presently&mdash;through a practically useless gift, a burdensome
-obligation is imposed, and one might speak of an increase of burdens
-rather than an increase of utilities.</p>
-<p>The view that the native can live in a state of individual search
-for food, or catering for his own household only, in isolation from any
-interchange of goods, implies a calculating, cold egotism, the
-possibility of enjoyment by man of utilities for their sake. This view,
-and all the previously criticised assumptions, ignore the fundamental
-human impulse to display, to share, to bestow. They ignore the deep
-tendency to create social ties through exchange of gifts. Apart from
-any consideration as to whether the gifts are necessary or even useful,
-giving for the sake of giving is one of the most important features of
-Trobriand sociology, and, from its very general and fundamental nature,
-I submit that it is a universal feature of all primitive societies.</p>
-<p>I have dwelt at length on economic facts which on the surface are
-not directly connected with the Kula. But if we realise that in these
-facts we may be able to read the native&rsquo;s attitude towards wealth
-and value, their importance for the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb176" href="#pb176" name="pb176">176</a>]</span>main theme becomes
-obvious. The Kula is the highest and the most dramatic expression of
-the native&rsquo;s conception of value, and if we want to understand
-all the customs and actions of the Kula in their real bearings we must,
-first and foremost, grasp the psychology that lies at its basis.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div6.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I have on purpose spoken of forms of exchange, of
-gifts and counter-gifts, rather than of barter or trade, because,
-although there exist forms of barter pure and simple, there are so many
-transitions and gradations between that and simple gift, that it is
-impossible to draw any fixed line between trade on the one hand, and
-exchange of gifts on the other. Indeed, the drawing of any lines to
-suit our own terminology and our own distinctions is contrary to sound
-method. In order to deal with these facts correctly it is necessary to
-give a complete survey of all forms of payment or present. In this
-survey there will be at one end the extreme case of pure gift, that is
-an offering for which nothing is given in return. Then, through many
-customary forms of gift or payment, partially or conditionally
-returned, which shade into each other, there come forms of exchange,
-where more or less strict equivalence is observed, arriving finally at
-real barter. In the following survey I shall roughly classify each
-transaction according to the principle of its equivalence.</p>
-<p>Such tabularised accounts cannot give the same clear vision of facts
-as a concrete description might do, and they even produce the
-impression of artificiality, but, and this must be emphatically stated,
-I shall not introduce here artificial categories, foreign to the native
-mind. Nothing is so misleading in ethnographic accounts as the
-description of facts of native civilisations in terms of our own. This,
-however, shall not be done here. The principles of arrangement,
-although quite beyond the comprehension of the natives, are
-nevertheless contained in their social organisation, customs, and even
-in their linguistic terminology. This latter always affords the
-simplest and surest means of approach towards the understanding of
-native distinctions and classifications. But it also must be remembered
-that, though important as a clue to native ideas, the knowledge of
-terminology is not a miraculous short-cut into the native&rsquo;s mind.
-As a matter of fact, there <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb177" href=
-"#pb177" name="pb177">177</a>]</span>exist many salient and extremely
-important features of Trobriand sociology and social psychology, which
-are not covered by any term, whereas their language distinguishes
-sub-divisions and subtleties which are quite irrelevant with regard to
-actual conditions. Thus, a survey of terminology must always be
-supplemented by a direct analysis of ethnographic fact and inquiry into
-the native&rsquo;s ideas, that is, by collecting a body of opinions,
-typical expressions, and customary phrases by direct cross-questioning.
-The most conclusive and deepest insight, however, must always be
-obtained by a study of behaviour, by analysis of ethnographic custom
-and concrete cases of traditional rules.</p>
-<div class="div3 subsection" id="xd26e6189">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h4 class="main">List of Gifts, Payments, and Commercial
-Transactions.</h4>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">1. <i>Pure Gifts</i>.&mdash;By this, as just
-mentioned, we understand an act, in which an individual gives an object
-or renders a service without expecting or getting any return. This is
-not a type of transaction very frequently met in Trobriand tribal life.
-It must be remembered that accidental or spontaneous gifts, such as
-alms or charities, do not exist, since everybody in need would be
-maintained by his or her family. Again, there are so many well-defined
-economic obligations, connected with kinship and relationship-in-law,
-that anyone wanting a thing or a service would know where to go and ask
-for it. And then, of course, it would not be a free gift, but one
-imposed by some social obligation. Moreover, since gifts in the
-Trobriands are conceived as definite acts with a social meaning, rather
-than transmissions of objects, it results that where social duties do
-not directly impose them, gifts are very rare.</p>
-<p>The most important type of free gift are the presents characteristic
-of relations between husband and wife, and parents and children. Among
-the Trobrianders, husband and wife own their things separately. There
-are man&rsquo;s and woman&rsquo;s possessions, and each of the two
-partners has a special part of the household goods under control. When
-one of them dies, his or her relations inherit the things. But though
-the possessions are not joint, they very often give presents to one
-another, more especially a husband to his wife.</p>
-<p>As to the parents&rsquo; gifts to the children, it is clear that in
-a matrilineal society, where the mother is the nearest of kin to
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb178" href="#pb178" name=
-"pb178">178</a>]</span>her children in a sense quite different to that
-in our society, they share in and inherit from her all her possessions.
-It is more remarkable that the father, who, according to native belief
-and law, is only the mother&rsquo;s husband, and not the kinsman of the
-children, is the only relation from whom free gifts are
-expected.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6203src" href="#xd26e6203" name=
-"xd26e6203src">6</a> The father will give freely of his valuables to a
-son, and he will transmit to him his relationships in the Kula,
-according to the definite rules by which it is done (see <a href=
-"#div11.2">Chapter XI, Division II</a>). Also, one of the most valuable
-and valued possessions, the knowledge of magic, is handed over
-willingly, and free of any counter-gift, from father to son. The
-ownership of trees in the village grove and ownership in garden plots
-is ceded by the father to his son during the lifetime of the former. At
-his death, it often has to be returned to the man&rsquo;s rightful
-heirs, that is, his sister&rsquo;s children. All the objects of use
-embraced by the term <i lang="kij">gugua</i> will be shared with him as
-a matter of course by a man&rsquo;s children. Also, any special
-luxuries in food, or such things as betel-nut or tobacco, he will share
-with his children as well as with his wife. In all such small articles
-of indulgence, free distribution will also obtain between the chief or
-the headman and his vassals, though not in such a generous spirit, as
-within the family. In fact, everyone who possesses betel-nut or tobacco
-in excess of what he can actually consume on the spot, would be
-expected to give it away. This very special rule, which also happens to
-apply to such articles as are generally used by white men for trade,
-has largely contributed to the tenacity of the idea of the communistic
-native. In fact, many a man will carefully conceal any surplus so as to
-avoid the obligation of sharing it and yet escape the opprobrium
-attaching to meanness.</p>
-<p>There is no comprehensive name for this class of free gifts in
-native terminology. The verb &ldquo;to give&rdquo; (<i lang=
-"kij">sayki</i>) would simply be used, and on inquiry as to whether
-there was repayment for such a gift, the natives would directly answer
-that this was a gift without repayment; <i lang="kij">mapula</i> being
-the general term for return gifts, and retributions, economic as well
-as otherwise. The natives undoubtedly would not think of free gifts as
-forming one class, as being all of the same nature. The acts of
-liberality on the part of the chief, the sharing of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb179" href="#pb179" name=
-"pb179">179</a>]</span>tobacco and betel-nut by anybody who has some to
-spare, would be taken as a matter of course. Gifts by a husband to a
-wife are considered also as rooted in the nature of this relationship.
-They have as a matter of fact a very coarse and direct way of
-formulating that such gifts are the <i lang="kij">mapula</i> (payment)
-for matrimonial relations, a conception in harmony with the ideas
-underlying another type of gift, of which I shall speak presently, that
-given in return for sexual intercourse. Economically the two are
-entirely different, since those of husband to wife are casual gifts
-within a permanent relationship, whereas the others are definite
-payment for favours given on special occasions.</p>
-<p>The most remarkable fact, however, is that the same explanation is
-given for the free gifts given by the father to his children; that is
-to say, a gift given by a father to his son is said to be a repayment
-for the man&rsquo;s relationship to the son&rsquo;s mother. According
-to the matrilineal set of ideas about kinship, mother and son are one,
-but the father is a stranger (<i lang="kij">tomakava</i>) to his son,
-an expression often used when these matters are discussed. There is no
-doubt, however, that the state of affairs is much more complex, for
-there is a very strong direct emotional attitude between father and
-child. The father wants always to give things to his child, as I have
-said, (compare <a href="#div2.6">Chapter II, Division VI</a>), and this
-is very well realised by the natives themselves.</p>
-<p>As a matter of fact, the psychology underlying these conditions is
-this: normally a man is emotionally attached to his wife, and has a
-very strong personal affection towards his children, and expresses
-these feelings by gifts, and more especially by trying to endow his
-children with as much of his wealth and position as he can. This,
-however, runs counter to the matrilineal principle as well as to the
-general rule that all gifts require repayment, and so these gifts are
-explained away by the natives in a manner that agrees with these rules.
-The above crude explanation of the natives by reference to sex payment
-is a document, which in a very illuminating manner shows up the
-conflict between the matrilineal theory and the actual sentiments of
-the natives, and also how necessary it is to check the explicit
-statements of natives, and the views contained in their terms and
-phraseology by direct observation of full-blooded life, in which we see
-man not only laying down <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb180" href=
-"#pb180" name="pb180">180</a>]</span>rules and theories, but behaving
-under the impulse of instinct and emotion.</p>
-<p>2. <i>Customary payments, re-paid irregularly, and without strict
-equivalence</i>.&mdash;The most important of these are the annual
-payments received at harvest time by a man from his wife&rsquo;s
-brothers (cf. <a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Divisions IV</a> and
-<a href="#div2.5">V</a>). These regular and unfailing gifts are so
-substantial, that they form the bulk of a man&rsquo;s income in food.
-Sociologically, they are perhaps the strongest strand in the fabric of
-the Trobriands tribal constitution. They entail a life-long obligation
-of every man to work for his kinswomen and their families. When a boy
-begins to garden, he does it for his mother. When his sisters grow up
-and marry, he works for them. If he has neither mother nor sisters, his
-nearest female blood relation will claim the proceeds of his
-labour.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6251src" href="#xd26e6251" name=
-"xd26e6251src">7</a></p>
-<p>The reciprocity in these gifts never amounts to their full value,
-but the recipient is supposed to give a valuable (<i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>) or a pig to his wife&rsquo;s brother from time
-to time. Again if he summons his wife&rsquo;s kinsmen to do communal
-work for him, according to the <i lang="kij">kabutu</i> system, he pays
-them in food. In this case also the payments are not the full
-equivalent of the services rendered. Thus we see that the relationship
-between a man and his wife&rsquo;s kinsmen is full of mutual gifts and
-services, in which repayment, however, by the husband, is not
-equivalent and regular, but spasmodic and smaller in value than his own
-share; and even if for some reason or other it ever fails, this does
-not relieve the others from their obligations. In the case of a chief,
-the duties of his numerous relatives-in-law have to be much more
-stringently observed; that is, they have to give him much bigger
-harvest gifts, and they also have to keep pigs, and grow betel and
-coco-nut palms for him. For all this, they are rewarded by
-correspondingly large presents of valuables, which again, however, do
-not fully repay them for their contributions.</p>
-<p>The tributes given by vassal village communities to a chief and
-usually repaid by small counter-gifts, also belong to this class.
-Besides these, there are the contributions given by one kinsman to
-another, when this latter has to carry out a mortuary distribution
-(<i lang="kij">sagali</i>). Such contributions are sometimes,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb181" href="#pb181" name=
-"pb181">181</a>]</span>but irregularly and spasmodically, repaid by
-objects of small value.</p>
-<p>The natives do not embrace this class under one term, but the word
-<i lang="kij">urigubu</i>, which designates harvest gifts from the
-wife&rsquo;s brothers, stands for one of the most important conceptions
-of native sociology and economics. They have quite a clear idea about
-the many characteristics of the <i lang="kij">urigubu</i> duties, which
-have <a id="xd26e6280" name="xd26e6280"></a>been described here, and
-about their far-reaching importance. The occasional counter gifts given
-by the husband to his wife&rsquo;s kinsmen are called <i lang=
-"kij">youlo</i>. The chief&rsquo;s tributes which we have put in this
-category are called <i lang="kij">pokala</i>. The placing of these two
-types of payment in one category is justified both by the similar
-mechanism, and by the close resemblance between the <i lang=
-"kij">urigubu</i> gifts, when given to a chief, and the <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i> received by him. There are even resemblances in the
-actual ceremonial, which however, would require too much of a detailed
-description to be more than mentioned here. The word <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i> is a general term for the chief&rsquo;s tributes, and
-there are several other expressions which cover gifts of first fruit,
-gifts at the main harvest, and some other sub-divisions. There are also
-terms describing the various counter-gifts given by a chief to those
-who pay him tribute, according to whether they consist of pig&rsquo;s
-flesh or yams or fruit. I am not mentioning all these native words, in
-order not to overload the account with details, which would be
-irrelevant here.</p>
-<p>3. <i>Payment for services rendered</i>. This class differs from the
-foregoing one in that here the payment is within limits defined by
-custom. It has to be given each time the service is performed, but we
-cannot speak here of direct economic equivalence, since one of the
-terms of the equation consists of a service, the value of which cannot
-be assessed, except by conventional estimates. All services done by
-specialists for individuals or for the community, belong here. The most
-important of these are undoubtedly the services of the magician. The
-garden magician, for instance, receives definite gifts from the
-community and from certain individuals. The sorcerer is paid by the man
-who asks him to kill or who desires to be healed. The presents given
-for magic of rain and fair weather are very considerable. I have
-already described the payments given to a canoe-builder. I shall have
-to speak later on of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb182" href="#pb182"
-name="pb182">182</a>]</span>those received by the specialists who make
-the various types of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>.</p>
-<p>Here also belong the payments, always associated with love
-intrigues. Disinterested love is quite unknown among these people of
-great sexual laxity. Every time a girl favours her lover, some small
-gift has to be given immediately. This is the case in the normal
-intrigues, going on every night in the village between unmarried girls
-and boys, and also in more ceremonial cases of indulgence, like the
-<i lang="kij">katuyausi</i> custom, or the mortuary consolations,
-mentioned in <a href="#div2.2">Chapter II, Division II</a>. A few
-areca-nuts, some betel pepper, a bit of tobacco, some turtle-shell
-rings, or spondylus discs, such are the small tokens of gratitude and
-appreciation never omitted by the youth. An attractive girl need never
-go unprovided with the small luxuries of life.</p>
-<p>The big mortuary distributions of food, <i lang="kij">sagali</i>,
-have already been mentioned several times. On their economic side,
-these distributions are payments for funerary services. The deceased
-man&rsquo;s nearest maternal kinsman has to give food gifts to all the
-villagers for their assuming mourning, that is to say, for blackening
-their faces and cutting their hair. He pays some other special people
-for wailing and grave digging; a still smaller group for cutting out
-the dead man&rsquo;s ulna and using it as a lime spoon; and the widow
-or widower for the prolonged and scrupulously to be observed period of
-strict mourning.</p>
-<p>All these details show how universal and strict is the idea that
-every social obligation or duty, though it may not on any account be
-evaded, has yet to be re-paid by a ceremonial gift. The function of
-these ceremonial re-payments is, on the surface of it, to thicken the
-social ties from which arise the obligations.</p>
-<p>The similarity of the gifts and payments which we have put into this
-category is expressed by the native use of the word <i lang=
-"kij">mapula</i> (repayment, equivalent) in connection with all these
-gifts. Thus in giving the reason why a certain present is made to a
-magician, or why a share is allotted to a man at the <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i> (distribution), or why some valuable object is given
-to a specialist, they would say: &ldquo;This is the <i lang=
-"kij">mapula</i> for what he has done.&rdquo; Another interesting
-identification contained in linguistic usage is the calling of both
-magical payments and payments to specialists: a
-&lsquo;restorative,&rsquo; or, literally, a <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb183" href="#pb183" name="pb183">183</a>]</span>
-&lsquo;poultice.&rsquo; Certain extra fees given to a magician are
-described as &lsquo;<i lang="kij">katuwarina kaykela</i>&rsquo; or
-&lsquo;poultice for his leg&rsquo;; as the magician, especially he of
-the garden or the sorcerer, has to take long walks in connection with
-his magic. The expression &lsquo;poultice of my back,&rsquo; will be
-used by a canoe-builder who has been bending over his work, or
-&lsquo;poultice of my hand&rsquo; by a carver or stone-polisher. But
-the identity of these gifts is not in any way expressed in the detailed
-terminology. In fact, there is a list of words describing the various
-payments for magic, the gifts given to specialists, love payments, and
-the numerous types of gifts distinguished at the <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i>. Thus a magical payment, of which a small part would
-be offered to ancestral spirits, is called <i lang=
-"kij">ula&rsquo;ula</i>; a substantial magical gift is called <i lang=
-"kij">sousula</i>; a gift to a sorcerer is described by the verb
-<i lang="kij">ibudipeta</i>, and there are many more special names. The
-gifts to the specialists are called <i lang="kij">vewoulo</i>&mdash;the
-initial gift; <i lang="kij">yomelu</i>&mdash;a gift of food given after
-the object has been ceremonially handed over to the owner; <i lang=
-"kij">karibudaboda</i>&mdash;a substantial gift of yams given at the
-next harvest. The gifts of food, made while the work is in progress are
-called <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>; but this latter term has much wider
-application, as it covers all the presents of cooked or raw food given
-to workers by the man, for whom they work. The sexual gifts are called
-<i lang="kij">buwana</i> or <i lang="kij">sebuwana</i>. I shall not
-enumerate the various terminological distinctions of <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i> gifts, as this would be impossible to do, without
-entering upon the enormous subject of mortuary duties and
-distributions.</p>
-<p>The classification of love gifts and <i lang="kij">sagali</i> gifts
-in the same category with gifts to magicians and specialists, is a
-generalisation in which the natives would not be able to follow us. For
-them, the gifts given at <i lang="kij">sagali</i> form a class in
-themselves and so do the love gifts. We may say that, from the economic
-point of view, we were correct in classing all these gifts together,
-because they all represent a definite type of equivalence; also they
-correspond to the native idea that every service has to be paid for, an
-idea documented by the linguistic use of the word <i lang=
-"kij">mapula</i>. But within this class, the sub-divisions
-corresponding to native terminology represent important distinctions
-made by the natives between the three sub-classes; love gifts, <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i> gifts, and gifts for magical and professional
-services. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb184" href="#pb184" name=
-"pb184">184</a>]</span></p>
-<p>4. <i>Gifts returned in economically equivalent form</i>.&mdash;We
-are enumerating the various types of exchange, as they gradually assume
-the appearance of trade. In this fourth class have been put such gifts
-as must be re-paid with almost strict equivalence. But it must be
-stressed that strict equivalence of two gifts does not assimilate them
-to trade altogether. There can be no more perfect equivalence between
-gift and counter-gift, than when A gives to B an object, and B on the
-same day returns the very same object to A. At a certain stage of the
-mortuary proceedings, such a gift is given and received back again by a
-deceased man&rsquo;s kinsmen and his widow&rsquo;s brothers. Yet it is
-obvious at once that no transaction could be further removed from
-trade. The above described gifts at the presentation of new canoes
-(<i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>) belong to this class. So do also
-numerous presents given to one community by another, on visits which
-are going to be returned soon. Payments for the lease of a garden plot
-are at least in certain districts of the Trobriands returned by a gift
-of equivalent value.</p>
-<p>Sociologically, this class of gifts is characteristic of the
-relationship between friends (<i lang="kij">luba&rsquo;i</i>). Thus the
-<i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> takes place between friends, the Kula
-takes place between overseas partners and inland friends, but of course
-relations-in-law also belong <i>par excellence</i> to this
-category.</p>
-<p>Other types of equivalent gifts which have to be mentioned here
-shortly, are the presents given by one household to another, at the
-<i lang="kij">milamala</i>, the festive period associated with the
-return of the ancestral spirits to their villages. Offerings of cooked
-food are ceremonially exposed in houses for the use of the spirits, and
-after these have consumed the spiritual substance, the material one is
-given to a neighbouring household. These gifts are always
-reciprocal.</p>
-<p>Again, a series of mutual gifts exchanged immediately after marriage
-between a man and his wife&rsquo;s father (not matrilineal kinsman in
-this case), have to be put into this category.</p>
-<p>The economic similarity of these gifts is not expressed in
-terminology or even in linguistic use. All the gifts I have enumerated
-have their own special names, which I shall not adduce here, so as not
-to multiply irrelevant details of information. The natives have no
-comprehensive idea that such a class as I have spoken of exists. My
-generalisation is based upon the very interesting fact, that all
-through the tribal life <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb185" href=
-"#pb185" name="pb185">185</a>]</span>we find scattered cases of direct
-exchange of equivalent gifts. Nothing perhaps could show up so clearly,
-how much the natives value the give and take of presents for its own
-sake.</p>
-<p>5. <i>Exchange of Material Goods against Privileges, Titles and
-non-material Possessions</i>. Under this heading, I class transactions
-which approach trade, in so far as two owners, each possessing
-something they value highly, exchange it for something they value still
-more. The equivalence here is not so strict, at any rate not so
-measurable, as in the previous class, because in this one, one of the
-terms is usually a non-material possession, such as the knowledge of
-magic, the privilege to execute a dance, or the title to a garden plot,
-which latter very often is a mere title only. But in spite of this
-smaller measure of equivalence, their character of trade is more
-marked, just because of the element of mutual desire to carry out the
-transaction and of the mutual advantage.</p>
-<p>Two important types of transaction belong to this class. One of them
-is the acquisition by a man of the goods or privileges which are due to
-him by inheritance from his maternal uncle or elder brother, but which
-he wishes to acquire before the elder&rsquo;s death. If a maternal
-uncle is to give up in his life time a garden, or to teach and hand
-over a system of magic, he has to be paid for that. As a rule several
-payments, and very substantial ones, have to be given to him, and he
-gradually relinquishes his rights, giving the garden land, bit by bit,
-teaching the magic in instalments. After the final payment, the title
-of ownership is definitely handed over to the younger man.</p>
-<p>I have drawn attention already in the general description of the
-Trobriand Sociology (<a href="#div2.6">Chapter II, Division VI</a>) to
-the remarkable contrast between matrilineal inheritance and that
-between father and son. It is noteworthy that what is considered by the
-natives rightful inheritance has yet to be paid for, and that a man who
-knows that in any case he would obtain a privilege sooner or later, if
-he wants it at once, must pay for it, and that heavily. None the less,
-this transaction takes place only when it appears desirable to both
-parties. There is no customary obligation on either of the two to enter
-on the exchange, and it has to be considered advantageous to both
-before it can be completed. The acquisition of magic is <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb186" href="#pb186" name="pb186">186</a>]</span>of
-course different, because that must naturally always be taught by the
-elder man to the younger in his life time.</p>
-<p>The other type of transaction belonging to this class, is the
-payment for dances. Dances are &ldquo;owned&rdquo;; that is, the
-original inventor has the right of &ldquo;producing&rdquo; his dance
-and song in his village community. If another village takes a fancy to
-this song and dance, it has to purchase the right to perform it. This
-is done by handing ceremonially to the original village a substantial
-payment of food and valuables, after which the dance is taught to the
-new possessors.</p>
-<p>In some rare cases, the title to garden-lands would pass from one
-community to another. For this again, the members and headman of the
-acquiring community would have to pay substantially to those who hand
-over their rights.</p>
-<p>Another transaction which has to be mentioned here is the hire of a
-canoe, where a temporary transference of ownership takes place in
-return for a payment.</p>
-<p>The generalisation by which this class has been formed, although it
-does not run counter to native terminology and ideas, is beyond their
-own grasp, and contains several of their sub-divisions, differentiated
-by distinct native terms. The name for the ceremonial purchase of a
-task or for the transfer of a garden plot is <i lang="kij">laga</i>.
-This term denotes a very big and important transaction. For example,
-when a small pig is purchased by food or minor objects of value, they
-call this barter (<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>) but when a more valuable
-pig is exchanged for <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, they call it
-<i lang="kij">laga</i>.</p>
-<p>The important conception of gradual acquisition in advance of
-matrilineal inheritance, is designated by the term <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i>, a word which we have already met as signifying the
-tributes to the chief. It is a homonym, because its two meanings are
-distinct, and are clearly distinguished by the natives. There can be no
-doubt that these two meanings have developed out of a common one by
-gradual differentiation, but I have no data even to indicate this
-linguistic process. At present, it would be incorrect to strain after
-any connection between them, and indeed this is an example how
-necessary it is to be careful not to rely too much on native
-terminology for purposes of classification.</p>
-<p>The term for the hire of a canoe is <i lang="kij">toguna waga</i>.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb187" href="#pb187" name=
-"pb187">187</a>]</span></p>
-<p>6. <i>Ceremonial barter with deferred payment</i>.&mdash;In this
-class we have to describe payments which are ceremonially offered, and
-must be received and re-paid later on. The exchange is based on a
-permanent partnership, and the articles have to be roughly equivalent
-in value. Remembering the definition of the Kula in <a href=
-"#ch3">Chapter III</a>, it is easy to see that this big, ceremonial,
-circulating exchange belongs to this class. It is ceremonial barter
-based on permanent partnership, where a gift offered is always
-accepted, and after a time has to be re-paid by an equivalent
-counter-gift.</p>
-<p>There is also a ceremonial form of exchange of vegetable food for
-fish, based on a standing partnership, and on the obligation to accept
-and return an initial gift. This is called <i lang="kij">wasi</i>. The
-members of an inland village, where yams and taro are plentiful have
-partners in a Lagoon village, where much fishing is done but garden
-produce is scarce. Each man has his partner, and at times, when new
-food is harvested and also during the main harvest, he and his fellow
-villagers will bring a big quantity of vegetable food into the Lagoon
-village (see <a href="#pl34">Plate XXXVI</a>), each man putting his
-share before his partner&rsquo;s house. This is an invitation, which
-never can be rejected, to return the gift by its fixed equivalent in
-fish.</p>
-<p>As soon as weather and previous engagements allow, the fishermen go
-out to sea and notice is given to the inland village of the fact. The
-inlanders arrive on the beach, awaiting the fishermen, Who come back in
-a body, and their haul of fish is taken directly from the canoes and
-carried to the inland village. Such large quantities of fish are always
-acquired only in connection with big distributions of food (<i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i>). It is remarkable that in the inland villages these
-distributions must be carried out in fish, whereas in the Lagoon
-villages, fish never can be used for ceremonial purposes, vegetables
-being the only article considered proper. Thus the motive for exchange
-here is not to get food in order to satisfy the primary want of eating,
-but in order to satisfy the social need of displaying large quantities
-of conventionally sanctioned eatables. Often when such a big fishing
-takes place, great quantities of fish perish by becoming rotten before
-they reach the man for whom they are finally destined. But being rotten
-in no way detracts from the value of fish in a <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb188" href="#pb188"
-name="pb188">188</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The equivalence of fish, given in return for vegetable food, is
-measured only roughly. A standard sized bunch of taro, or one of the
-ordinary baskets of <i lang="kij">taytu</i> (small yams) will be repaid
-by a bundle of fish, some three to five kilograms in weight. The
-equivalence of the two payments, as well as the advantage obtained by
-one party at least, make this exchange approach barter.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e6497src" href="#xd26e6497" name="xd26e6497src">8</a>
-But the element of trust enters into it largely, in the fact that the
-equivalence is left to the repayer; and again, the initial gift which
-as a rule is always given by the inlanders, cannot be refused. And all
-these features distinguish this exchange from barter.</p>
-<p>Similar to this ceremonial exchange are certain arrangements in
-which food is brought by individuals to the industrial villages of
-Kuboma, and the natives of that place return it by manufactured objects
-when these are made. In certain cases of production of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (valuables) it is difficult to judge whether we
-have to do with the payment for services rendered (Class 3), or with
-the type of ceremonial barter belonging to this class. There is hardly
-any need to add that the two types of exchange contained in this class,
-the Kula and the <i lang="kij">wasi</i> (fish barter) are kept very
-distinct in the minds of the natives. Indeed, the ceremonial exchange
-of valuables, the Kula, stands out as such a remarkable form of trade
-that in all respects, not only by the natives, but also by ourselves,
-it must be put into a class by itself. There is no doubt, however, that
-the technique of the <i lang="kij">wasi</i> must have been influenced
-by the ideas and usages of the Kula, which is by far the more important
-and widespread of the two. The natives, when explaining one of these
-trades, often draw parallels to the other. And the existence of social
-partnership, of ceremonial sequence of gift, of the free yet unevadible
-equivalence, all these features appear in both forms. This shows that
-the natives have a definite mental attitude towards what they consider
-an honourable, ceremonial type of barter. The rigid exclusion of
-haggling, the formalities observed in handing over the gift, the
-obligation <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb189" href="#pb189" name=
-"pb189">189</a>]</span>of accepting the initial gift and of returning
-it later on, all these express this attitude.</p>
-<p>7. <i>Trade, Pure and Simple</i>.&mdash;The main characteristic of
-this form of exchange is found in the element of mutual advantage: each
-side acquires what is needed, and gives away a less useful article.
-Also we find here the equivalence between the articles adjusted during
-the transaction by haggling or bargaining.</p>
-<p>This bartering, pure and simple, takes place mainly between the
-industrial communities of the interior, which manufacture on a large
-scale the wooden dishes, combs, lime pots, armlets and baskets and the
-agricultural districts of Kiriwina, the fishing communities of the
-West, and the sailing and trading communities of the South. The
-industrials, who are regarded as pariahs and treated with contumely,
-are nevertheless allowed to hawk their goods throughout the other
-districts. When they have plenty of articles on hand, they go to the
-other places, and ask for yams, coco-nuts, fish, and betel-nut, and for
-some ornaments, such as turtle shell, earrings and spondylus beads.
-They sit in groups and display their wares, saying &ldquo;You have
-plenty of coco-nuts, and we have none. We have made fine wooden dishes.
-This one is worth forty nuts, and some betel-nut, and some betel
-pepper.&rdquo; The others then may answer, &ldquo;Oh, no, I do not want
-it. You ask too much.&rdquo; &ldquo;What will you give us?&rdquo; An
-offer may be made, and rejected by the pedlars, and so on, till a
-bargain is struck.</p>
-<p>Again, at certain times, people from other villages may need some of
-the objects made in Kuboma, and will go there, and try to purchase some
-manufactured goods. People of rank as a rule will do it in the manner
-described in the previous paragraph, by giving an initial gift, and
-expecting a repayment. Others simply go and barter. As we saw in the
-description of the <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, the Sinaketans and
-Vakutans go there and purchase goods before each Kula expedition to
-serve for the subsidiary trade.</p>
-<p>Thus the conception of pure barter (<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>)
-stands out very clearly, and the natives make a definite distinction
-between this and other forms of exchange. Embodied in a word, this
-distinction is made more poignant still by the manner in which the word
-is used. When scornfully criticising bad conduct in Kula, or an
-improper manner of giving gifts, a native will say <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb190" href="#pb190" name="pb190">190</a>]</span>that
-&ldquo;it was done like a <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>.&rdquo; When asked,
-about a transaction, whether it belongs to one class or another, they
-will reply with an accent of depreciation &ldquo;That was only a
-<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>&mdash;(<i lang="kij">gimwali
-wala!</i>)&rdquo; In the course of ethnographic investigation, they
-give clear descriptions, almost definitions of <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i>, its lack of ceremony, the permissibility of
-haggling, the free manner in which it can be done between any two
-strangers. They state correctly and clearly its general conditions, and
-they tell readily which articles may be exchanged by <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i>.</p>
-<p>Of course certain characteristics of pure barter, which we can
-perceive clearly as inherent in the facts, are quite beyond their
-theoretical grasp. Thus for instance, that the element of mutual
-advantage is prominent in <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>; that it refers
-exclusively to newly manufactured goods, because second-hand things are
-never <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>, etc., etc. Such generalisations the
-ethnographer has to make for himself. Other properties of the <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i> embodied in custom are: absence of ceremonial,
-absence of magic, absence of special partnership&mdash;all these
-already mentioned above. In carrying out the transaction, the natives
-also behave quite differently here than in the other transactions. In
-all ceremonial forms of give and take, it is considered very
-undignified and against all etiquette, for the receiver to show any
-interest in the gift or any eagerness to take it. In ceremonial
-distributions as well as in the Kula, the present is thrown down by the
-giver, sometimes actually, sometimes only given in an abrupt manner,
-and often it is not even picked up by the receiver, but by some
-insignificant person in his following. In the <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i>, on the contrary, there is a pronounced interest
-shown in the exchange.</p>
-<p>There is one instance of <i lang="kij">gimwali</i> which deserves
-special attention. It is a barter of fish for vegetables, and stands
-out in sharp contrast therefore to the <i lang="kij">wasi</i>, the
-ceremonial fish and yam exchange. It is called <i lang="kij">vava</i>,
-and takes place between villages which have no standing <i lang=
-"kij">wasi</i> partnership and therefore simply <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i> their produce when necessary (see <a href=
-"#pl37">Plate XXXVII</a>).</p>
-<p>This ends the short survey of the different types of exchange. It
-was necessary to give it, even though in a condensed form, in order to
-provide a background for the Kula. It gives us an idea of the great
-range and variety of the material give and <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb191" href="#pb191" name="pb191">191</a>]</span>take
-associated with the Trobriand tribal life. We see also that the rules
-of equivalence, as well as the formalities accompanying each
-transaction, are very well defined.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div6.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">It is easy to see that almost all the categories of
-gifts, which I have classified according to economic principles, are
-also based on some sociological relationship. Thus the first type of
-gifts, that is, the free gifts, take place in the relationship between
-husband and wife, and in that between parents and children. Again, the
-second class of gifts, that is, the obligatory ones, given without
-systematic repayment, are associated with relationship-in-law, mainly,
-though the chief&rsquo;s tributes also belong to this class.</p>
-<p>If we drew up a scheme of sociological relations, each type of them
-would be defined by a special class of economic duties. There would be
-some parallelism between such a sociological classification of payments
-and presents, and the one given above. But such parallelism is only
-approximate. It will be therefore interesting to draw up a scheme of
-exchanges, classified according to the social relationship, to which
-they correspond. This will give us good insight into the economics of
-Trobriand sociology, as well as another view of the subject of payments
-and presents.</p>
-<p>Going over the sociological outline in <a href="#div2.5">Chapter II,
-Divisions V</a> and <a href="#div2.6">VI</a>, we see that the family,
-the clan and sub-clan, the village community, the district and the
-tribe are the main social divisions of the Trobriands. To these
-groupings correspond definite bonds of social relationship. Thus, to
-the family, there correspond no less than three distinct types of
-relationship, according to native ideas. First of all there is the
-matrilineal kinship (<i lang="kij">veyola</i>) which embraces people,
-who can trace common descent through their mothers. This is, to the
-natives, the blood relationship, the identity of flesh, and the real
-kinship. The marriage relation comprises that between husband and wife,
-and father and children. Finally, the relationship between the husband
-and the wife&rsquo;s matrilineal kinsmen forms the third class of
-personal ties corresponding to family. These three types of personal
-bonds are clearly distinguished in terminology, in the current
-linguistic usage, in custom, and in explicitly formulated ideas.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb192" href="#pb192" name=
-"pb192">192</a>]</span></p>
-<p>To the grouping into clans and sub-clans, there pertain the ties
-existing between clansmen and more especially between members of the
-same sub-clan, and on the other hand, the relationship between a man
-and members of different clans. Membership in the same sub-clan is a
-kind of extended kinship. The relationship to other clans is most
-important, where it assumes the form of special friendship called
-<i lang="kij">luba&rsquo;i</i>. The grouping into village communities
-results in the very important feature of fellow membership in the same
-village community. The distinction of rank associated with clanship,
-the division into village communities and districts, result, in the
-manner sketched out in <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, in the
-subordination of commoners to chiefs. Finally, the general fact of
-membership in the tribe creates the bonds which unite every tribesman
-with another and which in olden days allowed of a free though not
-unlimited intercourse, and therefore of commercial relations. We have,
-therefore, eight types of personal relationship to distinguish. In the
-following table we see them enumerated with a short survey of their
-economic characteristics.</p>
-<p>1. <i>Matrilineal kinship</i>.&mdash;The underlying idea that this
-means identity of blood and of substance is by no means forcibly
-expressed on its economic side. The right of inheritance, the common
-participation in certain titles of ownership, and a limited right to
-use one another&rsquo;s implements and objects of daily use are often
-restricted in practice by private jealousies and animosities. In
-economic gifts more especially, we find here the remarkable custom of
-purchasing during lifetime, by instalments, the titles to garden plots
-and trees and the knowledge of magic, which by right ought to pass at
-death from the older to the younger generation of matrilineal kinsmen.
-The economic identity of matrilineal kinsmen comes into prominence at
-the tribal distributions&mdash;<i lang="kij">sagali</i>&mdash;where all
-of them have to share in the responsibilities of providing food.</p>
-<p>2. <i>Marriage ties</i>.&mdash;(Husband and wife; and derived from
-that, father and children). It is enough to tabulate this type of
-relationship here, and to remind the reader that it is characterised by
-free gifts, as has been minutely described in the foregoing
-classification of gifts, under (1). <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb193" href="#pb193" name="pb193">193</a>]</span></p>
-<p>3. <i>Relationship-in-law</i>.&mdash;These ties are in their
-economic aspect not reciprocal or symmetrical. That is, one side in it,
-the husband of the woman, is the economically favoured recipient, while
-the wife&rsquo;s brothers receive from him gifts of smaller value in
-the aggregate. As we know, this relationship is economically defined by
-the regular and substantial harvest gifts, by which the husband&rsquo;s
-storehouse is filled every year by his wife&rsquo;s brothers. They also
-have to perform certain services for him. For all this, they receive a
-gift of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (valuables) from time to time,
-and some food in payment for services rendered.</p>
-<p>4. <i>Clanship</i>.&mdash;The main economic identification of this
-group takes place during the <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, although the
-responsibility for the food rests only with those actually related by
-blood with the deceased man. All the members of the sub-clan, and to a
-smaller extent members of the same clan within a village community,
-have to contribute by small presents given to the organisers of the
-<i lang="kij">sagali</i>.</p>
-<p>5. <i>The Relationship of Personal Friendship</i>.&mdash;Two men
-thus bound as a rule will carry on Kula between themselves, and, if
-they belong to an inland and Lagoon village respectively, they will be
-partners in the exchange of fish and vegetables (<i lang=
-"kij">wasi</i>).</p>
-<p>6. <i>Fellow-citizenship in a Village Community</i>.&mdash;There are
-many types of presents given by one community to another. And,
-economically, the bonds of fellow-citizenship mean the obligation to
-contribute one&rsquo;s share to such a present. Again, at the mortuary
-divisions, <i lang="kij">sagali</i>, the fellow-villagers of clans,
-differing from the deceased man&rsquo;s, receive a series of presents
-for the performance of mortuary duties.</p>
-<p>7. <i>Relationship between Chiefs and Commoners</i>.&mdash;The
-tributes and services given to a chief by his vassals on the one hand,
-and the small but frequent gifts which he gives them, and the big and
-important contribution which he makes to all tribal enterprises are
-characteristic of this relationship.</p>
-<p>8. <i>Relationship between any two tribesmen</i>.&mdash;This is
-characterised by payments and presents, by occasional trade between two
-individuals, and by the sporadic free gifts of tobacco or betel-nut
-which no man would refuse to another unless they were on terms of
-hostility. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb194" href="#pb194" name=
-"pb194">194</a>]</span></p>
-<p>With this, the survey of gifts and presents is finished. The general
-importance of give and take to the social fabric of Boyowan society,
-the great amount of distinctions and sub-divisions of the various gifts
-can leave no doubt as to the paramount r&ocirc;le which economic acts
-and motives play in the life of these natives. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb195" href="#pb195" name="pb195">195</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e5439" href="#xd26e5439src" name="xd26e5439">1</a></span> Cf.
-<a href="#div2.3">Chapter II, Divisions III</a> and IV, and some of the
-following Divisions of this Chapter.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e5439src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e5973" href="#xd26e5973src" name="xd26e5973">2</a></span> I am
-adducing these views not for any controversial purposes, but to justify
-and make clear why I stress certain general features of Trobriand
-Economic Sociology. My contentions might run the danger of appearing as
-gratuitous truisms if not thus justified. The opinion that primitive
-humanity and savages have no individual property is an old prejudice
-shared by many modern writers, especially in support of communistic
-theories, and the so-called materialistic view of history. The
-&ldquo;communism of savages&rdquo; is a phrase very often read, and
-needs no special quotation. The views of individual search for food and
-household economy are those of Karl B&uuml;cher, and they have directly
-influenced all the best modern writings on Primitive Economics.
-Finally, the view that we have done with Primitive Economics if we have
-described the way in which the natives procure their food, is obviously
-a fundamental premise of all the na&iuml;ve, evolutionary theories
-which construct the successive stages of economic development. This
-view is summarised in the following sentence: &ldquo;&hellip;&#8202;In
-many simple communities, the actual food quest, and operations
-immediately arising from it, occupy by far the greater part of the
-people&rsquo;s time and energy, leaving little opportunity for the
-satisfaction of any lesser needs.&rdquo; This sentence, quoted out of
-&ldquo;Notes and Queries on Anthropology,&rdquo; p. 160, article on the
-&ldquo;Economics of the Social Group,&rdquo; represents what may be
-called the official view of contemporary Ethnology on the subject, and
-in perusing the rest of the article, it can be easily seen that all the
-manifold economic problems, with which we are dealing in this book,
-have been so far more or less neglected.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e5973src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6033" href="#xd26e6033src" name="xd26e6033">3</a></span> These
-views had to be adduced at length, although touched upon already in
-<a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Division IV</a>, because they imply a
-serious error with regard to human nature in one of its most
-fundamental aspects. We can show up their fallacy on one example only,
-that of the Trobriand Society, but even this is enough to shatter their
-universal validity and show that the problem must be re-stated. The
-criticised views contain very general propositions, which, however, can
-be answered only empirically. And it is the duty of the field
-Ethnographer to answer and correct them. Because a statement is very
-general, it can none the less be a statement of empirical fact. General
-views must not be mixed up with hypothetical ones. The latter must be
-banished from field work; the former cannot receive too much
-attention.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e6033src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6111" href="#xd26e6111src" name="xd26e6111">4</a></span> As a
-matter of fact, this custom is not so prominent in the Trobriands as in
-other Massim districts and all over the Papuo-Melanesian world, cf. for
-instance Seligman, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 56 and Plate VI, Fig.
-6.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e6111src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6130" href="#xd26e6130src" name="xd26e6130">5</a></span> Again,
-in explaining value, I do not wish to trace its possible origins, but I
-try simply to show what are the actual and observable elements into
-which the natives&rsquo; attitude towards the object valued can be
-analysed.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e6130src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6203" href="#xd26e6203src" name="xd26e6203">6</a></span> These
-natives have no idea of physiological fatherhood. See <a href=
-"#div2.6">Chapter II, Division VI</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e6203src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6251" href="#xd26e6251src" name="xd26e6251">7</a></span> Compare
-<a href="#pl33">Plate XXXIII</a>, where the yam houses of a headman are
-filled by his wife&rsquo;s brothers.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e6251src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6497" href="#xd26e6497src" name="xd26e6497">8</a></span> This
-advantage was probably in olden days a mutual one. Nowadays, when the
-fishermen can earn about ten or twenty times more by diving for pearls
-than by performing their share of the <i lang="kij">wasi</i>, the
-exchange is as a rule a great burden on them. It is one of the most
-conspicuous examples of the tenacity of native custom that in spite of
-all the temptation which pearling offers them and in spite of the great
-pressure exercised upon them by the white traders, the fishermen never
-try to evade a <i lang="kij">wasi</i>, and when they have received the
-inaugurating gift, the first calm day is always given to fishing, and
-not to pearling.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e6497src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch7" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e592">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter VII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Departure of an Overseas Expedition</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We have brought the Kula narrative to the point where
-all the preparations have been made, the canoe is ready, its ceremonial
-launching and presentation have taken place, and the goods for the
-subsidiary trade have been collected. It remains only to load the
-canoes and to set sail. So far, in describing the construction, the
-<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> and <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, we spoke
-of the Trobrianders in general. Now we shall have to confine ourselves
-to one district, the southern part of the Island, and we shall follow a
-Kula expedition from Sinaketa to Dobu. For there are some differences
-between the various districts and each one must be treated separately.
-What is said of Sinaketa, however, will hold good so far as the other
-southern community, that of Vakuta, is concerned. The scene, therefore,
-of all that is described in the following two chapters will be set in
-one spot, that is, the group of some eight component villages lying on
-the flat, muddy shore of the Trobriand Lagoon, within about a
-stone&rsquo;s throw of one another. There is a short, sandy beach under
-a fringe of palm trees, and from there we can take a comprehensive view
-of the Lagoon, the wide semi-circle of its shore edged with the bright
-green of mangroves, backed by the high jungle on the raised coral ridge
-of the Raybwag. A few small, flat islands on the horizon just faintly
-thicken its line, and on a clear day the mountains of the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux are visible as blue shadows in the far
-distance.</p>
-<p>From the beach, we step directly into one of the villages, a row of
-houses faced by another of yam-stores. Through this, leaving on our
-right a circular village, and passing through some empty spaces with
-groves of betel and coco-nut palms, we come to the main component
-village of Sinaketa, to Kasiyetana. There, overtopping the elegant
-native huts, stands an enormous corrugated iron shed, built on piles,
-but with the space between <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb196" href=
-"#pb196" name="pb196">196</a>]</span>the floor and the ground filled up
-carefully with white coral stones. This monument testifies both to
-native vanity and to the strength of their superstitions&mdash;vanity
-in aping the white man&rsquo;s habit of raising the house, and native
-belief in the fear of the <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> (sorcerer),
-whose most powerful sorcery is applied by burning magical herbs, and
-could not be warded off, were he able to creep under the house. It may
-be added that even the missionary teachers, natives of the Trobriands,
-always put a solid mass of stones to fill the space beneath their
-houses. To&rsquo;udawada, the chief of Kasiyetana, is, by the way, the
-only man in Boyowa who has a corrugated iron house, and in fact in the
-whole of the island there are not more than a dozen houses which are
-not built exactly according to the traditional pattern.
-To&rsquo;udawada is also the only native whom I ever saw wearing a
-sun-helmet; otherwise he is a decent fellow (physically quite pleasant
-looking), tall, with a broad, intelligent face. Opposite his iron
-shanty are the fine native huts of his four wives.</p>
-<div class="figure pl38width" id="pl38">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl38width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXVIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl38.jpg" alt=
-"Kouta&rsquo;uya, one of the Chiefs of Sinaketa" width="715" height=
-"472">
-<p class="figureHead">Kouta&rsquo;uya, one of the Chiefs of
-Sinaketa</p>
-<p>He is seen standing in front of one of his decorated yam-houses, his
-<i lang="kij">lisaga</i> (own dwelling) in the background.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl39width" id="pl39">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl39width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XXXIX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl39.jpg" alt="A Loaded Canoe" width="720" height=
-"410">
-<p class="figureHead">A Loaded Canoe</p>
-<p>A <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe on the beach of Nu&rsquo;agasi (in
-the Amphletts), showing the main load at the <i lang="kij">gebobo</i>
-(middle partition).</p>
-</div>
-<p>Walking towards the North, over the black soil here and there
-pierced by coral, among tall trees and bits of jungle, fields and
-gardens, we come to Kanubayne, the village of Kouta&rsquo;uya, the
-second most important chief in Sinaketa. Very likely we shall see him
-sitting on the platform of his hut or yam-house, a shrivelled up,
-toothless old man, wearing a big native wig. He, as well as
-To&rsquo;udawada, belongs to the highest ranks of chieftainship, and
-they both consider themselves the equals of the chiefs of Kiriwina. But
-the power of each one is limited to his small, component village, and
-neither in ceremonial nor in wealth did they, at least in olden days,
-approach their kinsmen in the North. There is still another chief of
-the same rank in Sinaketa, who governs the small village of Oraywota.
-This is Sinakadi, a puffed up, unhealthy looking, bald and toothless
-old man, and a really contemptible and crooked character, despised by
-black and white alike. He has a well-established reputation of boarding
-white men&rsquo;s boats as soon as they arrive, with one or two of his
-young wives in the canoe, and of returning soon after, alone, but with
-plenty of tobacco and good merchandise. Lax as is the
-Trobriander&rsquo;s sense of honour and morality in such matters, this
-is too much even for them, and Sinakadi is accordingly not respected in
-his village. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb197" href="#pb197" name=
-"pb197">197</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The rest of the villages are ruled by headmen of inferior rank, but
-of not much less importance and power than the main chiefs. One of
-them, a queer old man, spare and lame but with an extremely dignified
-and deliberate manner, called Layseta, is renowned for his extensive
-knowledge of all sorts of magic, and for his long sojourns in foreign
-countries, such as the Amphletts and Dobu. We shall meet some of these
-chiefs later on in our wanderings. Having described the villages and
-headmen of Sinaketa let us return to our narrative.</p>
-<p>A few days before the appointed date of the departure of the Kula
-expedition there is a great stir in the villages. Visiting parties
-arrive from the neighbourhood, bringing gifts mostly of food, to serve
-as provisions for the journey. They sit in front of the huts, talking
-and commenting, while the local people go about their business. In the
-evenings, long conferences are held over the fires, and late hours are
-kept. The preparation of food is mainly woman&rsquo;s work, whereas the
-men put the finishing touches to the canoes, and perform their
-magic.</p>
-<p>Sociologically the group of the departing differentiates itself of
-course from those who remain. But even within that group a further
-differentiation takes place, brought about by their respective
-functions in the Kula. First of all there are the masters of the canoe,
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, who will play quite a definite part for
-the next few weeks. On each of them fall with greater stringency the
-taboos, whether those that have to be kept in Sinaketa or in Dobu. Each
-has to perform the magic and act in ceremonies. Each will also enjoy
-the main honours and privileges of the Kula. The members of the crew,
-the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>, some four to six men in each canoe, form
-another group. They sail the craft, perform certain magical rites, and
-as a rule do the Kula each on his own account. A couple of younger men
-in each canoe, who do not yet kula, but who help in the work of
-sailing, form another class, and are called <i lang="kij">silasila</i>.
-Here and there a small boy will go with his father on a Kula
-expedition&mdash;such are called <i lang=
-"kij">dodo&rsquo;u</i>&mdash;and makes himself useful by blowing the
-conch shell. Thus the whole fleet consists of four classes, that of the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>, the helpers
-and the children. From Sinaketa, women, whether married or unmarried,
-never go on overseas expeditions, though a different custom prevails in
-the eastern part of the Trobriands. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb198" href="#pb198" name="pb198">198</a>]</span>Each <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> has to give a payment in food to his <i lang=
-"kij">usagelu</i>, and this is done in the form of a small ceremony of
-distribution of food called <i lang="kij">mwalolo</i>, and held after
-the return from the expedition, in the central place of the
-village.</p>
-<p>A few days before the sailing, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> starts
-his series of magical rites and begins to keep his taboos, the women
-busy themselves with the final Preparation of the food, and the men
-trim the <i lang="kij">waga</i> (canoe) for the imminent, long
-journey.</p>
-<p>The taboo of the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> refers to his sexual
-life. During the last two nights, he has in any case to be up late in
-connection with his magical performances, and with the visits of his
-friends and relatives from other villages, who bring provisions for the
-voyage, presents in trade goods, and who chat about the forthcoming
-expedition. But he has also to keep vigil far into the night as a
-customary injunction, and he has to sleep alone, though his wife may
-sleep in the same house.</p>
-<p>The preparations of the canoe are begun by covering it with plaited
-mats called <i lang="kij">yawarapu</i>. They are put on the platform,
-thus making it convenient for walking, sitting and spreading about of
-small objects. This, the first act of canoe trimming, is associated
-with a magical rite. The plaited leaves are chanted over by the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> on the shore as they are put on the canoe.
-Or, in a different system of Kula magic the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-medicates some ginger root and spits it on the mats in his hut. This is
-a specimen of the magical formula which would be used in such a
-rite:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Yawarapu Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Betel-nut, betel-nut, female betel-nut;
-betel-nut, betel-nut, male betel-nut; betel-nut of the ceremonial
-spitting!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The chiefs&rsquo; comrades; the chiefs and their followers;
-their sun, the afternoon sun; their pig, a small pig. One only is my
-day&rdquo;&mdash;here the reciter utters his own
-name&mdash;&ldquo;their dawn, their morning.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This is the exordium of the spell. Then follows the main body. The
-two words <i lang="kij">boraytupa</i> and <i lang="kij">badederuma</i>,
-coupled together, are repeated with a string of other words. The first
-word of the couple means, freely translated, &lsquo;quick
-sailing,&rsquo; and the second one, &lsquo;abundant haul.&rsquo; The
-string of words which are in succession tacked on to this couple
-describe various forms of Kula necklaces. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb199" href="#pb199" name="pb199">199</a>]</span>The necklaces of
-different length and of different finish have each their own class
-names, of which there are about a dozen. After that, a list of words,
-referring to the human head, are recited:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;My head, my nose, my occiput, my tongue, my throat, my
-larynx, etc., etc.&rdquo; Finally, the various objects carried on a
-Kula expedition are mentioned. The goods to be given (<i lang=
-"kij">pari</i>); a ritually wrapped up bundle (<i lang=
-"kij">lilava</i>); the personal basket; the sleeping mat; big baskets;
-the lime stick; the lime pot and comb are uttered one after the
-other.</p>
-<p>Finally the magician recites the end part of the spell; &ldquo;I
-shall kick the mountain, the mountain moves, the mountain tumbles down,
-the mountain starts on its ceremonial activities, the mountain
-acclaims, the mountain falls down, the mountain lies prostrate! My
-spell shall go to the top of Dobu Mountain, my spell will penetrate the
-inside of my canoe. The body of my canoe will sink; the float of my
-canoe will get under water. My fame is like thunder, my treading is
-like the roar of the flying witches.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The first part of this spell contains a reference to the betel-nut,
-this being one of the things which the natives expect to receive in the
-Kula. On the other hand, it is one of the substances which the natives
-charm over and give to the partner to induce him to <i lang=
-"kij">kula</i> with them. To which of these two acts the spell refers,
-it is impossible to decide, nor can the natives tell it. The part in
-which he extols his speed and success are typical of the magic
-formul&aelig;, and can be found in many others.</p>
-<p>The main part of the spell is as usual much easier to interpret. It
-implies, broadly speaking, the declaration: &ldquo;I shall speed and be
-successful with regard to the various forms of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>; I shall speed and be successful with my head,
-with my speech, with my appearance; in all my trade goods and personal
-belongings.&rdquo; The final part of the spell describes the impression
-which is to be made by the man&rsquo;s magic upon &lsquo;the
-mountain,&rsquo; which stands here for the district of Dobu and its
-inhabitants. In fact, the districts in the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux to
-which they are sailing are always called <i lang="kij">koya</i>
-(mountain). The exaggerations, the metaphors, and the implicit
-insistence on the power of the spell are very characteristic of all
-magical spells. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb200" href="#pb200"
-name="pb200">200</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The next day, or the day after, as there is often a delay in
-starting, a pig or two are given by the master of the expedition to all
-the participants. In the evening of that day, the owner of each canoe
-goes into the garden, and finds an aromatic mint plant (<i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i>). Taking a sprig of it into his hand, he moves it
-to and fro, uttering a spell, and then he plucks it. This is the
-spell:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Sulumwoya Spell.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e6854src"
-href="#xd26e6854" name="xd26e6854src">1</a></h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Who cuts the <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> of
-Laba&rsquo;i? I, Kwoyregu, with my father, we cut the <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i> of Laba&rsquo;i! The roaring <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i>, it roars; the quaking <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>,
-it quakes; the soughing <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, it soughs; the
-boiling <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, it boils<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e6880" title="Not in source">.</span>&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;My <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>, it boils, my lime spoon, it
-boils, my lime pot, it boils, my comb &hellip; my basket &hellip; my
-small basket &hellip; my mat &hellip; my <i lang="kij">lilava</i>
-bundle &hellip; my presentation goods (<i lang="kij">pari</i>)
-&hellip;&rdquo; And with each of these terms, the word
-&lsquo;boils&rsquo; or &lsquo;foams up&rsquo; is repeated often several
-times. After that, the same verb &lsquo;it boils&rsquo; is repeated
-with all parts of the head, as in the previously quoted formula.</p>
-<p>The last part runs thus: &ldquo;Recently deceased spirit of my
-maternal uncle Mwoyalova, breathe thy spell over the head of
-Monikiniki. Breathe the spell upon the head of my light canoe. I shall
-kick the mountain; the mountain tilts over; the mountain subsides; the
-mountain opens up; the mountain jubilates; it topples over. I shall
-<i lang="kij">kula</i> so as to make my canoe sink. I shall <i lang=
-"kij">kula</i> so as to make my outrigger go under. My fame is like
-thunder, my treading is like the roar of the flying witches.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The exordium of this spell contains some mythical references, of
-which, however, my informants could give me only confused explanations.
-But it is clear in so far as it refers directly to the magical mint,
-and describes its magical efficiency. In the second part, there is
-again a list of words referring to objects used in the Kula, and to the
-personal appearance and persuasiveness of the magician. The verb with
-which they are repeated refers to the boiling of the mint and coco-nut
-oil which I shall presently have to mention, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb201" href="#pb201" name="pb201">201</a>]</span>and
-it indicates that the magical properties of the mint are imparted to
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and his goods. In the last part, the
-magician invokes the spirit of his real maternal kinsman, from whom he
-obtained this spell, and asks him to impart magical virtue to his
-canoe. The mythological name, Monikiniki, with which there is no myth
-connected, except the tradition that he was the original owner of all
-these spells, stands here as synonym of the canoe. At the very end in
-the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, which contains several expressions
-identical with those in the end part of the <i lang="kij">Yawarapu</i>
-spell, we have another example of the strongly exaggerated language so
-often used in magic.</p>
-<p>After having thus ritually plucked the mint plant, the magician
-brings it home. There he finds one of his <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>
-(members of crew) who helps him by boiling some coco-nut oil (<i lang=
-"kij">bulami</i>) in a small native clay pot. Into the boiling oil the
-mint plant is put, and, while it boils, a magical formula is uttered
-over it.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kaymwaloyo Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;No betel-nut, no <i lang="kij">doga</i>
-(ornament of circular boar&rsquo;s tusk), no betel-pod! My power to
-change his mind; my <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic, my <i lang=
-"kij">mwase, mwasare, mwaserewai</i>.&rdquo; This last sentence
-contains a play on words very characteristic of Kiriwinian magic. It is
-difficult to interpret the opening sentence. Probably it means
-something like this: &ldquo;No betel-nut or pod, no gift of a <i lang=
-"kij">doga</i>, can be as strong as my <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> and
-its power of changing my partner&rsquo;s mind in my favour!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Now comes the main part of the spell: &ldquo;There is one <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i> (mint) of mine, a <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> of
-Laba&rsquo;i which I shall place on top of Gumasila.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Thus shall I make a quick Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall
-I hide away my Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall I rob my Kula on top
-of Gumasila; thus shall I forage my Kula on top of Gumasila; thus shall
-I steal my Kula on top of Gumasila.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>These last paragraphs are repeated several times, inserting instead
-of the name of the island of Gumasila the following ones: Kuyawaywo,
-Domdom, Tewara, Siyawawa, Sanaroa, Tu&rsquo;utauna, Kamsareta,
-Gorebubu. All these are the successive names of places in which Kula is
-made. In this long spell, the magician follows the course of a Kula
-expedition, enumerating its most <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb202"
-href="#pb202" name="pb202">202</a>]</span>conspicuous landmarks. The
-last part in this formula is identical with the last part of the
-Yawarapu Spell, previously quoted: &ldquo;I shall kick the mountain,
-etc.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>After the recital of this spell over the oil and mint, the magician
-takes these substances, and places them in a receptacle made of banana
-leaf toughened by grilling. Nowadays a glass bottle is sometimes used
-instead. The receptacle is then attached to a stick thrust through the
-prow boards of the canoe and protruding slantwise over the nose. As we
-shall see later on, the aromatic oil will be used in anointing some
-objects on arrival at Dobu.</p>
-<p>With this, however, the series of magical rites is not finished. The
-next day, early in the morning, the ritual bundle of representative
-trade goods, called <i lang="kij">lilava</i>, is made up with the
-recital of a magical spell. A few objects of trade, a plaited armlet, a
-comb, a lime pot, a bundle of betel-nut are placed on a clean, new mat,
-and into the folded mat the spell is recited. Then the mat is rolled
-up, and over it another mat is placed, and one or two may be wrapped
-round; thus it contains, hermetically sealed, the magical virtue of the
-spell. This bundle is placed afterwards in a special spot in the centre
-of the canoe, and is not opened till the expedition arrives in Dobu.
-There is a belief that a magical portent (<i lang="kij">kariyala</i>)
-is associated with it. A gentle rain, accompanied by thunder and
-lightning, sets in whenever the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> is opened. A
-sceptical European might add, that in the monsoon season it almost
-invariably rains on any afternoon, with the accompaniment of thunder,
-at the foot or on the slopes of such high hills as are found in the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux group. Of course when, in spite of that, a
-<i lang="kij">kariyala</i> does not make its appearance, we all know
-something has been amiss in the performance of the magical rite over
-the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>! This is the spell recited over the
-tabooed <i lang="kij">lilava</i> bundle.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Lilava Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I skirt the shore of the beach of Kaurakoma;
-the beach of Kayli, the Kayli of Muyuwa.&rdquo; I cannot add any
-explanation which would make this phrase clearer. It obviously contains
-some mythological references to which I have no key. The spell runs on:
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb203" href="#pb203" name=
-"pb203">203</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shall act magically on my mountain&#8202;&hellip; Where
-shall I lie? I shall lie in Legumatabu; I shall dream, I shall have
-dream visions; rain will come as my magical portent&#8202;&hellip; his
-mind is on the alert; he lies not, he sits not, he stands up and
-trembles, he stands up and is agitated; the renown of Kewara is small,
-my own renown flares up&#8202;&hellip;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This whole period is repeated over and over again, each time the
-name of another place being inserted instead of that of Legumatabu.
-Legumatabu is a small coral island some two hundred yards long and a
-hundred yards wide, with a few pandanus trees growing on it, wild fowl
-and turtle laying their eggs in its sand. In this island, half way
-between Sinaketa and the Amphletts, the Sinaketan sailors often spend a
-night or two, if overtaken by bad weather or contrary winds.</p>
-<p>This period contains first a direct allusion to the magical portent
-of the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>. In its second half it describes the
-state of agitation of the Dobuan partner under the influence of this
-magic, a state of agitation which will prompt him to be generous in the
-Kula. I do not know whether the word Kewara is a proper name or what
-else it may mean, but the phrase contains a boast of the
-magician&rsquo;s own renown, very typical of magical formul&aelig;.</p>
-<p>The localities mentioned instead of Legumatabu in the successive
-repetitions of the period are: Yakum, another small coral island,
-Urasi, the Dobuan name for Gumasila, Tewara, Sanaro&rsquo;a, and
-Tu&rsquo;utauna, all localities known to us already from our
-description of Dobu.</p>
-<p>This is a very long spell. After the recital, and a very lengthy
-one, of the last period with its variants, yet another change is
-introduced into it. Instead of the first phrase &ldquo;where shall I
-lie? etc.&rdquo; the new form runs &ldquo;Where does the rainbow stand
-up? It stands up on the top of Koyatabu,&rdquo; and after this the rest
-of the period is repeated: &ldquo;I shall dream, I shall have dream
-visions, etc.&rdquo; This new form is again varied by uttering instead
-of Koyatabu, Kamsareta, Koyava&rsquo;u, and Gorebubu.<a class="noteref"
-id="xd26e7007src" href="#xd26e7007" name="xd26e7007src">2</a> This
-again carries us through the landscape; but here, instead of the
-sleeping places we follow the beacons of the sailing expedition by
-mentioning the tops of the high mountains. The end part of this spell
-is again identical with that of the Yawarapu Spell.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb204" href="#pb204" name=
-"pb204">204</a>]</span></p>
-<p>This magical rite takes place on the morning of the last day.
-Immediately after the recital of the spell, and the rolling up of the
-<i lang="kij">lilava</i>, it is carried to the canoe, and put into its
-place of honour. By that time the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> (members of
-the crew) have already made the canoe ready for sailing.</p>
-<p>Each <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe is divided into ten, eleven, or
-twelve compartments by the stout, horizontal poles called <i lang=
-"kij">riu</i>, which join the body of the canoe with the outrigger.
-Such a compartment is called <i lang="kij">liku</i>, and each <i lang=
-"kij">liku</i> has its name and its function. Starting from the end of
-the canoe, the first <i lang="kij">liku</i>, which, as is easily seen,
-is both narrow and shallow, is called <i lang="kij">ogugwau</i>,
-&lsquo;in the mist,&rsquo; and this is the proper place for the
-conch-shell. Small boys will sit there and blow the conch-shell on
-ceremonial occasions.</p>
-<p>The next compartment is called <i lang="kij">likumakava</i>, and
-there some of the food is stowed away. The third division is called
-<i lang="kij">kayliku</i> and water-bottles made of coco-nut shells
-have their traditional place in it. The fourth <i lang="kij">liku</i>,
-called <i lang="kij">likuguya&rsquo;u</i>, is, as its name indicates,
-the place for the <i lang="kij">guya&rsquo;u</i> or chief, which, it
-may be added, is unofficially used as a courtesy title for any headman,
-or man of importance. The baler, <i lang="kij">yalumila</i>, always
-remains in this compartment. Then follow the central compartments,
-called <i lang="kij">gebobo</i>, one, two or three, according to the
-size of the canoe. This is the place where the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>
-is put on the platform, and where are placed the best food, not to be
-eaten till the arrival in Dobu, and all valuable trade articles. After
-that central division, the same divisions, as in the first part are met
-in inverse order (see <a href="#pl39">Plate XXXIX</a>).</p>
-<p>When the canoe is going to carry much cargo, as is always the case
-on an expedition to Dobu, a square space is fenced round corresponding
-to the <i lang="kij">gebobo</i> part of the canoe. A big sort of square
-hen-coop, or cage, is thus erected in the middle of the canoe, and this
-is full of bundles wrapped up in mats, and at times when the canoe is
-not travelling, it is usually covered over with a sail. In the bottom
-of the canoe a floor is made by a framework of sticks. On this, people
-can walk and things can rest, while the bilgewater flows underneath,
-and is baled out from time to time. On this framework, in the <i lang=
-"kij">gebobo</i>, four coco-nuts are placed, each in the corner of the
-square, while a spell is recited over them. It is after that, that the
-<i lang="kij">lilava</i> and the choice food, and the rest of the trade
-are stowed away. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb205" href="#pb205"
-name="pb205">205</a>]</span>The following spell belongs to the class
-which is recited over the four coco-nuts.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Gebobo Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;My father, my mother &hellip; Kula, <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i>.&rdquo; This short exordium, running in the
-compressed style proper to magical beginnings, is rather enigmatic,
-except for the mention of the Kula and <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, which
-explain themselves. The second part is less obscure:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shall fill my canoe with <i lang="kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i>,
-I shall fill my canoe with <i lang="kij">bagiriku</i>, I shall fill my
-canoe with <i lang="kij">bagidudu</i>, etc.&rdquo; All the specific
-names of the necklaces are enumerated. The last part runs as follows:
-&ldquo;I shall anchor in the open sea, and my renown will go to the
-Lagoon, I shall anchor in the Lagoon, and my renown will go to the open
-sea. My companions will be on the open sea and on the Lagoon. My renown
-is like thunder, my treading is like earthquake.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This last part is similar to several of the other formul&aelig;.
-This rite is obviously a Kula rite, judging from the spell, but the
-natives maintain that its special virtue is to make the food stuffs,
-loaded into the canoe, last longer. After this rite is over, the
-loading is done quickly, the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> is put into its
-place of honour, and with it the best food to be eaten in Dobu. Some
-other choice food to serve as <i lang="kij">pokala</i> (offerings) is
-also put in the gebobo, to be offered to overseas partners; on it, the
-rest of the trade, called <i lang="kij">pari</i>, is piled, and right
-on top of all are the personal belongings of the <i lang=
-"kij">usagelu</i> and the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> in their
-respective baskets, shaped like travelling bags.</p>
-<p>The people from the inland villages, <i lang=
-"kij">kulila&rsquo;odila</i>, as they are called, are assembled on the
-beach. With them stand the women, the children, the old men, and the
-few people left to guard the village. The master of the fleet gets up
-and addresses the crowd on the shore, more or less in these words:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Women, we others sail; you remain in the
-village and look after the gardens and the houses; you must keep
-chaste. When you get into the bush to get wood, may not one of you lag
-behind. When you go to the gardens to do work keep together. Return
-together with your younger sisters.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>He also admonishes the people from the other villages to keep away,
-never to visit Sinaketa at night or in the evening, and never to come
-singly into the village. On hearing that, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb206" href="#pb206" name="pb206">206</a>]</span>the headman of an
-inland village will get up and speak in this fashion:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Not thus, oh, our chief; you go away, and your
-village will remain here as it is. Look, when you are here we come to
-see you. You sail away, we shall keep to our villages. When you return,
-we come again. Perhaps you will give us some betel-nut, some sago, some
-coco-nuts. Perhaps you will <i lang="kij">kula</i> to us some necklace
-of shell beads.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>After these harangues are over, the canoes sail away in a body. Some
-of the women on the beach may weep at the actual departure, but it is
-taboo to weep afterwards. The woman are also supposed to keep the
-taboo, that is, not to walk alone out of the village, not to receive
-male visitors, in fact, to remain chaste and true to their husbands
-during their absence. Should a woman commit misconduct, her
-husband&rsquo;s canoe would be slow. As a rule there are recriminations
-between husbands and wives and consequent bad feeling on the return of
-the party; whether the canoe should be blamed or the wife it is
-difficult to say.</p>
-<p>The women now look out for the rain and thunder, for the sign that
-the men have opened the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> (special magical
-bundle). Then they know that the party has arrived on the beach of
-Sarubwoyna, and performs now its final magic, and prepares for its
-entrance into the villages of Tu&rsquo;utauna, and Bwayowa. The women
-are very anxious that the men should succeed in arriving at Dobu, and
-that they should not be compelled by bad weather to return from the
-Amphletts. They have been preparing special grass skirts to put on,
-when they meet the returning canoes on the beach; they also hope to
-receive the sago, which is considered a dainty, and some of the
-ornaments, which their men bring them back from Dobu. If for any reason
-the fleet returns prematurely, there is great disappointment throughout
-the village, because this means the expedition has been a failure,
-nothing has been brought back to those left at home, and they have no
-opportunity of wearing their ceremonial dress. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb207" href="#pb207" name="pb207">207</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e6854" href="#xd26e6854src" name="xd26e6854">1</a></span> Compare
-the linguistic analysis of the original text of this spell, given in
-<a href="#ch18">Chapter XVIII</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e6854src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e7007" href="#xd26e7007src" name="xd26e7007">2</a></span>
-Koyatabu&mdash;the mountain on the North shore of Fergusson;
-Kamsareta,&mdash;the highest hill on Domdom,&mdash;in the Amphletts;
-Koyava&rsquo;u&mdash;the mountain opposite Dobu island, on the North
-shore of Dawson Straits; Gorebubu&mdash;the volcano on Dobu
-island.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e7007src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch8" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e611">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter VIII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The First Halt of the Fleet on Muwa</h2>
-<div id="div8.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">After so many preparations and preliminaries, we might
-expect that, once embarked, the natives would make straight for the
-high mountains, which beckon them alluringly from the distant South.
-Quite on the contrary, they are satisfied with a very short stage the
-first day, and after sailing a few miles, they stop on a big sand bank
-called Muwa, lying to the southwest of the village of Sinaketa. Here,
-near the sandy shore, edged with old, gnarled trees, the canoes are
-moored by sticks, while the crews prepare for a ceremonial distribution
-of food, and arrange their camp for the night on the beach.</p>
-<p>This somewhat puzzling delay is less incomprehensible, if we reflect
-that the natives, after having prepared for a distant expedition, now
-at last for the first time find themselves together, separated from the
-rest of the villagers. A sort of mustering and reviewing of forces, as
-a rule associated with a preliminary feast held by the party, is
-characteristic of all the expeditions or visits in the Trobriands.</p>
-<p>I have spoken already about big and small expeditions, but I have
-not perhaps made quite clear that the natives themselves make a
-definite distinction between big, competitive Kula expeditions, called
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, and sailings on a smaller scale, described
-as &lsquo;just Kula,&rsquo; (&ldquo;Kula wala&rdquo;). The <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> are held every two or three years from each district,
-though nowadays, as in everything else, the natives are getting slack.
-One would be held, whenever there is a great agglomeration of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, due to reasons which I shall describe later
-on. Sometimes, a special event, such as the possession by one of the
-head men of an exceptionally fine pig, or of an object of high value,
-might give rise to an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. Thus, in 1918, a big
-competitive expedition (<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>) from Dobu was held
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb208" href="#pb208" name=
-"pb208">208</a>]</span>ostensibly for the reason that Kauyaporu, one of
-the head men of Tu&rsquo;utauna, owned a very large boar with tusks
-almost curling over into a circle. Again, plenty of food, or in olden
-days the completion of a successful war expedition, would form the
-<i lang="fr">raison d&rsquo;&ecirc;tre</i> of an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i>. Of course these reasons, explicitly given by the
-natives, are, so to speak, accessory causes, for in reality an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> would be held whenever its turn came, that is,
-barring great scarcity of food or the death of an important
-personage.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is a Kula expedition on an
-exceptionally big scale, carried on with a definite social organisation
-under scrupulous observance of all ceremonial and magical rites, and
-distinguished from the smaller expeditions by its size, by a
-competitive element, and by one or two additional features. On an
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, all the canoes in the district will sail,
-and they will sail fully manned. Everybody will be very eager to take
-part in it. Side by side with this natural desire, however, there
-exists the idea that all the members of the crews are under an
-obligation to go on the expedition. This duty they owe to the chief, or
-master of the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. The <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>, as he is called, is always one of the
-sectional chiefs or headmen. He plays the part of a master of
-ceremonies, on leaving the beach of Sinaketa, at the distributions of
-food, on arrival in the overseas villages, and on the ceremonial return
-home. A streamer of dried and bleached pandanus leaf, attached to the
-prows of his canoe on a stick, is the ostensible sign of the dignity.
-Such a streamer is called <i lang="kij">tarabauba&rsquo;u</i> in
-Kiriwinian, and <i lang="kij">doya</i> in the Dobuan language. The
-headman, who is <i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> on an expedition,
-will as a rule receive more Kula gifts than the others. On him also
-will devolve the glory of this particular expedition. Thus the title of
-<i lang="kij">toli</i>, in this case, is one of honorary and nominal
-ownership, resulting mainly in renown (<i lang="kij">butura</i>) for
-its bearer, and as such highly valued by the natives.</p>
-<p>From the economic and legal point of view, however, the obligation
-binding the members of the expedition to him is the most important
-sociological feature. He gives the distribution of food, in which the
-others participate, and this imposes on them the duty of carrying out
-the expedition, however hard this might be, however often they would
-have to stop or even return owing to bad weather, contrary winds, or,
-in olden<a id="xd26e7235" name="xd26e7235"></a> days, interference by
-hostile natives. As the natives say, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb209" href="#pb209" name="pb209">209</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;We cannot return on <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>,
-for we have eaten of the pig, and we have chewed of the betel-nut given
-by the <i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku.</i>&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Only after the most distant community with whom the Sinaketans
-<i lang="kij">kula</i> has been reached, and after due time has been
-allowed for the collection of any <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>
-within reach, will the party start on the return journey. Concrete
-cases are quoted in which expeditions had to start several times from
-Sinaketa, always returning within a few days after all the provisions
-had been eaten on Muwa, from where a contrary wind would not allow the
-canoes to move south. Or again, a memorable expedition, some few
-decades ago, started once or twice, was becalmed in Vakuta, had to give
-a heavy payment to a wind magician in the village of Okinai, to provide
-them with a propitious northerly wind, and then, sailing South at last,
-met with a <i lang="kij">vineylida</i>, one of the dreadful perils of
-the sea, a live stone which jumps from the bottom of the sea at a
-canoe. But in spite of all this, they persevered, reached Dobu in
-safety, and made a successful return.</p>
-<p>Thus we see that, from a sociological point of view, the <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> is an enterprise partially financed by the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>, and therefore redounding to his credit,
-and bringing him honour; while the obligation imposed on others by the
-food distributed to them, is to carry on the expedition to a successful
-end.</p>
-<p>It is rather puzzling to find that, although everyone is eager for
-the expedition, although they all enjoy it equally and satisfy their
-ambition and increase their wealth by it, yet the element of compulsion
-and obligation is introduced into it; for we are not accustomed to the
-idea of pleasure having to be forced on people. None the less, the
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is not an isolated feature, for in almost all
-tribal enjoyments and festive entertainments on a big scale, the same
-principle obtains. The master of the festivities, by an initial
-distribution of food, imposes an obligation on the others, to carry
-through dancing, sports, or games of the season. And indeed,
-considering the ease with which native enthusiasms flag, with which
-jealousies, envies and quarrels creep in, and destroy the unanimity of
-social amusements, the need for compulsion from without to amuse
-oneself appears not so preposterous as at first sight.</p>
-<p>I have said that an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition is
-distinguished <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb210" href="#pb210" name=
-"pb210">210</a>]</span>from an ordinary one, in so far also as the full
-ceremonial of the Kula has to be observed. Thus all the canoes must be
-either new or relashed, and without exception they must be also
-repainted and redecorated. The full ceremonial launching, <i lang=
-"kij">tasasoria</i>, and the presentation, <i lang=
-"kij">kabigodoya</i>, are carried out with every detail only when the
-Kula takes the form of an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. The pig or pigs
-killed in the village before departure are also a special feature of
-the competitive Kula. So is the <i lang="kij">kayguya&rsquo;u</i>
-ceremonial distribution held on Muwa, just at the point of the
-proceedings at which we have now arrived. The <i lang=
-"kij">tanarere</i>, a big display of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>
-and comparison of the individual acquisitions at the end of an
-expedition, is another ceremonial feature of the <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> and supplies some of the competitive element. There
-is also competition as to the speed, qualities and beauties of the
-canoes at the beginning of such an expedition. Some of the communities
-who present their <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> to an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition vie with one another, as to who will give
-most, and in fact the element of emulation or competition runs right
-through the proceedings. In the following chapters, I shall have, in
-several more points, occasion to distinguish an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> from an ordinary Kula sailing.</p>
-<p>It must be added at once that, although all these ceremonial
-features are compulsory only on an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> sailing,
-and although only then are they one and all of them unfailingly
-observed, some and even all may also be kept during an ordinary Kula
-expedition, especially if it happens to be a somewhat bigger one. The
-same refers to the various magical rites&mdash;that is to say the most
-important ones&mdash;which although performed on every Kula expedition,
-are carried out with more punctilio on an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i>.</p>
-<p>Finally, a very important distinctive feature is the rule, that no
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> can be carried on the outbound sailing
-of an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. It must not be forgotten that a Kula
-overseas expedition sails, in order mainly to receive gifts and not to
-give them, and on an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> this rule is carried to
-its extreme, so that no Kula valuables whatever may be given by the
-visiting party. The natives sailing from Sinaketa to Dobu on ordinary
-Kula may carry a few armshells with them, but when they sail on a
-ceremonial competitive <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, no armshell is ever
-taken. For it must be remembered that Kula exchanges, as has been
-explained in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, never take place
-simultaneously. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb211" href="#pb211"
-name="pb211">211</a>]</span>It is always a gift followed after a lapse
-of time by a counter-gift. Now on a <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> the
-natives would receive in Dobu a certain amount of gifts, which, within
-a year or so, would be returned to the Dobuans, when these pay a visit
-to Sinaketa. But there is always a considerable amount of valuables
-which the Dobuans owe to the Sinaketans, so that when now the
-Sinaketans go to Dobu, they will claim also these gifts due to them
-from previous occasions. All these technicalities of Kula exchange will
-become clearer in one of the subsequent chapters (<a href=
-"#ch14">Chapter XIV</a>).</p>
-<p>To sum up, the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is a ceremonial and
-competitive expedition. Ceremonial it is, in so far as it is connected
-with the special initial distribution of food, given by the master of
-the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. It is also ceremonial in that all the
-formalities of the Kula are kept rigorously and without exception, for
-in a sense every Kula sailing expedition is ceremonial. Competitive it
-is mainly in that at the end of it all the acquired articles are
-compared and counted. With this also the prohibition to carry <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, is connected, so as to give everyone an even
-start.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div8.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Returning now to the Sinaketan fleet assembled at
-Muwa, as soon as they have arrived there, that is, some time about
-noon, they proceed to the ceremonial distribution. Although the
-<i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> is master of ceremonies, in this
-case he as a rule sits and watches the initial proceedings from a
-distance. A group of his relatives or friends of lesser rank busy
-themselves with the work. It might be better perhaps here to give a
-more concrete account, since it is always difficult to visualise
-exactly how such things will proceed.</p>
-<p>This was brought home to me when in March, 1918, I assisted at these
-initial stages of the Kula in the Amphlett Islands. The natives had
-been preparing for days for departure, and on the final date, I spent
-the whole morning observing and photographing the loading and trimming
-of the canoes, the farewells, and the setting out of the fleet. In the
-evening, after a busy day, as it was a full-moon night, I went for a
-long pull in a <span class="corr" id="xd26e7370" title=
-"Source: dinghey">dinghy</span>. Although in the Trobriands I had had
-accounts of the custom of the first halt, yet it gave me a surprise
-when on rounding a rocky point I came upon the whole <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb212" href="#pb212" name=
-"pb212">212</a>]</span>crowd of Gumasila natives, who had departed on
-the Kula that morning, sitting in full-moon light on a beach, only a
-few miles from the village which they had left with so much to-do some
-ten hours before. With the fairly strong wind that day, I was thinking
-of them as camping at least half way to the Trobriands, on one of the
-small sand banks some twenty miles North. I went and sat for a moment
-among the morose and unfriendly Amphlett Islanders, who, unlike the
-Trobrianders, distinctly resented the inquisitive and blighting
-presence of an Ethnographer.</p>
-<p>To return to our Sinaketan party, we can imagine the chiefs sitting
-high up on the shore under the gnarled, broad-leafed branches of the
-shady trees. They might perhaps be resting in one group, each with a
-few attendants, or else every headman and chief near his own canoe,
-To&rsquo;udawada silently chewing betel-nut, with a heavy and bovine
-dignity, the excitable Koutauya chattering in a high pitched voice with
-some of his grown-up sons, among whom there are two or three of the
-finest men in Sinaketa. Further on, with a smaller group of attendants,
-sits the infamous Sinakadi, in conference with his successor to
-chieftainship, his sister&rsquo;s son, Gomaya, also a notorious
-scoundrel. On such occasions it is good form for chiefs not to busy
-themselves among the groups, nor to survey the proceedings, but to keep
-an aloof and detached attitude. In company with other notables, they
-discuss in the short, jerky sentences which make native languages so
-difficult to follow, the arrangements and prospects of the Kula, making
-now and then a mythological reference, forecasting the weather, and
-discussing the merits of the canoes.</p>
-<p>In the meantime, the henchmen of the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>, his sons, his younger brothers, his
-relatives-in-law, prepare the distribution. As a rule, either
-To&rsquo;udawada or Koutauya would be the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>. The one who at the given time has more
-wealth on hand and prospects of receiving more <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, would take over the dignity and the burdens.
-Sinakadi is much less wealthy, and probably it would be an exception
-for him and his predecessors and successors to play the part. The minor
-headmen of the other compound villages of Sinaketa would never fill the
-r&ocirc;le.</p>
-<p>Whoever is the master of the expedition for the time being will have
-brought over a couple of pigs, which will now be laid <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb213" href="#pb213" name="pb213">213</a>]</span>on
-the beach and admired by the members of the expedition. Soon some fires
-are lit, and the pigs, with a long pole thrust through their tied feet,
-are hung upside down over the fires. A dreadful squealing fills the air
-and delights the hearers. After the pig has been singed to death, or
-rather, into insensibility, it is taken off and cut open. Specialists
-cut it into appropriate parts, ready for the distribution. Yams, taro,
-coco-nuts and sugar cane have already been put into big heaps, as many
-as there are canoes&mdash;that is, nowadays, eight. On these heaps,
-some hands of ripe bananas and some betel-nut bunches are placed. On
-the ground, beside them, on trays of plaited coco-nut leaves, the lumps
-of meat are displayed. All this food has been provided by the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>, who previously has received as
-contributions towards it special presents, both from his own and from
-his wife&rsquo;s kinsmen. In fact, if we try to draw out all the
-strands of gifts and contributions connected with such a distribution
-we would find that it is spun round into such an intricate web, that
-even the lengthy account of the foregoing chapter does not quite do it
-justice.</p>
-<p>After the chief&rsquo;s helpers have arranged the heaps, they go
-over them, seeing that the apportionment is correct, shifting some of
-the food here and there, and memorising to whom each heap will be
-given. Often in the final round, the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> inspects the heaps himself, and then
-returns to his former seat. Then comes the culminating act of the
-distribution. One of the chief&rsquo;s henchmen, always a man of
-inferior rank, accompanied by the chief&rsquo;s helpers, walks down the
-row of heaps, and at each of them screams out in a very loud voice:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;O, Siyagana, thy heap, there, O Siyagana,
-O!&rdquo; At the next one he calls the name of another canoe: &ldquo;O
-Gumawora, thy heap, there! O Gumawora O!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>He goes thus over all the heaps, allotting each one to a canoe.
-After that is finished, some of the younger boys of each canoe go and
-fetch their heap. This is brought to their fire, the meat is roasted,
-and the yams, the sugar cane and betel-nut distributed among the crew,
-who presently sit down and eat, each group by itself. We see that,
-although the <i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> is responsible for
-the feast, and receives from the natives all the credit for it, his
-active part in the proceedings is a small one, and it is more nominal
-than real. On such occasions it would <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb214" href="#pb214" name="pb214">214</a>]</span>perhaps be incorrect
-to call him &lsquo;master of ceremonies,&rsquo; although he assumes
-this r&ocirc;le, as we shall see, on other occasions. Nevertheless, for
-the natives, he is the centre of the proceedings. His people do all the
-work there is to be done, and in certain cases he would be referred to
-for a decision, on some question of etiquette.</p>
-<p>After the meal is over, the natives rest, chew betel-nut and smoke,
-looking across the water towards the setting sun&mdash;it is now
-probably late in the afternoon&mdash;towards where, above the moored
-canoes, which rock and splash in the shallows, there float the faint
-silhouettes of the mountains. These are the distant <i lang=
-"kij">Koya</i>, the high hills in the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux and
-Amphletts, to which the elder natives have often already sailed, and of
-which the younger have heard so many times in myth, tales and magical
-spells. Kula conversations will predominate on such occasions, and
-names of distant partners, and personal names of specially valuable
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> will punctuate the conversation and
-make it very obscure to those not initiated into the technicalities and
-historical traditions of the Kula. Recollections how a certain big
-spondylus necklace passed a couple of years ago through Sinaketa, how
-So-and-so handed it to So-and-so in Kiriwina, who again gave it to one
-of his partners in Kitava (all the personal names of course being
-mentioned) and how it went from there to Woodlark Island, where its
-traces become lost&mdash;such reminiscences lead to conjectures as to
-where the necklace might now be, and whether there is a chance of
-meeting it in Dobu. Famous exchanges are cited, quarrels over Kula
-grievances, cases in which a man was killed by magic for his too
-successful dealings in the Kula, are told one after the other, and
-listened to with never failing interest. The younger men amuse
-themselves perhaps with less serious discussions about the dangers
-awaiting them on the sea, about the fierceness of the witches and
-dreadful beings in the <i lang="kij">Koya</i>, while many a young
-Trobriander would be warned at this stage of the unaccommodating
-attitude of the women in Dobu, and of the fierceness of their men
-folk.</p>
-<p>After nightfall a number of small fires are lit on the beach. The
-stiff pandanus mats, folded in the middle, are put over each sleeper so
-as to form a small roof, and the whole crowd settle down for the night.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb215" href="#pb215" name=
-"pb215">215</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div8.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Next morning, if there is a fair wind, or a hope of
-it, the natives are up very early, and all are feverishly active. Some
-fix up the masts and rigging of the canoes, doing it much more
-thoroughly and carefully than it was done on the previous morning,
-since there may be a whole day&rsquo;s sailing ahead of them perhaps
-with a strong wind, and under dangerous conditions. After all is done,
-the sails ready to be hoisted, the various ropes put into good trim,
-all the members of the crew sit at their posts, and each canoe waits
-some few yards from the beach for its <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-(master of the canoe). He remains on shore, in order to perform one of
-the several magical rites which, at this stage of sailing, break
-through the purely matter-of-fact events. All these rites of magic are
-directed towards the canoes, making them speedy, seaworthy and safe. In
-the first rite, some leaves are medicated by the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> as he squats over them on the beach and recites a
-formula. The wording of this indicates that it is a speed magic, and
-this is also the explicit statement of the natives.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kadumiyala Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In this spell, the flying fish and the jumping gar
-fish are invoked at the beginning. Then the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-urges his canoe to fly at its bows and at its stern. Then, in a long
-<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, he repeats a word signifying the magical
-imparting of speed, and with the names of the various parts of the
-canoe. The last part runs: &ldquo;The canoe flies, the canoe flies in
-the morning, the canoe flies at sunrise, the canoe flies like a flying
-witch,&rdquo; ending up with the onomatopoetic words &ldquo;<i lang=
-"kij">Saydidi, tatata, numsa</i>,&rdquo; which represent the flapping
-of pandanus streamers in the wind, or as others say, the noises made by
-the flying witches, as they move through the air on a stormy night.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>After having uttered this spell into the leaves, the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> gives them to one of the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>
-(members of the crew), who, wading round the <i lang="kij">waga</i>,
-rubs with them first the <i lang="kij">dobwana</i>, &lsquo;head&rsquo;
-of the canoe, then the middle of its body, and finally its <i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> (basis). Proceeding round on the side of the
-outrigger, he rubs the &lsquo;head&rsquo; again. It may be remembered
-here that, with the native canoes, fore and aft in the sailing sense
-are interchangeable, since the canoe must sail having always the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb216" href="#pb216" name=
-"pb216">216</a>]</span>wind on its outrigger side, and it often has to
-change stern to bows. But standing on a canoe so that the outrigger is
-on the left hand, and the body of the canoe on the right, a native will
-call the end of the canoe in front of him its head (<i lang=
-"kij">dabwana</i>), and that behind, its basis (<i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>).</p>
-<p>After this is over, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> enters the canoe,
-the sail is hoisted, and the canoe rushes ahead. Now two or three
-pandanus streamers which had previously been medicated in the village
-by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> are tied to the rigging, and to the
-mast. The following is the spell which had been said over them:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Bisila Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Bora&rsquo;i, Bora&rsquo;i (a mythical name).
-Bora&rsquo;i flies, it will fly; Bora&rsquo;i Bora&rsquo;i,
-Bora&rsquo;i stands up, it will stand up. In company with
-Bora&rsquo;i&mdash;<i lang="kij">sidididi</i>. Break through your
-passage in Kadimwatu, pierce through thy Promontory of Salamwa. Go and
-attach your pandanus streamer in Salamwa, go and ascend the slope of
-Loma.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Lift up the body of my canoe; its body is like floating
-gossamer, its body is like dry banana leaf, its body is like
-fluff.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>There is a definite association in the minds of the natives between
-the pandanus streamers, with which they usually decorate mast, rigging
-and sail, and the speed of the canoe. The decorative effect of the
-floating strips of pale, glittering<a id="xd26e7507" name=
-"xd26e7507"></a> yellow is indeed wonderful, when the speed of the
-canoe makes them flutter in the wind. Like small banners of some stiff,
-golden fabric they envelope the sail and rigging with light, colour and
-movement.</p>
-<p>The pandanus streamers, and especially their trembling, are a
-definite characteristic of Trobriand culture (see <a href="#pl29">Plate
-XXIX</a>). In some of their dances, the natives use long, bleached
-ribbons of pandanus, which the men hold in both hands, and set
-a-flutter while they dance. To do this well is one of the main
-achievements of a brilliant artist. On many festive occasions the
-<i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus streamers) are tied to houses on
-poles for decoration. They are thrust into armlets and belts as
-personal ornaments. The <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (valuables)
-when prepared for the Kula, are decorated with strips of <i lang=
-"kij">bisila</i>. In the Kula a chief will send to some distant partner
-a <i lang="kij">bisila</i> streamer over which a special spell has been
-recited, and this will make the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb217"
-href="#pb217" name="pb217">217</a>]</span>partner eager to bestow
-valuables on the sender. As we saw, a broad <i lang="kij">bisila</i>
-streamer is attached to the canoe of a <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> as his badge of honour. The flying witches
-(<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>) are supposed to use pandanus streamers
-in order to acquire speed and levitation in their nightly flights
-through the air.</p>
-<p>After the magical pandanus strips have been tied to the rigging,
-beside the non-magical, purely ornamental ones, the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> sits at the <i lang="kij">veva</i> rope, the sheet
-by which the sail is extended to the wind, and moving it to and fro he
-recites a spell.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kayikuna Veva Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Two verbs signifying magical influence are repeated
-with the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>&mdash;which implies the
-conception of &lsquo;ritual&rsquo; or &lsquo;sacred&rsquo; or
-&lsquo;being tabooed.&rsquo;<a class="noteref" id="n217.1src" href=
-"#n217.1" name="n217.1src">1</a> Then the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-says: &ldquo;I shall treat my canoe magically in its middle part, I
-shall treat it in its body. I shall take my <i lang="kij">butia</i>
-(flower wreath), of the sweet-scented flowers. I shall put it on the
-head of my canoe.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Then a lengthy middle strophe is recited, in which all the parts of
-a canoe are named with two verbs one after the other. The verbs are:
-&ldquo;To wreathe the canoe in a ritual manner,&rdquo; and &ldquo;to
-paint it red in a ritual manner.&rdquo; The prefix <i lang=
-"kij">bo-</i>, added to the verbs, has been here translated, &ldquo;in
-a ritual manner.&rdquo;<a class="pseudonoteref" href=
-"#n217.1">1</a></p>
-<p>The spell ends by a conclusion similar to that of many other canoe
-formul&aelig;, &ldquo;My canoe, thou art like a whirlwind, like a
-vanishing shadow! Disappear in the distance, become like mist,
-avaunt!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>These are the three usual rites for the sake of speed at the
-beginning of the journey. If the canoe remains slow, however, an
-auxiliary rite is performed; a piece of dried banana leaf is put
-between the gunwale and one of the inner frame sticks of the canoe, and
-a spell is recited over it. After that, they beat both ends of the
-canoe with this banana leaf. If the canoe is <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb218" href="#pb218" name=
-"pb218">218</a>]</span>still heavy, and lags behind the others, a piece
-of <i lang="kij">kuleya</i> (cooked and stale yam) is put on a mat, and
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> medicates it with a spell which
-transfers the heaviness to the yam. The spell here recited is the same
-one which we met when the heavy log was being pulled into the village.
-The log was then beaten with a bunch of grass, accompanied by the
-recital of the spell, and then this bunch was thrown away.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e7606src" href="#xd26e7606" name="xd26e7606src">2</a>
-In this case the piece of yam which has taken on the heaviness of the
-canoe is thrown overboard. Sometimes, however, even this is of no
-avail. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> then seats himself on the
-platform next to the steersman, and utters a spell over a piece of
-coco-nut husk, which is thrown into the water. This rite, called
-<i lang="kij">Bisiboda patile</i> is a piece of evil-magic (<i lang=
-"kij">bulubwalata</i>), intended to keep all the other canoes back. If
-that does not help, the natives conclude that some taboos pertaining to
-the canoe might have been broken, and perhaps the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> may feel some misgivings regarding the conduct of
-his wife or wives. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb219" href="#pb219"
-name="pb219">219</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id="n217.1"
-href="#n217.1src" name="n217.1">1</a></span> The prefix <i lang=
-"kij">bo-</i> has three different etymological derivations, each
-carrying its own shade of meaning. First, it may be the first part of
-the word <i lang="kij">bomala</i>, in which case, its meaning will be
-&ldquo;ritual&rdquo; or &ldquo;sacred.&rdquo; Secondly, it may be
-derived from the word <i lang="kij">bu&rsquo;a</i>, areca-nut, a
-substance very often used and mentioned in magic, both because it is a
-narcotic, and a beautiful, vermilion dye. Thirdly, the prefix may be a
-derivation from <i lang="kij">butia</i>, the sweet scented flower made
-into wreaths, in which case it would usually be <i lang="kij">bway</i>,
-but sometimes might become <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, and would carry the
-meaning of &ldquo;festive,&rdquo; &ldquo;decorated.&rdquo; To a native,
-who does not look upon a spell as an ethnological document, but as an
-instrument of magical power, the prefix probably conveys all three
-meanings at once, and the word &ldquo;ritual&rdquo; covers best all
-these three meanings.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#n217.1src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e7606" href="#xd26e7606src" name="xd26e7606">2</a></span> See
-<a href="#div5.2">Division II of Chapter V</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e7606src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch9" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e627">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter IX</h2>
-<h2 class="main">Sailing on the Sea-Arm of Pilolu</h2>
-<div id="div9.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Now at last the Kula expedition is properly set going.
-The canoes are started on a long stage, before them the sea-arm of
-Pilolu, stretching between the Trobriands and the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux. On the North, this portion of the sea is bounded
-by the Archipelago of the Trobriands, that is, by the islands of
-Vakuta, Boyowa and Kayleula, joining in the west on to the scattered
-belt of the Lousan&ccedil;ay Islands. On the east, a long submerged
-reef runs from the southern end of Vakuta to the Amphletts, forming an
-extended barrier to sailing, but affording little protection from the
-eastern winds and seas. In the South, this barrier links on to the
-Amphletts, which together with the Northern coast of Fergusson and
-Goodenough, form the Southern shore of Pilolu. To the West, Pilolu
-opens up into the seas between the mainland of New Guinea and the
-Bismarck Archipelago. In fact, what the natives designate by the name
-of Pilolu is nothing else but the enormous basin of the
-Lousan&ccedil;ay Lagoon, the largest coral atoll in the world. To the
-natives, the name of Pilolu is full of emotional associations, drawn
-from magic and myth; it is connected with the experiences of past
-generations, told by the old men round the village fires and with
-adventure personally lived through.</p>
-<p>As the Kula adventurers speed along with filled sails, the shallow
-Lagoon of the Trobriands soon falls away behind; the dull green waters,
-sprinkled with patches of brown where seaweed grows high and rank, and
-lit up here and there with spots of bright emerald where a shallow
-bottom of clean sand shines through, give place to a deeper sea of
-strong green hue. The low strip of land, which surrounds the Trobriand
-Lagoon in a wide sweep, thins away and dissolves in the haze, and
-before them the southern mountains rise higher and higher. On a
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb220" href="#pb220" name=
-"pb220">220</a>]</span>clear day, these are visible even from the
-Trobriands. The neat outlines of the Amphletts stand diminutive, yet
-firmer and more material, against the blue silhouettes of the higher
-mountains behind. These, like a far away cloud are draped in wreaths of
-cumuli, almost always clinging to their summits. The nearest of them,
-Koyatabu&mdash;the mountain of the taboo&mdash;<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e7640src" href="#xd26e7640" name="xd26e7640src">1</a> on the North
-end of Fergusson Island, a slim, somewhat tilted pyramid, forms a most
-alluring beacon, guiding the mariners due South. To the right of it, as
-we look towards the South-West, a broad, bulky mountain, the
-Koyabwaga&rsquo;u&mdash;mountain of the sorcerers&mdash;marks the
-North-western corner of Fergusson Island. The mountains on Goodenough
-Island are visible only in very clear weather, and then very
-faintly.</p>
-<p>Within a day or two, these disembodied, misty forms are to assume
-what for the Trobrianders seems marvellous shape and enormous bulk.
-They are to surround the Kula traders with their solid walls of
-precipitous rock and green jungle, furrowed with deep ravines and
-streaked with racing water-courses. The Trobrianders will sail deep,
-shaded bays, resounding with the, to them unknown, voice of waterfalls;
-with the weird cries of strange birds which never visit the Trobriands,
-such as the laughing of the kookooburra (laughing jackass), and the
-melancholy call of the South Sea crow. The sea will change its colour
-once more, become pure blue, and beneath its transparent waters, a
-marvellous world of multi-coloured coral, fish and seaweed will unfold
-itself, a world which, through a strange geographical irony, the
-inhabitants of a coral island hardly ever can see at home, and must
-come to this volcanic region to discover.</p>
-<p>In these surroundings, they will find also wonderful, heavy, compact
-stones of various colours and shapes, whereas at home the only stone is
-the insipid, white, dead coral. Here they can see, besides many types
-of granite and basalt and volcanic tuff, specimens of black obsidian,
-with its sharp edges and metallic ring, and sites full of red and
-yellow ochre. Besides big hills of volcanic ash, they will behold hot
-springs boiling up periodically. Of all these marvels the young
-Trobriander hears tales, and sees samples brought back to his country,
-and there is no <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb221" href="#pb221"
-name="pb221">221</a>]</span>doubt that it is for him a wonderful
-experience to find himself amongst them for the first time, and that
-afterwards he eagerly seizes every opportunity that offers to sail
-again to the Koya. Thus the landscape now before them is a sort of
-promised land, a country spoken of in almost legendary tone.</p>
-<p>And indeed the scenery here, on the borderland of the two different
-worlds, is singularly impressive. Sailing away from the Trobriands on
-my last expedition, I had to spend two days, weatherbound, on a small
-sandbank covered with a few pandanus trees, about midway between the
-Trobriands and the Amphletts. A darkened sea lay to the North, big
-thunderclouds hanging over where I knew there was the large flat island
-of Boyowa&mdash;the Trobriands. To the South, against a clearer sky,
-were the abrupt forms of the mountains, scattered over half of the
-horizon. The scenery seemed saturated with myth and legendary tales,
-with the strange adventures, hopes and fears of generations of native
-sailors. On this sandbank they had often camped, when becalmed or
-threatened with bad weather. On such an island, the great mythical
-hero, Kasabwaybwayreta stopped, and was marooned by his companions,
-only to escape through the sky. Here again a mythical canoe once
-halted, in order to be re-caulked. As I sat there, looking towards the
-Southern mountains, so clearly visible, yet so inaccessible, I realised
-what must be the feelings of the Trobrianders, desirous to reach the
-Koya, to meet the strange people, and to <i lang="kij">kula</i> with
-them, a desire made perhaps even more acute by a mixture of fear. For
-there, to the west of the Amphletts, they see the big bay of Gabu,
-where once the crews of a whole fleet of Trobriand canoes were killed
-and eaten by the inhabitants of unknown villages, in attempting to
-<i lang="kij">kula</i> with them. And stories are also told of single
-canoes, drifted apart from the fleet and cast against the northern
-shore of Fergusson Island, of which all the crew perished at the hands
-of the cannibals. There are also legends of some inexperienced natives,
-who, visiting the neighbourhood of Deyde&rsquo;i and arriving at the
-crystal water in the big stone basins there, plunged in, to meet a
-dreadful death in the almost boiling pool.</p>
-<p>But though the legendary dangers on the distant shores may appall
-the native imagination, the perils of actual sailing are even more
-real. The sea over which they travel is seamed with reefs, studded with
-sandbanks and coral rocks awash. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb222"
-href="#pb222" name="pb222">222</a>]</span>And though in fair weather
-these are not so dangerous to a canoe as to a European boat, yet they
-are bad enough. The main dangers of native sailing, however, lie in the
-helplessness of a canoe. As we have said before, it cannot sail close
-to the wind, and therefore cannot beat. If the wind comes round, the
-canoe has to turn and retrace its course. This is very unpleasant, but
-not necessarily dangerous. If, however, the wind drops, and the canoe
-just happens to be in one of the strong tides, which run anything
-between three and five knots, or if it becomes disabled, and makes
-leeway at right angles to its course, the situation becomes dangerous.
-To the West, there lies the open sea, and once far out there, the canoe
-would have slender chances of ever returning. To the East, there runs
-the reef, on which in heavy weather a native canoe would surely be
-smashed. In May, 1918, a Dobuan canoe, returning home a few days after
-the rest of the fleet, was caught by a strong South-Easterly wind, so
-strong that it had to give up its course, and make North-West to one of
-the Lousan&ccedil;ay Islands. It had been given up as lost, when in
-August it came back with a chance blow of the North-Westerly wind. It
-had had, however, a narrow escape in making the small island. Had it
-been blown further West, it would never have reached land at all.</p>
-<p>There exist other tales of lost canoes, and it is a wonder that
-accidents are not more frequent, considering the conditions under which
-they have to sail. Sailing has to be done, so to speak, on straight
-lines across the sea. Once they deviate from this course, all sorts of
-dangers crop up. Not only that, but they must sail between fixed points
-on the land. For, and this of course refers to the olden days, if they
-had to go ashore, anywhere but in the district of a friendly tribe, the
-perils which met them were almost as bad as those of reefs and sharks.
-If the sailors missed the friendly villages of the Amphletts and of
-Dobu, everywhere else they would meet with extermination. Even
-nowadays, though the danger of being killed would be
-smaller&mdash;perhaps not absolutely non-existent&mdash;yet the natives
-would feel very uncomfortable at the idea of landing in a strange
-district, fearing not only death by violence, but even more by evil
-magic. Thus, as the natives sail across Pilolu, only very small sectors
-of their horizon present a safe goal for their journey. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb223" href="#pb223" name="pb223">223</a>]</span></p>
-<p>On the East, indeed, beyond the dangerous barrier reef, there is a
-friendly horizon, marked for them by the Marshall Bennett Islands, and
-Woodlark, the country known under the term Omuyuwa. To the South, there
-is the Koya, also known as the land of the <i lang="kij">kinana</i>, by
-which name the natives of the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux and the Amphletts
-are known generically. But to the South-West and West there is the deep
-open sea (<i lang="kij">bebega</i>), and beyond that, lands inhabited
-by tailed people, and by people with wings, of whom very little more is
-known. To the North, beyond the reef of small coral islands, lying off
-the Trobriands, there are two countries, Kokopawa and Kaytalugi.
-Kokopawa is peopled with ordinary men and women, who walk about naked,
-and are great gardeners. Whether this country corresponds to the South
-coast of New Britain, where people really are without any clothing, it
-would be difficult to say.</p>
-<p>The other country, Kaytalugi, is a land of women only, in which no
-man can survive. The women who live there are beautiful, big and
-strong, and they walk about naked, and with their bodily hair unshaven
-(which is contrary to the Trobriand custom). They are extremely
-dangerous to any man through the unbounded violence of their passion.
-The natives never tire of describing graphically how such women would
-satisfy their sensuous lust, if they got hold of some luckless,
-shipwrecked man. No one could survive, even for a short time, the
-amorous yet brutal attacks of these women. The natives compare this
-treatment to that customary at the <i lang="kij">yousa</i>, the
-orgiastic mishandling of any man, caught at certain stages of female
-communal labour in Boyowa (cf. <a href="#div2.2">Chapter II, Division
-II</a>). Not even the boys born on this island of Kaytalugi can survive
-a tender age. It must be remembered the natives see no need for male
-co-operation in continuing the race. Thus the women propagate the race,
-although every male needs must come to an untimely end before he can
-become a man.</p>
-<p>None the less, there is a legend that some men from the village of
-Kaulagu, in eastern Boyowa, were blown in their canoe far North from
-the easterly course of a Kula expedition, and were stranded on the
-coast of Kaytalugi. There, having survived the first reception, they
-were apportioned individually and married. Having repaired their canoe,
-ostensibly for the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb224" href="#pb224"
-name="pb224">224</a>]</span>sake of bringing some fish to their wives,
-one night they put food and water into it, and secretly sailed away. On
-their return to their own village, they found their women married to
-other men. However, such things never end tragically in the Trobriands.
-As soon as their rightful lords reappeared their women came back to
-them. Among other things these men brought to Boyowa a variety of
-banana called <i lang="kij">usikela</i>, not known before.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div9.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Returning again to our Kula party, we see that, in
-journeying across Pilolu, they move within the narrow confines of
-familiar sailing ground, surrounded on all sides both by real dangers
-and by lands of imaginary horrors. On their track, however, the natives
-never go out of sight of land, and in the event of mist or rain, they
-can always take sufficient bearings to enable them to make for the
-nearest sand-bank or island. This is never more than some six miles
-off, a distance which, should the wind have dropped, may even be
-reached by paddling.</p>
-<div class="figure pl40width" id="pl40">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl40width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XL</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl40.jpg" alt="A Waga Sailing on a Kula Expedition"
-width="720" height="432">
-<p class="figureHead">A Waga Sailing on a Kula Expedition</p>
-<p>A canoe fully loaded with a crew of twelve men, just about to furl
-sail arriving in the Amphletts. Note the cargo at the <i lang=
-"kij">gebobo</i> and each man&rsquo;s personal bundle of folded mat on
-top of it. (See <a href="#div9.2">Div. II</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl41width" id="pl41">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl41width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl41.jpg" alt="The Rigging of a Canoe" width="720"
-height="433">
-<p class="figureHead">The Rigging of a Canoe</p>
-<p>Each time before a canoe starts, its mast has to put up and fixed by
-means of stays and a special arrangement of crescent-shaped
-cross-pieces and a rope, to be seen in the picture. (See <a href=
-"#div9.2">Div. II</a>.) Note the small <i lang=
-"kij">kewo&uacute;</i>canoe to the left.</p>
-</div>
-<p>Another thing that also makes their sailing not so dangerous as one
-would imagine, is the regularity of the winds in this part of the
-world. As a rule, in each of the two main seasons, there is one
-prevailing direction of wind, which does not shift more than within
-some ninety degrees. Thus, in the dry season, from May to October, the
-trade wind blows almost incessantly from the South-East or South,
-moving sometimes to the North-East, but never beyond that<span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e7730" title="Not in source">.</span> As a matter of
-fact, however, this season, just because of the constancy of the wind,
-does not lend itself very well to native sailing. For although with
-this wind it is easy to sail from South to North, or East to West, it
-is impossible to retrace the course, and as the wind often blows for
-months without veering, the natives prefer to do their sailings between
-the seasons, or in the time when the monsoon blows. Between the
-seasons&mdash;November, December or March and April&mdash;the winds are
-not so constant, in fact they shift from one position on the compass to
-another. On the other hand, there is very seldom a strong blow at this
-time, and so this is the ideal season for sailing<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e7733" title="Not in source">.</span> In the hot summer months,
-December till March, the monsoon blows from the North-West or
-South-West, less regularly than a trade wind, but <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb225" href="#pb225" name=
-"pb225">225</a>]</span>often culminating in violent storms which almost
-always come from the North-West. Thus the two strong winds to be met in
-these seas come from definite directions, and this minimises the
-danger. The natives also as a rule are able to foretell a day or two
-beforehand the approach of a squall. Rightly or wrongly, they associate
-the strength of the North-Westerly gales with the phases of the
-moon.</p>
-<p>There is, of course, a good deal of magic to make wind blow or to
-put it down. Like many other forms of magic, wind magic is localised in
-villages. The inhabitants of Simsim, the biggest village in the
-Lousan&ccedil;ay Islands, and the furthest North-Westerly settlement of
-this district, are credited with the ability of controlling the
-North-Westerly wind, perhaps through association with their
-geographical position. Again, the control over the South-Easterly wind
-is granted to the inhabitants of Kitava, lying to the East of Boyowa.
-The Simsim people control all the winds which blow habitually during
-the rainy season, that is the winds on the western side of the compass,
-from North to South. The other half can be worked by the Kitavan
-spells.</p>
-<p>Many men in Boyowa have learnt both spells and they practise the
-magic. The spells are chanted broadcast into the wind, without any
-other ritual. It is an impressive spectacle to walk through a village,
-during one of the devastating gales, which always arise at night and
-during which people leave their huts and assemble in cleared spaces.
-They are afraid the wind may lift their dwellings off the ground, or
-uproot a tree which might injure them in falling, an accident which
-actually did happen a year or two ago in Wawela, killing the
-chief&rsquo;s wife. Through the darkness from the doors of some of the
-huts, and from among the huddled groups, there resound loud voices,
-chanting, in a penetrating sing-song, the spells for abating the force
-of the wind. On such occasions, feeling myself somewhat nervous, I was
-deeply impressed by this persistent effort of frail, human voice,
-fraught with deep belief, pitting itself so feebly against the
-monotonous, overpowering force of the wind.</p>
-<p>Taking the bearing by sight, and helped by the uniformity of winds,
-the natives have no need of even the most elementary knowledge of
-navigation. Barring accidents they never have to direct their course by
-the stars. Of these, they know certain Outstanding constellations,
-sufficient to indicate for them the <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb226" href="#pb226" name="pb226">226</a>]</span>direction, should
-they need it. They have names for the Pleiades, for Orion, for the
-Southern Cross, and they also recognise a few constellations of their
-own construction. Their knowledge of the stars, as we have mentioned
-already in <a href="#div2.5">Chapter II, Division V</a>, is localised
-in the village of Wawela, where it is handed over in the maternal line
-of the chiefs of the village.</p>
-<p>In order to understand better the customs and problems of sailing, a
-few words must be said about the technique of managing a canoe. As we
-have said before, the wind must always strike the craft, on the
-outrigger side, so the sailing canoe is always tilted with its float
-raised, and the platform slanting towards the body of the canoe. This
-makes it necessary for it to be able to change bows and stern at will;
-for imagine that a canoe going due South, has to sail with a
-North-Easterly wind, then the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger) must
-be on the left hand, and the canoe sails with what the natives call its
-&ldquo;head&rdquo; forward. Now imagine that the wind turns to the
-North-West. Should this happen in a violent squall, without warning,
-the canoe would be at once submerged. But, as such a change would be
-gradual, barring accidents, the natives could easily cope with it. The
-mast, which is tied at the fourth cross-pole (<i lang=
-"kij">ri&rsquo;u</i>) from the temporary bows of the canoe, would be
-unbound, the canoe would be turned 180 degrees around, so that its head
-would now form the stern, its <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>
-(foundation) would face South, and become its bows, and the platform
-would be to our right, facing West. The mast would be attached again to
-the fourth cross-pole (<i lang="kij">ri&rsquo;u</i>), from the <i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> end, the sail hoisted, and the canoe would glide
-along with the wind striking it again on its outrigger side, but having
-changed bows to stern (see <a href="#pl41">Plate XLI</a>).</p>
-<p>The natives have a set of nautical expressions to describe the
-various operations of changing mast, of trimming the sail, of paying
-out the sheet rope, of shifting the sail, so that it stands up with its
-bottom end high, and its tip touching the canoe, or else letting it lie
-with both boom and gaff almost horizontal. And they have definite rules
-as to how the various man&oelig;uvres should be carried out, according
-to the strength of the wind, and to the quarter on which it strikes the
-canoe. They have four expressions denoting a following wind, wind
-striking the outrigger beam, wind striking the canoe from the <i lang=
-"kij">katala</i> (built-out body), and wind striking the canoe on the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb227" href="#pb227" name=
-"pb227">227</a>]</span>outrigger side close to the direction of
-sailing. There is no point, however, in adducing this native
-terminology here, as we shall not any further refer to it; it is enough
-to know that they have got definite rules, and means of expressing
-them, with regard to the handling of a canoe.</p>
-<p>It has been often remarked here, that the Trobriand canoes cannot
-sail close to the wind. They are very light, and shallow, and have very
-little water board, giving a small resistance against making lee-way. I
-think that this is also the reason, why they need two men to do the
-steering for the steering oars act as lee-boards. One of the men wields
-a big, elongated steering oar, called <i lang="kij">kuriga</i>. He sits
-at the stern, of course, in the body of the canoe. The other man
-handles a smaller steering paddle, leaf-shaped, yet with a bigger blade
-than the paddling oars; it is called <i lang="kij">viyoyu</i>. He sits
-at the stern end of the platform, and does the steering through the
-sticks of the <i lang="kij">pitapatile</i> (platform).</p>
-<p>The other working members of the crew are the man at the sheet, the
-<i lang="kij">tokwabila veva</i>, as he is called, who has to let out
-the <i lang="kij">veva</i> or pull it in, according as the wind shifts
-and varies in strength.</p>
-<p>Another man, as a rule, stands in the bows of the ship on the
-look-out, and if necessary, has to climb the mast in order to trim the
-rigging. Or again, he would have to bale the water from time to time,
-as this always leaks through, or splashes into the canoe. Thus four men
-are enough to man a canoe, though usually the functions of the baler
-and the man on the look-out and at the mast are divided.</p>
-<p>When the wind drops, the men have to take to the small, leaf-shaped
-paddles, while one, as a rule, wields a pulling oar. But in order to
-give speed to a heavy <i lang="kij">masawa</i> canoe, at least ten men
-would have to paddle and pull. As we shall see, on certain ceremonial
-occasions, the canoes have to be propelled by paddling, for instance
-when they approach their final destination, after having performed the
-great <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic. When they arrive at a halting
-place, the canoes, if necessary, are beached. As a rule, however, the
-heavily loaded canoes on a Kula expedition, would be secured by both
-mooring and anchoring, according to the bottom. On muddy bottoms, such
-as that of the Trobriand Lagoon, a long stick would be thrust into the
-slime, and one end of the canoe lashed to it. From the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb228" href="#pb228" name=
-"pb228">228</a>]</span>other, a heavy stone, tied with a rope, would be
-thrown down as an anchor. Over a hard, rocky bottom, the anchor stone
-alone is used.</p>
-<p>It can be easily understood that with such craft, and with such
-limitations in sailing, there are many real dangers which threaten the
-natives. If the wind is too strong, and the sea becomes too rough, a
-canoe may not be able to follow its course, and making lee-way, or even
-directly running before the wind, it may be driven into a quarter where
-there is no landfall to be made, or from where at best there is no
-returning at that season. This is what happened to the Dobuan boat
-mentioned before. Or else, a canoe becalmed and seized by the tide may
-not be able to make its way by means of paddling. Or in stormy weather,
-it may be smashed on rocks and sandbanks, or even unable to withstand
-the impact of waves. An open craft like a native canoe easily fills
-with sea water, and, in a heavy rain-storm, with rain water. In a calm
-sea this is not very dangerous, for the wooden canoe does not sink;
-even if swamped, the water can be baled out and the canoe floats up.
-But in rough weather, a water-logged canoe loses its buoyancy and gets
-broken up. Last and not least, there is the danger of the canoe being
-pressed into the water, outrigger first, should the wind strike it on
-the opposite side. With so many real dangers around it, it is a
-marvellous thing, and to the credit of native seamanship, that
-accidents are comparatively rare.</p>
-<p>We now know about the crew of the canoe and the different functions
-which every man has to fulfil. Remembering what has been said in
-<a href="#div4.5">Chapter IV, Division V</a>, about the sociological
-division of functions in sailing, we can visualise concretely the craft
-with all its inmates, as it sails on the Pilolu; the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> usually sits near the mast in the compartment called
-<i lang="kij">kayguya&rsquo;u</i>. With him perhaps is one of his sons
-or young relatives, while another boy remains in the bows, near the
-conch-shell ready to sound it, whenever the occasion arises. Thus are
-employed the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and the <i lang=
-"kij">dodo&rsquo;u</i> (small boys). The <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> or
-members of the crew, some four or five strong, are each at his post,
-with perhaps one supernumerary to assist at any emergency, where the
-task would require it. On the platform are lounging some of the
-<i lang="kij">silasila</i>, the youths not yet employed in any work,
-and not participating in the Kula, but there for their pleasure, and to
-learn how to manage a boat (see <a href="#pl40">Plate XL</a>).</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div9.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">All these people have not only special posts and modes
-of occupation assigned to them, but they have also to keep certain
-rules. The canoe on a Kula expedition, is surrounded by taboos, and
-many observances have to be strictly kept, else this or that might go
-wrong. Thus it is not allowed to &lsquo;point to objects with the
-hand&rsquo; (<i lang="kij">yosala yamada</i>), or those who do it will
-become sick. A new canoe has many prohibitions <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e7846" title="Source: cannected">connected</span> with it, which
-are called <i lang="kij">bomala wayugo</i> (the taboos of the lashing
-creeper). Eating and drinking are not allowed in a new canoe except
-after sunset. The breaking of this taboo would make the canoe very
-slow. On a very quick <i lang="kij">waga</i> this rule might perhaps be
-disregarded, especially if one of the young boys were hungry or
-thirsty. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> would then bale in some
-sea-water, pour it over one of the lashings of the creeper with the
-words:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I sprinkle thy eye, O <i lang=
-"kij">kudayuri</i> creeper, so that our crew might eat.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>After that, he would give the boy something to eat and drink.
-Besides this eating and drinking taboo, on a new <i lang="kij">waga</i>
-the other physiological needs must not be satisfied. In case of urgent
-necessity, a man jumps into the water, holding to one of the cross
-sticks of the outrigger, or if it were a small boy, he is lowered into
-the water by one of the elders. This taboo, if broken, would also make
-the canoe slow. These two taboos, however, as was said, are kept only
-on a new <i lang="kij">waga</i>, that is on such a one which either
-sails for the first time, or else has been relashed and repainted
-before this trip. The taboos are in all cases not operative on the
-return journey. Women are not allowed to enter a new <i lang=
-"kij">waga</i> before it sails. Certain types of yams may not be
-carried on a canoe, which has been lashed with the rites of one of the
-<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magical systems. There are several systems of
-this magic (compare <a href="#div17.7">Chapter XVII, Division VII</a>)
-and each has got its specific taboos. These last taboos are to be kept
-right through the sailing. On account of a magic to be described in the
-next chapter, the magic of safety as it might be called, a canoe has to
-be kept free from contact with earth, sand and stones. Hence the
-natives of Sinaketa do not beach their canoes if they can possibly
-avoid it. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb230" href="#pb230" name=
-"pb230">230</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Among the specific taboos of the Kula, called <i lang="kij">bomala
-lilava</i> (taboos of the magical bundle) there is a strict rule
-referring to the entering of a canoe. This must not be entered from any
-other point but on the <i lang="kij">vitovaria</i>, that is, the front
-side of the platform, facing the mast. A native has to scale the
-platform at this place, then, crouching low, pass to the back or front,
-and there descend into the body of the canoe, or sit down where he is.
-The compartment facing the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> (magical bundle) is
-filled out with other trade goods. In front of it sits the chief,
-behind it the man who handles the sheets. The natives have special
-expressions which denote the various manners of illicitly entering a
-canoe, and, in some of the canoe exorcisms, these expressions are used
-to undo the evil effects of the breaking of these taboos. Other
-prohibitions, which the natives call the taboo of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i>, though not associated with the <i lang=
-"kij">lilava</i>, are those which do not allow of using flower wreaths,
-red ornaments, or red flowers in decorating the canoe or the bodies of
-the crew. The red colour of such ornaments is, according to native
-belief, magically incompatible with the aim of the expedition&mdash;the
-acquisition of the red spondylus necklaces. Also, yams may not be
-roasted on the outward journey, while later on, in Dobu, no local food
-may be eaten, and the natives have to subsist on their own provisions,
-until the first Kula gifts have been received.</p>
-<p>There are, besides, definite rules, referring to the behaviour of
-one canoe towards another, but these vary considerably with the
-different villages. In Sinaketa, such rules are very few; no fixed
-sequence is observed in the sailing order of the canoes, anyone of them
-can start first, and if one of them is swifter it may pass any of the
-others, even that of a chief. This, however, has to be done so that the
-slower canoe is not passed on the outrigger side. Should this happen,
-the transgressing canoe has to give the other one a peace offering
-(<i lang="kij">lula</i>), because it has broken a <i lang="kij">bomala
-lilava</i>, it has offended the magical bundle.</p>
-<p>There is one interesting point with regard to priorities in
-Sinaketa, and to describe this we must hark back to the subject of
-canoe-building and launching. One of the sub-clans of the Lukwasisiga
-clan, the Tolabwaga sub-clan, have the right of priority in all the
-successive operations of piecing together, lashing, caulking, and
-painting of their canoes. All these stages of building and all the
-magic must first be done on <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb231" href=
-"#pb231" name="pb231">231</a>]</span>the Tolabwaga canoe, and this
-canoe is also the first to be launched. Only afterwards, the
-chief&rsquo;s and the commoners&rsquo; canoes may follow. A correct
-observance of this rule &lsquo;keeps the sea clean&rsquo; (<i lang=
-"kij">imilakatile bwarita</i>). If it were broken, and the chiefs had
-their canoes built or launched before the Tolabwaga, the Kula would not
-be successful.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;We go to Dobu, no pig, no <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i> necklace is given. We would tell the chiefs:
-&lsquo;Why have you first made your canoes? The ancestor spirits have
-turned against us, for we have broken the old
-custom!&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Once at sea, however, the chiefs are first again, in theory at
-least, for in practice the swiftest canoe may sail first.</p>
-<p>In the sailing custom of Vakuta, the other South Boyowan community,
-who make the Kula with the Dobu, a sub-clan of the Lukwasisiga clan,
-called Tolawaga, have the privilege of priority in all the
-canoe-building operations. While at sea, they also retain one
-prerogative, denied to all the others: the man who steers with the
-smaller oar, the <i lang="kij">tokabina viyoyu</i>, is allowed
-permanently to stand up on the platform. As the natives put it,</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;This is the sign of the Tolawaga (sub-clan) of
-Vakuta: wherever we see a man standing up at the <i lang=
-"kij">viyoyu</i>, we say: &lsquo;there sails the canoe of the
-Tolawaga!&rsquo;&ldquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The greatest privileges, however, granted to a sub-clan in sailing
-are those which are to be found in Kavataria. This fishing and sailing
-community from the North shore of the Lagoon makes distant and
-dangerous sailings to the North-Western end of Fergusson Island. These
-expeditions for sago, betel-nut, and pigs will be described in <a href=
-"#ch21">Chapter XXI</a>. Their sea customs, however, have to be
-mentioned here.</p>
-<p>The Kulutula sub-clan of the Lukwasisiga clan enjoy all the same
-privileges of priority in building, as the Tolabwaga and Tolawaga clans
-in the southern villages, only in a still higher degree. For their
-canoe has to pass each stage of construction on the first day, and only
-the day after can the others follow. This refers even to launching, the
-Kulutula canoe being launched one day, and on the next those of the
-chiefs and commoners. When the moment of starting arrives, the Kulutula
-canoe leaves the beach first, and during the sailing no one is allowed
-to pass ahead of it. When they arrive at the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb232" href="#pb232" name=
-"pb232">232</a>]</span>sandbanks or at an intermediate place in the
-Amphletts, the Kulutula have to anchor first, and first go ashore and
-make their camp ready. Only after that can the others follow. This
-priority expires at the final point of destination. When they arrive at
-the furthest Koya the Kulutula go ashore first, and they are the first
-to be presented with the welcoming gift of the &lsquo;foreigner&rsquo;
-(<i lang="kij">tokinana</i>). He receives them with a bunch of
-betel-nut, which he beats against the head of the canoe, till the nuts
-scatter. On the return journey, the Kulutula clan sink again into their
-naturally inferior position.</p>
-<p>It may be noted that all the three privileged sub-clans in the three
-villages belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and that the names of two of
-them, Tolawaga, Tolabwaga have a striking resemblance to the word
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, although these resemblances would have to
-be tested by some stricter methods of etymological comparison, than I
-have now at my disposal. The fact that these clans, under special
-circumstances of sailing, resume what may be a lost superiority points
-to an interesting historical survival. The name Kulutula is undoubtedly
-identical with Kulutalu, which is an independent totemic clan in the
-Eastern Marshall Bennetts and in Woodlark.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e7964src" href="#xd26e7964" name="xd26e7964src">2</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div9.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us return now to our Sinaketan fleet, moving
-southwards along the barrier reef and sighting one small island after
-the other. If they did not start very early from Muwa&mdash;and delay
-is one of the characteristics of native life&mdash;and if they were not
-favoured with a very good wind, they would probably have to put in at
-one of the small sand islands, Legumatabu, Gabuwana or Yakum. Here, on
-the western side, sheltered from the prevalent trade winds, there is a
-diminutive lagoon, bounded by two natural breakwaters of coral reef
-running from the Northern and Southern ends of the island. Fires are
-lit on the clean, white sand, under the scraggy pandanus trees, and the
-natives boil their yam food and the eggs of the wild sea fowl,
-collected on the spot. When darkness closes in and the fires draw them
-all into a circle, the Kula talk begins again. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb233" href="#pb233" name="pb233">233</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Let us listen to some such conversations, and try to steep ourselves
-in the atmosphere surrounding this handful of natives, cast for a while
-on to the narrow sandbank, far away from their homes, having to trust
-only to their frail canoes on the long journey which faces them.
-Darkness, the roar of surf breaking on the reef, the dry rattle of the
-pandanus leaves in the wind, all produce a frame of mind in which it is
-easy to believe in the dangers of witches and all the beings usually
-hidden away, but ready to creep out at some special moment of horror.
-The change of tone is unmistakable, when you get the natives to talk
-about these things on such an occasion, from the calm, often
-rationalistic way of treating them in broad daylight in an
-Ethnographer&rsquo;s tent. Some of the most striking revelations I have
-received of this side of native belief and psychology were made to me
-on similar occasions. Sitting on a lonely beach in Sanaroa, surrounded
-by a crew of Trobrianders, Dobuans, and a few local natives, I first
-heard the story of the jumping stones. On a previous night, trying to
-anchor off Gumasila in the Amphletts, we had been caught by a violent
-squall, which tore one of our sails, and forced us to run before the
-wind, on a dark night, in the pouring rain. Except for myself, all the
-members of the crew saw clearly the flying witches in the form of a
-flame at the mast head. Whether this was St. Elmo&rsquo;s fire I could
-not judge, as I was in the cabin, seasick and indifferent to dangers,
-witches, and even ethnographic revelations. Inspired by this incident,
-my crew told me how this is, as a rule, a sign of disaster, how such a
-light appeared a few years ago in a boat, which was sunk almost on the
-same spot where the squall had caught us; but fortunately all were
-saved. Starting from this, all sorts of dangers were spoken about, in a
-tone of deep conviction, rendered perfectly sincere by the experiences
-of the previous night, the surrounding darkness, and the difficulties
-of the situation&mdash;for we had to repair our sail and again attempt
-the difficult landing in the Amphletts.</p>
-<p>I have always found that whenever natives are found under similar
-circumstances, surrounded by the darkness and the imminent possibility
-of danger, they naturally drift into a conversation about the various
-things and beings into which the fears and apprehensions of generations
-have traditionally crystallised. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb234"
-href="#pb234" name="pb234">234</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Thus if we imagine that we listen to an account of the perils and
-horrors of the seas, sitting round the fire at Yakum or Legumatabu, we
-do not stray from reality. One of those who are specially versed in
-tradition, and who love to tell a story, might refer to one of his own
-experiences; or to a well-known case from the past, while others would
-chime in, and comment, telling their own stories. General statements of
-belief would be given, while the younger men would listen to the tales
-so familiar, but always heard with renewed interest.</p>
-<p>They would hear about an enormous octopus (<i lang="kij">kwita</i>)
-which lies in wait for canoes, sailing over the open seas. It is not an
-ordinary <i lang="kij">kwita</i> of exceptional size, but a special
-one, so gigantic that it would cover a whole village with its body; its
-arms are thick as coco-nut palms, stretching right across the sea. With
-typical exaggeration, the natives will say: &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">ikanubwadi Pilolu</i>,&rsquo; &hellip; &lsquo;he covers up all
-the Pilolu&rsquo; (the sea-arm between the Trobriands and the
-Amphletts). Its proper home is in the East, &lsquo;<i lang="kij">o
-Muyuwa</i>,&rsquo; as the natives describe that region of sea and
-islands, where also it is believed some magic is known against the
-dreadful creature. Only seldom does it come to the waters between the
-Trobriands and Amphletts, but there are people who have seen it there.
-One of the old men of Sinaketa tells how, coming from Dobu, when he was
-quite young, he sailed in a canoe ahead of the fleet, some canoes being
-to the right and some to the left behind him. Suddenly from his canoe,
-they saw the giant <i lang="kij">kwita</i> right in front of them.
-Paralysed with fear, they fell silent, and the man himself, getting up
-on the platform, by signs warned the other canoes of the danger. At
-once they turned round, and the fleet divided into two, took big bends
-in their course, and thus gave the octopus a wide berth. For woe to the
-canoe caught by the giant <i lang="kij">kwita!</i> It would be held
-fast, unable to move for days, till the crew, dying of hunger and
-thirst, would decide to sacrifice one of the small boys of their
-number. Adorned with valuables, he would be thrown overboard, and then
-the <i lang="kij">kwita</i>, satisfied, would let go its hold of the
-canoe, and set it free. Once a native, asked why a grown-up would not
-be sacrificed on such an occasion, gave me the answer:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;A grown-up man would not like it; a boy has got
-no mind. We take him by force and throw him to the <i lang=
-"kij">kwita</i>.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb235" href="#pb235" name=
-"pb235">235</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Another danger threatening a canoe on the high seas, is a big,
-special Rain, or Water falling from above, called <i lang=
-"kij">Sinamatanoginogi</i>. When in rain and bad weather a canoe, in
-spite of all the efforts to bale it out, fills with water, <i lang=
-"kij">Sinamatanoginogi</i> strikes it from above and breaks it up.
-Whether at the basis of this are the accidents with waterspouts, or
-cloud-bursts or simply extremely big waves breaking up the canoe, it is
-difficult to judge. On the whole, this belief is more easily accounted
-for than the previous one.</p>
-<p>The most remarkable of these beliefs is that there are big, live
-stones, which lie in wait for sailing canoes, run after them, jump up
-and smash them to pieces. Whenever the natives have reasons to be
-afraid of them, all the members of the crew will keep silence, as
-laughter and loud talk attracts them. Sometimes they can be seen, at a
-distance, jumping out of the sea or moving on the water. In fact I have
-had them pointed to me, sailing off Koyatabu, and although I could see
-nothing, the natives, obviously, genuinely believed they saw them. Of
-one thing I am certain, however, that there was no reef awash there for
-miles around. The natives also know quite well that they are different
-from any reefs or shallows, for the live stones move, and when they
-perceive a canoe will pursue it, break it up on purpose and smash the
-men. Nor would these expert fishermen ever confuse a jumping fish with
-anything else, though in speaking of the stones they may compare them
-to a leaping dolphin or stingaree.</p>
-<p>There are two names given to such stones. One of them, <i lang=
-"kij">nuwakekepaki</i>, applies to the stones met in the Dobuan seas.
-The other, <i lang="kij">vineylida</i>, to those who live
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">o Muyuwa</i>.&rsquo; Thus, in the open seas, the
-two spheres of culture meet, for the stones not only differ in name but
-also in nature. The <i lang="kij">nuwakekepaki</i> are probably nothing
-but malevolent stones. The <i lang="kij">vineylida</i> are inhabited by
-witches, or according to others, by evil male beings.<a class="noteref"
-id="xd26e8043src" href="#xd26e8043" name="xd26e8043src">3</a> Sometimes
-a <i lang="kij">vineylida</i> will spring to the surface, and hold fast
-the canoe, very much in the same manner as the giant octopus would do.
-And here again offerings would have to be given. A folded mat would
-first be thrown, in an attempt to deceive it; if this were of no avail,
-a little boy would be anointed with coco-nut oil, adorned with
-arm-shells and <i lang="kij">bagi</i> necklaces, and thrown over to the
-evil stones. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb236" href="#pb236" name=
-"pb236">236</a>]</span></p>
-<p>It is difficult to realise what natural phenomena or actual
-occurrences might be at the bottom of this belief, and the one of the
-giant octopus. We shall presently meet with a cycle of beliefs
-presenting the same striking features. We shall find a story told about
-human behaviour mixed up with supernatural elements, laying down the
-rules of what would happen, and how human beings would behave, in the
-same matter of fact way, as if ordinary events of tribal life were
-described. I shall have to comment on the psychology of these beliefs
-in the next chapter, where also the story is told. Of all the dangerous
-and frightful beings met with on a sailing expedition, the most
-unpleasant, the best known and most dreaded are the flying witches, the
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i> or <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. The former
-name means a woman endowed with such powers, whereas <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> describes the second self of the woman, as it
-flies disembodied through the air. Thus, for instance, they would say
-that such and such a woman in Wawela is a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. But
-sailing at night, one would have to be on the look out for <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>, among whom might possibly be the double of that
-woman in Wawela. Very often, especially at moments when the speaker
-would be under the influence of fear of these beings, the deprecating
-euphemism&mdash;&lsquo;<i lang="kij">vivila</i>&rsquo; (women) would be
-used. And probably our Boyowan mariners would speak of them thus in
-their talk round the campfire, for fear of attracting them by sounding
-their real name. Dangerous as they always are, at sea they become
-infinitely more dreaded. For the belief is deep that in case of
-shipwreck or mishap at sea, no real evil can befall the crows except by
-the agency of the dreaded women.</p>
-<p>As through their connection with shipwreck, they enter inevitably
-into our narrative, it will be better to leave our Kula expedition on
-the beach of Yakum in the midst of Pilolu, and to turn in the next
-chapter to Kiriwinian ethnography and give there an account of the
-natives&rsquo; belief in the flying witches and their legend of
-shipwreck. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb237" href="#pb237" name=
-"pb237">237</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e7640" href="#xd26e7640src" name="xd26e7640">1</a></span> The word
-<i lang="kij">tabu</i>, in the meaning of
-taboo&mdash;prohibition&mdash;is used in its verbal form in the
-language of the Trobriands, but not very often. The noun
-&ldquo;prohibition,&rdquo; &ldquo;sacred thing,&rdquo; is always
-<i lang="kij">bomala</i>, used with suffixed personal
-pronouns.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e7640src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e7964" href="#xd26e7964src" name="xd26e7964">2</a></span> At a
-later date, I hope to work out certain historical hypotheses with
-regard to migrations and cultural strata in Eastern New Guinea. A
-considerable number of independent indices seem to corroborate certain
-simple hypotheses as to the stratification of the various cultural
-elements.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e7964src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e8043" href="#xd26e8043src" name="xd26e8043">3</a></span> The word
-vineylida suggests the former belief, as <i lang=
-"kij">vine</i>&mdash;female, <i lang="kij">lida</i>&mdash;coral
-stone.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e8043src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch10" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e642">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter X</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Story of Shipwreck</h2>
-<div id="div10.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In this chapter an account will be given of the ideas
-and beliefs associated with shipwreck, and of the various precautions
-which the natives take to insure their own safety. We shall find here a
-strange mixture of definite, matter of fact information, and of
-fantastic superstitions. Taking a critical, ethnographic side view, it
-may be said directly that the fanciful elements are intertwined with
-the realities in such a manner, that it is difficult to make a
-distinction between what is mere mytho-poetic fiction and what is a
-customary rule of behaviour, drawn from actual experience. The best way
-of presenting this material will be to give a consecutive account of a
-shipwreck, as it is told in Kiriwinian villages by the travelled old
-men to the younger generation. I shall adduce in it the several magical
-formul&aelig;, the rules of behaviour, the part played by the
-miraculous fish, and the complex ritual of the saved party as they flee
-from the pursuing <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>.</p>
-<p>These&mdash;the flying witches&mdash;will play such an important
-part in the account, that I must begin with a detailed description of
-the various beliefs referring to them, though the subject has been
-touched upon once or twice before (<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II,
-Division VII</a>, and other places). The sea and sailing upon it are
-intimately associated in the mind of a Boyowan with these women. They
-had to be mentioned in the description of canoe magic, and we shall see
-what an important part they play in the legends of canoe building. In
-his sailing, whether he goes to Kitava or further East, or whether he
-travels South to the Amphletts and Dobu, they form one of the main
-preoccupations of a Boyowan sailor. For they are not only dangerous to
-him, but to a certain extent, foreign. Boyowa, with the exception of
-Wawela and one or two other villages on the Eastern coast, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb238" href="#pb238" name="pb238">238</a>]</span>and
-in the South of the island, is an ethnographic district, where the
-flying witches do not exist, although they visit it from time to time.
-Whereas all the surrounding tribes are full of women who practice this
-form of sorcery. Thus sailing South, the Boyowan is travelling straight
-into the heart of their domain.</p>
-<p>These women have the power of making themselves invisible, and
-flying at night through the air. The orthodox belief is that a woman
-who is a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> can send forth a double which is
-invisible at will, but may appear in the form of a flying fox or of a
-night bird or a firefly. There is also a belief that a <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i> develops within her a something, shaped like an egg,
-or like a young, unripe coco-nut. This something is called as a matter
-of fact <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i>, which is the word for a small
-coco-nut.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e8114src" href="#xd26e8114" name=
-"xd26e8114src">1</a> This idea remains in the native&rsquo;s mind in a
-vague, indefinite, undifferentiated form, and any attempt to elicit a
-more detailed definition by asking him such questions, as to whether
-the <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i> is a material object or not, would be to
-smuggle our own categories into his belief, where they do not exist.
-The <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i> is anyhow believed to be the something
-which in the nightly flights leaves the body of the <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i> and assumes the various forms in which the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> appears. Another variant of the belief about the
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i> is, that those who know their magic especially
-well, can fly themselves, bodily transporting themselves through the
-air.</p>
-<p>But it can never be sufficiently emphasised that all these beliefs
-cannot be treated as consistent pieces of knowledge; they flow into one
-another, and even the same native probably holds several views
-rationally inconsistent with one another. Even their terminology
-(compare the last Division of the foregoing chapter), cannot be taken
-as implying a strict distinction or definition. Thus, the word <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i> is applied to the woman as we meet her in the village,
-and the word <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> will be used when we see
-something suspicious flying through the air. But it would be incorrect
-to systematise this use into a sort of doctrine and to say: &ldquo;An
-individual woman is conceived as consisting of an actual living
-personality called <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, and of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb239" href="#pb239" name="pb239">239</a>]</span>an
-immaterial, spiritual principle called <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>,
-which in its potential form is the <i lang="kij">kapuwana</i>.&rdquo;
-In doing this we would do much what the Medi&aelig;val Scholastics did
-to the living faith of the early ages. The native feels and fears his
-belief rather than formulates it clearly to himself. He uses terms and
-expressions, and thus, as used by him, we must collect them as
-documents of belief, but abstain from working them out into a
-consistent theory; for this represents neither the native&rsquo;s mind
-nor any other form of reality.</p>
-<p>As we remember from <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, the flying
-witches are a nefarious agency, second in importance to the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> (male sorcerer), but in efficiency far more
-deadly even than he himself. In contrast to the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>, who is simply a man in possession of a special
-form of magic, the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> have to be gradually
-initiated into their status. Only a small child, whose mother is a
-witch, can become a witch herself. When a witch gives birth to a female
-child, she medicates a piece of obsidian, and cuts off the navel
-string. The navel string is then buried, with the recital of a magical
-formula, in the house, and not, as is done in all ordinary cases, in
-the garden. Soon after, the witch will carry her daughter to the sea
-beach, utter a spell over some brine in a coco-nut cup, and give the
-child to drink. After that, the child is submerged in water and washed,
-a kind of witch&rsquo;s baptism! Then she brings back the baby into the
-house, utters a spell over a mat, and folds her up in it. At night, she
-carries the baby through the air, and goes to a trysting place of other
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, where she presents her child ritually to
-them. In contrast to the usual custom of young mothers of sleeping over
-a small fire, a sorceress lies with her baby in the cold. As the child
-grows up, the mother will take it into her arms and carry it through
-the air on her nightly rounds. Entering girlhood at the age when the
-first grass skirt is put on a maiden, the little prospective witch will
-begin to fly herself.</p>
-<p>Another system of training, running side by side with flying,
-consists in accustoming the child to participation in human flesh. Even
-before the growing witch will begin to fly on her own account, the
-mother will take her to the ghoulish repasts, where she and other
-witches sit over a corpse, eating its eyes, tongue, lungs, and
-entrails. There the little girl receives her first share of corpse
-flesh, and trains her taste to like this diet. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb240" href="#pb240" name="pb240">240</a>]</span></p>
-<p>There are other forms of training ascribed to mothers solicitous
-that their daughters should grow up into efficient <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i> and <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. At night the mother
-will stand on one side of the hut, with the child in her hands, and
-throw the little one over the roof. Then quickly, with the speed only
-possible to a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, she will move round, and catch
-the child on the other side. This happens before the child begins to
-fly, and is meant to accustom it to passing rapidly through the air. Or
-again, the child will be held by her feet, head down, and remain in
-this position while the mother utters a spell. Thus gradually, by all
-these means, the child acquires the powers and tastes of a <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i>.</p>
-<p>It is easy to pick out such girls from other children. They will be
-recognisable by their crude tastes, and more especially by their habit
-of eating raw flesh of pigs or uncooked fish. And here we come to a
-point, where mythical superstition plays over into something more real,
-for I have been assured by reliable informants, and those not only
-natives, that there are cases of girls who will show a craving for raw
-meat, and when a pig is being quartered in the village will drink its
-blood and tear up its flesh. These statements I never could verify by
-direct observations, and they may be only the result of very strong
-belief projecting its own realities, as we see on every side in our own
-society in miraculous cures, spiritistic phenomena, etc., etc. If,
-however, the eating of raw flesh by girl children really occurs, this
-simply means that they play up to what they know is said and believed
-about them. This again is a phenomenon of social <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e8204" title="Source: pyschology">psychology</span> met with in
-many phases of Trobriand society and in our own.</p>
-<p>This does not mean that the character of a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>
-is publicly donned. Indeed, though a man often owns up to the fact that
-he is a <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>, and treats his speciality
-quite openly in conversation, a woman will never directly confess to
-being a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, not even to her own husband. But she
-will certainly be marked by everyone as such a one, and she will often
-play up to the r&ocirc;le, for it is always an advantage to be supposed
-to be endowed with supernatural powers. And moreover, being a sorceress
-is also a good source of income. A woman will often receive presents
-with the understanding that such and such a person has to be injured.
-She will openly take gifts, avowedly in payment for healing someone who
-has been hurt by <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb241" href="#pb241"
-name="pb241">241</a>]</span>another witch. Thus the character of a
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i> is, in a way, a public one, and the most
-important and powerful witches will be enumerated by name. But no woman
-will ever openly speak about being one. Of course to have such a
-character would in no way spoil matrimonial chances, or do anything but
-enhance the social status of a woman.</p>
-<p>So deep is the belief in the efficacy of magic, and in magic being
-the only means of acquiring extraordinary faculties, that all powers of
-a <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> are attributed to magic. As we saw in the
-training of a young <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, magic has to be spoken at
-every stage in order to impart to her the character of a witch. A full
-blown <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> has to utter special magic each time she
-wishes to be invisible, or when she wants to fly, or acquire higher
-speed, or penetrate darkness and distance in order to find out whether
-an accident is happening there. But like everything referring to this
-form of witchcraft, these formul&aelig; never come to light. Although I
-was able to acquire a whole body of spells of the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> sorcery, I could not even lift the fringe of
-the impenetrable veil, surrounding the magic of the <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i>. As a matter of fact, there is not the slightest doubt
-for me that not one single rite, not one single word of this magic,
-have ever existed.</p>
-<p>Once a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> is fully trained in her craft,
-she will often go at night to feed on corpses or to destroy shipwrecked
-mariners, for these are her two main pursuits. By a special sense,
-acquired through magic, she can &lsquo;hear,&rsquo; as the natives say,
-that a man has died at such and such a place, or that a canoe is in
-danger. Even a young apprenticed <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> will have her
-hearing so sharpened that she will tell her mother: &ldquo;Mother, I
-hear, they cry!&rdquo; Which means that a man is dead or dying at some
-place. Or she will say: &ldquo;Mother, a <i lang="kij">waga</i> is
-sinking!&rdquo; And then they both will fly to the spot.</p>
-<p>When she goes out on such an errand, the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>
-leaves her body behind. Then she climbs a tree, and reciting some
-magic, she ties a creeper to it. Then, she flies off, along this
-creeper, which snaps behind her. This is the moment when we see the
-fire flying through the sky. Whenever the natives see a falling star,
-they know it is a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> on her flight. Another
-version is that, when a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> recites a certain
-spell, a tree which stands somewhere near her destination bends down
-towards the other tree on which she is perched. She jumps from one top
-to the other, and it is then that we see the fire. According
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb242" href="#pb242" name=
-"pb242">242</a>]</span>to some versions, the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>, that is, the witch in her flying state, moves
-about naked, leaving her skirt round the body, which remains asleep in
-the hut. Other versions depict her as tying her skirt tightly round her
-when flying, and beating her buttocks with a magical pandanus streamer.
-These latter versions are embodied in the magic quoted above in
-<a href="#ch5">Chapter V</a>.</p>
-<p>Arrived at the place where lies the corpse, the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>, with others who have also flown to the spot,
-perches on some high object, the top of a tree or the gable of a hut.
-There they all wait till they can feast on the corpse, and such is
-their greed and appetite that they are also very dangerous to living
-men. People who collect round the dead body to mourn and wake over it
-often have a special spell against the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-recited over them, by the one who knows it. They are careful not to
-stray away from the others, and, during burial of the dead and
-afterwards, they believe the air to be infested with these dangerous
-witches, who spread the smell of carrion around them.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> will eat out the eyes, the tongue,
-and the &lsquo;insides&rsquo; (<i lang="kij">lopoula</i>) of the
-corpse; when they attack a living man they may simply hit him or kick
-him, and then he becomes more or less sick. But sometimes they get hold
-of an individual and treat him like a corpse and eat some of his
-organs, and then the man dies. It is possible to diagnose this, for
-such a person would quickly fail, losing his speech, his vision,
-sometimes suddenly being bereft of all power of movement. It is a less
-dangerous method to the living man when the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> instead of eating his &lsquo;insides&rsquo; on the
-spot, simply remove them. They hide them in a place only known to
-themselves, in order to have provision for a future feast. In that case
-there is some hope for the victim. Another <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>,
-summoned quickly by the relations of the dying and well paid by them,
-will, in the form of a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, go forth, search
-for the missing organs, and, if she is fortunate enough to find and
-restore them, save the life of the victim.</p>
-<p>Kenoriya, the favourite daughter of To&rsquo;ulawa, the chief of
-Omarakana, while on a visit to another village, was deprived of her
-internal organs by the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. When brought home,
-she could neither move nor speak, and lay down as if dead. Her mother
-and other relatives already began their mortuary wailing over her, the
-chief himself broke out into loud lamentations. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb243" href="#pb243" name="pb243">243</a>]</span>But
-nevertheless, as a forlorn hope, they sent for a woman from Wawela, a
-well-known <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, who after receiving valuables and
-food, flew out as a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and the very next
-night found Kenoriya&rsquo;s insides somewhere in the <i lang=
-"kij">raybwag</i>, near the beach of Kaulukuba, and restored her to
-health.</p>
-<p>Another authentic story is that of the daughter of a Greek trader
-and a Kiriwinian woman from Oburaku. This story was told me by the lady
-herself, in perfectly correct English, learnt in one of the white
-settlements of New Guinea, where she had been brought up in the house
-of a leading missionary. But the story was not spoilt by any
-scepticism; it was told with perfect simplicity and conviction.</p>
-<p>When she was a little girl, a woman called Sewawela, from the Island
-of Kitava, but married to a man of Wawela, came to her parents&rsquo;
-house and wanted to sell a mat. They did not buy it, and gave her only
-a little food, which, as she was a renowned <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>
-and accustomed therefore to deferential treatment, made her angry. When
-night came, the little one was playing on the beach in front of the
-house, when the parents saw a big firefly hovering about the child. The
-insect then flew round the parents and went into the room. Seeing that
-there was something strange about the firefly, they called the girl and
-put her to bed at once. But she fell ill immediately, could not sleep
-all night, and the parents, with many native attendants, had to keep
-watch over her. Next morning, added the Kiriwinian mother, who was
-listening to her daughter telling me the tale, the girl &ldquo;<i lang=
-"kij">boge ikarige; kukula wala ipipisi</i>,&rdquo; &ldquo;she was dead
-already, but her heart was still beating.&rdquo; All the women present
-broke out into the ceremonial lamentations. The father of the
-girl&rsquo;s mother, however, went to Wawela, and got hold of another
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>, called Bomrimwari. She took some herbs and
-smeared her own body all over. Then she went out in the form of a
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> in search of the girl&rsquo;s <i lang=
-"kij">lopoulo</i> (inside). She searched about and found it in the hut
-of Sewawela, where it lay on the shelf on which are kept the big
-clay-pots, in which the <i lang="kij">mona</i> (taro pudding), is
-cooked ceremonially. There it lay &ldquo;red as calico.&rdquo; Sewawela
-had left it there, while she went into the garden with her husband,
-meaning to eat it on her return. Had this happened, the girl could not
-have been saved. As soon as Bomrimwari found it, she made some magic
-over it then and there. Then she came <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb244" href="#pb244" name="pb244">244</a>]</span>back to the
-trader&rsquo;s compound, made some more magic over ginger-root, and
-water, and caused the <i lang="kij">lopoulo</i> to return to its place.
-After that, the little girl soon got better. A substantial payment was
-given by the parents to the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> for saving their
-child.</p>
-<p>Living in Oburaku, a village on the Southern half of Boyowa, I was
-on the boundary between the district where the <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>
-do not exist, and the other one, to the East, where they are plentiful.
-On the other side of the Island, which is very narrow at this part, is
-the village of Wawela, where almost every woman is reputed to be a
-witch, and some are quite notorious. Going over the <i lang=
-"kij">raybwag</i> at night, the natives of Oburaku would point out
-certain fireflies which would suddenly disappear, not to relight again.
-These were the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. Again, at night, swarms of
-flying foxes used to flap over the tall trees, making for the big,
-swampy Island of Boymapo&rsquo;u which closes in the Lagoon opposite
-the village. These too were <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, travelling
-from the East, their real home. They also used to perch on the tops of
-the trees growing on the water&rsquo;s edge, and this was therefore an
-especially dangerous spot after sunset. I was often warned not to sit
-there on the platforms of the beached canoes, as I liked to do,
-watching the play of colours on the smooth, muddy waters, and on the
-bright mangroves. When I fell ill soon after, everybody decided that I
-had been &lsquo;kicked&rsquo; by the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and
-some magic was performed over me by my friend Molilakwa, the same who
-gave me some formul&aelig; of <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, the
-magic spoken at sea against witches. In this case his efforts were
-entirely successful, and my quick recovery was attributed by the
-natives solely to the spells.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div10.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">What interests us most about <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>, is their association with the sea and shipwreck.
-Very often they will roam over the sea, and meet at a trysting place on
-a reef. There they will partake of a special kind of coral, broken off
-from a reef, a kind called by the natives <i lang="kij">nada</i>. This
-whets their appetite for human flesh, exactly as the drinking of salt
-water does with the <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>. They have also
-some indirect power over the elements in the sea. Although the natives
-do not quite agree on the point, there is no doubt that a definite
-connection <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb245" href="#pb245" name=
-"pb245">245</a>]</span>exists between the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-and all the other dangers which may be met in the sea, such as sharks,
-the &lsquo;gaping depth&rsquo; (<i lang="kij">ikapwagega wiwitu</i>),
-many of the small sea animals, crabs, some of the shells and the other
-things to be mentioned presently, all of which are considered to be the
-cause of death of drowning men. Thus the belief is quite definite that,
-in being cast into the water by the shipwreck, men do not meet any real
-danger except by being eaten by the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, the
-sharks, and the other animals. If by the proper magic these influences
-can be obviated, the drowning men will escape unscathed. The belief in
-the omnipotence of man, or rather, woman in this case, and of the equal
-power in antidoting by magic, governs all the ideas of these natives
-about shipwreck. The supreme remedy and insurance against any dangers
-lies in the magic of mist, called <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>,
-which, side by side with Kula magic, and the magic of the canoes, is
-the third of the indispensable magical equipments of a sailor.</p>
-<p>A man who knows well the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> is
-considered to be able to travel safely through the most dangerous seas.
-A renowned chief, Maniyuwa, who was reputed as one of the greatest
-masters in <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> as well as in other magic,
-died in Dobu on an expedition about two generations ago. His son,
-Maradiana, had learnt his father&rsquo;s <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>. Although the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are
-extremely dangerous in the presence of a corpse, and though the natives
-would never dream of putting a dead body on a canoe, and thus
-multiplying the probabilities of an attack by the witches, still,
-Maradiana, trusting to his <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, brought the
-corpse back to Boyowa without mishap. This act, a testimony to the
-daring sailor&rsquo;s great prowess, and to the efficiency of the
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> magic, is kept alive in the memory and
-tradition of the natives. One of my informants, boasting of his
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, told me how once, on a return from
-Dobu, he performed his rites. Such a mist arose as a consequence of it
-that the rest of the canoes lost their way, and arrived in the island
-of Kayleula. Indeed, if we can speak of a belief being alive, that is,
-of having a strong hold over human imagination, the belief in the
-danger from <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> at sea is emphatically such a
-one. In times of mental stress, in times of the slightest danger at
-sea, or when a dying or dead person is near, the natives at once
-respond emotionally in terms of this belief. No one could live among
-these natives, speaking their language, and following their
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb246" href="#pb246" name=
-"pb246">246</a>]</span>tribal life, without constantly coming up
-against the belief in <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and in the
-efficiency of the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>.</p>
-<p>As in all other magic, also here, there are various systems of
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, that is, there are various
-formul&aelig;, slightly differing in their expressions, though usually
-similar in their fundamental wordings and in certain &lsquo;key&rsquo;
-expressions. In each system, there are two main types of spells, the
-<i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i>, or the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> of
-the Underneath, and the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, or the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> of the Above. The first one usually consists of
-a short formula or formul&aelig; spoken over some stones and some lime
-in a lime pot and over some ginger root. This <i lang=
-"kij">giyotanawa</i>, as its name indicates, is magic directed against
-the evil agencies, awaiting the drowning men from below. Its spells
-close up &lsquo;the gaping depth&rsquo; and they screen off the
-shipwrecked men from the eyes of the sharks. They also protect them
-from the other evil things, which cause the death of a man in drowning.
-The several little sea worms found on the beach, the crabs, the
-poisonous fish, <i lang="kij">soka</i>, and the spiky fish, <i lang=
-"kij">baiba&rsquo;i</i>, as well as the jumping stones, whether
-<i lang="kij">vineylida</i> or <i lang="kij">nu&rsquo;akekepaki</i>,
-are all warded off and blinded by the <i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i>.
-Perhaps the most extraordinary belief in this connection is that the
-<i lang="kij">tokwalu</i>, the carved human figures on the prow boards,
-the <i lang="kij">guwaya</i>, the semi-human effigy on the mast top, as
-well as the canoe ribs would &lsquo;eat&rsquo; the drowning men if not
-magically &lsquo;treated.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> of the &lsquo;Above,&rsquo; the
-<i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, consists of long spells, recited over
-some ginger root, on several occasions before sailing, and during bad
-weather or shipwreck. They are directed exclusively against the
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and form therefore the more important
-class of the two. These spells must never be recited at night, as then
-the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> could see and hear the man, and make
-his magic inefficient. Again, the spell of the Above, when recited at
-sea, must be spoken so that the magician is not covered with spray, for
-if his mouth were wet with sea water, the smell would attract rather
-than disperse, the flying witches. The man who knows the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> must also be very careful at meal times.
-Children may not speak, play about, or make any noise while he eats,
-nor should anyone go round him behind his back while he is thus
-engaged; normay they point out anything with the finger. Should the man
-be thus disturbed during his food, he would have to stop eating at
-once, and not resume it till the next meal time. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb247" href="#pb247" name="pb247">247</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Now the leading idea of <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> is that it
-produces some sort of mist. The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> who follow
-the canoe, the sharks and live stones which lie in wait for it, the
-depth with all its horror, and the <i lang="fr">d&eacute;bris</i> of
-the canoe ready to harm the owner, all these are blinded by the mist
-that arises in obedience to these spells. Thus the paralysing effect of
-these two main forms of magic and the specialised sphere of influence
-of each of them, are definite and clear dogmas of native belief.</p>
-<p>But here again we must not try to press the interpretation of these
-dogmas too far. Some sort of mist covers the eyes of all the evil
-agencies or blinds them; it makes the natives invisible from them. But
-to ask whether the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> produces a real
-mist, visible also to man, or only a supernatural one, visible only to
-the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>; or whether it simply blinds their
-eyes so that they see nothing, would be asking too much. The same
-native who will boast of having produced a real mist, so great that it
-led astray his companions, will next day perform the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> in the village during a burial, and affirm that
-the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are in a mist, though obviously a
-perfectly clear atmosphere surrounds the whole proceedings. The natives
-will tell how, sailing on a windy but clear day, after a <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> has been recited into the eye of the wind, they
-hear the shrieks of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, who, losing their
-companions and the scent of the trail, hail one another in the dark.
-Again, some expressions seem to represent the view that it is mainly an
-action on the eyes of the witches. &lsquo;<i lang="kij">Idudubila
-matala mulukwausi</i>,&rsquo;&mdash;&lsquo;It darkens the eyes of the
-mulukwausi,&rsquo; or &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">iguyugwayu</i>&rsquo;&mdash;&lsquo;It blinds,&rsquo; the natives
-will say. And when asked:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;What do the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> see,
-then?&rdquo; they will answer: &ldquo;They will see mist only. They do
-not see the places, they do not see the men, only mist.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Thus here, as in all cases of belief, there is a certain latitude,
-within which the opinions and views may vary, and only the broad
-outline, which surrounds them, is definitely fixed by tradition,
-embodied in ritual, and expressed by the phraseology of magical
-formul&aelig; or by the statements of a myth.</p>
-<p>I have thus defined the manner in which the natives face the dangers
-of the sea; we have found, that the fundamental conceptions underlying
-this attitude are, that in shipwreck, men are entirely in the hands of
-the witches, and that from <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb248" href=
-"#pb248" name="pb248">248</a>]</span>this, only their own magical
-defence can save them. This defence consists in the rites and
-formul&aelig; of the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, of which we have
-also learnt the leading principles. Now, a consecutive description must
-be given of how this magic is performed when a <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> sets out on an expedition. And following up this
-expedition, it must be told how the natives imagine a shipwreck, and
-what they believe the behaviour of the shipwrecked party would be.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div10.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I shall give this narrative in a consecutive manner,
-as it was told to me by some of the most experienced and renowned
-Trobriand sailors in Sinaketa, Oburaku, and Omarakana. We can imagine
-that exactly such a narrative would be told by a veteran <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> to his <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> on the beach of
-Yakum, as our Kula party sit round the camp fires at night. One of the
-old men, well-known for the excellence of his <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, and boastful of it, would tell his story,
-entering minutely into all the details, however often the others might
-have heard about them before, or even assisted at the performance of
-his magic. He would then proceed to describe, with extreme realism, and
-dwelling graphically on every point, the story of a shipwreck, very
-much as if he had gone through one himself. As a matter of fact, no one
-alive at present has had any personal experience of such a catastrophe,
-though many have lived through frequent narrow escapes in stormy
-weather. Based on this, and on what they have heard themselves of the
-tradition of shipwrecks, natives will tell the story with
-characteristic vividness. Thus, the account given below is not only a
-summary of native belief, it is an ethnographic document in itself,
-representing the manner in which such type of narrative would be told
-over camp fires, the same subject being over and over again repeated by
-the same man, and listened to by the same audience, exactly as we, when
-children, or the peasants of Eastern Europe, will hearken to familiar
-fairy tales and M&auml;rchen. The only deviation here from what would
-actually take place in such a story-telling, is the insertion of
-magical formul&aelig; into the narrative. The speaker might indeed
-repeat his magic, were he speaking in broad daylight, in his village,
-to a group of close kinsmen and friends. But being on a small island in
-the middle of the ocean, and at night, the recital of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb249" href="#pb249" name=
-"pb249">249</a>]</span>spells would be a taboo of the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>; nor would a man ever recite his magic before a
-numerous audience, except on certain occasions at mortuary vigils,
-where people are expected to chant their magic aloud before hundreds of
-listeners.</p>
-<p>Returning then again to our group of sailors, who sit under the
-stunted pandanus trees of Yakum, let us listen to one of the companions
-of the daring Maradiana, now dead, to one of the descendants of the
-great Maniyuwa. He will tell us how, early in the morning, on the day
-of departure from Sinaketa, or sometimes on the next morning, when they
-leave Muwa, he performs the first rite of <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>. Wrapping up a piece of <i lang="kij">leyya</i>
-(wild ginger root) in a bit of dried banana leaf, he chants over it the
-long spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> of the Above. He chants this spell into the
-leaf, holding it cup-shaped, with the morsel of ginger root at the
-bottom, so that the spell might enter into the substance to be
-medicated. After that, the leaf is immediately wrapped round, so as to
-imprison the magical virtue, and the magician ties the parcel round his
-left arm, with a piece of bast or string. Sometimes he will medicate
-two bits of ginger and make two parcels, of which the other will be
-placed in a string necklet, and carried on his breast. Our narrator,
-who is the master of one of the canoes, will probably not be the only
-one within the circle round the camp fire, who carries these bundles of
-medicated ginger; for though a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> must always
-perform this rite as well as know all the other magic of shipwreck, as
-a rule several of the older members of his crew also know it, and have
-also prepared their magical bundles.</p>
-<p>This is one of the spells of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, such
-as the old man said over the ginger root:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Giyorokaywa No. 1 (Leyya Kayga&rsquo;u).</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I will befog Muyuwa!&rdquo; (repeated).
-&ldquo;I will befog Misima!&rdquo; (repeated). &ldquo;The mist springs
-up; the mist makes them tremble. I befog the front, I shut off the
-rear; I befog the rear, I shut off the front. I fill with mist, mist
-springs up; I fill with mist, the mist which makes them
-tremble.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This is the opening part of the formula, very clear, and easy to be
-translated. The mist is magically invoked, the word for mist being
-repeated with several verbal combinations, in a rhythmic and
-alliterative manner. The <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb250" href=
-"#pb250" name="pb250">250</a>]</span>expression tremble, <i lang=
-"kij">maysisi</i>, refers to a peculiar belief, that when a sorcerer or
-sorceress approaches the victim, and this man paralyses them with a
-counter spell, they lose their bearings, and stand there trembling.</p>
-<p>The main part of this spell opens up with the word &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">aga&rsquo;u</i>,&rsquo; &lsquo;I befog,&rsquo; which, like all
-such leading words of a spell is first of all intoned in a long,
-drawn-out chant, and then quickly repeated with a series of words. Then
-the word &lsquo;<i lang="kij">aga&rsquo;u</i>&rsquo; is replaced by
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">aga&rsquo;u sulu</i>,&rsquo; &lsquo;I befog, lead
-astray,&rsquo; which in its turn makes way for, &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">aga&rsquo;u boda</i>,&rsquo; &lsquo;I befog, shut off.&rsquo; The
-list of words repeated in succession with each of these three
-expressions is a long one. It is headed by the words &lsquo;the eyes of
-the witches.&rsquo; Then, &lsquo;the eyes of the sea-crab.&rsquo; Then,
-always with the word &lsquo;eyes,&rsquo; the animals, worms and insects
-which threaten drowning men in the sea, are enumerated. After they are
-exhausted, the various parts of the body are repeated; then finally, a
-long list of villages is recited, preceded by the word <i lang=
-"kij">aga&rsquo;u</i>, forming phrases such as: &ldquo;I befog the eyes
-of the women of Wawela, etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Let us reconstruct a piece of this middle part in a consecutive
-manner. &ldquo;I befog &hellip;! I befog, I befog, the eyes of the
-witches! I befog the eyes of the little crabs! I befog the eyes of the
-hermit crab! I befog the eyes of the insects on the beach! &hellip;
-etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I befog the hand, I befog the foot, I befog the head. I befog
-the shoulders &hellip; etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I befog the eyes of the women of Wawela; I befog the eyes of
-the women of Kaulasi; I befog the eyes of the women of Kumilabwaga, I
-befog the eyes of the women of Vakuta &hellip; etc., etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I befog, lead astray, the eyes of the witches; I befog, lead
-astray the eyes of the little crab! &hellip; etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I befog, shut off the eyes of the witches, I befog, shut off
-the eyes of the little crab &hellip; etc., etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>It can easily be seen how long drawn such a spell is, especially as
-in this middle part, the magician will often come back to where he has
-started, and repeat the leading word over and over again with the
-others. Indeed, this can be taken as a typical <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>, or middle part, of a long spell, where the leading
-words are, so to speak, well rubbed into the various other expressions.
-One feature of this middle part is remarkable, namely, that the beings
-from below, the crabs, the sea insects and worms are invoked, although
-the spell is one of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> type, the magic
-of the Above. This is an inconsistency <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb251" href="#pb251" name="pb251">251</a>]</span>frequently met with;
-a contradiction between the ideas embodied in the spell, and the theory
-of the magic, as explicitly formulated by the informants. The parts of
-the body enumerated in the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> refer to the
-magician&rsquo;s own person, and to his companions in the canoe. By
-this part of the spell, he surrounds himself and all his companions
-with mist, which makes them invisible to all the evil influences.</p>
-<p>After the long <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> has been recited, there
-follows the last part, which, however, is not chanted in this case, but
-spoken in a low, persuasive, tender voice.</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I hit thy flanks; I fold over thy mat, thy bleached mat of
-pandanus; I shall make it into thy mantle. I take thy sleeping <i lang=
-"kij">doba</i> (grass skirt), I cover thy loins; remain there, snore
-within thy house! I alone myself&rdquo; (here the reciter&rsquo;s name
-is uttered) &ldquo;I shall remain in the sea, I shall swim!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This last part throws some interesting sidelights on native belief
-in <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. We see here the expression of the idea
-that the body of the witch remains in the house, whilst she herself
-goes out on her nefarious errand. Molilakwa, the magician of Oburaku
-who gave me this spell, said in commentary to this last part:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The <i lang="kij">yoyova</i> casts off her body
-(<i lang="kij">inini wowola</i>&mdash;which really means &lsquo;peals
-off her skin&rsquo;); she lies down and sleeps, we hear her snoring.
-Her covering (<i lang="kij">kapwalela</i> that is, her outward body,
-her skin) remains in the house, and she herself flies (<i lang=
-"kij">titolela biyova</i>). Her skirt remains in the house, she flies
-naked. When she meets men, she eats us. In the morning, she puts on her
-body, and lies down in her hut. When we cover her loins with the
-<i lang="kij">doba</i>, she cannot fly any more.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This last sentence refers to the magical act of covering, as
-expressed in the last part of the spell.</p>
-<p>Here we find another variant of belief as to the nature of the
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, to be added to those mentioned before.
-Previously we met the belief of the disassociation of the woman into
-the part that remains, and the part that flies. But here the real
-personality is located in the flying part, whereas what remains is the
-&lsquo;covering.&rsquo; To imagine the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>,
-the flying part, as a &lsquo;sending,&rsquo; in the light of this
-belief, would not be correct. In general, such categories as
-&lsquo;agent,&rsquo; and &lsquo;sending,&rsquo; or as <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb252" href="#pb252" name=
-"pb252">252</a>]</span>&lsquo;real self&rsquo; and
-&lsquo;emanation&rsquo; etc., etc., can be applied to native belief as
-rough approximations only, and the exact definition should be given in
-terms of native statement.</p>
-<p>The final sentence of this spell, containing the wish to remain
-alone in the sea, to be allowed to swim and drift, is a testimony to
-the belief that without <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, there is no
-danger to a man adrift on a piece of wreckage among the foaming waves
-of a stormy sea.</p>
-<p>After reciting this lengthy spell, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>,
-as he tells us in his narrative, has had to perform another rite, this
-time, over his lime-pot. Taking out the stopper of rolled palm leaf and
-plaited fibre from the baked and decorated gourd in which he keeps his
-lime, he utters another spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>
-cycle:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Giyorokaywa No. 2 (Pwaka Kayga&rsquo;u).</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;There on Muruwa, I arise, I stand up! Iwa,
-Sewatupa, at the head&mdash;I rumble, I disperse. Kasabwaybwayreta,
-Namedili, Toburitolu, Tobwebweso, Tauva&rsquo;u, Bo&rsquo;abwa&rsquo;u,
-Rasarasa. They are lost, they disappear.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This beginning, full of archaic expressions, implicit meanings and
-allusions and personal names, is very obscure. The first words refer
-probably to the head-quarters of sorcery; Muruwa (or
-Murua&mdash;Woodlark Island), Iwa, Sewatupa. The long list of personal
-names following afterwards contains some mythical ones, like
-Kasabwaybwayreta, and some others, which I cannot explain, though the
-words Tobwebweso, Tauva&rsquo;u, and Bo&rsquo;abwa&rsquo;u suggest that
-this is a list in which some sorcerers&rsquo; names figure. As a rule,
-in such spells, a list of names signifies that all those who have used
-and handed down this formula, are enumerated. In some cases the people
-mentioned are frankly mythical heroes. Sometimes a few mythical names
-are chanted, and then comes a string of actual people, forming a sort
-of pedigree of the spell. If these in this spell are ancestor names
-they all refer to mythical personalities, and not to real
-ancestors.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e8721src" href="#xd26e8721" name=
-"xd26e8721src">2</a> The last words contained an expression typical of
-the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>. Then comes the middle part.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb253" href="#pb253" name=
-"pb253">253</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;I arise, I escape from <i lang="kij">bara&rsquo;u</i>; I
-arise, I escape from <i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. I arise, I escape from
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. I arise, I escape from <i lang=
-"kij">bowo&rsquo;u</i>, etc.,&rdquo; repeating the leading words
-&ldquo;I arise, I escape from&mdash;&rdquo; with the words used to
-describe the flying witches in the various surrounding districts. Thus
-the word <i lang="kij">bara&rsquo;u</i> comes from Muyuwa (Woodlark
-Island), where it describes the sorceress, and not, as in other Massim
-districts, a male sorcerer. The words <i lang="kij">yoyova,
-mulukwausi</i> need no explanation. <i lang="kij">Bowo&rsquo;u</i> is
-an Amphlettan word. Words from Dobu, Tubetube, etc., follow. Then the
-whole period is repeated, adding &lsquo;eyes of&rsquo; in the middle of
-each phrase, so that it runs:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I arise, I escape from the eyes of the <i lang=
-"kij">bara&rsquo;u</i>. I arise, I escape from the eyes of the <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i>, etc.&rdquo; The leading words, &lsquo;I arise, I
-escape from&rsquo; are then replaced by<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e8760" title="Not in source">:</span> &lsquo;They wander
-astray,&rsquo; which, again, make way to &lsquo;the sea is cleared
-off.&rsquo; This whole middle part of the spell is clear, and needs no
-commentary. Then comes the concluding period (<i lang=
-"kij">dogina</i>):</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I am a <i lang="kij">manuderi</i> (small bird), I am a
-<i lang="kij">kidikidi</i> (small sea bird), I am a floating log, I am
-a piece of sea-weed; I shall produce mist till it encloses all, I shall
-befog, I shall shut off with fog. Mist, enveloped in mist, dissolving
-in mist am I. Clear is the sea, (the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are)
-straying in mist.&rdquo; This part also needs no special
-commentary.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This is again a long spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>
-type, that is, directed against the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and
-in this the spell is consistent, for the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-alone are invoked in the middle period.</p>
-<p>After the spell has been chanted into the lime pot, this is well
-stoppered, and not opened till the end of the journey. It must be noted
-that these two <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> spells have been spoken by
-our <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> in the village or on Muwa beach, and in
-day time. For, as said above, it is a taboo to utter them in the night
-or at sea. From the moment he has spoken these two spells, both
-medicated substances, the ginger root and the lime in the lime pot,
-remain near him. He has also in the canoe some stones of those brought
-from the Koya, and called <i lang="kij">binabina</i>, in distinction to
-the dead coral, which is called <i lang="kij">dakuna</i>. Over these
-stones, at the moment of the occurrence of danger, a spell of the
-Underneath, a <i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i> will be recited. The
-following is a formula of this type, short as they always are.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb254" href="#pb254" name=
-"pb254">254</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Giyotanawa No. 1 (Dakuna Kayga&rsquo;u).</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Man, bachelor, woman, young girl; woman, young
-girl, man, bachelor! Traces, traces obliterated by cobwebs; traces,
-obliterated by turning up (the material in which they were left); I
-press, I close down! Sharks of Dukutabuya, I press, I close down;
-Sharks of Kaduwaga, I press, I close down,&rdquo; etc., the sharks of
-Muwa, Galeya, Bonari, and Kaulokoki being invoked in turn. All these
-words are names of marked parts of the sea, in and around the Trobriand
-Lagoon. The formula ends up with the following peroration: &ldquo;I
-press down thy neck, I open up thy passage of Kiyawa, I kick thee down,
-O shark. Duck down under water, shark. Die, shark, die away.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The commentary to the opening sentences given by my informant,
-Molilakwa of Oburaku, was:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;This magic is taught to people when they are
-quite young. Hence the mention of young people.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The obliterating of traces will be made clearer by the account which
-follows, in which we shall see that to obliterate traces, to put off
-the scent the shark and <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are the main
-concerns of the shipwrecked party. The middle part refers to sharks
-only, and so does the peroration. The passage of Kiyawa near Tuma is
-mentioned in several types of magical exorcisms, when the evil
-influence is being banished. This passage lies between the main island
-and the island of Tuma, and leads into the unknown regions of the
-North-Western seas.</p>
-<p>It will be best to quote here another formula of the <i lang=
-"kij">giyotanawa</i> type, and a very dramatic one. For this is the
-formula spoken at the critical moment of shipwreck. At the moment when
-the sailors decide to abandon the craft and to plunge into the sea, the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> stands up in the canoe, and slowly turning
-round so as to throw his words towards all four winds, intones in a
-loud voice this spell:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Giyotanawa No. 2.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Foam, foam, breaking wave, wave! I shall enter
-into the breaking wave, I shall come out from behind it. I shall enter
-from behind into the wave, and I shall come out in its breaking
-foam!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Mist, gathering mist, encircling mist, surround, surround
-me!&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb255" href="#pb255" name=
-"pb255">255</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;Mist, gathering mist, encircling mist, surround, surround me,
-my mast!</p>
-<p>Mist, gathering mist, etc. &hellip; surround me, the nose of my
-canoe.</p>
-<p>Mist, etc. &hellip; surround me, my sail,</p>
-<p>Mist, etc. &hellip; surround me, my steering oar,</p>
-<p>Mist, etc. &hellip; surround me, my rigging,</p>
-<p>Mist, etc. &hellip; surround me, my platform,&rdquo;</p>
-<p>And so on, enumerating one after the other all the parts of the
-canoe and its accessories. Then comes the final part of the spell:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shut off the skies with mist; I make the sea tremble with
-mist; I close up your mouth, sharks, <i lang="kij">bonubonu</i> (small
-worms), <i lang="kij">ginukwadewo</i> (other worms). Go underneath and
-we shall swim on top.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Little is needed as a commentary to this magic. Its beginning is
-very clear, and singularly well depicts the situation in which it is
-uttered. The end refers directly to the primary aim of the magic, to
-the warding off of the Underneath, of the dangerous animals in the sea.
-The only ambiguity refers to the middle part, where the magical leading
-words of &lsquo;enveloping by mist&rsquo; are associated with a list of
-names of the parts of the canoe. I am not certain whether this is to be
-interpreted, in the sense that the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> wants to
-surround his whole canoe with mist so that it may not be seen by the
-sharks, etc., or whether, on the contrary, just on the verge of
-abandoning his canoe, and anxious to cut himself off from its various
-parts which may turn on him and &lsquo;eat him,&rsquo; he therefore
-wants to surround each of them with mist so that it may be blinded. The
-latter interpretation fits the above-quoted belief that certain parts
-of the canoe, especially the carved human figures on the <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e8879" title="Source: prowboard">prow-board</span> and
-the mast, the ribs of the canoe, and certain other parts of its
-construction, &lsquo;eat&rsquo; the shipwrecked men. But again, in this
-spell, there are enumerated not certain parts, but every part, and that
-undoubtedly is not consistent with this belief, so the question must
-remain open.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div10.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I have anticipated some of the events of the
-consecutive narrative of shipwreck, in order to give the two last
-mentioned magical formul&aelig; first, and not to have to interrupt the
-tale of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb256" href="#pb256" name=
-"pb256">256</a>]</span>our <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, to which we now
-return. We left it at the point where, having said his first two
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> formul&aelig; over the ginger and into
-the lime pot, he embarks, keeping these two things handy, and putting
-some <i lang="kij">binabina</i> stones within his reach. From here, his
-narrative becomes more dramatic. He describes the approaching
-storm:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Narrative of Shipwreck and Salvage.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The canoe sails fast; the wind rises; big waves
-come; the wind booms, du-du-du-du&#8202;&hellip;. The sails flutter;
-the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger) rises high! All the <i lang=
-"kij">usagelu</i> crouch on the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>. I speak magic
-to calm the wind. The big spell of the Sim-sim. They know all about
-<i lang="kij">yavata</i> (North-Westerley Monsoon wind). They live in
-the eye of the <i lang="kij">yavata</i>. The wind abates not, not a
-little bit. It booms, it gains strength, it booms loud du-du-du-du-du.
-All the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> are afraid. The <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> scream, u-&uacute;, u-&uacute;, u-&uacute;, u;
-their voices are heard in the wind. With the wind they scream and come
-flying. The <i lang="kij">veva</i> (sheet rope) is torn from the hands
-of the <i lang="kij">tokabinaveva</i>. The sail flutters freely in the
-wind; it is torn away. It flies far into the sea; it falls on the
-waters. The waves break over the canoe. I stand up. I take the <i lang=
-"kij">binabina</i> stones; I recite the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>
-over them, the <i lang="kij">giyotanawa</i>, the spell of the
-Underneath. The short spell, the very strong spell. I throw the stones
-into the deep. They weigh down the sharks, the <i lang=
-"kij">vineylida</i>; they close the Gaping Depth. The fish cannot see
-us. I stand up, I take my lime pot; I break it. The lime I throw into
-the wind. It wraps us up in mist. Such a mist that no one can see us.
-The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> lose sight of us. We hear them shout
-near by. They shout u-&ucirc;, u-&ucirc;, u-&ucirc;, u. The sharks, the
-<i lang="kij">bonubonu</i>, the <i lang="kij">soka</i> do not see us;
-the water is turbid. The canoe is swamped, the water is in it. It
-drifts heavily, the waves break over us. We break the <i lang=
-"kij">vatotuwa</i>, (the sticks joining the float to the platform). The
-<i lang="kij">lamina</i> (outrigger float) is severed; we jump from the
-<i lang="kij">waga</i>; we catch hold of the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>.
-On the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> we drift. I utter the great <i lang=
-"kij">Kaytaria</i> spell; the big fish <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i>
-comes. It lifts us. It takes the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> on its back,
-and carries us. We drift, we drift, we drift.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;We approach a shore; the <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i> brings
-us there, the <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i> puts us on the shallows. I
-take a stout pole, I lift it off; I speak a spell. The <i lang=
-"kij">iraviyaka</i> turns back to the deep sea.&rdquo; <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb257" href="#pb257" name="pb257">257</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;We are all on the <i lang="kij">dayaga</i> (fringing reef).
-We stand inwater. The water is cold, we all shiver with cold. We do not
-go ashore. We are afraid of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. They
-follow us ashore. They wait for us ashore. I take a <i lang=
-"kij">dakuna</i> (piece of coral stone), I say a spell over it. I throw
-the stone on the beach; it makes a big thud; good; the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> are not there. We go ashore. Another time, I throw
-a stone, we hear nothing: <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> are on the
-beach; they catch it; we hear nothing. We remain on the <i lang=
-"kij">dayaga</i>. I take some <i lang="kij">leyya</i> (ginger). I spit
-it at the beach. I throw another stone. The <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> do not see it. It falls down; we hear it. We go
-ashore; we sit on the sand in a row. We sit in one row, one man near
-another, as on the <i lang="kij">lamina</i> (in the same order as they
-drifted on the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>). I make a charm over the comb;
-all the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> comb their hair; they tease their
-hair a long time. They are very cold; we do not make the fire. First, I
-put order on the beach; I take the piece of <i lang="kij">leyya</i>, I
-spit it over the beach. One time, when the <i lang="kij">leyya</i> is
-finished, I take some <i lang="kij">kasita</i> leaves (the beach is
-always full of these). I put them on the shore, I put a stone on them,
-uttering a spell&mdash;afterwards, we make fire. All sit round and warm
-themselves at the fire.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;At day time, we don&rsquo;t go to the village; the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> would follow us. After dark, we go. Like on the
-<i lang="kij">lamina</i>, we march in the same order, one after the
-other. I go last; I chant a spell over a <i lang="kij">libu</i> plant.
-I efface our traces. I put the <i lang="kij">libu</i> on our track; I
-put the weeds together. I make the path confused. I say a charm to the
-spider, that he might make a cobweb. I say a charm to the bush-hen,
-that she might turn up the soil.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;We go to the village. We enter the village, we pass the main
-place. No one sees us; we are in mist, we are invisible. We enter the
-house of my <i lang="kij">veyola</i> (maternal kinsman), he medicates
-some <i lang="kij">leyya</i>; he spits (magically) on all of us. The
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> smell us; they smell the salt water on our
-skins. They come to the house, the house trembles. A big wind shakes
-the house, we hear big thuds against the house. The owner of the house
-medicates the <i lang="kij">leyya</i> and spits over us; they cannot
-see us. A big fire is made in the house; plenty of smoke fills the
-house. The <i lang="kij">leyya</i> and the smoke blind their eyes. Five
-days we sit in smoke, our skin smells of smoke; our hair smells of
-smoke; the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> cannot smell us. Then I
-medicate some water and coco-nut, the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> wash
-and annoint themselves. They leave the house, they sit on the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb258" href="#pb258" name=
-"pb258">258</a>]</span><i lang="kij">kaukweda</i> (spot before the
-house). The owner of the house chases them away. &lsquo;Go, go to your
-wife;&rsquo; we all go, we return to our houses.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>I have given here a reconstruction of a native account, as I have
-often heard it told with characteristic vividness: spoken in short,
-jerky sentences, with onamatopoetic representations of sound, the
-narrative exaggerates certain features, and omits others. The
-excellency of the narrator&rsquo;s own magic, the violence of the
-elements at critical moments, he would always reiterate with monotonous
-insistence. He would diverge into some correlated subject, jump ahead,
-missing out several stages, come back, and so on, so that the whole is
-quite incoherent and unintelligible to a white listener, though the
-native audience follows its trend perfectly well. For it must be
-remembered that, when a native tells such a story, the events are
-already known to his listeners, who have grown up gradually becoming
-familiar with the narrow range of their tribal folklore. Our <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>, telling this story over again on the sandbank of
-Yakum, would dwell on such points as allowed him to boast of his
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, to describe the violence of the storm,
-to bear witness to the traditional effects of the magic.</p>
-<p>It is necessary for an Ethnographer to listen several times to such
-a narrative, in order to have a fair chance of forming some coherent
-idea of its trend. Afterwards, by means of direct examination, he can
-succeed in placing the facts in their proper sequence. By questioning
-the informants about details of rite and magic, it is possible then to
-obtain interpretations and commentaries. Thus the whole of a narrative
-can be constructed, the various fragments, with all their spontaneous
-freshness, can be put in their proper places, and this is what I have
-done in giving this account of shipwreck.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e9093src" href="#xd26e9093" name="xd26e9093src">3</a></p>
-<p>A few words of comment must now be given on the text of the above
-narrative. In it, a number of magical rites were mentioned, besides
-those which were described first with their spells. Something must be
-said more in detail about the spells of the subsequent magical
-performances. There are some eleven of them. First comes the ritual
-invocation of the fish <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb259" href=
-"#pb259" name="pb259">259</a>]</span>which helps the shipwrecked
-sailors. The spell corresponding to this, is called <i lang=
-"kij">kaytaria</i>, and it is an important formula, which every
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> is supposed to know. The question arises,
-has this rite ever been practised in reality? Some of the actions taken
-by the shipwrecked natives, such as the cutting of the the outrigger
-float when the boat is abandoned, are quite rational. It would be
-dangerous to float on the big, unwieldy canoe which might be constantly
-turned round and round by the waves, and if smashed to pieces, might
-injure the sailors with its wreckage. In this fact, perhaps there is
-also the empirical basis for the belief that some fragments of the
-canoe &lsquo;eat&rsquo; the shipwrecked men. The round, symmetrical log
-of the <i lang="kij">lamina</i>, on the other hand, will serve as an
-excellent lifebuoy. Perhaps a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, arrived at
-such a pass, would really utter the <i lang="kij">kaytaria</i> spell.
-And if the party were saved, they would probably all declare, and, no
-doubt believe, that the fish had come to their summons, and somehow or
-other helped in the rescue.</p>
-<p>It is less easy to imagine what elements in such an experience might
-have given rise to the myth that the natives, landed on the shore,
-magically lift the fish from the shallow waters by means of a charmed
-pole. This indeed seems a purely imaginary incident, and my main
-informant, Molilakwa of Oburaku, from whom I obtained the <i lang=
-"kij">kaytaria</i> spell, did not know the spell of the pole, and would
-have had to leave the <i lang="kij">iraviaka</i> to its own fate in the
-shallows. Nor could I hear of anyone else professing to know this
-spell. The formula uttered over the stone to be thrown on the beach was
-equally unknown to the circle of my informants. Of course, in all such
-cases, when a man carrying on a system of magic would come to a gap in
-his knowledge, he would perform the rite without the spell, or utter
-the most suitable spell of the system. Thus here, as the stone is
-thrown in order to reconnoitre whether the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-are waiting for them, a spell of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, the
-spell of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, might be uttered over the
-stone. Over the combs, as well as over the herbs on the beach, a
-<i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> spell would be uttered, according to my
-informants, but probably, a different spell from the one spoken
-originally over the ginger root. Molilakwa, for instance, knows two
-spells of the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i>, both of which are suitable
-to be spoken over the ginger and over the beach respectively. Then
-there comes another <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb260" href="#pb260"
-name="pb260">260</a>]</span>spell, to be uttered over the <i lang=
-"kij">libu</i> plant, and in addressing the spider and the bush-hen.
-Molilakwa told me that the same spell would be said in the three cases,
-but neither he, nor anyone else, among my informants could give me this
-spell. The magic done in the village, while the shipwrecked men
-remained in the smoky hut, would be all accompanied by the <i lang=
-"kij">leyya</i> (ginger) spells.</p>
-<p>One incident in the above narrative might have struck the reader as
-contradictory of the general theory of the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-belief, that, namely, where the narrator declares that the party on the
-beach have to wait till nightfall before they enter the village. The
-general belief expressed in all the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-legends, as well as in the taboos of the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, is that the witches are really dangerous only
-at night, when they can see and hear better. Such contradictions, as I
-have said, are often met in native belief, and in this, by the way, the
-savages do not differ from ourselves. My informant, from whom I had
-this version, simply said that such was the rule and the custom, and
-that they had to wait till night. In another account, on the other
-hand, I was told that the party must proceed to the village immediately
-after having performed the several rites on the beach, whether night or
-day.</p>
-<p>There also arises the main question, regarding this narrative, to
-which allusion has been made already, namely, how far does it represent
-the normal behaviour in shipwreck, and how far is it a sort of
-standardised myth? There is no doubt that shipwreck in these seas,
-surrounded in many parts by islands, is not unlikely to end by the
-party&rsquo;s being saved. This again would result in some such
-explanation as that contained in our narrative. Naturally, I tried to
-record all the actual cases of shipwreck within the natives&rsquo;
-memory. Some two generations ago, one of the chiefs of Omarakana, named
-Numakala, perished at sea, and with him all his crew. A canoe of
-another Eastern Trobriand village, Tilakaywa, was blown far North, and
-stranded in Kokopawa, from where it was sailed back by its crew, when
-the wind turned to the North-West. Although this canoe was not actually
-shipwrecked, its salvation is credited to <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> magic, and to the kind fish, <i lang=
-"kij">iraviyaka</i>. A very intelligent informant of mine explained
-this point of view in answer to some of my cavillings: &ldquo;If this
-canoe had been wrecked, it would have been saved also.&rdquo;
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb261" href="#pb261" name=
-"pb261">261</a>]</span></p>
-<p>A party from Muyuwa (Woodlark Island) were saved on the shore of
-Boyowa. In the South of the Island, several cases are on record where
-canoes were wrecked and saved in the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Islands or
-in the Amphletts. Once the whole crew were eaten by cannibals, getting
-ashore in a hostile district of Fergusson Island, and one man only
-escaped, and ran along the shore, south-eastwards towards Dobu. Thus
-there is a certain amount of historical evidence for the saving power
-of the magic, and the mixture of fanciful and real elements makes our
-story a good example of what could be called <i>standardised</i> or
-<i>universalised</i> myth&mdash;that is, a myth referring not to one
-historical event but to a type of occurrence, happening
-universally.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div10.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us now give the text of the remaining spells which
-belong to the above narrative, but have not been adduced there, so as
-not to spoil its flow. First of all there is the <i lang=
-"kij">kaytaria</i> spell, that which the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>,
-drifting alongside his crew on the detached canoe float, intones in a
-loud, slow voice, in order to attract the <i lang=
-"kij">iraviyaka</i>.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kaytaria Spell.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I lie, I shall lie down in my house, a big
-house. I shall sharpen my ear, I shall hear the roaring of the
-sea&mdash;it foams up, it makes a noise. At the bottom of Kausubiyai,
-come, lift me, take me, bring me to the top of Nabonabwana
-beach.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Then comes a sentence with mythological allusions which I could not
-succeed in translating. After that follows the main part of the
-spell:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> fish shall lift me up; my
-child, the <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> shall lift me up; my
-child&rsquo;s things, the <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i> shall lift me up;
-my basket, etc.; my lime pot, etc.; my lime spoon, etc.; my house,
-etc.;&rdquo; repeating the words &ldquo;the <i lang="kij">suyusayu</i>
-fish shall lift me up&rdquo; with various expressions describing the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga&rsquo;s</i> equipment as well as his child,
-presumably a member of the shipwrecked crew.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>There is no end part to this spell, as it was given to me; only the
-beginning is repeated after the main part. It is not impossible that
-Molilakwa himself, my informant, did not <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb262" href="#pb262" name="pb262">262</a>]</span>know the spell to the
-end. Such magic, once learnt by a native, never used, and recited
-perhaps once a year during a mortuary ceremony, or occasionally, in
-order to show off, is easily forgotten. There is a marked difference
-between the vacillating and uncertain way in which such spells are
-produced by informants, and the wonderful precision and the easy flow
-with which, for example, the spells, year after year performed in
-public, will trip off the tongue of the garden magician.</p>
-<p>I cannot give a correct commentary to the mythological names
-Kausubiyai and Nabonabwana, in the first part of the spell. What this
-part means, whether the reclining individual who hears the noises of
-the sea is the magician, or whether it represents the sensations of the
-fish who hears the calling for help, I could not make out. The meaning
-of the middle part is plain, however. <i lang="kij">Suyusayu</i> is
-another name for <i lang="kij">iraviyaka</i>, indeed, its magical name
-used only in spells, and not when speaking of it in ordinary
-conversations.</p>
-<p>The other formula to be given here is the other <i lang=
-"kij">giyorokaywa</i> spell, which would be used in spitting the ginger
-on the beach after rescue, and also in medicating the herbs, which will
-be put on the beach and beaten with a stone. This spell is associated
-with the myth of the origin of <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, which
-must be related here, to make the formula clear.</p>
-<p>Near the beginning of time, there lived in Kwayawata, one of the
-Marshall Bennetts, a family strange to our ideas of family life, but
-quite natural in the world of Kiriwinian mythology. It consisted of a
-man, Kalaytaytu, his sister, Isenadoga, and the youngest brother, a
-dog, Tokulubweydoga. Like other mythological personages, their names
-suggest that originally they must have conveyed some sort of
-description. <i lang="kij">Doga</i> means the curved, almost circular,
-boar&rsquo;s tusk used as ornament. The name of the canine member of
-the family might mean something like
-Man-with-circular-tusks-in-his-head, and his sister&rsquo;s name,
-Woman-ornamented-with-<i lang="kij">doga</i>. The eldest brother has in
-his name the word <i lang="kij">taytu</i>, which signifies the staple
-food (small yams) of natives, and a verb, <i lang="kij">kalay</i>,
-signifying &lsquo;to put on ornaments.&rsquo; Not much profit, however,
-can be deduced from this etymology, as far as I can see, for the
-interpretation of this myth. I shall quote in a literal translation the
-short version of this myth, as I obtained it first, when the
-information was volunteered to me by Molilakwa in Oburaku. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb263" href="#pb263" name="pb263">263</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Myth of Tokulubwaydoga.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;They live in Kwayawata; one day Kalaytayta goes
-to fish, gets into a small canoe (<i lang="kij">kewo&rsquo;u</i>).
-Behind him swims the dog. He comes to Digumenu. They fish with the
-older brother. They catch fish! The elder brother paddles; that one
-again goes behind; goes, returns to Kwayawata. They died; came Modokei,
-he learned the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, the inside of
-Tokulubwaydoga. The name of their mother, the mother of Tokulubwaydoga,
-is Tobunaygu.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This little fragment gives a good idea of what the first version is,
-even of so well fixed a piece of narrative as a myth. It has to be
-supplemented by inquiries as to the motives of the behaviour of the
-various personages, as to the relations of one event to the other.
-Thus, further questions revealed that the elder brother refused to take
-the dog with him on this fishing expedition. Tokulubwaydoga then
-determined to go all the same, and swam to Digumenu, following the
-canoe of his brother. This latter was astonished to see him, but none
-the less they went to work together. In fishing, the dog was more
-successful than his brother, and thus aroused his jealousy. The man
-then refused to take him back. Tokulubwaydoga then jumped into the
-water, and again swam and arrived safely in Kwayawata. The point of the
-story lies in the fact that the dog was able to do the swimming,
-because he knew the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, otherwise the
-sharks, <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, or other evil things would have
-eaten him. He got it from his mother, the lady Tobunaygu, who could
-teach him this magic because she was a <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>
-herself. Another important point about this myth, also quite omitted
-from the first version volunteered to me, is its sociological aspect.
-First of all, there is the very interesting incident, unparalleled in
-Kiriwinian tradition: the mother of the three belonged to the
-Lukwasisiga clan. It was a most incongruous thing for a dog, who is the
-animal of the Lukuba clan, to be born into a Lukwasisiga family.
-However, there he was, and so he said:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Good, I shall be a Lukuba, this is my
-clan.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Now the incident of the quarrel receives its significance in so far
-as the dog, the only one to whom the mother gave the <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, did not hand it over to his brother and sister
-who were <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb264" href="#pb264" name=
-"pb264">264</a>]</span>of the Lukwasisiga clan, and so the magic went
-down only the dog&rsquo;s own clan, the Lukuba. It must be assumed
-(though this was not known to my informant) that Madokei, who learnt
-the magic from the dog, was also a Lukuba man.</p>
-<p>Like all mythological mother-ancestresses, Tobunaygu had no husband,
-nor does this circumstance call forth any surprise or comment on the
-part of the natives, since the physiological aspect of fatherhood is
-not known among them, as I have repeatedly observed.</p>
-<p>As can be seen, by comparing the original fragment, and the
-subsequent amplification by inquiries, the volunteered version misses
-out the most important points. The concatenation of events, the origin
-of the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, the important sociological
-details, have to be dragged out of the informant, or, to put it more
-correctly, he has to be made to enlarge on points, to roam over all the
-subjects covered by the myth, and from his statements then, one has to
-pick out and piece together the other bits of the puzzle. On the other
-hand, the names of the people, the unimportant statements of what they
-did and how they were occupied are unfailingly given.</p>
-<p>Let us adduce now the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i>, which is said
-to be derived from the dog, and ultimately from his mother:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kayga&rsquo;u of Tokulubwaydoga.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Tobunaygu (repeated), Manemanaygu (repeated),
-my mother a snake, myself a snake; myself a snake, my mother a snake.
-Tokulubwaydoga, Isenadoga, Matagagai, Kalaytaytu; <i lang=
-"kij">bulumava&rsquo;u tabugu Madokei</i>. I shall befog the front, I
-shall shut off the rear; I shall befog the rear, I shall shut off the
-front.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This exordium contains at first the invocation of the name of the
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, who was the source of the spell. Its
-pendant Manemanaygu is, according to my informant, derived from an
-archaic word <i lang="kij">nema</i>, equivalent to the present day
-<i lang="kij">yama</i>, hand. &ldquo;As the right hand is to the left
-one, so is Tobunaygu to Manemanaygu,&rdquo; which was expressed as a
-matter of fact in the less grammatically worded form; &ldquo;this right
-hand, this left&rdquo; (clapped together) &ldquo;so Tobunaygu,
-Manemanaygu.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Whether this analysis of my informant is correct must remain an open
-question. It must be remembered that magic is not taken by the natives
-as an ethnographic <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb265" href="#pb265"
-name="pb265">265</a>]</span>document, allowing of interpretations and
-developments, but as an instrument of power. The words are there to
-act, and not to teach. Questions as to the meaning of magic, as a rule,
-puzzled the informants, and therefore it is not easy to explain a
-formula or obtain a correct commentary upon it. All the same there are
-some natives who obviously have tried to get to the bottom of what the
-various words in magic represent.</p>
-<p>To proceed with our commentary, the phrase &ldquo;My mother a snake,
-etc.,&rdquo; was thus explained to me by Molilakwa: &ldquo;Supposing we
-strike a snake, already it vanishes, it does not remain; thus also we
-human beings, when <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> catch us, we
-disappear.&rdquo; That is, we disappear after having spoken this
-magical formula, for in a formula the desired result is always
-expressed in anticipation. Molilakwa&rsquo;s description of a
-snake&rsquo;s behaviour is, according to my experience, not sound
-Natural History, but it probably expresses the underlying idea, namely
-the elusiveness of the snake, which would naturally be one of the
-metaphorical figures used in the spell.</p>
-<p>The string of words following the invocation of the snake are all
-mythical names, four of which we found mentioned in the above myth,
-while the rest remain obscure. The last-named, that of Modokei, is
-preceded by the words <i lang="kij">bulumavau tabugu</i>, which means,
-&lsquo;recent spirit of my ancestor,&rsquo; which words are as a rule
-used in spells with reference to real grandfathers of the reciters.</p>
-<p>The middle part of the spell proceeds:&mdash;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shall cover the eyes of the witches of Kitava; I shall
-cover the eyes of the witches of Kumwageya; I shall cover the eyes of
-the witches of Iwa; I shall cover the eyes of the witches of Gawa,
-etc., etc.,&rdquo; enumerating all the villages and islands renowned
-for their witches. This list is again recited, substituting for the
-expression &ldquo;I shall cover,&rdquo; in succession, &ldquo;I shall
-befog,&rdquo; and &ldquo;dew envelopes.&rdquo; This middle part needs
-no commentary.</p>
-<p>The end of this formula runs as follows:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shall kick thy body, I shall take thy spirit skirt, I shall
-cover thy buttocks, I shall take thy mat, a pandanus mat, I shall take
-thy mantle. I shall strike thee with my foot, go, fly over Tuma, fly
-away. I myself in the sea (here the reciter&rsquo;s name is mentioned),
-I shall drift away, well.&rdquo; This last part of the spell is so much
-alike to the end of the spell first quoted in this chapter, that no
-commentary is needed.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb266" href="#pb266" name=
-"pb266">266</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The mythological and magical data presented in this chapter all bear
-upon the native belief in flying witches and dangers at sea, a belief
-in which elements of reality are strangely blended with traditionally
-fixed fancies, in a way, however, not uncommon to human belief in
-general. It is time now to return to our party on the beach at Yakum,
-who, after having spent the night there, next morning rig up their
-masts, and with a favourable wind, soon reach the waters of Gumasila
-and Domdom. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb267" href="#pb267" name=
-"pb267">267</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e8114" href="#xd26e8114src" name="xd26e8114">1</a></span>
-Professor Seligman has described the belief in similar beings on the
-North-East Coast of New Guinea. At Gelaria, inland of Bartle Bay, the
-flying witches can produce a double, or &ldquo;sending,&rdquo; which
-they call <i lang="kij">labuni</i>. &ldquo;<i lang="kij">Labuni</i>
-exists within women, and can be commanded by any woman who has had
-children&#8202;&hellip;. It was said that the <i lang="kij">labuni</i>
-existed in, or was derived from, an organ called <i lang=
-"kij">ipona</i>, situated in the flank, and literally meaning egg or
-eggs.&rdquo; <i>op. cit</i>., p. 640. The equivalence of beliefs here
-is evident.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e8114src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e8721" href="#xd26e8721src" name="xd26e8721">2</a></span> Not all
-the spells which I have obtained have been equally well translated and
-commented upon. This one, although very valuable, for it is one of the
-spells of the old chief Maniyuwa, and one which had been recited when
-his corpse was brought over from Dobu by his son Maradiana, was
-obtained early in my ethnographic career, and Gomaya, Maradiana&rsquo;s
-son, from whom I got it, is a bad commentator. Nor could I find any
-other competent informant later on, who could completely elucidate it
-for me.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e8721src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e9093" href="#xd26e9093src" name="xd26e9093">3</a></span> Such
-reconstructions are legitimate for an Ethnographer, as well as for a
-historian. But it is a duty of the former as well as of the latter to
-show his sources as well as to explain how he has manipulated them. In
-one of the next chapters, <a href="#div18.14">Chapter XVIII, Divisions
-XIV&ndash;XVII</a>, a sample of this methodological aspect of the work
-will be given, although the full elaboration of sources and methods
-must be postponed to another publication.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e9093src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch11" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e668">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XI</h2>
-<h2 class="main">In the Amphletts&mdash;Sociology of the Kula</h2>
-<div id="div11.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Our party, sailing from the North, reach first the
-main island of Gumasila, a tall, steep mountain with arched lines and
-great cliffs, suggesting vaguely some huge Gothic monument. To the
-left, a heavy pyramid, the island of Domdom, recedes behind the nearer
-mountain as the travellers approach. The fleet now sails along the
-westerly shore of Gumasila, on which side the jungle, interspersed with
-bald patches, ascends a steep slope, ribbed with rocky ridges, and
-creased by valleys which run at their foot into wide bays. Only here
-and there can be seen triangular clearings, signs of cultivation made
-by the natives from the other side of the island, where the two
-villages are situated. At the South-West end of Gumasila, a narrow
-promontory runs into a flat, low point with a sandy beach on both
-sides. On the North side of the point, hidden from the villages, the
-fleet comes to a halt, on the beach of Giyawana (called by the
-Trobrianders Giyasila). This is the place where all the fleets,
-arriving from the North, stop before approaching the villages. Here
-also the inhabitants of the Amphletts rest for a day, after the first
-false start they have made from the villages, and before they actually
-set off for the Trobriands. This beach, in short, is the Amphlettan
-counterpart of the sandbank Muwa. It was also here that I surprised the
-Gumasilan canoes on a full moon night, in March, 1918, after they had
-started to join the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition to
-Sinaketa.</p>
-<p>On this beach, the Sinaketans perform the final stage of Kula magic,
-before approaching their partners in Gumasila. The same magic will be
-repeated before arriving in Dobu, and as a matter of fact, when the
-objective of the big <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> is Dobu, the full and
-ceremonial performance of the magic might <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb268" href="#pb268" name="pb268">268</a>]</span>usually be deferred
-till then. It will be better therefore to postpone the description of
-this magic till we have brought our fleet to the beach of Sarubwoyna.
-Here it will be enough to mention that on occasions when magic is
-performed, after an hour&rsquo;s or half hour&rsquo;s pause on the
-beach of Giyawana, all the men get into their canoes, take the paddles
-and oars, and the fleet sails round the point where, in a small, very
-picturesque bay, there lies the smaller village of Gumasila, called
-Nu&rsquo;agasi (see <a href="#pl01">Plate I</a>). This village in olden
-days was perched on a narrow ledge some one hundred metres above the
-sea level, a fastness difficult of access, and overlooking all its
-approaches. Now, after the white man&rsquo;s influence has rendered
-unnecessary all precautions against raiding parties, the village has
-come down to the narrow strip of foreshore, a bridge between the sea
-and a small swamp formed at the foot of the hill. Some of the canoes
-will come to this beach, the others will sail further, under a
-precipitous black rock of some 150 metres high and 300 metres wide (see
-<a href="#pl42">Plate XLII</a>). Turning another corner, they arrive at
-the big village of Gumasila, built on artificial stone terraces,
-surrounded by dykes of small stones, forming square lagoons and
-diminutive harbours (compare the description given above in <a href=
-"#div1.5">Chapter I, Division V</a>). This is the old village which,
-practically inaccessible by sea, formed a fastness of a different kind
-from the other, high-perched villages typical of this district. Exposed
-to the full onslaught of the South-Easterly winds and seas, against
-which it was protected by its stone bulwarks and dykes, it was
-approachable only in all weathers by a small channel to the South,
-where a big rock and a reef shelter it from the rough waters.</p>
-<div class="figure pl42width" id="pl42">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl42width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl42.jpg" alt="Scenery in the Amphletts." width="720"
-height="428">
-<p class="figureHead">Scenery in the Amphletts.</p>
-<p>(See <a href="#div11.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl43width" id="pl43">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl43width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl43.jpg" alt=
-"Landing in the Main Village of Gumasila." width="720" height="426">
-<p class="figureHead">Landing in the Main Village of Gumasila.</p>
-<p>(See <a href="#div11.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>Without any preliminary welcoming ceremony or formal reception, the
-Sinaketan guests now leave their canoes and disperse among the
-villagers, settle down in groups near the houses of their friends, and
-engage in betel chewing and conversations. They speak in Kiriwinian, a
-language which is universally known in the Amphletts. Almost as soon as
-they go ashore, they give to their partners presents of <i lang=
-"kij">pari</i> (opening gift), some small object, such as a comb, a
-lime pot, or a lime stick. After that, they await some Kula gifts to be
-given them. The most important headman will offer such a gift first to
-Kouta&rsquo;uya, or To&rsquo;udawada, whichever of them is the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> of the occasion. The soft, penetrating
-sound of a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb269" href="#pb269" name=
-"pb269">269</a>]</span>conch-shell soon announces that the first gift
-has been given. Other blasts of conch-shells follow, and the Kula is in
-full swing. But here again, what happens in the Amphletts, is only a
-minor interlude to the Sinaketan adventurers, bent on the bigger goal
-in Dobu. And in order for us to remain in harmony with the native
-perspective we shall also wait for the detailed and circumstantial
-description of the Kula proceedings till we arrive on the beach of
-Tu&rsquo;utauna, in Dobu. The concrete account of how such a visiting
-fleet is received and behaves on arrival will be given, when I describe
-a scene I saw with my own eyes in the village of Nabwageta, another
-Amphlett island, when sixty Dobuan canoes arrived there on their
-<i lang="fr"><span lang="kij">uvalaku</span>, en route</i> for
-Boyowa.</p>
-<p>To give a definite idea of the conversations which take place
-between the visitors and the Amphlettans, I shall give a sample noted
-down, during a visit of some Trobrianders to Nu&rsquo;agasi, the
-smaller village of Gumasila. A few canoes had arrived a day or two
-before, in the neighbouring island, Nabwageta, coming from the small
-Western islands of the Trobriands on a Kula. One of them paddled across
-to Nu&rsquo;agasi with a crew of some six men, in order to offer
-<i lang="kij">pari</i> gifts to their partners and see what was to be
-done in the way of Kula. The canoe was sighted from a distance, and its
-purpose was guessed at once, as word had been brought before of the
-arrival in Nabwageta of this small expedition. The headman of
-Nu&rsquo;agasi, Tovasana, hurried back to his house from my tent, where
-I was taking great pains to obtain some ethnographic information from
-him.</p>
-<p>Tovasana is an outspoken character, and he is the most important
-headman in the Amphletts. I am not using the word &lsquo;chief,&rsquo;
-for in the Amphletts, as I have said, the natives do not observe either
-the court ceremonial with crouching and bending, nor do the headmen
-have any power or economic influence, at all comparable with those of
-the Trobriands. Yet, although I came from the Trobriands, I was struck
-by the authoritative tone used, and the amount of influence evidently
-wielded by Tovasana. This is partly due undoubtedly to the lack of
-white man&rsquo;s interference, which has so undermined native
-authority and morality in the Trobriands, whereas the Amphletts have so
-far escaped to a large extent Missionary teaching and Government law
-and order. On the other hand, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb270"
-href="#pb270" name="pb270">270</a>]</span>however, the very narrow
-sphere of his powers, the authority over a small village, consolidates
-the headman&rsquo;s influence. The oldest and the most aristocratic by
-descent of all the headmen, he is their acknowledged
-&lsquo;doyen.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>In order to receive his visitors he went to the beach in front of
-his house and sat there on a log, looking impassively over the sea.
-When the Trobrianders arrived each man took a gift and went to his
-partner&rsquo;s house. The chief did not rise to meet them, nor did
-they come in a body to greet him. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> came
-towards the place where Tovasana was sitting; he carried a bundle of
-taro and a piece of <i lang="kij">gugu&rsquo;a</i> (objects of small
-value, such as combs, lime pots, etc.). These he laid down near the
-seated headman, who, however, took no notice of it. A small boy, a
-grandchild of Tovasana, I think, took up the gifts and put them into
-his house. Then, without having yet exchanged a word, the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> sat down on the platform next to Tovasana. Under a
-shady tree, which spread its branches like a canopy above the bleached
-canoe, the men formed a picturesque group sitting cross-legged on the
-platform. Beside the slim, youthful figure of the Kaduwaga man, the old
-Tovasana, with his big, roughly carved features, with his large
-aquiline nose sticking out from under an enormous turban-like wig,
-looked like an old gnome. At first exchanging merely a word or two,
-soon they dropped into more animated conversation, and when other
-villagers and the rest of the visitors joined them, the talk became
-general. As they spoke in Kiriwinian, I was able to jot down the
-beginning of their conversation.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Tovasana asked:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Where have you anchored?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;In Nabwageta.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;When did you come?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Yesterday.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;From where did you start on the last day before
-arriving?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;From Gabuwana.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;When?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The day before yesterday.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;What wind?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Started from home with <i lang="kij">yavata</i>; wind
-changed. Arrived on sandbank (Gabuwana); we slept; so-and-so made wind
-magic; wind changed again; good wind.&rdquo; <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb271" href="#pb271" name="pb271">271</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Then Tovasana asked the visitors about one of the chiefs from the
-island of Kayleula (to the West of Kiriwina), and when he was going to
-give him a big pair of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>. The man answered they
-do not know; to their knowledge that chief has no big <i lang=
-"kij">mwali</i> at present. Tovasana became very angry, and in a long
-harangue, lapsing here and there into the Gumasila language, he
-declared that he would never <i lang="kij">kula</i> again with that
-chief, who is a <i lang="kij">topiki</i> (mean man), who has owed him
-for a long time a pair of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> as <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i> (return gift), and who always is slow in making Kula.
-A string of other accusations about some clay pots given by Tovasana to
-the same chief, and some pigs promised and never given, were also made
-by the angry headman. The visitors listened to it with polite assent,
-uttering here and there some noncommital remark. They, in their turn,
-complained about some sago, which they had hoped to receive in
-Nabwageta, but which was churlishly refused for some reason or other to
-all the men of Kaduwaga, Kaysiga and Kuyawa.</p>
-<p>Tovasana then asked them, &ldquo;How long are you going to
-stay?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Till Dobu men come.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They will come,&rdquo; said Tovasana, &ldquo;not in two days,
-not in three days, not in four days; they will come tomorrow, or at the
-very last, the day after tomorrow.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;You go with them to Boyowa?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I sail first to Vakuta, then to Sinaketa with the Dobu men.
-They sail to Susuwa beach to fish, I go to your villages, to Kaduwaga,
-to Kaysiga, to Kuyawa. Is there plenty of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> in
-your villages?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Yes, there are. So-and-so has&#8202;&hellip;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Here followed a long string of personal names of big armshells, the
-approximate number of smaller, nameless ones, and the names of the
-people in whose possession they were at the time.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The interest of both hearers and speakers was very obvious, and
-Tovasana gave the approximate dates of his movements to his visitors.
-Full moon was approaching, and the natives have got names for every day
-during the week before and after full moon, and the following and
-preceding days can therefore be reckoned. Also, every seven-day period
-within a moon is named after the quarter which falls in it. This allows
-the natives to fix dates with a fair exactitude. The present example
-shows the way in which, in olden times, the movements of the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb272" href="#pb272" name=
-"pb272">272</a>]</span>various expeditions were known over enormous
-areas; nowadays, when white men&rsquo;s boats with native crews often
-move from one island to the other, the news spreads even more easily.
-In former times, small preliminary expeditions such as the one we have
-just been describing, would fix the dates and make arrangements often
-for as much as a year ahead.</p>
-<p>The Kaduwaga men next inquired as to whether any strangers from the
-Trobriands were then staying in Gumasila. The answer was that there was
-in the village one man from Ba&rsquo;u, and one from Sinaketa. Then
-inquiries were made as to how many Kula necklaces there were in
-Gumasila, and the conversation drifted again into Kula
-technicalities.</p>
-<p>It is quite customary for men from the Trobriands to remain for a
-long time in the Amphletts, that is, from one expedition to another.
-For some weeks or even months, they live in the house of their partner,
-friend, or relative, careful to keep to the customs of the country.
-They will sit about with the men of the village and talk. They will
-help in the work and go out on fishing expeditions. These latter will
-be specially attractive to a Trobriander, a keen fisherman himself, who
-here finds an entirely new type of this pursuit. Whether an expedition
-would be made on one of the sandbanks, where the fishermen remain for a
-few days, casting their big nets for dugong and turtle; or whether they
-would go out in a small canoe, trying to catch the jumping gar fish
-with a fishing kite; or throwing a fish trap into the deep
-sea&mdash;all these would be a novelty to the Trobriander, accustomed
-only to the methods suitable to the shallow waters of the Lagoon,
-swarming with fish.</p>
-<p>In one point the Trobriander would probably find his sojourn in the
-Amphletts uncongenial; he would be entirely debarred from any
-intercourse with women. Accustomed in his country to easy intrigues,
-here he has completely to abstain, not only from sexual relations with
-women married or unmarried, but even from moving with them socially, in
-the free and happy manner characteristic of Boyowa. One of my main
-informants, Layseta, a Sinaketa man, who spent several years in the
-Amphletts, confessed to me, not without shame and regret, that he never
-succeeded in having any intrigues with the women there. To save his
-face, he claimed that he had had several Amphlett belles declaring
-their love to him, and offering their favours, but he always refused
-them: <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb273" href="#pb273" name=
-"pb273">273</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I feared; I feared the <i lang=
-"kij">bowo&rsquo;u</i> of Gumasila; they are very bad.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">bowo&rsquo;u</i> are the local sorcerers of the
-Amphletts. Whatever we might think about Layseta&rsquo;s
-temptations&mdash;and his personal appearance and charm do not make his
-boastings very credible&mdash;and whether he was afraid of sorcery or
-of a sound thrashing, the fact remains that a Trobriander would have to
-change his usual mode of behaviour when in the Amphletts, and keep away
-from the women entirely. When big parties arrive in Gumasila, or
-Nabwageta, the women run away, and camp in the bush till the beach is
-clear.</p>
-<p>The Amphlettans, on the contrary, were used to receive favours from
-unmarried women in Sinaketa. Nowadays, the male inhabitants of that
-village, always disapproving of the custom, though not to the extent of
-taking any action, tell the Amphlettans that the white man&rsquo;s
-Government has prohibited the men from Gumasila and Nabwageta to have
-sexual relations in Sinaketa. One of the very few occasions, when the
-men from the Amphletts showed any interest in talking to me was when
-they asked me whether this was true.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The Sinaketa men tell us that we will go to
-jail if we sleep with girls in Sinaketa. Would the Government put us
-into jail, in truth?&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>As usually, I simply disclaimed all knowledge of the white
-man&rsquo;s arcana in such matters.</p>
-<p>The small party of Kaduwaga men, whose visit to Tovasana I have just
-been describing, sat there for about two hours, smoked and chewed
-betel-nut, the conversation flagging now and then, and the men looking
-into the distance with the habitual self-important expression worn on
-such occasions. After the final words about mutual plans were
-exchanged, and a few pots had been brought by small boys to the canoe
-as <i lang="kij">taio&rsquo;i</i> (farewell gift to the visitors), they
-embarked, and paddled back three or four miles across to Nabwageta.</p>
-<p>We must imagine the big Kula party from Sinaketa, whom we just
-watched landing in the two villages of Gumasila, behaving more or less
-in the same manner; conducting similar conversations, offering the same
-type of <i lang="kij">pari</i> gifts to their partners. Only everything
-happens of course on a much bigger scale. There is a big group seated
-before each house, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb274" href="#pb274"
-name="pb274">274</a>]</span>parties walk up and down the village, the
-sea in front of it is covered with the gaudy, heavily laden canoes. In
-the little village, of which Tovasana is headman, the two chiefs,
-To&rsquo;udawada and Kouta&rsquo;uya, will be seated on the same
-platform, on which we saw the old man receiving his other guests. The
-other headmen of the Sinaketans will have gone to the bigger village
-round the corner, and will encamp there under the tall palms, looking
-across the straits towards the pyramidal forms of Domdom, and further
-South, to the main island fronting them with the majestic form of
-Koyatabu. Here, among the small houses on piles, scattered
-picturesquely through the maze of little harbours, lagoons and dykes,
-large groups of people will be seated on mats of plaited coco-nut, each
-man as a rule under the dwelling of his partner, chewing betel-nut
-stolidly, and watching stealthily the pots being brought out to be
-presented to them, and still more eagerly awaiting the giving of Kula
-gifts, although he remains to a superficial glance quite impassive.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div11.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a> I spoke about the
-sociology of Kula, and gave a concise definition of partnership with
-its functions and obligations. I said there that people enter into this
-relationship in a definite manner, and remain in it for the rest of
-their life. I also said that the number of partners a man possesses,
-depends upon his social position and rank. The protective character of
-an overseas partner becomes now clearer, after we have realised the
-nervous tension with which each Kula party in olden days would have
-approached a land full of <i lang="kij">mulukwausi, bowo&rsquo;u</i>
-and other forms of sorcery, a land from which originate the very
-<i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> themselves.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e9581src" href="#xd26e9581" name="xd26e9581src">1</a> To have a
-friend there, one who will not on the surface of it have bad
-intentions, is a great boon. What this really means to the natives can,
-however, only be realised when we arrive at Dobu, learn the special
-safety magic performed there and find how genuinely serious these
-apprehensions are.</p>
-<p>We must now make another short digression from our consecutive
-account, and discuss the several aspects of the sociology of the Kula
-one after the other. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb275" href="#pb275"
-name="pb275">275</a>]</span></p>
-<p>1. <i>Sociological Limitations to the Participation in the
-Kula</i>.&mdash;Not everyone who lives within the cultural sphere of
-the Kula does participate in it. More especially in the Trobriand
-Islands, there are whole districts which do not practise the Kula. Thus
-a series of villages in the North of the main Island, the villages on
-the Island of Tuma, as well as the industrial villages of Kuboma and
-the agricultural ones of Tilataula do not practise Kula. In villages
-like Sinaketa, Vakuta, Gumasila and Nabwageta, every man carries on the
-Kula. The same applies to the small Islands which link up the big gaps
-of the Kula chain, the Islands of Kitava, Iwa, Gawa and Kwayawata,
-strewn on the seas between the Trobriands and Woodlark Island, to
-Tubetube and Wari, etc., etc. In the Dobuan speaking district, on the
-other hand, I think that certain village complexes either do not
-practice Kula at all, or else practice it on a small scale, that is,
-their headmen have only a few partners in the neighbouring
-villages.</p>
-<p>In some of the big chiefs&rsquo; villages in Kiriwina there are
-certain people who never practice Kula. Thus, in a village where the
-headman has the rank of <i lang="kij">guya&rsquo;u</i> (chief) or
-<i lang="kij">gumguya&rsquo;u</i> (minor chief) the commoners of the
-lowest rank and unrelated to the headman are not supposed to carry on
-the Kula. In olden days this rule would be very strictly observed, and
-nowadays even, though somewhat relaxed, not many commoners of this
-description practice the Kula. Limitations as to entry into the Kula,
-therefore, exist only in big Kula districts such as that of Dobu and of
-the Trobriands, and they are partly local, excluding whole villages,
-and partly social, excluding certain people of low rank.</p>
-<p>2. <i>The Relation of Partnership</i>.&mdash;The name for an
-overseas partner is in the Trobriand language <i lang=
-"kij">karayta&rsquo;u</i>; &lsquo;my partner&rsquo; is styled <i lang=
-"kij">ulo karayta&rsquo;u, ulo</i> being the possessive pronoun of
-remote relation. In Gumasila he is called ulo <i lang=
-"kij">ta&rsquo;u</i>, which means simply &lsquo;my man&rsquo;; in
-Dobuan, <i lang="kij">yegu gumagi</i>. The inland partners are known in
-Kiriwinian by the term denoting a friend, &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">lubaygu</i>,&rsquo; the suffixed possessive pronoun <i lang=
-"kij">gu</i> being that of nearest possession.</p>
-<p>Only after this relationship has been established between two men,
-can the two make Kula with one another. An overseas visitor would as a
-rule go to his partner&rsquo;s house and <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb276" href="#pb276" name="pb276">276</a>]</span>offer him a small
-present as <i lang="kij">pari</i>. This again would be returned by the
-local man by means of a <i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> present. There
-would not be any great intimacy between two overseas partners. But, in
-sharp contrast to the essential hostility between two strange
-tribesmen, such a relationship of friendship would stand out as the
-most remarkable deviation from the general rule. In inland relations
-between two partners of neighbouring villages, the closeness and
-intimacy would be relatively small as compared to other ties. This
-relation was defined to me in these words:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;My partner same as my clansman (<i lang=
-"kij">kakaveyogu</i>)&mdash;he might fight me. My real kinsman
-(<i lang="kij">veyogu</i>), same navelstring, would always side with
-us.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The best way of obtaining detailed information, and of eliminating
-any errors which might have crept into ethnographic generalisations, is
-to collect concrete data. I have drawn up a complete list of the
-partners of Kouta&rsquo;uya, who is one of the biggest Kula men in the
-whole Ring; another list of a smaller Sinaketa headman, Toybayoba; and
-of course I know several complements of partners of smaller men, who,
-as <span class="corr" id="xd26e9652" title="Source: as">a</span> rule,
-have about four to six partners each.</p>
-<p>The full list of Kouta&rsquo;uya includes fifty-five men in the
-Northern Half of Boyowa, that is, in Luba, Kulumata and Kiriwina. From
-these the chief receives armshells. To the South, his partners in the
-Southern districts of Boyowa and Vakuta are twenty-three by number; in
-the Amphletts eleven, and twenty-seven in Dobu. Thus we see that the
-numbers to the South and North almost balance, the Southern exceeding
-the Northern by six. These numbers include his partners in Sinaketa,
-where he makes Kula with all his fellow chiefs, and with all the
-headmen of the divisional villages, and in his own little village he
-<i>kulas</i> with his sons. But even there, everyone of his partners is
-either South or North to him, that is, either gives him the necklaces
-or armshells.</p>
-<p>All the clans are represented in the list. Often when asked with
-regard to the name of some man, why he is in partnership with him, the
-answer would be&mdash;&ldquo;Because he is my kinsman,&rdquo; which
-means, in this case, clansman of equal rank. Men of other clans are
-included, as &lsquo;friends&rsquo; or relatives-in-law, or for some
-other reason more or less imaginary. I shall speak <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb277" href="#pb277" name=
-"pb277">277</a>]</span>presently of the mechanism through which the man
-enters on this relation.</p>
-<p>The list of Toybayoba&rsquo;s partners includes twelve men to the
-North, four in Southern Boyowa, three in the Amphletts and eleven in
-Dobu, the balance here also being on the Southern side. As said above,
-minor men might have anything between four to ten partners all told,
-whereas there are men in northern Boyowa who have only two partners,
-one on each side of the ring, so to speak, with whom they make
-Kula.</p>
-<p>In drawing up these lists, which I shall not reproduce here in
-extenso, another striking feature comes to light: on both sides, there
-is a definite geographical limit, beyond which a man cannot have any
-partners. For all men in the village of Sinaketa, for instance, this
-limit, as regards the armshells, coincides with the furthest boundary
-of Kiriwina; that is, no man from Sinaketa has any partners in Kitava,
-which is the next Kula district beyond Kiriwina. South, in the
-direction from which the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> are received, the
-villages at the South-East end of Fergusson Island are the last places
-where partners of Sinaketan men are still to be found. The small Island
-of Dobu itself lies just beyond this boundary, and no man in this
-Island or in any of the villages on Normanby Island makes Kula with the
-Sinaketans (compare the circles, indicating Kula Communities on
-<a href="#map5">Map V</a>).</p>
-<p>Beyond these districts, the men still know the names of what could
-be called their partners-once-removed, that is, the partners of their
-partners. In the case of a man who has only a couple of partners on
-each side, who, again being modest men, have also only one or two, this
-relationship is not devoid of importance. If I, in Sinaketa, have one
-partner, say in Kiriwina, who again has one partner in Kitava, it is no
-small matter for me to learn that this Kitava man just obtained a
-splendid pair of armshells. For this means that there is about a
-quarter of a chance of my receiving these armshells, on the supposition
-that the Kitavan and Kiriwinian have two partners each between whom
-they can choose in bestowing them. In the case of a big chief like
-Kouta&rsquo;uya, however, the number of once-removed partners becomes
-so great that they lose any personal significance for him.
-Kouta&rsquo;uya has some twenty-five partners in Kiriwina; among them
-To&rsquo;uluwa, the big chief, makes Kula with more than half of all
-the men in Kitava. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb278" href="#pb278"
-name="pb278">278</a>]</span>Some other of Kouta&rsquo;uya&rsquo;s
-partners in Kiriwina, of lesser rank, yet quite important, also make
-Kula with a great number, so that probably practically everybody in
-Kitava is Kouta&rsquo;uya&rsquo;s partner-once-removed.</p>
-<p>If we were to imagine that on the Kula Ring there are many people
-who have only one partner on each side, then the Ring would consist of
-a large number of closed circuits, on each of which the same articles
-would constantly pass. Thus if A in Kiriwina always <i>kulas</i> with B
-in Sinaketa who <i>kulas</i> with C in Tubetube, who <i>kulas</i> with
-D in Murua, who <i>kulas</i> with E in Kitava, who <i>kulas</i> with A
-in Kiriwina, then A B C D E F would form such one strand in the big
-Kula circuit. If an armshell got into the hands of one of them, it
-could never leave this strand. But the Kula Ring is nothing approaching
-this, because every small Kula partner has, as a rule, on one side or
-the other, a big one, that is a chief. And every chief plays the part
-of a shunting-station for Kula objects. Having so many partners on each
-side, he constantly transfers an object from one strand to another.
-Thus, any article which on its rounds has travelled through the hands
-of certain men, may on its second round come through an entirely
-different channel. This, of course, supplies a large part of the zest
-and excitement of the Kula exchange.</p>
-<p>The designation of such a partner-once-removed in the language of
-Kiriwina is <i lang="kij">muri-muri</i>. A man will say that such and
-such a one is &lsquo;my partner-once-removed,&rsquo; &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">ulo murimuri</i>.&rsquo; Another expression connected with this
-relationship is to inquire &lsquo;whose hand&rsquo; has passed on such
-and such a <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. When To&rsquo;uluwa gives a
-pair of armshells to Kouta&rsquo;uya, this latter will ask:
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">availe yamala</i>&rsquo; (&lsquo;whose
-hand&rsquo;)? The answer is &lsquo;<i lang="kij">yamala
-Pwata&rsquo;i</i>,&rsquo; (&lsquo;the hand of <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e9714" title="Source: Pwatai">Pwata&rsquo;i</span>&rsquo;). And,
-as a rule, more or less the following conversation will ensue:
-&ldquo;who gave this pair of armshells to Pwata&rsquo;i?&rdquo;
-&ldquo;how long were they kept by a man in the Island of Yeguma, and
-then distributed on the occasion of a <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i>
-(feast)?&rdquo; &ldquo;when they had been the last time in
-Boyowa?&rdquo; etc., etc.</p>
-<p>3. <i>Entering the Kula Relationship</i>.&mdash;In order to become a
-practising member of the Kula, a man must have passed the stage of
-adolescence; he must have the status and rank required, that is in such
-villages where this condition is demanded; he must know the magic of
-the Kula; and last, not least, he <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb279"
-href="#pb279" name="pb279">279</a>]</span>must be in possession of a
-piece of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. The membership, with all its
-concomitant implications, may be received from the father, who teaches
-his son the magic, gives him a piece of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, and provides him with a partner, very often in
-his own person.</p>
-<p>Supposing one of the sons of Kouta&rsquo;uya has reached the stage
-where a lad may begin to <i lang="kij">kula</i>. The chief will have
-been teaching him the spells for some time already. Moreover the lad,
-who from childhood has taken part in overseas expeditions, has many a
-time seen the rites performed and heard the spells uttered. When the
-time is ripe, Kouta&rsquo;uya, having the conch-shell blown, and with
-all due formalities, presents a <i lang="kij">soulava</i> to his son.
-This latter, soon afterwards, goes somewhere North. Perhaps he goes
-only to one of the neighbouring villages within Sinaketa, perhaps he
-accompanies his father on a visit as far North as Omarakana, and in any
-case he makes Kula, either with one of his father&rsquo;s friends and
-partners, or with a special friend of his own. Thus, at one stroke, the
-lad is equipped with magic, <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, and two
-partners, one of whom is his father. His northern partner will give him
-in due course an armshell, and this he will probably offer to his
-father. The transactions once started continue. His father soon gives
-him another <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, which he may <i lang=
-"kij">kula</i> with the same northern partner, or he may try to
-establish another partnership. The next <i lang="kij">mwali</i>
-(armshells) he receives from the North, he will probably give to
-another partner in the South, and thus establish a new relationship. A
-chief&rsquo;s son, who is always a commoner himself (since the chief
-cannot marry within his own sub-clan and the son has the status of his
-mother), would not multiply his partners beyond the limit numerically
-given by the above mentioned partners of Toybayoba.</p>
-<p>Not everyone, however, is as fortunate as to be the son of a chief,
-which in the Trobriands is, on the whole, one of the most enviable
-positions, since it confers many privileges, and entails no special
-responsibilities. A young chief himself would have to pay substantially
-for establishing his position in the Kula, for a chief is always the
-son of a woman of high rank, and the nephew of a chief, though his
-father may be a commoner of small influence only. In any case, his
-maternal uncle will expect from him some <i lang="kij">pokala</i>
-(offerings by instalment), in payment for magic, <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, and finally for a leading position in
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb280" href="#pb280" name=
-"pb280">280</a>]</span>the Kula. The young chief would marry, and thus
-acquire wealth within limits, and with this he would have to give
-presents to his maternal uncle, who in turn would introduce him into
-the Kula, exactly as a chief does his son, only not
-disinterestedly.</p>
-<p>A commoner enters into the Kula like a chief, with the only
-exception that everything is on a smaller scale, the amount of the
-<i lang="kij">pokala</i> which he gives to his maternal uncle, the
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> which he receives, and the number of
-partners with whom he <i>kulas</i>. When a man gives to another a piece
-of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, of the Kula kind, but not as a Kula
-exchange but as a gift, let us say as <i lang="kij">youlo</i> (gift in
-repayment for the harvest supply offerings, see above, <a href=
-"#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>), this <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> does not leave the Kula Ring. The receiver, if
-he had not been in the Kula yet, enters into it by acquiring the
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, and can then choose his partner, and
-go on with the exchange.</p>
-<p>There is one important qualification of the statement made at the
-beginning of this section. I said there that a man entering the Kula
-Ring, must learn the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic. This refers only
-to those who practise overseas Kula. For people who do only the inland
-exchange, magic is not necessary, and in fact it is never learned by
-them.</p>
-<p>4. <i>Participation of Women in the Kula</i>.&mdash;As I have said
-in the general descriptive chapter on the Kula tribes, the position of
-women among them is by no means characterised by oppression or social
-insignificance. They have their own sphere of influence, which, in
-certain cases and in certain tribes, is of great importance. The Kula,
-however, is essentially a man&rsquo;s type of activity. As mentioned
-above, in the section between Sinaketa and Dobu, women do not sail on
-the big expeditions. From Kiriwina young, unmarried girls would sail
-East to Kitava, Iwa, and Gawa, and from these Islands even old, married
-women, indeed whole families, come to Kiriwina. But they do not carry
-on overseas Kula exchange, neither among themselves, nor with men.</p>
-<p>In Kiriwina, some women, notably the chief&rsquo;s wives, are
-admitted to the honour and privilege of exchanging <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, though in such cases the transactions are done
-<i lang="fr">en famille</i>. To take a concrete case, in October or
-November, 1915, To&rsquo;uluwa, the chief of Omarakana, brought a fine
-haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> from Kitava. The best pair of these he
-presented to his veteran wife, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb281"
-href="#pb281" name="pb281">281</a>]</span>Bokuyoba, a wife whom he had
-inherited from his elder brother Numakala. Bokuyoba in turn gave the
-pair, without much delay, to Kadamwasila, the favourite wife of the
-chief, the mother of five sons and one daughter. She again gave it to
-her son, Namwana Guyau, who <i lang="kij">kula&rsquo;d</i> it on to
-some of his southern partners. Next time he receives a <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i> necklace, he will give it, not to his father
-directly, but to his mother, who will hand it over to her senior
-colleague, and this venerable lady will give it to To&rsquo;uluwa. The
-whole transaction is evidently a complimentary interpolation of the two
-<i lang="kij">giyovila</i> (chief&rsquo;s wives) in between the simple
-transaction of the chief giving the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> to
-his son. This interpolation gives the women much pleasure, and is
-highly valued by them. In fact, at that time I heard more about that
-than about all the rest of the exchanges associated with this overseas
-trip.</p>
-<p>In Southern Boyowa, that is in Sinaketa and Vakuta, the r&ocirc;le
-of women is similar, but they play besides another part. A man would
-sometimes send his wife with a Kula gift to his partner in the
-neighbouring village. On some occasions, when he needs <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> very badly, as for instance when he is
-expecting some <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visitors, his wife may help
-him to obtain the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> from that partner.
-For, though this latter might refuse to give it to his Sinaketan
-partner, he would not do so to his wife. It must be added that no
-sexual motives are associated with it, and that it is only a sort of
-customary compliment paid to the fair sex.</p>
-<p>In Dobu, the wife, or the sister of a man, is always credited with a
-great influence over his Kula decisions. Therefore, there is a special
-form of magic, used by the Sinaketans, in order to act on the minds of
-the Dobuan women. Although, in matters of sex, a Trobriander would have
-absolutely to keep aloof from Dobuan women, married or unmarried, he
-would approach them with nice speeches and gifts in matters of Kula. He
-would reproach an unmarried girl with her brother&rsquo;s conduct
-towards him. She would then ask for a piece of <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e9841" title="Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span>. This would be
-given with some magic spoken over it, and the girl, it is believed,
-would then influence her brother to <i lang="kij">kula</i> with his
-partner.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e9847src" href="#xd26e9847" name=
-"xd26e9847src">2</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb282" href="#pb282"
-name="pb282">282</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div11.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In the short outline of the Amphlett tribe which was
-given in <a href="#div2.4">Chapter II, Division IV</a>, I called them
-&lsquo;typical monopolists,&rsquo; both with reference to their
-economic position and to their character. Monopolists they are in two
-respects, namely as manufacturers of the wonderful clay pots which form
-the only supply for the surrounding districts; and in the second place,
-as a commercial community, situated half-way between the populous
-country of Dobu, with its rich gardens and coco-nut plantations, on the
-one hand, and the Trobriands, the main industrial community in Eastern
-New Guinea on the other.</p>
-<p>The expression &lsquo;monopolists&rsquo; must, however, be correctly
-understood. The Amphletts are not a centre of commercial middle-men,
-constantly busy importing and exporting desirable utilities. Only about
-once or twice a year, a big expedition comes to their Islands, and
-every few months they themselves will sail South-East or North and
-again receive visits from smaller expeditions from one of the
-neighbours or the other. It is through just such small expeditions that
-they collect a <span class="corr" id="xd26e9861" title=
-"Source: relattively">relatively</span> considerable amount of
-utilities from all surrounding districts, and these they can give to
-such visitors as need and desire them. Nor would they impose high
-prices on any such exchange, but they are certainly considered less
-liberal, less ready to give or to trade and always on the look out for
-higher return gifts and extras. In their bartering away of the clay
-pots, they also cannot ask extortionate prices, such as, according to
-the laws of supply and demand, they could impose on their neighbours.
-For, no more than any other natives, can they run counter to customary
-rules, which regulate this exchange as much as all others. Indeed,
-considering the great amount of trouble which they have in obtaining
-the clay, and the high degree of skill necessary to produce the pots,
-the prices for which they sell them are very low. But here again, their
-manners over this transaction are distinctly haughty, and they are well
-aware of their value as potters and distributors of pots to the other
-natives.</p>
-<p>A few more words must be said about their pot making industry as
-well as about the trade in these islands.</p>
-<p>The natives of the Amphletts are exclusive manufacturers of pottery,
-within a wide radius. They are the only purveyors <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb283" href="#pb283" name="pb283">283</a>]</span>to
-the Trobrianders, to the inhabitants of the Marshall Bennett Islands,
-and also, I believe, all the <span class="corr" id="xd26e9870" title=
-"Source: claypots">clay-pots</span> in Woodlark come from the
-Amphletts.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e9873src" href="#xd26e9873" name=
-"xd26e9873src">3</a> To the South, they export their pots to Dobu,
-Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, and further South as far as Milne Bay. This is not
-all, however, for although in some of these farther districts the
-Amphlett pots are used side by side with other ones, they are
-infinitely superior to any earthenware found in the whole of British
-New Guinea. Of a large size, yet extremely thin, they possess great
-durability, and in form they are extremely well shaped and finished
-(see <a href="#pl46">Plate XLVI</a>).</p>
-<p>The best Amphlett pots owe their high quality to the excellence of
-their material as well as their workmanship. The clay for them has to
-be imported into the Islands from Yayawana, a quarry on the Northern
-shore of Fergusson Island, about a day&rsquo;s journey from the
-Amphletts. Only a very inferior clay can be found in the islands of
-Gumasila and Nabwageta, good enough to make small pots, but quite
-useless for the big ones.</p>
-<p>There is a legend, explaining why the good clay cannot be obtained
-nowadays in the Amphletts. In olden days, two brothers, Torosipupu and
-Tolikilaki, lived on one of the summits of Gumasila called Tomonumonu.
-There was plenty of fine clay there at that time. One day Torosipupu
-went to fish with a trap. He caught a very fine giant clam-shell. When
-he came back, Tolikilaki said: &ldquo;O my shell! I shall eat
-it!&rdquo; Torosipupu refused it and answered with a very obscene
-allusion to the bivalvular mollusc and to the uses he was going to make
-of it. Tolikilaki asked again; Torosipupu refused. They quarrelled.
-Tolikilaki then took part of the clay with him, and went to Yayawana on
-the main island. Torosipupu afterwards took the rest and followed him.
-What were their further destinies, the legend does not say. But on
-Gumasila there remained only very poor clay, which is all that can be
-found there ever since.</p>
-<p>Since then, the men have to go about twice yearly to Yayawana in
-order to bring the clay from which the women afterwards will
-manufacture the pots. It takes them about a day to reach Yayawana, to
-which, as it lies to the <span class="corr" id="xd26e9891" title=
-"Source: South West">South-West</span>, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb284" href="#pb284" name="pb284">284</a>]</span>they can travel with
-any of the prevailing winds and return equally well. They remain for a
-couple of days there, digging the clay, drying it and filling a few
-<i lang="kij">vataga</i> baskets with it. I estimate that each canoe
-carries about two ton weight on its return journey. This will last the
-women for half a year&rsquo;s production. The pale, straw-coloured clay
-is kept under the houses in big troughs made of sides of discarded
-canoes.</p>
-<p>In olden days, before the white man&rsquo;s advent, the conditions
-were a little more complicated. Only one island, Kwatouto, being on
-friendly terms with the natives had the freedom of the Northern shore.
-Whether the other islands used also to fetch the clay from there, doing
-so armed and ready for attack; or whether they used to acquire the clay
-by barter from Kwatouto, I could not definitely establish. The
-information one receives in the Amphletts is exceedingly
-unsatisfactory, and my several informants gave contradictory accounts
-on this point. The fact seems clear, in my case, that Kwatouto, then as
-now, was the source of the best pottery, but that both Gumasila and
-Nabwageta also always manufactured pots, though perhaps inferior ones.
-The fourth island, Domdom, never participated in this trade, and up to
-the present there is not a single woman in Domdom who can shape a
-pot.</p>
-<p id="pl44"></p>
-<div class="figure pl44-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl44-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLIV</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl44-1.jpg" alt="" width="445" height="379"></div>
-<div class="figure pl44-2width"><img src="images/pl44-2.jpg" alt=
-"Technology of Pot Making (I.)" width="439" height="374">
-<p class="figureHead">Technology of Pot Making (I.)</p>
-<p class="first">Top picture: the clumps of clay have been put in a
-circle and joined up, forming thick, circular roll. Bottom picture: the
-roll is being worked upwards, caving in all round. (See <a href=
-"#div11.3">Div. III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p id="pl45"></p>
-<div class="figure pl45-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl45-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLV</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl45-1.jpg" alt="" width="444" height="507"></div>
-<div class="figure pl45-2width"><img src="images/pl45-2.jpg" alt=
-"Technology of Pot Making (II.)" width="446" height="437">
-<p class="figureHead">Technology of Pot Making (II.)</p>
-<p class="first">Top picture: the dome-shaped mass of clay is worked
-near the hole in the top; presently the latter will be closed, and, as
-this is a small pot, only after that is the pot beaten, as shown in the
-picture below. (See <a href="#div11.3">Div. III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>The <span class="corr" id="xd26e9934" title=
-"Source: manufucturing">manufacturing</span> of this article, as said,
-is exclusively the work of women. They sit in groups of two or three
-under the houses, surrounded by big clumps of clay and the implements
-of their craft, and produce in these very shabby and mean conditions,
-veritable masterpieces of their art. Personally I had only the
-opportunity of seeing groups of very old women at work, although I
-spent about a month in the Amphletts.</p>
-<p>With regard to the technology of pot-making, the method is that of
-first roughly moulding the clay into its form and then beating with a
-spatula and subsequently scraping the walls to the required thinness
-with a mussel-shell. To give the description in detail, a woman starts
-first by kneading a certain amount of clay for a long time. Of this
-material she makes two semi-circular clumps, or several clumps, if a
-big pot is to be made. These clumps are then placed in a ring, touching
-one another upon a flat stone or board, so that they form a thick,
-circular roll (<a href="#pl44">Plate XLIV</a>, top). The woman now
-begins to work this roll with both hands, gradually pressing it
-together, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb285" href="#pb285" name=
-"pb285">285</a>]</span>and at the same time bringing it up all round
-into a slanting wall (see <a href="#pl44">Plate XLIV</a>, bottom). Her
-left hand works as a rule on the inside, and her right on the outside
-of this wall; gradually it begins to shape into a semi-spherical dome.
-On the top of the dome there is a hole, through which the woman thrusts
-her left hand, working with it on the inside<a id="xd26e9947" name=
-"xd26e9947"></a> of the dome (see <a href="#pl45">Plate XLV</a>, top).
-At first the main movements of her hands were from downward up,
-flattening out the rolls into thin walls. The traces of her fingers
-going up and down on the outside leave longitudinal furrows (see
-details on <a href="#pl45">Plate XLV</a>, top). Towards the end of this
-stage her hands move round and round, leaving concentric, horizontal
-marks on the dome. This is continued until the pot has assumed a good
-curvature all round.</p>
-<p>It seems almost a miracle to see how, in a relatively short time,
-out of this after all brittle material, and with no implements
-whatever, a woman will shape a practically faultless hemisphere, often
-up to a metre in diameter.</p>
-<p>After the required shape has been obtained the woman takes a small
-spatula of light-wood into her right hand and she proceeds to tap the
-clay gently (see <a href="#pl45">Plate XLV</a>, bottom). This stage
-lasts a fairly long time, for big pots about an hour. After the dome
-has been sufficiently worked in this way small pieces of clay are
-gradually fitted in at the top, closing the orifice, and the top of the
-dome is beaten again. In the case of small pots the beating is done
-only after the orifice has been closed. The pot is put with the mat
-into the sun, where it remains for a day or two to harden. It is then
-turned round, so that its mouth is now uppermost, and its bottom is
-carefully placed into a basket. Then, round the rim of the mouth, a
-flat strip of clay is placed horizontally, turned towards the inside,
-forming a graceful lip. Three small lumps of clay are put 120&deg;
-distance from each other near the lip as ornaments, and, with a pointed
-stick, a design is scratched in round the lip and sometimes down the
-outside of the body. In this state the pot is again left in the sun for
-some length of time.</p>
-<p>After it has sufficiently hardened to be handled with safety, though
-it must be done with the utmost care, it is placed on some dried
-sticks, mouth downwards, supported by stones put between the sticks. It
-is surrounded with twigs and pieces of wood on its outside, fire is
-kindled, the sticks below bake it from the inside, and those from above
-on the outside. The final result is a beautiful pot, of a brick red
-colour when new, though after several uses it becomes completely black.
-Its shape is not quite semi-spherical; it is rather half an
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e9965" title=
-"Source: elipsoid">ellipsoid</span>, like the broader half of an egg,
-cut off in the middle. The whole gives the feeling of perfection in
-form and of elegance, unparalleled in any South Sea pottery<a id=
-"xd26e9968" name="xd26e9968"></a> I know (see <a href="#pl46">Plate
-XLVI</a>).</p>
-<p>These pots in Kiriwinian language <i lang="kij">kuria</i>, are
-called by the Amphlett natives <i lang="kij">kuyana</i> or <i lang=
-"kij">va&rsquo;ega</i>. The biggest specimens are about a metre across
-their mouth, and some sixty centimetres deep; they are used exclusively
-for the ceremonial cooking of <i lang="kij">mona</i> (see <a href=
-"#pl35">Plate XXXV</a>), and are called <i lang="kij">kwoylamona</i>
-(in the Amphletts: <i lang="kij">nokunu</i>). The second size <i lang=
-"kij">kwoylakalagila</i> (in the Amphletts, <i lang=
-"kij">nopa&rsquo;eva</i>) are used for ordinary boiling of yams or
-taro. <i lang="kij">Kwoylugwawaga</i> (Amphletts, <i lang=
-"xx">nobadala</i>), are used for the same purposes but are much
-smaller. An especial size, <i lang="kij">kwoylamegwa</i> (Amphletts,
-<i lang="xx">nosipoma</i>) are used in sorcery. The smallest ones,
-which I do not remember ever having seen in the Trobriands though there
-is a Trobriand word for them, <i lang="kij">kwoylakekila</i>, are used
-for everyday cooking in the Amphletts where they are called <i lang=
-"kij">va&rsquo;ega</i>, in the narrower sense of the word.</p>
-<p>I have expatiated on this singular and artistic achievement of the
-natives of the Amphletts, because from all points of view it is
-important to know the details of a craft so far in advance of any
-similar achievement within the Melanesian region.</p>
-<p>A few words must now be said about trade in the Amphletts. The
-central position of this little archipelago situated between, on one
-side, the big, flat, extremely fertile coral islands, which, however,
-are deprived of many indispensable, natural resources; and on the
-other, the rich jungle and varied mineral supplies of the volcanic
-regions in the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux archipelago, indicates on which
-lines this trade would be likely to develop. To this natural inequality
-between them and their neighbours are added social elements. The
-Trobrianders are skilful, industrious, and economically highly
-organised. In this respect, even the Dobuans stand on a lower level,
-and the other inhabitants of the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux much more
-so.</p>
-<p>If we imagine a commercial diagram drawn on the map, we would first
-of all notice the export in pottery, radiating from the Amphletts as
-its source. In the inverse direction, flowing <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb287" href="#pb287" name=
-"pb287">287</a>]</span>towards them, would be imports in food such as
-sago, pigs, coco-nut, betel-nut, taro and yams. An article very
-important in olden days, which had to be imported into the Amphletts,
-was the stone for implements coming via the Trobriands from Woodlark
-Island. These indeed would be traded on by the Amphlettans, as all the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux relied, for the most part at least, on the
-imports from Woodlark, according to information I obtained in the
-Amphletts. The Amphlett islands further depended on the Trobriands for
-the following articles: wooden dishes, manufactured in Bwoytalu;
-lime-pots manufactured in several villages of Kuboma; three-tiered
-baskets and folding baskets, made in Luya; ebony lime pots and mussel
-shells, these latter fished mainly by the village of Kavataria in the
-lagoon. These articles were paid for, or matched as presents by the
-following ones: first of all, of course the pots; secondly,
-turtle-shell earrings, special nose sticks, red ochre, <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e10030" title="Source: pummice">pumice</span> stone and
-obsidian, all of these obtainable locally. Further, the natives of the
-Amphletts procured on Fergusson Island, for the Trobrianders, wild
-banana seeds used for necklaces, strips of rattan used as belts and for
-lashing, feathers of the cassowary and red parrot, used for dancing
-decorations, plaited fibre-belts, bamboo and barbed spears.</p>
-<p>It may be added that in olden days, the natives in the Amphletts
-would not sail freely to all the places on the main island. Each
-Amphlett village community had a district on the mainland, with which
-they were on friendly terms and with which they could trade without
-incurring any danger. Thus, as said above, only the village of
-Kwatouto, in the southernmost inhabited Amphlett island, was free to go
-unmolested to the district round Yayawana, from whence they obtained
-the pale yellow clay, so excellent for pottery. The natives of
-Nabwageta had a few villages eastwards from Yayawana to deal with, and
-those of Gumasila went further East still. Domdom natives were never
-great traders or sailors. The trading conditions in the islands were
-further complicated by the constant internal quarrels and warfare
-between the districts. Kwatouto and Domdom on the one side, Gumasila
-and Nabwageta on the other were allies, and between these two factions
-there was a constant, smouldering hostility, preventing any development
-of friendly commercial intercourse, and breaking out now and then into
-open warfare. This was <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb288" href=
-"#pb288" name="pb288">288</a>]</span>the reason why the villages were
-all perched on high, inaccessible ledges, or like Gumasila, were built
-so as to be protected by the sea and reefs from attack.</p>
-<div class="figure pl46width" id="pl46">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl46width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLVI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl46.jpg" alt="Fine Specimens of Amphlett Pots."
-width="720" height="410">
-<p class="figureHead">Fine Specimens of Amphlett Pots.</p>
-<p>The largest type of cooking pots, used only for the preparation of
-taro pudding, are an article of high value and often handled and
-displayed in connection with ceremonial distributions (<i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i>) and communal cooking. (See <a href="#div11.3">Div.
-III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl47width" id="pl47">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl47width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLVII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl47.jpg" alt="A Canoe in Gumasila Loading Pots."
-width="720" height="426">
-<p class="figureHead">A Canoe in Gumasila Loading Pots.</p>
-<p>The main article of export from the Amphletts has to be stowed away
-very carefully. (See <a href="#div11.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>The influence of the surrounding great districts, that is, of the
-Trobriands and of Dobu upon the Amphletts neither was nor is merely
-commercial. From the limited linguistic material collected in the
-Amphletts, I can only say that their language is related both to that
-of the Trobriands and of Dobu. Their social organisation resembles
-closely that of the Trobrianders with the exception of chieftainship,
-which is lacking in the Amphletts. In their beliefs as to sorcery,
-spirits, etc., they seem to be more akin to the Dobuans than to the
-Trobrianders. Their canoe magic has come <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e10067" title="Source: form">from</span> the Trobriands, but the
-art of building their canoes is that of Dobu, which as we have seen
-before is also the one adopted by the Trobrianders. The magic of the
-Kula, known in the Amphletts, is partly adopted from the Trobriands,
-and partly from Dobu. There is only one indigenous system of magic
-which originated in the islands. Long ago there lived a man of the
-Malasi clan, who had his abode in the rock of Selawaya, which stands
-out of the jungle, above the big village of Gumasila. This man knew the
-magic of <i lang="kij">ayowa</i>, which is the name given to <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) in the language of the Amphletts and of
-Dobu. Some people passed near the stone while it was being recited
-within it; they learned it, and handed it over to their
-descendants.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div11.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">One more point of importance must be mentioned here, a
-point bearing upon the intertribal relations in this district. As we
-saw, some Trobriand people remain sometimes on prolonged visits in the
-Amphletts. This custom, however, is never reciprocated, and people from
-the Amphletts never visit for any length of time their Northern
-neighbours. The same refers to the relations between the Trobriands and
-the district of Dobu. In discussing the lists of Kula partners of
-Kouta&rsquo;uya and Toybayoba, I was told about some of their Southern
-partners, that they were <i lang="kij">veyola</i> (maternal kinsmen) of
-my informant. On further inquiry it appeared that these people were
-emigrants from the Trobriands, who settled down in Tewara, Sanaroa or
-the big Dobuan settlements on the North-West shores of Dawson Straits.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb289" href="#pb289" name=
-"pb289">289</a>]</span></p>
-<p>When I asked whether, on the contrary, there were any cases of
-Dobuans settling in Boyowa, it was emphatically denied that such a
-thing could happen. And indeed, in the numerous genealogical data which
-I have collected from all over the district, there is no trace of
-migration from the South, although frequent migrations occur within the
-district and some from the Marshall Bennett Islands. In general, all
-these migrations within the Trobriands show also a marked tendency to
-move form North to South. Thus, the most aristocratic sub-clan, the
-Tabalu, originated in the Northernmost village of Laba&rsquo;i. But now
-their stronghold is further South in Omarakana, and the members of the
-same sub-clan are ruling in Olivilevi, and Tukwa&rsquo;ukwa, that is in
-the middle of the island. Some of them even migrated as far South as
-Vakuta, where they established a feeble imitation of chieftainship,
-never being able to subdue the other natives to any extent. Several
-sub-clans, now firmly established in the Middle and Southern portions
-of the island, trace their descent from the North, and in the Amphletts
-there are also a couple of cases of sub-clans immigrated from
-Boyowa.</p>
-<p>In contrast to this migration of people from North to South, we have
-noted the spread of one of the main cultural elements, of the canoe,
-from South to North. We saw how the <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, the big,
-sea-worthy, but heavy and slow canoe has been superseded by the
-<i lang="kij">masawa</i> or <i lang="kij">tadobu</i>, which spread a
-few generations ago, till it arrived at the island of Kitava. It is
-more difficult to follow the movements of beliefs. But I have reason to
-assume that beliefs in sorcery, more especially in the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> and <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>, move from
-South to North.</p>
-<p>In the <a href="#ch12">next Chapter</a>, we shall return to our
-Sinaketan expedition, in order to move them for a short distance along
-their route into the first settlements of the Dobu speaking people.
-These places will suggest a new theme for a lengthy digression, this
-time into the mythological subjects and legends connected with the
-Kula. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb290" href="#pb290" name=
-"pb290">290</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e9581" href="#xd26e9581src" name="xd26e9581">1</a></span> See
-<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e9581src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e9847" href="#xd26e9847src" name="xd26e9847">2</a></span> I cannot
-tell what sort of influence this would be, exercised by a sister over
-her brother in Dobu. I do not even know whether, in that district,
-there obtains the same taboo between brother and sister as in the
-Trobriands.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e9847src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e9873" href="#xd26e9873src" name="xd26e9873">3</a></span> This is
-the information which I obtained during my short visit to Murua
-(Woodlark Island), and which was confirmed by the Trobriand Islanders.
-Professor <span class="corr" id="xd26e9875" title=
-"Source: Seligmann">Seligman</span> states, also, that the sepulchral
-pots, found in this island come from the Amphletts. <i>op. cit</i>., p.
-731. Compare also pp. 15 and 535.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e9873src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch12" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e684">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">In Tewara and Sanaroa&mdash;Mythology of the Kula</h2>
-<div id="div12.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">At daybreak the party leave the Amphletts. This is the
-stage when the parting gifts, the <i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> are
-given. The clay pots, the several kinds of produce of the islands and
-of the Koya, which had been laid aside the previous day, are now
-brought to the canoes (see <a href="#pl47">Plate XLVII</a>). Neither
-the giver nor the main receiver, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, take
-much notice of the proceedings, great nonchalance about give and take
-being the correct attitude prescribed by good manners. Children bring
-the objects, and the junior members of the crew stow them away. The
-general behaviour of the crowds, ashore and in the canoes, is as
-unostentatious at this moment of parting as it was at the arrival. No
-more farewells than greetings are spoken or shouted, nor are there any
-visible or formal signs of grief, or of hope of meeting again, or of
-any other emotions. The busy, self-absorbed crews push off stolidly,
-step the mast, set sail, and glide away.</p>
-<p>They now approach the broad front of Koyatabu, which with a
-favourable wind, they might reach within two hours or so. They probably
-sail near enough to get a clear view of the big trees standing on the
-edge of the jungle, and of the long waterfall dividing the
-mountain&rsquo;s flank right down the middle; of the triangular patches
-under cultivation, covered with the vine of yams and big leaves of
-taro. They could also perceive here and there smoke curling out of the
-jungle where, hidden under the trees, there lies a village, composed of
-a few miserable huts. Nowadays these villages have come down to the
-water&rsquo;s edge, in order to supplement their garden yield with
-fish. In olden days they were all high up on the slope, and their huts
-hardly ever visible from the sea. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb291"
-href="#pb291" name="pb291">291</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The inhabitants of these small and ramshackle villages are shy and
-timid, though in olden days they would have been dangerous to the
-Trobrianders. They speak a language which differs from that of Dobu and
-is usually called by the natives &lsquo;the Basima talk.&rsquo; There
-seem to be about four or five various languages on the island of
-Fergusson, besides that of Dobu. My acquaintance with the Basima
-natives is very small, due only to two forced landings in their
-district. They struck me as being physically of a different type from
-the Dobuans, though this is only an impression. They have got no boats,
-and do the little sailing they require on small rafts of three or five
-logs tied together. Their houses are smaller and less well-made than
-those in Dobu. Further investigation of these natives would be very
-interesting, and probably also very difficult, as is always the case
-when studying very small communities, living at the same time right out
-of touch with any white man.</p>
-<p>This land must remain, for the present anyhow, veiled for ourselves,
-as it also is for the Trobriand natives. For these, indeed, the few
-attempts which they occasionally made to come into contact with these
-natives, and the few mishaps which brought them to their shores, were
-all far from encouraging in results, and only strengthened the
-traditional superstitious fear of them. Several generations ago, a
-canoe or two from Burakwa, in the island of Kayeula, made an exploring
-trip to the district of Gabu, lying in a wide bay under the North-West
-flank of Koyatabu. The natives of Gabu, receiving them at first with a
-show of interest, and pretending to enter into commercial relations,
-afterwards fell on them treacherously and slew the chief Toraya and all
-his companions. This story has become famous, and indeed one of the
-outstanding historical events of the Trobriands, because Tomakam, the
-slain chief&rsquo;s younger brother, went to the Koya of Gabu, and
-killed the head man of one of the villages, avenging thus his
-brother&rsquo;s death. He then composed a song and a dance which is
-performed to this day in Kiriwina, and has indeed one of the finest
-melodies in the islands.</p>
-<p>This is the verbatim account of the story as it was told to me by
-To&rsquo;uluwa himself, the chief of Omarakana, who at present
-&lsquo;owns&rsquo; this Gumagabu dance, his ancestors having acquired
-it from the descendants of Tomakam by a <i lang="kij">laga</i>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb292" href="#pb292" name=
-"pb292">292</a>]</span>payment.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e10143src"
-href="#xd26e10143" name="xd26e10143src">1</a> It is a commentary to the
-song, and begins only with the avenging expedition of Tomakam, which is
-also the theme of the song.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">The Story of Gumagabu</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Tomakam got a new <i lang="kij">waga</i>. He
-blew the conch shell and went to the Koya. He spoke to his
-mother&rdquo; (that is, before leaving), &ldquo;&#8202;&lsquo;My
-mother, you remain, I shall sail. One conch shell you hear, it will be
-a conch shell of a necklace.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo; (That is, it will be
-a sign that he has been successful in getting a good Kula necklace).
-&ldquo;&#8202;&lsquo;The second conch shell will be the conch shell of
-the dead man; the sign that I have already carried out my revenge. I
-shall sail, I shall anchor, I shall sleep. The second day I shall sail,
-I shall anchor, I shall sleep. The third day I shall anchor in a
-village, having already arrived in the Mountain. The fourth day I shall
-give <i lang="kij">pari</i>, the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> (the Southern
-foreigner) will come, I shall hit him. The fifth day I shall return. I
-shall sail fast, till night grows on the sea. The next day I shall
-anchor at Burakwa. You hear the conch shell, you sleep in the house,
-arise. One blow you hear of the shell&mdash;the blow of the <i lang=
-"kij">bagi</i> (necklace). Two blows you hear, the blow of the dead
-man! Then the men of Burakwa will say: &lsquo;Two conch shells, two
-necklaces,&rsquo; then, you come out of the house, you speak:
-&lsquo;Men of Burakwa, from one side of the village and from the other;
-indeed you mocked my son, Tomakam. Your speech was&mdash;go, carry out
-thy vendetta in Gabu. The first conch shell is that of the necklace,
-the second conch shell is that of the dead man. I have
-spoken!&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo; (Here ends the speech of Tomakam to his
-mother.)</p>
-<p>&ldquo;He anchored in the village in the Koya. He told his younger
-brother: &lsquo;Go, tell the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> men these words:
-Your friend has a sore leg, well, if we together go to the canoe he
-will give the <i lang="kij">pari!</i>&rsquo; The younger brother went
-and spoke those words to the headman of the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i>:
-&lsquo;Some green coco-nuts, some betel-nut, some pig, bring this to us
-and we shall give you <i lang="kij">pari</i>. Your arm-shells, your big
-stone blade, your boar&rsquo;s tusk, your whale-bone spatula await you
-in the canoe. The message for you is that your friend has a sore leg
-and cannot walk.&rsquo; Says the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> man:
-&lsquo;Well, let us go!&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;He caught a pig, he collected betel-nut, sugar cane, bananas,
-necklaces, betel-pod, he said: &lsquo;Well, let us go <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb293" href="#pb293" name=
-"pb293">293</a>]</span>together to the canoe.&rsquo; <i lang=
-"kij">Pu&rsquo;u</i> he gives the necklace; <i lang=
-"kij">pu&rsquo;u</i>, the pig; then he gave the coco-nut, the
-betel-nut, the sugar cane, the bananas. Tomakam lay on one side; his
-leg he wrapped up in a white, soft pandanus mat. Before he had spoken
-to his younger brother&rdquo;: (i.e., he gave him this instruction
-also, when he sent him to meet the people of Gabu):
-&ldquo;&#8202;&lsquo;You all come with the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i>
-man. Do not remain in the village.&rsquo; Then&rdquo; (after the first
-gifts were exchanged) &ldquo;the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> man stood up
-in the canoe. His betel-pod fell down. Spoke Tomakam, addressing the
-<i lang="kij">Kinana</i> man: &lsquo;My friend, pick up the betel-pod.
-It fell and went down into the canoe.&rsquo; The <i lang=
-"kij">Kinana</i> man bent down, he took the betel-pod. Tomakam saw that
-the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> bent down, he took an axe, and sitting he
-made a stroke at him. He cut off his neck. Then Tomakam took the head,
-threw the body into the sea. The head he stuck on a stick of his canoe.
-They sailed, they arrived in their village. He caught a pig, prepared a
-taro pudding, cut sugar cane, they had a big feast, he invented this
-song.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Such was the story told me by the chief of Omarakana about the song
-and dance of Gumagabu, which at that time they were singing and
-performing in his village. I have adduced it in full, in an almost
-literal translation from the native text, in order to show it side by
-side with the song. The narrative thus reproduced shows characteristic
-gaps, and it does not cover even the incidents of the song.</p>
-<p>The following is a free translation of the song, which, in its
-original native text, is very condensed and impressionistic. A word or
-two indicates rather than describes whole scenes and incidents, and the
-traditional commentary, handed on in a native community side by side
-with the song, is necessary for a full understanding.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="lgouter">
-<h4>The Gumagabu Song</h4>
-<div class="lg">
-<h4>I</h4>
-<p class="line">The stranger of Gumagabu sits on the top of the
-mountain.</p>
-<p class="line">&lsquo;Go on top of the mountain, the towering
-mountain&#8202;&hellip;.&rsquo;</p>
-<p class="line">&mdash;&mdash;They cry for
-Toraya&#8202;&hellip;&mdash;&mdash;</p>
-<p class="line">The stranger of Gumagabu sits on the slope of the
-mountain.</p>
-<p class="line">&mdash;&mdash;The fringe of small clouds lifts above
-Boyowa;</p>
-<p class="line">The mother cries for Toraya&mdash;&mdash; <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb294" href="#pb294" name="pb294">294</a>]</span></p>
-<p class="line">&lsquo;I shall take my revenge.&rsquo;</p>
-<p class="line">The mother cries for Toraya.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="lg">
-<h4>II</h4>
-<p class="line">Our mother, Dibwaruna, dreams on the mat.</p>
-<p class="line">She dreams about the killing.</p>
-<p class="line">&lsquo;Revenge the wailing;</p>
-<p class="line">Anchor; hit the Gabu strangers!&rsquo;</p>
-<p class="line">&mdash;&mdash;The stranger comes out;</p>
-<p class="line">The chief gives him the <i lang="kij">pari</i>;</p>
-<p class="line">&lsquo;I shall give you the <i lang="kij">doga</i>;</p>
-<p class="line">Bring me things from the mountain to the
-canoe!&rsquo;</p>
-</div>
-<div class="lg">
-<h4>III</h4>
-<p class="line">We exchange our <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>;</p>
-<p class="line">The rumour of my arrival spreads through the Koya</p>
-<p class="line">We talk and talk.</p>
-<p class="line">He bends and is killed.</p>
-<p class="line">His companions run away;</p>
-<p class="line">His body is thrown into the sea;</p>
-<p class="line">The companions of the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> run
-away,</p>
-<p class="line">We sail home.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="lg">
-<h4>IV</h4>
-<p class="line">Next day, the sea foams up,</p>
-<p class="line">The chief&rsquo;s canoe stops on the reef;</p>
-<p class="line">The storm approaches;</p>
-<p class="line">The chief is afraid of drowning.</p>
-<p class="line">The conch shell is blown:</p>
-<p class="line">It sounds in the mountain.</p>
-<p class="line">They all weep on the reef.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="lg">
-<h4>V</h4>
-<p class="line">They paddle in the chief&rsquo;s canoe;</p>
-<p class="line">They circle round the point of Bewara.</p>
-<p class="line">&lsquo;I have hung my basket.</p>
-<p class="line">I have met him.&rsquo;</p>
-<p class="line">So cries the chief,</p>
-<p class="line">So cries repeatedly the chief.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="lg">
-<h4>VI</h4>
-<p class="line">Women in festive decoration</p>
-<p class="line">Walk on the beach.</p>
-<p class="line">Nawaruva puts on her turtle rings;</p>
-<p class="line">She puts on her <i lang="kij">luluga&rsquo;u</i>
-skirt.</p>
-<p class="line">In the village of my fathers, in Burakwa,</p>
-<p class="line">There is plenty of food;</p>
-<p class="line">Plenty is brought in for distribution.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb295" href="#pb295" name=
-"pb295">295</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The character of this song is extremely elliptic, one might even say
-futuristic, since several scenes are crowded simultaneously into the
-picture. In the first strophe we see the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i>, by
-which word all the tribesmen from the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Archipelago
-are designated in Boyowa, on the top of his Mountain in Gabu.
-Immediately afterwards, we are informed of the intentions of Tomakam to
-ascend the mountain, while the women cry for Toraya, for the slain
-chief&mdash;probably his kinswomen and widows. The next picture again
-spans over the wide seas, and on the one shore we see the Gabuan
-sitting on the slopes of his hill and far away on the other, under the
-fringe of small clouds lifting above Boyowa, the mother cries for her
-son, the murdered chief. Tomakam takes a resolve, &lsquo;I shall take
-my revenge,&rsquo; hearing her cry.</p>
-<p>In the second strophe, the mother dreams about the expedition; the
-words about revenge to be taken on the Gabu men and the directions to
-anchor and hit him are probably taken from her dream. Then suddenly we
-are transported right across to the mountain, the expedition having
-arrived there already. The strangers, the <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> are
-coming down to the canoe, and we assist at the words spoken between
-them and the people of Buakwa.</p>
-<p>Then in the third strophe, we arrive at the culminating scene of the
-drama; even here, however, the hero, who is also his own bard, could
-not help introducing a few boastful words about his renown resounding
-in the Koya. In a few words the tragedy is described: the <i lang=
-"kij">Kinana</i> bends down, is killed, and his body is thrown into the
-water. About his head we hear nothing in this verse.</p>
-<p>In the next one, a storm overtakes the returning party. Signals of
-distress are re-echoed by the mountain, and like Homeric heroes, our
-party are not ashamed to weep in fear and anguish. Somehow they escape,
-however, and in the next verse, they are already near their village and
-Tomakam, their leader, bursts into a p&aelig;an of triumph. It is not
-quite clear what the allusion to the basket means, whether he keeps
-there his Kula trophies or the slain enemy&rsquo;s head; this latter,
-in contradiction to what we heard in the prose story of its being
-impaled. The song ends with a description of a feast. The woman
-mentioned there is Tomakam&rsquo;s daughter, who puts on festive attire
-in order to welcome her father. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb296"
-href="#pb296" name="pb296">296</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Comparing now the song with the story, we see that they do not quite
-tally. In the story, there is the dramatic interest of the
-mother&rsquo;s intervention. We gather from it that Tomakam, goaded by
-the aspersions of his fellow-villagers, wishes to make his return as
-effective as possible. He arranges the signals of the two conch shell
-blasts with his mother, and asks her to harangue the people at the
-moment of his return. All this finds no expression in the song. The
-ruse of the chief&rsquo;s sore leg is also omitted from there, which,
-however, does not mean that the hero was ashamed of it. On the other
-hand, the storm described in the song is omitted from the story, and
-there is a discrepancy about the head of the Gabu man, and we do not
-know whether it really is conveyed in a basket as the song has it or
-impaled, as the story relates!</p>
-<p>I have adduced in detail the story and the song, because they are a
-good illustration of the native&rsquo;s attitude towards the dangers,
-and towards the heroic romance of the Koya. They are also interesting
-as documents, showing which salient points would strike the
-natives&rsquo; imagination in such a dramatic occurrence. Both in the
-story and in the song, we find emphasised the motives of social duty,
-of satisfied self-regard and ambition; again, the dangers on the reef,
-the subterfuge in killing, finally the festivities on return home. Much
-that would interest us in the whole story is omitted, as anyone can see
-for himself.</p>
-<p>Other stories, though not made illustrious through being set into a
-song, are told about the Koya. I met myself an old man in the island of
-Vakuta, who, as a boy, had been captured with a whole party by a
-village community of Dobu-speaking people on Normanby Island. The men
-and another small boy of the party were killed and eaten, but some
-women took pity on him, and he was spared, to be brought up amongst
-them. There is another man, either alive or recently dead in Kavataria,
-who had a similar experience in Fergusson Island. Another man called
-Kaypoyla, from the small island of Kuyawa in the Western Trobriands,
-was stranded with his crew somewhere in the West of Fergusson Island,
-but not in the district where they used to trade. His companions were
-killed and eaten. He was taken alive and kept to fatten for a proximate
-feast. His host, or rather the host of the feast in which he was going
-to furnish the <i lang="fr">pi&egrave;ce de r&eacute;sistence</i>, was
-away inland, to invite the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb297" href=
-"#pb297" name="pb297">297</a>]</span>guests, while the host&rsquo;s
-wife went for a moment behind the house, sweeping the ground. Kaypoyla
-jumped up and ran to the shore. Being chased by some other men from the
-settlement, he concealed himself in the branches of a big tree standing
-on the beach, and was not found by his pursuers. At night he came down,
-took a canoe or a raft, and paddled along the coast. He used to sleep
-on shore during the night, and paddle on in day time. One night he
-slept among some sago-palms, and, awakening in the morning, found
-himself, to his terror, surrounded by <i lang="kij">Kinana</i> men.
-What was his joyful surprise after all, when he recognised among them
-his friend and Kula partner, with whom he always used to trade! After
-some time, he was sent back home in his partner&rsquo;s canoe.</p>
-<p>Many such stories have a wide currency, and they supply one of the
-heroic elements in tribal life, an element which now, with the
-establishment of white man&rsquo;s influence, has vanished. Yet even
-now the gloomy shores which our party are leaving to the right, the
-tall jungle, the deep valleys, the hill-tops darkened with trailing
-clouds, all this is a dim mysterious background, adding to the awe and
-solemnity of the Kula, though not entering into it. The sphere of
-activities of our traders lies at the foot of the high mountains,
-there, where a chain of rocks and islands lies scattered along the
-coast. Some of them are passed immediately after leaving Gumasila.
-Then, after a good distance, a small rock, called Gurewaya, is met,
-remarkable for the taboos associated with it. Close behind it, two
-islands, Tewara and Uwama, are separated by a narrow passage, the
-mythical straits of Kadimwatu. There is a village on the
-first-mentioned, and the natives of this make gardens on both islands.
-The village is not very big; it may have some sixty to eighty
-inhabitants, as it can man three canoes for the Kula. It has no
-commercial or industrial importance, but is notable because of its
-mythological associations. This island is the home of the mythological
-hero, Kasabwaybwayreta, whose story is one of the most important
-legends of the Kula. Here indeed, in Tewara, we are right within the
-mythological heart of the Kula. In fact, we entered its legendary area
-with the moment the Sinaketan fleet sailed out of the Lagoon into the
-deep waters of Pilolu. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb298" href=
-"#pb298" name="pb298">298</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Once more we must pause, this time in an attempt to
-grasp the natives&rsquo; mental attitude towards the mythological
-aspect of the Kula. Right through this account it has been our constant
-endeavour to realise the vision of the world, as it is reflected in the
-minds of the natives. The frequent references to the scenery have not
-been given only to enliven the narrative, or even to enable the reader
-to visualise the setting of the native customs. I have attempted to
-show how the scene of his actions appears actually to the native, to
-describe his impressions and feelings with regard to it, as I was able
-to read them in his folk-lore, in his conversations at home, and in his
-behaviour when passing through this scenery itself.</p>
-<p>Here we must try to reconstruct the influence of myth upon this vast
-landscape, as it colours it, gives it meaning, and transforms it into
-something live and familiar. What was a mere rock, now becomes a
-personality; what was a speck on the horizon becomes a beacon, hallowed
-by romantic associations with heroes; a meaningless configuration of
-landscape acquires a significance, obscure no doubt, but full of
-intense emotion. Sailing with natives, especially with novices to the
-Kula, I often observed how deep was their interest in sections of
-landscape impregnated with legendary meaning, how the elder ones would
-point and explain, the younger would gaze and wonder, while the talk
-was full of mythological names. It is the addition of the human
-interest to the natural features, possessing in themselves less power
-of appealing to a native man than to us, which makes the difference for
-him in looking at the scenery. A stone hurled by one of the heroes into
-the sea after an escaping canoe; a sea passage broken between two
-islands by a magical canoe; here two people turned into rock; there a
-petrified <i lang="kij">waga</i>&mdash;all this makes the landscape
-represent a continuous story or else the culminating dramatic incident
-of a familiar legend. This power of transforming the landscape, the
-visible environment, is one only of the many influences which myth
-exercises upon the general outlook of the natives. Although here we are
-studying myth only in its connection with the Kula, even within these
-narrow limits some of its broader connections will be apparent, notably
-its influence upon sociology, magic and ceremonial.</p>
-<p>The question which presents itself first, in trying to grasp
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb299" href="#pb299" name=
-"pb299">299</a>]</span>the native outlook on the subject is: what is
-myth to the natives? How do they conceive and define it? Have they any
-line of demarcation between the mythical and the actual reality, and if
-so, how do they draw this line?</p>
-<p>Their folk-lore, that is, the verbal tradition, the store of tales,
-legends, and texts handed on by previous generations, is composed of
-the following classes: first of all, there is what the natives call
-<i lang="kij">libogwo</i>, &lsquo;old talk,&rsquo; but which we would
-call tradition; secondly, <i lang="kij">kukwanebu</i>, fairy tales,
-recited for amusement, at definite seasons, and relating avowedly
-untrue events; thirdly, <i lang="kij">wosi</i>, the various songs, and
-<i lang="kij">vinavina</i>, ditties, chanted at play or under other
-special circumstances; and last, not least, <i lang="kij">megwa</i> or
-<i lang="kij">yopa</i>, the magical spells. All these classes are
-strictly distinguished from one another by name, function, social
-setting, and by certain formal characteristics. This brief outline of
-the Boyowan folk-lore in general must suffice here, as we cannot enter
-into more details, and the only class which interests us in the present
-connection is the first one, that called <i lang="kij">libogwo</i>.</p>
-<p>This, the &lsquo;old talk,&rsquo; the body of ancient tradition,
-believed to be true, consists on the one hand of historical tales, such
-as the deeds of past chiefs, exploits in the Koya, stories of
-shipwreck, etc. On the other hand, the <i lang="kij">libogwo</i> class
-also contains what the natives call <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>&mdash;myths, narratives, deeply believed by
-them, held by them in reverence, and exercising an active influence on
-their conduct and tribal life. Now the natives distinguish definitely
-between myth and historic account, but this distinction is difficult to
-formulate, and cannot be stated but in a somewhat deliberate
-manner.</p>
-<p>First of all, it must be borne in mind, that a native would not
-trouble spontaneously to analyse such distinctions and to put them into
-words. If an Ethnographer succeeded in making the problem clear to an
-intelligent informant (and I have tried and succeeded in doing this)
-the native would simply state:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;We all know that the stories about Tudava,
-about Kudayuri, about Tokosikuna, are <i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>;
-our fathers, our <i lang="kij">kadada</i> (our maternal uncles) told us
-so; and we always hear these tales; we know them well; we know that
-there are no other tales besides them, which are <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>. Thus, whenever we hear a story, we know whether
-it is a <i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i> or not.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb300" href="#pb300" name=
-"pb300">300</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Indeed, whenever a story is told, any native, even a boy, would be
-able to say whether this is one of his tribal <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i> or not. For the other tales, that is the
-historical ones, they have no special word, but they would describe the
-events as happening among &lsquo;humans like ourselves.&rsquo; Thus
-tradition, from which the store of tales is received, hands them on
-labelled as <i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>, and the definition of a
-<i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>, is that it is a story transmitted with
-such a label. And even this definition is contained by the facts
-themselves, and not explicitly stated by the natives in their current
-stock of expressions.</p>
-<p>For us, however, even this is not sufficient, and we have to search
-further, in order to see whether we cannot find other indices, other
-characteristic features which differentiate the world of mythical
-events from that of real ones. A reflection which would naturally
-present itself would be this: &ldquo;Surely the natives place their
-myths in ancient, pre-historic times, while they put historical events
-into recent ages?&rdquo; There is some truth in this, in so far as most
-of the historical events related by the natives are quite recent, have
-occurred within the community where they are told and can be directly
-connected with people and conditions existing at present, by memory of
-living man, by genealogies or other records. On the other hand, when
-historical events are told from other districts, and cannot be directly
-linked with the present, it would be erroneous to imagine that the
-natives place them into a definite compartment of time different from
-that of the myth. For it must be realised that these natives do not
-conceive of a past as of a lengthy duration, unrolling itself in
-successive stages of time. They have no idea of a long vista of
-historical occurrences, narrowing down and dimming as they recede
-towards a distant background of legend and myth, which stands out as
-something entirely different from the nearer planes. This view, so
-characteristic of the naive, historical thinking among ourselves, is
-entirely foreign to the natives. Whenever they speak of some event of
-the past, they distinguish whether it happened within their own memory
-or that of their fathers&rsquo; or not. But, once beyond this line of
-demarcation, all the past events are placed by them on one plane, and
-there are no gradations of &lsquo;long ago&rsquo; and &lsquo;very long
-ago.&rsquo; Any idea of epochs in time is absent from their mind; the
-past is one vast storehouse of events, and the line of demarcation
-between myth <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb301" href="#pb301" name=
-"pb301">301</a>]</span>and history does not coincide with any division
-into definite and distinct periods of time. Indeed, I have found very
-often that when they told me some story of the past, for me obviously
-mythological, they would deem it necessary to emphasise that this did
-not happen in their fathers&rsquo; time or in their
-grand-fathers&rsquo; time, but long ago, and that it is a <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>.</p>
-<p>Again, they have no idea of what could be called the evolution of
-the world or the evolution of society; that is, they do not look back
-towards a series of successive changes, which happened in nature or in
-humanity, as we do. We, in our religious and scientific outlook alike,
-know that earth ages and that humanity ages, and we think of both in
-these terms; for them, both are eternally the same, eternally youthful.
-Thus, in judging the remoteness of traditional events, they cannot use
-the co-ordinates of a social setting constantly in change and divided
-into epochs. To give a concrete example, in the myths of Torosipupu and
-Tolikalaki, we saw them having the same interest and concerns, engaged
-in the same type of fishing, using the same means of locomotion as the
-present natives do. The mythical personages of the natives&rsquo;
-legends, as we shall presently see, live in the same houses, eat the
-same food, handle the same weapons and implements as those in use at
-present. Whereas in any of our historical stories, legends or myths, we
-have a whole set of changed cultural conditions, which allow us to
-co-ordinate any event with a certain epoch, and which make us feel that
-a distant historical event, and still more, a mythological one, is
-happening in a setting of cultural conditions entirely different from
-those in which we are living now. In the very telling of the stories
-of, let us say, Joan of Arc, Solomon, Achilles, King Arthur, we have to
-mention all sorts of things and conditions long since disappeared from
-among us, which make even a superficial and an uneducated listener
-realise that it is a story of a remote and different past.</p>
-<p>I have said just now that the mythical personages in the Trobriand
-tradition are living the same type of life, under the same social and
-cultural conditions as the present natives. This needs one
-qualification, and in this we shall find a very remarkable criterion
-for a distinction between what is legendary and what is historical: in
-the mythical world, although <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb302" href=
-"#pb302" name="pb302">302</a>]</span>surrounding conditions were
-similar, all sorts of events happened which do not happen nowadays, and
-people were endowed with powers such as present men and their
-historical ancestors do not possess. In mythical times, human beings
-come out of the ground, they change into animals, and these become
-people again; men and women rejuvenate and slough their skins; flying
-canoes speed through the air, and things are transformed into
-stone.</p>
-<p>Now this line of demarcation between the world of myth and that of
-actual reality&mdash;the simple difference that in the former things
-happen which never occur nowadays&mdash;is undoubtedly felt and
-realised by the natives, though they themselves could not put it into
-words. They know quite well that to-day no one emerges from
-underground; that people do not change into animals, and <i lang=
-"la">vice versa</i>; nor do they give birth to them; that present-day
-canoes do not fly. I had the opportunity of grasping their mental
-attitude towards such things by the following occurrence. The Fijian
-missionary teacher in Omarakana was telling them about white
-man&rsquo;s flying machines. They inquired from me, whether this was
-true, and when I corroborated the Fijian&rsquo;s report and showed them
-pictures of aeroplanes in an illustrated paper, they asked me whether
-this happened nowadays or whether it were a <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>. This circumstance made it clear to me then,
-that the natives would have a tendency, when meeting with an
-extraordinary and to them supernatural event, either to discard it as
-untrue, or relegate it into the regions of the <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>. This does not mean, however, that the untrue
-and the mythical are the same or even similar to them. Certain stories
-told to them, they insist on treating as <i lang="kij">sasopa</i>
-(lies), and maintain that they are not <i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>.
-For instance, those opposed to missionary teaching will not accept the
-view that Biblical stories told to them are a <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>, but they reject them as <i lang=
-"kij">sasopa</i>. Many a time did I hear such a conservative native
-arguing thus:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Our stories about Tudava are true; this is a
-<i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>. If you go to Laba&rsquo;i you can see
-the cave in which Tudava was born, you can see the beach where he
-played as a boy. You can see his footmark in a stone at a place in the
-Raybwag. But where are the traces of Yesu Keriso? Who ever saw any
-signs of the tales told by the misinari? Indeed they are not <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb303" href="#pb303" name=
-"pb303">303</a>]</span></p>
-<p>To sum up, the distinction between the <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i> and actual or historical reality is drawn
-firmly, and there is a definite cleavage between the two. <i lang=
-"la">Prima facie</i>, this distinction is based on the fact that all
-myth is labelled as such and known to be such to all natives. A further
-distinctive mark of the world of <i lang="kij">lili&rsquo;u</i> lies in
-the super-normal, supernatural character of certain events which happen
-in it. The supernatural is believed to be true, and this truth is
-sanctioned by tradition, and by the various signs and traces left
-behind by mythical events, more especially by the magical powers handed
-on by the ancestors who lived in times of <i lang=
-"kij">lili&rsquo;u</i>. This magical inheritance is no doubt the most
-palpable link between the present and the mythical past. But this past
-must not be imagined to form a pre-historic, very distant background,
-something which preceded a long evolution of mankind. It is rather the
-past, but extremely near reality, very much alive and true to the
-natives.</p>
-<p>As I have just said, there is one point on which the cleavage
-between myth and present reality, however deep, is bridged over in
-native ideas. The extraordinary powers which men possess in myths are
-mostly due to their knowledge of magic. This knowledge is, in many
-cases, lost, and therefore the powers of doing these marvellous things
-are either completely gone, or else considerably reduced. If the magic
-could be recovered, men would fly again in their canoes, they could
-rejuvenate, defy ogres, and perform the many heroic deeds which they
-did in ancient times. Thus, magic, and the powers conferred by it, are
-really the link between mythical tradition and the present day. Myth
-has crystallised into magical formul&aelig;, and magic in its turn
-bears testimony to the authenticity of myth. Often the main function of
-myth is to serve as a foundation for a system of magic, and, wherever
-magic forms the backbone of an institution, a myth is also to be found
-at the base of it. In this perhaps, lies the greatest sociological
-importance of myth, that is, in its action upon institutions through
-the associated magic. The sociological point of view and the idea of
-the natives coincide here in a remarkable manner. In this book we see
-this exemplified in one concrete case, in that of the relation between
-the mythology, the magic, and the social institution of the Kula.</p>
-<p>Thus we can define myth as a narrative of events which are to the
-native supernatural, in this sense, that he knows well <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb304" href="#pb304" name="pb304">304</a>]</span>that
-to-day they do not happen. At the same time he believes deeply that
-they did happen then. The socially sanctioned narratives of these
-events; the traces which they left on the surface of the earth; the
-magic in which they left behind part of their supernatural powers, the
-social institutions which are associated with the practice of this
-magic&mdash;all this brings about the fact that a myth is for the
-native a living actuality, though it has happened long ago and in an
-order of things when people were endowed with supernatural powers.</p>
-<p>I have said before that the natives do not possess any historical
-perspective, that they do not range events&mdash;except of course,
-those of the most recent decades&mdash;into any successive stages. They
-also do not classify their myths into any divisions with regard to
-their antiquity. But in looking at their myths, it becomes at once
-obvious that they represent events, some of which must have happened
-prior to others. For there is a group of stories describing the origin
-of humanity, the emerging of the various social units from underground.
-Another group of mythical tales gives accounts of how certain important
-institutions were introduced and how certain customs crystallised.
-Again, there are myths referring to small changes in culture, or to the
-introduction of new details and minor customs. Broadly speaking, the
-mythical folk-lore of the Trobrianders can be divided into three groups
-referring to three different strata of events. In order to give a
-general idea of Trobriand mythology, it will be good to give a short
-characterisation of each of these groups.</p>
-<p>1. <i>The Oldest Myths</i>, referring to the origin of human beings;
-to the sociology of the sub-clans and villages; to the establishment of
-permanent relations between this world and the next. These myths
-describe events which took place just at the moment when the earth
-began to be peopled from underneath. Humanity existed, somewhere
-underground, since people emerged from there on the surface of Boyowa,
-in full decoration, equipped with magic, belonging to social divisions,
-and obeying definite laws and customs. But beyond this we know nothing
-about what they did underground. There is, however, a series of myths,
-of which one is attached to every one of the more important sub-clans,
-about various ancestors coming out of the ground, and almost at once,
-doing some important deed, which gives a definite character to the
-sub-clan. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb305" href="#pb305" name=
-"pb305">305</a>]</span>Certain mythological versions about the nether
-world belong also to this series.</p>
-<p>2. <i>Kultur-myths</i>.&mdash;Here belong stories about ogres and
-their conquerors; about human beings who established definite customs
-and cultural features; about the origin of certain institutions. These
-myths are different from the foregoing ones, in so far as they refer to
-a time when humanity was already established on the surface of the
-earth, and when all the social divisions had already assumed a definite
-character. The main cycle of myths which belong here, are those of a
-culture hero, Tudava, who slays an ogre and thus allows people to live
-in Boyowa again, whence they all had fled in fear of being
-eaten<span class="corr" id="xd26e10548" title="Not in source">.</span>
-A story about the origins of cannibalism belongs here also, and about
-the origin of garden making.</p>
-<p>3. <i>Myths in which figure only ordinary human beings</i>, though
-endowed with extraordinary magical powers. These myths are
-distinguished from the foregoing ones, by the fact that no ogres or
-non-human persons figure in them, and that they refer to the origin,
-not of whole aspects of culture, such as cannibalism or garden-making,
-but to definite institutions or definite forms of magic. Here comes the
-myth about the origins of sorcery, the myth about the origins of love
-magic, the myth of the flying canoe, and finally the several Kula
-myths. The line of division between these three categories is, of
-course, not a rigid one, and many a myth could be placed in two or even
-three of these classes, according to its several features or episodes.
-But each myth contains as a rule one main subject, and if we take only
-this, there is hardly ever the slightest doubt as to where it should be
-placed.</p>
-<p>A point which might appear contradictory in superficial reading is
-that before, we stressed the fact that the natives had no idea of
-change, yet here we spoke of myths about &lsquo;origins&rsquo; of
-institutions. It is important to realise that, though natives do speak
-about times when humanity was not upon the earth, of times when there
-were no gardens, etc., yet all these things arrive ready-made; they do
-not change or evolve. The first people, who came from underground, came
-up adorned with the same trinkets, carrying their lime-pot and chewing
-their betel-nut. The event, the emergence from the earth was mythical,
-that is, such as does not happen now; but the human beings and the
-country which received them were such as exist to-day. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb306" href="#pb306" name="pb306">306</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The myths of the Kula are scattered along a section of
-the present Kula circuit. Beginning with a place in Eastern Woodlark
-Island, the village of Wamwara, the mythological centres are spread
-round almost in a semi-circle, right down to the island of Tewara,
-Where we have left for the present our party from Sinaketa.</p>
-<p>In Wamwara there lived an individual called Gere&rsquo;u, who,
-according to one myth, was the originator of the Kula. In the island of
-Digumenu, West of Woodlark Island, Tokosikuna, another hero of the
-Kula, had his early home, though he finished his career in Gumasila, in
-the Amphletts. Kitava, the westernmost of the Marshall Bennetts, is the
-centre of canoe magic associated with the Kula. It is also the home of
-Monikiniki, whose name figures in many formul&aelig; of the Kula magic,
-though there is no explicit myth about him, except that he was the
-first man to practice an important system of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>
-(Kula magic), probably the most widespread system of the present day.
-Further West, in Wawela, we are at the other end of the
-Kasabwaybwayreta myth, which starts in Tewara, and goes over to Wawela
-in its narrative of events, to return to Tewara again. This
-mythological narrative touches the island of Boyowa at its southernmost
-point, the passage Giribwa, which divides it from Vakuta. Almost all
-myths have one of their incidents laid in a small island between Vakuta
-and the Amphletts, called Gabuwana. One of the myths leads us to the
-Amphletts, that of Tokosikuna; another has its beginning and end in
-Tewara. Such is the geography of the Kula myths on the big sector
-between Murua and Dobu.</p>
-<p>Although I do not know the other half through investigations made on
-the spot, I have spoken with natives from those districts, and I think
-that there are no myths localised anywhere on the sector Murua
-(Woodlark Island), Tubetube, and Dobu. What I am quite certain of,
-however, is that the whole of the Trobriands, except the two points
-mentioned before, lie outside the mythological area of the Kula. No
-Kula stories, associated with any village in the Northern half of
-Boyowa exist, nor does any of the mythical heroes of the other stories
-ever come to the Northern or Western provinces of the Trobriands. Such
-extremely important centres as Sinaketa <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb307" href="#pb307" name="pb307">307</a>]</span>and Omarakana are
-never mentioned. This would point, on the surface of it, to the fact
-that in olden days, the island of Boyowa, except its Southern end and
-the Eastern settlement of Wawela, either did not enter at all or did
-not play an important part in the Kula.</p>
-<p>I shall give a somewhat abbreviated account of the various stories,
-and then adduce in extenso the one last mentioned, perhaps the most
-noteworthy of all the Kula myths, that of Kasabwaybwayreta, as well as
-the very important canoe myth, that of the flying <i lang=
-"kij">waga</i> of Kudayuri.</p>
-<p>The Muruan myth, which I obtained only in a very bald outline, is
-localised in the village of Wamwara, at the Eastern end of the island.
-A man called Gere&rsquo;u, of the Lukuba clan, knew very well the
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic, and wherever he went, all the
-valuables were given to him, so that all the others returned
-empty-handed. He went to Gawa and Iwa, and as Soon as he appeared,
-<i lang="kij">pu-pu</i> went the conch shells, and everybody gave him
-the <i lang="kij">bagi</i> necklaces. He returned to his village, full
-of glory and of Kula spoils. Then he went to Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, and
-obtained again an enormous amount of arm-shells. He settled the
-direction in which the Kula valuables have to move. <i lang=
-"kij">Bagi</i> necklaces have &lsquo;to go,&rsquo; and the arm-shells
-&lsquo;to come.&rsquo; As this was spoken on Boyowa, &lsquo;go&rsquo;
-meant to travel from Boyowa to Woodlark, &lsquo;come&rsquo; to travel
-from Gere&rsquo;u&rsquo;s village to Sinaketa. The culture hero
-Gere&rsquo;u was finally killed, through envy of his success in the
-Kula.</p>
-<p>I obtained two versions about the mythological hero, Tokosikuna of
-Digumenu. In the first of them, he is represented as a complete
-cripple, without hands and feet, who has to be carried by his two
-daughters into the canoe. They sail on a Kula expedition through Iwa,
-Gawa, through the Straits of Giribwa to Gumasila. Then they put him on
-a platform, where he takes a meal and goes to sleep. They leave him
-there and go into a garden which they see on a hill above, in order to
-gather some food. On coming back, they find him dead. On hearing their
-wailing, an ogre comes out, marries one of them and adopts the other.
-As he was very ugly, however, the girls killed him in an obscene
-manner, and then settled in the island. This obviously mutilated and
-superficial version does not give us many clues to the native ideas
-about the Kula. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb308" href="#pb308"
-name="pb308">308</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The other version is much more interesting. Tokosikuna, according to
-it, is also slightly crippled, lame, very ugly, and with a pitted skin;
-so ugly indeed that he could not marry. Far North, in the mythical land
-of Kokopawa, they play a flute so beautifully that the chief of
-Digumenu, the village of Tokosikuna, hears it. He wishes to obtain the
-flute. Many men set out, but all fail, and they have to return half
-way, because it is so far. Tokosikuna goes, and, through a mixture of
-cunning and daring, he succeeds in getting possession of the flute, and
-in returning safely to Digumenu. There, through magic which one is led
-to infer he has acquired on his journey, he changes his appearance,
-becomes young, smooth-skinned and beautiful. The <i lang=
-"kij">guya&rsquo;u</i> (chief) who is away in his garden, hears the
-flute played in his village, and returning there, he sees Tokosikuna
-sitting on a high platform, playing the flute and looking beautiful.
-&ldquo;Well,&rdquo; he says, &ldquo;all my daughters, all my
-granddaughters, my nieces and my sisters, you all marry Tokosikuna!
-Your husbands, you leave behind! You marry Tokosikuna, for he has
-brought the flute from the distant land!&rdquo; So Tokosikuna married
-all the women.</p>
-<p>The other men did not take it very well, of course. They decided to
-get rid of Tokosikuna by stratagem. They said: &ldquo;The chief would
-like to eat giant clam-shell, let us go and fish it.&rdquo; &ldquo;And
-how shall I catch it?&rdquo; asks Tokosikuna. &ldquo;You put your head,
-where the clam-shell gapes open.&rdquo; (This of course would mean
-death, as the clam-shell would close, and, if a really big one, would
-easily cut off his head). Tokosikuna, however, dived and with his two
-hands, broke a clam-shell open, a deed of super-human strength. The
-others were angry, and planned another form of revenge. They arranged a
-shark-fishing, advising Tokosikuna to catch the fish with his hands.
-But he simply strangled the big shark, and put it into the canoe. Then,
-he tears asunder a boar&rsquo;s mouth, bringing them thus to despair.
-Finally they decide to get rid of him at sea. They try to kill him
-first by letting the heavy tree, felled for the <i lang="kij">waga</i>,
-fall on him. But he supports it with his outstretched arms, and does no
-harm to himself. At the time of lashing, his companions wrap some
-<i lang="kij">wayaugo</i> (lashing creeper) into a soft pandanus leaf;
-then they persuade him to use pandanus only for the lashing of his
-canoe, which he does indeed, deceived by seeing them use what
-apparently is the same. Then they <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb309"
-href="#pb309" name="pb309">309</a>]</span>sail, the other men in good,
-sea-worthy canoes, he in an entirely unseaworthy one, lashed only with
-the soft, brittle pandanus leaf.</p>
-<p>And here begins the real Kula part of the myth. The expedition
-arrives at Gawa, where Tokosikuna remains with his canoe on the beach,
-while the other men go to the village to <i lang="kij">kula</i>. They
-collect all the smaller armshells of the <i lang="kij">soulava</i>
-type, but the big ones, the <i lang="kij">bagi</i>, remain in the
-village, for the local men are unwilling to give them. Then Tokosikuna
-starts for the village after all the others have returned. After a
-short while, he arrives from the village, carrying all the <i lang=
-"kij">bagido&rsquo;u bagidudu</i>, and <i lang=
-"kij">bagiriku</i>&mdash;that is, all the most valuable types of
-spondylus necklaces. The same happens in Iwa and Kitava. His companions
-from the other canoes go first and succeed only in collecting the
-inferior kinds of valuables. He afterwards enters the village, and
-easily obtains the high grades of necklace, which had been refused to
-the others. These become very angry; in Kitava, they inspect the
-lashings of his canoe, and see that they are rotten. &ldquo;Oh well,
-to-morrow, Vakuta! The day after, Gumasila,&mdash;he will drown in
-Pilolu.&rdquo; In Vakuta the same happens as before, and the wrath of
-his unsuccessful companions increases.</p>
-<p>They sail and passing the sandbank of Gabula (this is the Trobriand
-name for Gabuwana, as the Amphlettans pronounce it) Tokosikuna eases
-his helm; then, as he tries to bring the canoe up to the wind again,
-his lashings snap, and the canoe sinks. He swims in the waves, carrying
-the basket-full of valuables in one arm. He calls out to the other
-canoes: &ldquo;Come and take your <i lang="kij">bagi!</i> I shall get
-into your <i lang="kij">waga!</i>&rdquo; &ldquo;You married all our
-women,&rdquo; they answer, &ldquo;now, sharks will eat you! We shall go
-to make Kula in Dobu!&rdquo; Tokosikuna, however, swims safely to the
-point called Kamsareta, in the island of Domdom. From there he beholds
-the rock of Selawaya standing out of the jungle on the eastern slope of
-Gumasila. &ldquo;This is a big rock, I shall go and live there,&rdquo;
-and turning towards the Digumenu canoes, he utters a curse:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;You will get nothing in Dobu but poor necklaces, <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i> of the type of <i lang="kij">tutumuyuwa</i> and
-<i lang="kij">tutuyanabwa</i>. The big <i lang="kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i>
-will stop with me.&rdquo; He remains in the Amphletts and does not
-return to Digumenu. And here ends the myth.</p>
-<p>I have given an extensive summary of this myth, including its first
-part, which has nothing to do with the Kula, because <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb310" href="#pb310" name="pb310">310</a>]</span>it
-gives a full character sketch of the hero as a daring sailor and
-adventurer. It shows, how Tokosikuna, after his Northern trip, acquired
-magic which allowed him to change his ugly and weak frame into a
-powerful body with a beautiful appearance. The first part also contains
-the reference to his great success with women, an association between
-Kula magic and love magic, which as we shall see, is not without
-importance. In this first part, that is, up to the moment when they
-start on the Kula, Tokosikuna appears as a hero, endowed with
-extraordinary powers, due to his knowledge of magic.</p>
-<p>In this myth, as we see, no events are related through which the
-natural appearance of the landscape is changed. Therefore this myth is
-typical of what I have called the most recent stratum of mythology.
-This is further confirmed by the circumstance that no allusion is made
-in it to any origins, not even to the origins of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> magic. For, as the myth is at present told and
-commented upon, all the men who go on the Kula expedition with our
-hero, know a system of Kula magic, the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> of
-Monikiniki. Tokosikuna&rsquo;s superiority rests with his special
-beauty magic; with his capacity to display enormous strength, and to
-face with impunity great dangers; with his ability to escape from
-drowning, finally, with his knowledge of the evil magic, <i lang=
-"kij">bulubwalata</i>, with which he prevents his companions from doing
-successful Kula. This last point was contained in a commentary upon
-this myth, given to me by the man who narrated it. When I speak about
-the Kula magic more explicitly further on, the reader will see that the
-four points of superiority just mentioned correspond to the categories
-into which we have to group the Kula magic, when it is classified
-according to its leading ideas, according to the goal towards which it
-aims.</p>
-<p>One magic Tokosikuna does not know. We see from the myth that he is
-ignorant of the nature of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, the lashing
-creeper. He is therefore obviously not a canoe-builder, nor acquainted
-with canoe-building magic. This is the point on which his companions
-are able to catch him.</p>
-<p>Geographically, this myth links Digumenu with the Amphletts, as also
-did the previous version of the Tokosikuna story. The hero, here as
-there, settles finally in Gumasila, and the element of migration is
-contained in both versions. Again, in the last story, Tokosikuna
-decides to settle in the Amphletts, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb311" href="#pb311" name="pb311">311</a>]</span>on seeing the
-Selawaya rock. If we remember the Gumasilan legend about the origin of
-Kula magic, it also refers to the same rock. I did not obtain the name
-of the individual who is believed to have lived on the Selawaya rock,
-but it obviously is the same myth, only very mutilated in the Gumasilan
-version.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Moving Westwards from Digumenu, to which the
-Tokosikuna myth belongs, the next important centre of Kula magic is the
-island of Kitava. With this place, the magical system of Monikiniki is
-associated by tradition, though no special story is told about this
-individual. A very important myth, on the other hand, localised in
-Kitava, is the one which serves as foundation for canoe magic. I have
-obtained three independent versions of this myth, and they agree
-substantially. I shall adduce at length the story as it was told to me
-by the best informant, and written down in Kiriwinian, and after that,
-I shall show on what points the other versions vary. I shall not omit
-from the full account certain tedious repetitions and obviously
-inessential details, for they are indispensable for imparting to the
-narrative the characteristic flavour of native folk-lore.</p>
-<p>To understand the following account, it is necessary to realise that
-Kitava is a raised coral island. Its inland part is elevated to a
-height of about three hundred feet. Behind the flat beach, a steep
-coral wall rises, and from its summit the land gently falls towards the
-central declivity. It is in this central part that the villages are
-situated, and it would be quite impossible to transport a canoe from
-any village to the beach. Thus, in Kitava, unlike what happens with
-some of the Lagoon villages of Boyowa, the canoes have to be always dug
-out and lashed on the beach.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">The Myth of the Flying Canoe of Kudayuri.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Mokatuboda of the Lukuba clan and his younger
-brother Toweyre&rsquo;i lived in the village of Kudayuri. With them
-lived their three sisters Kayguremwo, Na&rsquo;ukuwakula and
-Murumweyri&rsquo;a. They had all come out from underground in the spot
-called Labikewo, in Kitava. These people were the <i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> (foundation, basis, here: first possessors) of
-the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> and <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magic.&rdquo;
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb312" href="#pb312" name=
-"pb312">312</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;All the men of Kitava decided on a great Kula expedition to
-the Koya. The men of Kumwageya, Kaybutu, Kabululo and Lalela made their
-canoes. They scooped out the inside of the <i lang="kij">waga</i>, they
-carved the <i lang="kij">tabuyo</i> and <i lang="kij">lagim</i>
-(decorated prow boards), they made the <i lang="kij">budaka</i>
-(lateral gunwale planks). They brought the component parts to the
-beach, in order to make the <i lang="kij">yowaga</i> (to put and lash
-them together).&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The Kudayuri people made their canoe in the village.
-Mokatuboda, the head man of the Kudayuri village, ordered them to do
-so. They were angry: &lsquo;Very heavy canoe. Who will carry it to the
-beach?&rsquo; He said: &lsquo;No, not so; it will be well. I shall just
-lash my <i lang="kij">waga</i> in the village.&rsquo; He refused to
-move the canoe; it remained in the village. The other people pieced
-their canoe on the beach; he pieced it together in the village. They
-lashed it with the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> creeper on the beach; he
-lashed his in the village. They caulked their canoes on the sea-shore;
-he caulked his in the village. They painted their canoes on the beach
-with black; he blackened his in the village. They made the <i lang=
-"kij">youlala</i> (painted red and white) on the beach; he made the
-<i lang="kij">youlala</i> in the village. They sewed their sail on the
-beach; he did it in the village. They rigged up the mast and rigging on
-the beach; he in the village. After that, the men of Kitava made
-<i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> (trial run) and <i lang=
-"kij">kabigidoya</i> (visit of ceremonial presentation), but the
-Kudayuri canoe did not make either.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;By and by, all the men of Kitava ordered their women to
-prepare the food. The women one day put all the food, the <i lang=
-"kij">gugu&rsquo;a</i> (personal belongings), the <i lang=
-"kij">pari</i> (presents and trade goods) into the canoe. The people of
-Kudayuri had all these things put into their canoe in the village. The
-headman of the Kudayuri, Mokatuboda, asked all his younger brothers,
-all the members of his crew, to bring some of their <i lang=
-"kij">pari</i>, and he performed magic over it, and made a <i lang=
-"kij">lilava</i> (magical bundle) of it.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The people of other villages went to the beach; each canoe
-was manned by its <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> (members of the crew). The
-man of Kudayuri ordered his crew to man his canoe in the village. They
-of the other villages stepped the mast on the shore; he stepped the
-mast in the village. They prepared the rigging on the shore; he
-prepared the rigging in the village. They hoisted the sail on the sea;
-he spoke &lsquo;May our sail be hoisted,&rsquo; and his companions
-hoisted the sail. He spoke: &lsquo;Sit in your places, every
-man!&rsquo; He went into the house, he took his <i lang=
-"kij">ligogu</i> (adze), <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb313" href=
-"#pb313" name="pb313">313</a>]</span>he took some coco-nut oil, he took
-a staff. He spoke magic over the adze, over the coco-nut oil. He came
-out of the house, he approached the canoe. A small dog of his called
-Tokulubweydoga jumped into the canoe.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e10761src" href="#xd26e10761" name="xd26e10761src">2</a> He spoke
-to his crew: &lsquo;Pull up the sail higher.&rsquo; They pulled at the
-halyard. He rubbed the staff with the coco-nut oil. He knocked the
-canoe&rsquo;s skids with the staff. Then he struck with his ligogu the
-<i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> of his canoe and the <i lang=
-"kij">dobwana</i> (that is, both ends of the canoe). He jumped into the
-canoe, sat down, and the canoe flew!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;A rock stood before it. It pierced the rock in two, and flew
-through it. He bent down, he looked; his companions (that is, the other
-canoes of Kitava) sailed on the sea. He spoke to his younger brothers,
-(that is to his relatives in the canoe): &lsquo;Bail out the water,
-pour it out!&rsquo; Those who sailed on the earth thought it was rain,
-this water which they poured out from above.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They (the other canoes) sailed to Giribwa, they saw a canoe
-anchored there. They said: &lsquo;Is that the canoe from Dobu?&rsquo;
-They thought so, they wanted to <i lang="kij">lebu</i> (take by force,
-but not necessarily as a hostile act) the <i lang="kij">buna</i> (big
-cowrie) shells of the Dobu people. Then they saw the dog walking on the
-beach. They said: &lsquo;Wi-i-i! This is Tokulubweydoga, the dog of the
-Lukuba! This canoe they lashed in the village, in the village of
-Kudayuri. Which way did it come? It was anchored in the jungle!&rsquo;
-They approached the people of Kudayuri, they spoke: &lsquo;Which way
-did you come?&rsquo; &lsquo;Oh, I came together with you (the same
-way).&rsquo; &lsquo;It rained. Did it rain over you?&rsquo; &lsquo;Oh
-yes, it has rained over me.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Next day, they (the men of the other villages of Kitava),
-sailed to Vakuta and went ashore. They made their Kula. The next day
-they sailed, and he (Mokatuboda) remained in Vakuta. When they
-disappeared on the sea, his canoe flew. He flew from Vakuta. When they
-(the other crews) arrived in Gumasila, he was there on the promontory
-of Lububuyama. They said: &lsquo;This canoe is like the canoe of our
-companions,&rsquo; and the dog came out. &lsquo;This is the dog of the
-Lukuba clan of Kudayuri.&rsquo; They asked him again which way he came;
-he said he came the same way as they. They made the Kula in Gumasila.
-He said: &lsquo;You sail first, I shall sail later on.&rsquo; They were
-astonished: &lsquo;Which way does he sail?&rsquo; They slept in
-Gumasila.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb314" href="#pb314"
-name="pb314">314</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;Next day they sailed to Tewara, they arrived at the beach of
-Kadimwatu. They saw his canoe anchored there, the dog came out and ran
-along the beach. They spoke to the Kudayuri men, &lsquo;How did you
-come here?&rsquo; &lsquo;We came with you, the same way we came.&rsquo;
-They made Kula in Tewara. Next day, they sailed to Bwayowa (village in
-Dobu district). He flew, and anchored at the beach Sarubwoyna. They
-arrived there, they saw: &lsquo;Oh, look at the canoe, are these
-fishermen from Dobu?&rsquo; The dog came out. They recognised the dog.
-They asked him (Mokatuboda) which way he came: &lsquo;I came with you,
-I anchored here.&rsquo; They went to the village of Bwayowa, they made
-Kula in the village, they loaded their canoes. They received presents
-from the Dobu people at parting, and the Kitava men sailed on the
-return journey. They sailed first, and he flew through the air.<a id=
-"xd26e10792" name="xd26e10792"></a>&rdquo;</p>
-<p>On the return journey, at every stage, they see him first, they ask
-him which way he went, and he gives them some sort of answer as the
-above ones.</p>
-<p>&ldquo;From Giribwa they sailed to Kitava; he remained in Giribwa;
-he flew from Giribwa; he went to Kitava, to the beach. His <i lang=
-"kij">gugu&rsquo;a</i> (personal belongings) were being carried to the
-village when his companions came paddling along, and saw his canoe
-anchored and the dog running on the beach. All the other men were very
-angry, because his canoe flew.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They remained in Kitava. Next year, they made their gardens,
-all the men of Kitava. The sun was very strong, there was no rain at
-all. The sun burned their gardens. This man (the head man of Kudayuri,
-Mokatuboda) went into the garden. He remained there, he made a <i lang=
-"kij">bulubwalata</i> (evil magic) of the rain. A small cloud came and
-rained on his garden only, and their gardens the sun burned. They (the
-other men of Kitava) went and saw their gardens. They arrived there,
-they saw all was dead, already the sun had burned them. They went to
-his garden and it was all wet: yams, <i lang="kij">taitu</i>, taro, all
-was fine. They spoke: &lsquo;Let us kill him so that he might die. We
-shall then speak magic over the clouds, and it will rain over our
-gardens.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The real, keen magic, the Kudayuri man (i.e. Mokatuboda) did
-not give to them; he gave them not the magic of the <i lang=
-"kij">ligogu</i> (adze); he gave them not the magic of <i lang=
-"kij">kunisalili</i> (rain magic); he gave them not the magic of the
-<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> (lashing creeper), of the coco-nut oil and
-staff. Toweyre&rsquo;i, his younger brother, thought that he
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb315" href="#pb315" name=
-"pb315">315</a>]</span>had already received the magic, but he was
-mistaken. His elder brother gave him only part of the magic, the real
-one he kept back.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They came (to Mokatuboda, the head man of Kudayuri), he sat
-in his village. His brothers and maternal nephews sharpened the spear,
-they hit him, he died.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Next year, they decided to make a big Kula expedition, to
-Dobu. The old <i lang="kij">waga</i>, cut and lashed by Mokatuboda, was
-no more good, the lashings had perished. Then Toweyre&rsquo;i, the
-younger brother, cut a new one to replace the old. The people of
-Kumwageya and Lalela (the other villages in Kitava) heard that
-Toweyre&rsquo;i cuts his <i lang="kij">waga</i>, and they also cut
-theirs. They pieced and lashed their canoes on the beach.
-Toweyre&rsquo;i did it in the village.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Here the native narrative enumerates every detail of canoe making,
-drawing the contrast between the proceedings on the beach of the other
-Kitavans, and of Toweyre&rsquo;i building the canoe in the village of
-Kudayuri. It is an exact repetition of what was said at the beginning,
-when Mokatuboda was building his canoe, and I shall not adduce it here.
-The narrative arrives at the critical moment when all the members of
-the crew are seated in the canoe ready for the flight.</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Toweyre&rsquo;i went into the house and made magic over the
-adze and the coco-nut oil. He came out, smeared a staff with the oil,
-knocked the skids of the canoe. He then did as his elder brother did.
-He struck both ends of the canoe with the adze. He jumped into the
-canoe and sat down; but the <i lang="kij">waga</i> did not fly.
-Toweyre&rsquo;i went into the house and cried for his elder brother,
-whom he had slain; he had killed him without knowing his magic. The
-people of Kumwageya and Lalela went to Dobu and made their Kula. The
-people of Kudayuri remained in the village.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The three sisters were very angry with Toweyre&rsquo;i, for
-he killed the elder brother and did not learn his magic. They
-themselves had learnt the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i>, the <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i> magic; they had it already in their <i lang=
-"kij">lopoula</i> (belly). They could fly through the air, they were
-<i lang="kij">yoyova</i>. In Kitava they lived on the top of
-Botigale&rsquo;a hill. They said: &lsquo;Let us leave Kitava and fly
-away.&rsquo; They flew through the air. One of them,
-Na&rsquo;ukuwakula, flew to the West, pierced through the sea-passage
-Dikuwa&rsquo;i (Somewhere in the Western Trobriands); she arrived at
-Simsim (one of the Lousan&ccedil;ay). There she turned into a stone,
-she stands in the sea.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb316"
-href="#pb316" name="pb316">316</a>]</span></p>
-<p>&ldquo;The two others flew first (due West) to the beach of
-Yalumugwa (on the Eastern shore of Boyowa). There they tried to pierce
-the coral rock named Yakayba&mdash;it was too hard. They went (further
-South on the Eastern shore) through the sea-passage of Vilasasa and
-tried to pierce the rock Kuyaluya&mdash;they couldn&rsquo;t. They went
-(further South) and tried to pierce the rock of Kawakari&mdash;it was
-too hard. They went (further South). They tried to pierce the rocks at
-Giribwa. They succeeded. That is why there is now a sea passage at
-Giribwa (the straits dividing the main island of Boyowa from the island
-of Vakuta).&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They flew (further South) towards Dobu. They came to the
-island of Tewara. They came to the beach of Kadimwatu and pierced it.
-This is where the straits of Kadimwatu are now between the islands of
-Tewara and Uwama. They went to Dobu; they travelled further South, to
-the promontory of Saramwa (near Dobu island). They spoke: &lsquo;Shall
-we go round the point or pierce right through?&rsquo; They went round
-the point. They met another obstacle and pierced it through, making the
-Straits of Loma (at the Western end of Dawson Straits). They came back,
-they returned and settled near Tewara. They turned into stones; they
-stand in the sea. One of them cast her eyes on Dobu, this is
-Murumweyri&rsquo;a; she eats men, and the Dobuans are cannibals. The
-other one, Kayguremwo, does not eat men, and her face is turned towards
-Boyowa. The people of Boyowa do not eat man.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This story is extremely clear in its general outline, and very
-dramatic, and all its incidents and developments have a high degree of
-consistency and psychological motivation. It is perhaps the most
-telling of all myths from this part of the world which came under my
-notice. It is also a good example of what has been said before in
-<a href="#div12.2">Division II</a>. Namely that the identical
-conditions, sociological and cultural, which obtain at the present
-time, are also reflected in mythical narratives. The only exception to
-this is the much higher efficiency of magic found in the world of myth.
-The tale of Kudayuri, on the one hand, describes minutely the
-sociological conditions of the heroes, their occupations and concerns,
-and all these do not differ at all from the present ones. On the other
-hand, it shows the hero endowed with a truly super-normal power through
-his magic of canoe building and of rain making. Nor could it be
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb317" href="#pb317" name=
-"pb317">317</a>]</span>more convincingly stated than is done in this
-narrative that the full knowledge of the right magic was solely
-responsible for these supernatural powers.</p>
-<p>In its enumeration of the various details of tribal life, this myth
-is truly a fount of ethnographic information. Its statements, when made
-complete and explicit by native comment, contain a good deal of what is
-to be known about the sociology, technology and organisation of
-canoe-making, sailing, and of the Kula. If followed up into detail, the
-incidents of this narrative make us acquainted for instance, with the
-division into clans; with the origin and local character of these
-latter; with ownership of magic and its association with the totemic
-group. In almost all mythological narratives of the Trobriands, the
-clan, the sub-clan and the locality of the heroes are stated. In the
-above version, we see that the heroes have emerged at a certain spot,
-and that they themselves came from underground; that is, that they are
-the first representatives of their totemic sub-clan on the surface of
-the earth. In the two other versions, this last point was not
-explicitly stated, though I think it is implied in the incidents of
-this myth, for obviously the flying canoe is built for the first time,
-as it is for the last. In other versions, I was told that the hole from
-which this sub-clan emerged is also called Kudayuri, and that the name
-of their magical system is Viluvayaba.</p>
-<p>Passing to the following part of the tale, we find in it a
-description of canoe-building, and this was given to me in the same
-detailed manner in all three versions. Here again, if we would
-substitute for the short sentences a fuller account of what happens,
-such as could be elicited from any intelligent native informant; if for
-each word describing the stages of canoe-building we insert a full
-description of the processes for which these words stand&mdash;we would
-have in this myth an almost complete, ethnographic account of
-canoe-building. We would see the canoe pieced together, lashed,
-caulked, painted, rigged out, provided with a sail till it lies ready
-to be launched. Besides the successive enumeration of technical stages,
-we have in this myth a clear picture of the r&ocirc;le played by the
-headman, who is the nominal owner of the canoe, and who speaks of it as
-his canoe and at the same time directs its building; overrides the
-wishes of others, and is responsible for the magic. We have even the
-mention of the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i> and <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb318" href="#pb318" name=
-"pb318">318</a>]</span><i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i>, and several
-allusions to the Kula expedition of which the canoe-building in this
-myth is represented as a preliminary stage. The frequent, tedious
-repetitions and enumerations of customary sequences of events,
-interesting as data of folk-lore, are not less valuable as ethnographic
-documents, and as illustrations of the natives&rsquo; attitude towards
-custom. Incidentally, this feature of native mythology shows that the
-task of serving as ethnographic informant is not so foreign and
-difficult to a native as might at first appear. He is quite used to
-recite one after the other the various stages of customary proceedings
-in his own narratives, and he does it with an almost pedantic accuracy
-and completeness, and it is an easy task for him to transfer these
-qualities to the accounts, which he is called upon to make in the
-service of ethnography.</p>
-<p>The dramatic effect of the climax of the story, of the unexpected
-flight of the canoe is clearly brought out in the narrative, and it was
-given to me in all its three versions. In all three, the members of the
-crew are made to pass through the numerous preparatory stages of
-sailing. And the parallel drawn between the reasonable proceedings of
-their fellows on the beach, and the absurd manner in which they are
-made to get ready in the middle of the village, some few hundred feet
-above the sea, makes the tension more palpable and the sudden
-<i>denouement</i> more effective. In all accounts of this myth, the
-magic is also performed just before the flight, and its performance is
-explicitly mentioned and included as an important episode in the
-story.</p>
-<p>The incident of bailing some water out of a canoe which never
-touched the sea, seems to show some inconsistency. If we remember,
-however, that water is poured into a canoe, while it is built, in order
-to prevent its drying and consequently its shrinking, cracking and
-warping, the inconsistency and flaw in the narrative disappear. I may
-add that the bailing and rain incident is contained in one of my three
-versions only.</p>
-<p>The episode of the dog is more significant and more important to the
-natives, and is mentioned in all three versions. The dog is the animal
-associated with the Lukuba clan; that is, the natives will say that the
-dog is a Lukuba, as the pig is a Malasi, and the igwana a Lukulabuta.
-In several stories about the origin and relative rank of the clans,
-each of them is represented by its totemic animal. Thus the igwana is
-the first to emerge from underground. Hence the Lukulabuta are the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb319" href="#pb319" name=
-"pb319">319</a>]</span>oldest clan. The dog and the pig dispute with
-one another the priority of rank, the dog basing his claims on his
-earlier appearance on the earth, for he followed immediately the
-igwana; the pig, asserting himself in virtue of not eating unclean
-things. The pig won the day, and therefore the Malasi clan are
-considered to be the clan of the highest rank, though this is really
-reached only in one of its sub-clans, that of the Tabalu of Omarakana.
-The incident of the <i lang="kij">lebu</i> (taking by force) of some
-ornaments from the Dobuans refers to the custom of using friendly
-violence in certain Kula transactions (see <a href="#div14.2">chapter
-XIV, Division II</a>).</p>
-<p>In the second part of the story, we find the hero endowed again with
-magical powers far superior to those of the present-day wizards. They
-can make rain, or stay the clouds, it is true, but he is able to create
-a small cloud which pours copious rain over his own gardens, and leaves
-the others to be shrivelled up by the sun. This part of the narrative
-does not touch the canoe problem, and it is of interest to us only in
-so far as it again shows what appears to the natives the real source of
-their hero&rsquo;s supernatural powers.</p>
-<p>The motives which lead to the killing of Mokatuboda are not stated
-explicitly in the narrative. No myth as a rule enters very much into
-the subjective side of its events. But, from the lengthy, indeed
-wearisome repetition of how the other Kitava men constantly find the
-Kudayuri canoe outrunning them, how they are astonished and angry, it
-is clear that his success must have made many enemies to Mokatuboda.
-What is not so easily explained, is the fact that he is killed, not by
-the other Kitava men, but by his own kinsmen. One of the versions
-mentions his brothers and his sister&rsquo;s sons as the slayers. One
-of them states that the people of Kitava ask Toweyre&rsquo;i, the
-younger brother, whether he has already acquired the flying magic and
-the rain magic, and only after an affirmative is received, is
-Mokatuboda killed by his younger brother, in connivance with the other
-people. An interesting variant is added to this version, according to
-which Toweyre&rsquo;i kills his elder brother in the garden. He then
-comes back to the village and instructs and admonishes
-Mokatuboda&rsquo;s children to take the body, to give it the mortuary
-attentions, to prepare for the burial. Then he himself arranges the
-<i lang="kij">sagali</i>, the big mortuary distribution of food. In
-this we find an interesting document <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb320" href="#pb320" name="pb320">320</a>]</span>of native custom and
-ideas. Toweyre&rsquo;i, in spite of having killed his brother, is still
-the man who has to arrange the mortuary proceedings, act as master of
-ceremonies, and pay for the functions performed in them by others. He
-personally may neither touch the corpse, nor do any act of mourning or
-burial; nevertheless he, as the nearest of kin of the dead man, is the
-bereaved one, is the one from whom a limb has been severed, so to
-speak. A man whose brother has died cannot mourn any more than he could
-mourn for himself.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e10904src" href=
-"#xd26e10904" name="xd26e10904src">3</a> To return to the motives of
-killing, as this was done according to all accounts by
-Mokatuboda&rsquo;s own kinsmen, with the approval of the other men,
-envy, ambition, the desire to succeed the headman in his dignity, must
-have been mixed with spite against him. In fact, we see that
-Toweyre&rsquo;i proceeds confidently to perform the magic, and bursts
-out into wailing only after he has discovered he has been duped.</p>
-<p>Now we come to one of the most remarkable incidents of the whole
-myth, that namely which brings into connection the <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i>, or the flying witches, with the flying canoe, and
-with such speed of a canoe, as is imparted to it by magic. In the
-spells of swiftness there are frequent allusions to the <i lang=
-"kij">yoyova</i> or <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>. This can be clearly
-seen in the spell of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>, already adduced
-(<a href="#div5.3">Chapter V, Division III</a>), and which is still to
-be analysed linguistically (<a href="#div18.2">Chapter XVIII, Divisions
-II</a> to IV). The <i lang="kij">kariyala</i> (magical portent, cf.
-<a href="#div17.7">Chapter XVII, Division VII</a>) of the <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i> spell consists in shooting stars, that is, when a
-<i lang="kij">wayugo</i> rite is performed at night over the creeper
-coils, there will be stars falling in the sky. And again, when a
-magician, knowing this system of magic, dies, shooting stars will be
-seen. Now, as we have seen (<a href="#div10.1">Chapter X, Division
-I</a>), falling stars are <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> in their
-flight.</p>
-<p>In this story of the Kudayuri we see the mythological ground for
-this association. The same magic which allowed the canoe to sail
-through the air gives the three sisters of Kudayuri their power of
-being <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, and of flying. In this myth they
-are also endowed with the power of cleaving the rocks, a power which
-they share with the canoe, which <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb321"
-href="#pb321" name="pb321">321</a>]</span>cleft a rock immediately
-after leaving the village. The three sisters cleave rocks and pierce
-the land in several places. My native commentators assured me that when
-the canoe first visited Giribwa and Kadimwatu at the beginning of this
-myth, the land was still joined at these places and there was a beach
-at each of them. The <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> tried to pierce
-Boyowa at several spots along the Eastern coast, but succeeded only at
-Giribwa. The myth thus has the archaic stamp of referring to deep
-changes in natural features. The two sisters, who fly to the South
-return from the furthest point and settle near Tewara, in which there
-is some analogy to several other myths in which heroes from the
-Marshall Bennett Islands settle down somewhere between the Amphletts
-and Dobu. One of them turns her eyes northwards towards the
-non-cannibal people of Boyowa and she is said to be averse to
-cannibalism. Probably this is a sort of mythological explanation of why
-the Boyowan people do not eat men and the Dobuans do, an explanation to
-which there is an analogy in another myth shortly to be adduced, that
-of Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and Aturamo&rsquo;a, and a better one still in
-a myth about the origins of cannibalism, which I cannot quote here.</p>
-<p>In all these traditions, so far, the heroes belonged to the clan of
-Lukuba. To it belong Gere&rsquo;u, Tokosikuna, the Kudayuri family and
-their dog, and also the dog, Tokulubwaydoga of the myth told in
-<a href="#div10.5">Chapter X, Division V</a>. I may add that, in some
-legends told about the origin of humanity, this clan emerges first from
-underground and in some it emerges second in time, but as the clan of
-highest rank, though in this it has to yield afterwards to the Malasi.
-The main Kultur-hero of Kiriwina, the ogre-slayer Tudava, belongs, also
-to the clan of Lukuba. There is even a historic fact, which agrees with
-this mythological primacy, and subsequent eclipse. The Lukuba were,
-some six or seven generations ago, the leading clan in Vakuta, and then
-they had to surrender the chieftainship of this place to the Malasi
-clan, when the sub-clan of the Tabalu, the Malasi chiefs of the highest
-rank in Kiriwina, migrated South, and settled down in Vakuta. In the
-myths quoted here, the Lukuba are leading canoe-builders, sailors, and
-adventurers, that is with one exception, that of Tokosikuna, who,
-though excelling in all other respects, knows nothing of canoe
-construction. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb322" href="#pb322" name=
-"pb322">322</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us now proceed to the last named mythological
-centre, and taking a very big step from the Marshall Bennetts, return
-to Tewara, and to its myth of the origin of the Kula. I shall tell this
-myth in a translation, closely following the original account, obtained
-in Kiriwinian from an informant at Oburaku. I had an opportunity of
-checking and amending his narrative, by the information obtained from a
-native of Sanaro&rsquo;a in pidgin English.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">The Story of Kasabwaybwayreta and
-Gumakarakedakeda</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Kasabwaybwayreta lived in Tewara. He heard the
-renown of a <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (spondylus necklace) which was
-lying (kept) in Wawela. Its name was Gumakarakedakeda. He said to his
-children: &lsquo;Let us go to Wawela, make Kula to get this <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i>.&rsquo; He put into his canoe unripe coco-nut,
-undeveloped betel-nut, green bananas.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They went to Wawela; they anchored in Wawela. His sons went
-ashore, they went to obtain Gumakarakedakeda. He remained in the canoe.
-His son made offering of food, they (the Wawela people) refused.
-Kasabwaybwayreta spoke a charm over the betel-nut: it yellowed (became
-ripe); he spoke the charm over the coco-nut: its soft kernel swelled;
-he charmed the bananas they ripened. He took off his hair, his gray
-hair; his wrinkled skin, it remained in the canoe. He rose, he went he
-gave a <i lang="kij">pokala</i> offering of food, he received the
-valuable necklace as Kula gift, for he was already a beautiful man. He
-went, he put it down, he thrust it into his hair. He came to the canoe,
-he took his covering (the sloughed skin); he donned the wrinkles, the
-gray hairs, he remained.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;His sons arrived, they took their places in the canoe, they
-sailed to Giribwa. They cooked their food. He called his grandson;
-&lsquo;Oh, my grandson, come here, look for my lice.&rsquo; The
-grandson came there, stepped near him. Kasabwaybwayreta spoke, telling
-him: &lsquo;My grandson, catch my lice in the middle (of my
-hair).&rsquo; His grandson parted his hair; he saw the valuable
-necklace, Gumakarakedakeda remaining there in the hair of
-Kasabwaybwayreta. &lsquo;Ee&#8202;&hellip;&rsquo; he spoke to his
-father, telling him, &lsquo;My father, Kasabwaybwayreta already
-obtained Gumakarakedakeda.&rsquo; &lsquo;O, no, he did not <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb323" href="#pb323" name=
-"pb323">323</a>]</span>obtain it! I am a chief, I am beautiful, I have
-not obtained that valuable. Indeed, would this wrinkled old man have
-obtained the necklace? No, indeed!&rsquo; &lsquo;Truly, my father, he
-has obtained it already. I have seen it; already it remains in his
-hair!&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;All the water-vessels are empty already; the son went into
-the canoe, spilled the water so that it ran out, and only the empty
-vessels (made of coco-nut shell) remained. Later on they sailed, they
-went to an island, Gabula (Gabuwana in Amphlettan and in Dobuan). This
-man, Kasabwaybwayreta wanted water, and spoke to his son. This man
-picked up the water vessels&mdash;no, they were all empty. They went on
-the beach of Gabula, the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> (members of the
-crew) dug out their water-holes (in the beach). This man remained in
-the canoe and called out: &lsquo;O my grandson, bring me here my water,
-go there and dip out my water!&rsquo; The grandson said: &lsquo;No,
-come here and dip out (yourself)!&rsquo; Later on, they dipped out
-water, they finished, and Kasabwaybwayreta came. They muddied the
-water, it was muddy. He sat down, he waited.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They went, they sailed in the canoe. Kasabwaybwayreta called
-out, &lsquo;O, my son, why do you cast me off?&rsquo; Spoke the son:
-&lsquo;I think you have obtained Gumakarakedakeda!&rsquo; &lsquo;O, by
-and by, my son, when we arrive in the village, I shall give it to
-you!&rsquo; &lsquo;O, no!<span class="corr" id="xd26e10999" title=
-"Not in source">&rsquo;</span> <span class="corr" id="xd26e11002"
-title="Not in source">&lsquo;</span>Well, you remain, I shall
-go!<span class="corr" id="xd26e11005" title=
-"Source: &rdquo;">&rsquo;</span> He takes a stone, a <i lang=
-"kij">binabina</i> one, this man Kasabwaybwayreta, he throws so that he
-might make a hole in the canoe, and the men might go into the sea. No!
-they sped away, they went, this stone stands up, it has made an island
-in the sea. They went, they anchored in Tewara. They (the villagers)
-asked: &lsquo;And where is Kasabwaybwayreta?&rsquo; &lsquo;O, his son
-got angry with him, already he had obtained
-Gumakarakedakeda!<span class="corr" id="xd26e11011" title=
-"Not in source">&rsquo;</span>&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Well, then, this man Kasabwaybwayreta remained in the island
-Gabula. He saw Tokom&rsquo;mwawa (evening star) approach. He spoke:
-&lsquo;My friend, come here, let me just enter into your canoe!&rsquo;
-&lsquo;O no, I shall go to another place.&rsquo; There came Kaylateku
-(Sirius). He asked him: &lsquo;Let me go with you.&rsquo; He refused.
-There came Kayyousi (Southern Cross). Kasabwaybwayreta wanted to go
-with him. He refused. There came Umnakayva&rsquo;u, (Alpha and Beta
-Centauri). He wanted a place in his canoe. He refused. There came Kibi
-(three stars widely distant, forming no constellation in our
-sky-chart). He also refused to take Kasabwaybwayreta. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb324" href="#pb324" name=
-"pb324">324</a>]</span>There came Uluwa (the Pleiades).
-Kasabwaybwayreta asked him to take him. Uluwa said: &lsquo;You wait,
-you look out, there will come Kaykiyadiga, he will take you.&rsquo;
-There came Kaykiyadiga (the three central stars in Orion&rsquo;s belt).
-Kasabwaybwayreta asked him: &lsquo;My friend, which way will you
-go?&rsquo; &lsquo;I shall come down on top of Taryebutu mountain. I
-shall go down, I shall go away.&rsquo; &lsquo;Oh, my friend, come here,
-let me just sit down (on you).&rsquo; &lsquo;Oh come,&mdash;see on one
-side there is a <i lang="kij">va&rsquo;i</i> (stingaree) on the other
-side, there is the <i lang="kij">lo&rsquo;u</i> (a fish with poisonous
-spikes); you sit in the middle, it will be well! Where is your
-village?&rsquo; &lsquo;My village is Tewara.&rsquo; &lsquo;What stands
-in the site of your village?&rsquo; &lsquo;In the site of my village,
-there stands a <i lang="kij">busa</i> tree!<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e11027" title="Not in source">&rsquo;</span>&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They went there. Already the village of Kasabwaybwayreta is
-straight below them. He charmed this <i lang="kij">busa</i> tree, it
-arose, it went straight up into the skies. Kasabwaybwayreta changed
-place (from Orion&rsquo;s belt on to the tree), he sat on the <i lang=
-"kij">busa</i> tree. He spoke: &lsquo;Oh, my friend, break asunder this
-necklace. Part of it, I shall give you; part of it, I shall carry to
-Tewara.&rsquo; He gave part of it to his companion. This <i lang=
-"kij">busa</i> tree came down to the ground. He was angry because his
-son left him behind. He went underground inside. He there remained for
-a long time. The dogs came there, and they dug and dug. They dug him
-out. He came out on top, he became a <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>
-(evil spirit, see <a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>.) He
-hits human beings. That is why in Tewara the village is that of
-sorcerers and witches, because of Kasabwaybwayreta.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>To make this somewhat obscure narrative clearer, a short commentary
-is necessary. The first part tells of a Kula expedition in which the
-hero, his son, his grandson, and some other members of the crew take
-part. His son takes with him good, fresh food, to give as solicitory
-offering and thus tempt his partners to present him with the famous
-necklace. The son is a young man and also a chief of renown. The later
-stages are clearer; by means of magic, the hero changes himself into a
-young, attractive man, and makes his own unripe, bad fruit into
-splendid gifts to be offered to his partner. He obtains the prize
-without difficulty, and hides it in his hair. Then, in a moment of
-weakness, and for motives which it is impossible to find out from
-native commentators, he on purpose reveals the necklace to his
-grandson. Most likely, the motive was <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb325" href="#pb325" name="pb325">325</a>]</span>vanity. His son, and
-probably also the other companions, become very angry and set a trap
-for him. They arrange things so that he has to go for his own water on
-the beach of Gabula. When they have already got theirs and while he is
-dipping it out, they sail away, leaving him marooned on the sand-bank.
-Like Polyphemus after the escaping party of Odysseus, he throws a stone
-at the treacherous canoe, but it misses its mark, and becomes an
-outstanding rock in the sea.</p>
-<p>The episode of his release by the stars is quite clear. Arrived at
-the village, he makes a tree rise by his magic, and after he has given
-the bigger part of his necklace to his rescuer, he descends, with the
-smaller part. His going underground and subsequent turning into a
-<i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> shows how bitter he feels towards
-humanity. As usual, the presence of such a powerful, evil personality
-in the village, gives its stamp to the whole community, and this latter
-produces sorcerers and witches. All these additions and comments I
-obtained in cross-questioning my original informant.</p>
-<p>The Dobuan informant from Sanaro&rsquo;a introduced one or two
-variants into the second part of the narrative. According to him,
-Kasabwaybwayreta marries while in the sky, and remains there long
-enough to beget three male and two female children. After he has made
-up his mind to descend to earth again, he Makes a hole in the heavens,
-looks down and sees a betel-nut tree in his village. Then he speaks to
-his child, &lsquo;When I go down, you pull at one end of the
-necklace.&rsquo; He climbs down by means of the necklace on to the
-betel palm and pulls at one end of Gumakarakedakeda. It breaks, a big
-piece remains in the skies, the small one goes with him below. Arrived
-in the village, he arranges a feast, and invites all the villagers to
-it. He speaks some magic over the food and after they have eaten it,
-the villagers are turned into birds. This last act is quite in harmony
-with his profession of <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>, which he
-assumed in the previous version of the myth. My Dobuan informant also
-added, by way of commentary, that the companions of Kasabwaybwayreta
-were angry with him, because he obtained the necklace in Boyowa, which
-was not the right direction for a necklace to travel in the Kula. This,
-however, is obviously a rationalisation of the events of the myth.</p>
-<p>Comparing the previously related story of Tokosikuna with this one,
-we see at once a clear resemblance between them <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb326" href="#pb326" name="pb326">326</a>]</span>in
-several features. In both, the heroes start as old, decrepit, and very
-ugly men. By their magical powers, they rejuvenate in the course of the
-story, the one permanently, the other just sloughing off his skin for
-the purpose of a Kula transaction. In both cases, the hero is
-definitely superior in the Kula, and by this arouses the envy and
-hatred of his companions. Again, in both stories, the companions decide
-to punish the hero, and the island or sandbank of Gabuwana is the scene
-of the punishment. In both, the hero finally settles in the South, only
-in one case it is his original home, while in the other he has migrated
-there from one of the Marshall Bennett Islands. An anomaly in the
-Kasabwaybwayreta myth, namely, that he fetches his necklace from the
-North, whereas the normal direction for necklaces to travel is from
-South to North in this region, makes us suspect that perhaps this story
-is a transformation of a legend about a man who made the Kula from the
-North. Ill-treated by his companions, he settled in Tewara, and
-becoming a local Kultur-hero, was afterwards described as belonging to
-the place. However this might be, and the hypothetical interpretation
-is mine, and not obtained from the natives, the two stories are so
-similar that they must be regarded obviously as variants of the same
-myth, and not as independent traditions.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">So much about the ethnographic analysis of these
-myths. Let us now return to the general, sociological considerations
-with which we opened this digression into mythology. We are now better
-able to realise to what extent and in what manner Kula myths influence
-the native outlook.</p>
-<p>The main social force governing all tribal life could be described
-as the inertia of custom, the love of uniformity of behaviour. The
-great moral philosopher was wrong when he formulated his <i>categorical
-imperative</i>, which was to serve human beings as a fundamental
-guiding principle of behaviour. In advising us to act so that our
-behaviour might be taken as a norm of universal law, he reversed the
-natural state of things. The real rule guiding human behaviour is this:
-&ldquo;what everyone else does, what appears as norm of general
-conduct, this is right, moral and proper. Let me look over the fence
-and see what my neighbour does, and take it as a rule for my
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb327" href="#pb327" name=
-"pb327">327</a>]</span>behaviour.&rdquo; So acts every
-&lsquo;man-in-the-street&rsquo; in our own society, so has acted the
-average member of any society through the past ages, and so acts the
-present-day savage; and the lower his level of cultural development,
-the greater stickler he will be for good manners, propriety and form,
-and the more incomprehensive and odious to him will be the
-non-conforming point of view. Systems of social philosophy have been
-built to explain and interpret or misinterpret this general principle.
-Tarde&rsquo;s &lsquo;Imitation,&rsquo; Giddings&rsquo;
-&lsquo;Consciousness of Kind,&rsquo; Durkheim&rsquo;s &lsquo;Collective
-Ideas,&rsquo; and many such conceptions as &lsquo;social
-consciousness,&rsquo; &lsquo;the soul of a nation,&rsquo; &lsquo;group
-mind&rsquo; or now-a-days prevalent and highly fashionable ideas about
-&lsquo;suggestibility of the crowd,&rsquo; &lsquo;the instinct of
-herd,&rsquo; etc., etc., try to cover this simple empirical truth. Most
-of these systems, especially those evoking the Phantom of Collective
-Soul are futile, to my mind, in so far as they try to explain in the
-terms of a hypothesis that which is most fundamental in sociology, and
-can therefore be reduced to nothing else, but must be simply recognised
-and accepted as the basis of our science. To frame verbal definitions
-and quibble over terms does not seem to bring us much more forward in a
-new branch of learning, where a knowledge of facts is above all
-needed.</p>
-<p>Whatever might be the case with any theoretical interpretations of
-this principle, in this place, we must simply emphasise that a strict
-adherence to custom, to that which is done by everyone else, is the
-main rule of conduct among our natives in the Trobriands. An important
-corollary to this rule declares that the past is more important than
-the present. What has been done by the father&mdash;or, as the
-Trobriander would say, by the maternal uncle&mdash;is even more
-important as norm of behaviour than what is done by the brother. It is
-to the behaviour of the past generations that the Trobriander
-instinctively looks for his guidance. Thus the mythical events which
-relate what has been done, not by the immediate ancestors but by
-mythical, illustrious forbears, must evidently carry an enormous social
-weight. The stories of important past events are hallowed because they
-belong to the great mythical generations and because they are generally
-accepted as truth, for everybody knows and tells them. They bear the
-sanction of righteousness and propriety in virtue of these two
-qualities of preterity and universality. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb328" href="#pb328" name="pb328">328</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Thus, through the operation of what might be called the elementary
-law of sociology, myth possesses the normative power of fixing custom,
-of sanctioning modes of behaviour, of giving dignity and importance to
-an institution. The Kula receives from these ancient stories its stamp
-of extreme importance and value. The rules of commercial honour, of
-generosity and punctiliousness in all its operations, acquire through
-this their binding force. This is what we could call the normative
-influence of myth on custom.</p>
-<p>The Kula myth, however, exercises another kind of appeal. In the
-Kula, we have a type of enterprise where the vast possibilities of
-success are very much influenced by chance. A man, whether he be rich
-or poor in partners, may, according to his luck, return with a
-relatively big or a small haul from an expedition. Thus the imagination
-of the adventurers, as in all forms of gambling, must be bent towards
-lucky hits and turns of extraordinarily good chance. The Kula myths
-feed this imagination on stories of extreme good luck, and at the same
-time show that it lies in the hands of man to bring this luck on
-himself, provided he acquires the necessary magical lore.</p>
-<p>I have said before that the mythological events are distinct from
-those happening nowadays, in so far as they are extraordinary and
-super-normal. This adds both to their authoritative character and to
-their desirability. It sets them before the native as a specially
-valuable standard of conduct, and as an ideal towards which their
-desires must go out.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">But I also said before that, distinct as it is, the
-mythical world is not separated by an <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e11092" title="Source: unbridgable">unbridgeable</span> gulf from
-the present order of events. Indeed, though an ideal must be always
-beyond what actually exists, yet it must appear just within reach of
-realisation if it is to be effective at all. Now, after we have become
-acquainted with their stories, we can see clearly what was meant when
-it was said, that magic acts as a link between the mythical and the
-actual realities. In the canoe myth, for instance, the flying, the
-super-normal achievement of the Kudayuri canoe, is conceived only as
-the highest degree of the virtue of speed, which is still being
-imparted nowadays to canoes by magic. The magical heritage of the
-Kudayuri <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb329" href="#pb329" name=
-"pb329">329</a>]</span>clan is still there, making the canoes sail
-fast. Had it been transmitted in its complete form, any present canoe,
-like the mythical one, could be seen flying. In the Kula myths also,
-magic is found to give super-normal powers of beauty, strength and
-immunity from danger. The mythological events demonstrate the truth of
-the claims of magic. Their validity is established by a sort of
-retrospective, mythical empiry. But magic, as it is practised nowadays,
-accomplishes the same effects, only in a smaller degree. Natives
-believe deeply that the formul&aelig; and rites of <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> magic make those who carry them out attractive,
-irresistible and safe from dangers (compare <a href="#ch13">next
-chapter</a>).</p>
-<p>Another feature which brings the mythical events into direct
-connection with the present state of affairs, is the sociology of
-mythical personages. They all are associated with certain localities,
-as are the present local groups. They belong to the same system of
-totemic division into clans and sub-clans as obtains nowadays. Thus,
-members of a sub-clan, or a local unit, can claim a mythical hero as
-their direct ancestor, and members of a clan can boast of him as of a
-clansman. Indeed, myths, like songs and fairy stories, are
-&lsquo;owned&rsquo; by certain sub-clans. This does not mean that other
-people would abstain from telling them, but members of the sub-clan are
-supposed to possess the most intimate knowledge of the mythical events,
-and to be an authority in interpreting them. And indeed, it is a rule
-that a myth will be best known in its own locality, that is, known with
-all the details and free from any adulterations or not quite genuine
-additions and fusions.</p>
-<p>This better knowledge can be easily understood, if we remember that
-myth is very often connected with magic in the Trobriands, and that
-this latter is a possession, kept by some members of the local group.
-Now, to know the magic, and to understand it properly, it is necessary
-to be well acquainted with the myth. This is the reason why the myth
-must be better known in the local group with which it is connected. In
-some cases, the local group has not only to practise the magic
-associated with the myth, but it has to look after the observance of
-certain rites, ceremonies and taboos connected with it. In this case,
-the sociology of the mythical events is intimately bound up with the
-social divisions as they exist now. But even in such myths as those of
-the Kula, which have become the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb330"
-href="#pb330" name="pb330">330</a>]</span>property of all clans and
-local groups within the district, the explicit statement of the
-hero&rsquo;s clan, sub-clan and of his village gives the whole myth a
-stamp of actuality and reality. Side by side with magic, the
-sociological continuity bridges over the gap between the mythical and
-the actual. And indeed the magical and the sociological bridges run
-side by side.</p>
-<p>I spoke above (beginning of <a href="#div12.2">Division II</a>) of
-the enlivening influence of myth upon landscape. Here it must be noted
-also that the mythically changed features of the landscape bear
-testimony in the native&rsquo;s mind to the truth of the myth. The
-mythical word receives its substance in rock and hill, in the changes
-in land and sea. The pierced sea-passages, the cleft boulders, the
-petrified human beings, all these bring the mythological world close to
-the natives, make it tangible and permanent. On the other hand, the
-story thus powerfully illustrated, re-acts on the landscape, fills it
-with dramatic happenings, which, fixed there for ever, give it a
-definite meaning. With this I shall close these general remarks on
-mythology though with myth and mythical events we shall constantly meet
-in further inquiries.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div12.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VIII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">As we return to our party, who, sailing past the
-mythical centre of Tewara, make for the island of Sanaro&rsquo;a, the
-first thing to be related about them, brings us straight to another
-mythological story. As the natives enter the district of Siayawawa,
-they pass a stone or rock, called Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i. I have not
-seen it, but the natives tell me it lies among the mangroves in a tidal
-creek. Like the stone Gurewaya, mentioned before, this one also enjoys
-certain privileges, and offerings are given to it.</p>
-<p>The natives do not tarry in this unimportant district. Their final
-goal is now in sight. Beyond the sea, which is here land-locked like a
-lake, the hills of Dobu, topped by Koyava&rsquo;u loom before them. In
-the distance to their right as they sail South, the broad Easterly
-flank of Koyatabu runs down to the water, forming a deep valley; behind
-them spreads the wide plain of Sanaro&rsquo;a, with a few volcanic
-cones at its Northern end, and far to the left the mountains of
-Normanby unfold in a long chain. They sail straight South, making for
-the beach of Sarubwoyna, where they will have to pause for a ritual
-halt in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb331" href="#pb331" name=
-"pb331">331</a>]</span>order to carry out the final preparations and
-magic. They steer towards two black rocks, which mark the Northern end
-of Sarubwoyna beach as they stand, one at the base, the other at the
-end of a narrow, sandy spit. These are the two rocks
-Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and Aturamo&rsquo;a, the most important of the
-tabooed places, at which natives lay offerings when starting or
-arriving on Kula expeditions. The rock among the mangroves of Siyawawa
-is connected with these two by a mythical story. The three&mdash;two
-men whom we see now before us in petrified form, and one
-woman&mdash;came to this district from somewhere &lsquo;Omuyuwa,&rsquo;
-that is, from Woodlark Island or the Marshall Bennetts. This is the
-story:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Myth of Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine, Aturamo&rsquo;a and
-Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i.</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;They were two brothers and a sister. They came
-first to the creek called Kadawaga in Siyawawa. The woman lost her
-comb. She spoke to her brethren: &lsquo;My brothers, my comb fell
-down.&rsquo; They answered her: &lsquo;Good, return, take your
-comb.&rsquo; She found it and took it, and next day she said:
-&lsquo;Well, I shall remain here already, as
-Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The brothers went on. When they arrived at the shore of the
-main island, Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine said: &lsquo;Aturamo&rsquo;a, how
-shall we go? Shall we look towards the sea?&rsquo; Said
-Aturamo&rsquo;a; &lsquo;O, no, let us look towards the jungle.&rsquo;
-Aturamo&rsquo;a went ahead, deceiving his brother, for he was a
-cannibal. He wanted to look towards the jungle, so that he might eat
-men. Thus Aturamo&rsquo;a went ahead, and his eyes turned towards the
-jungle. Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine turned his eyes, looked over the sea, he
-spoke: &lsquo;Why did you deceive me, Aturamo&rsquo;a? Whilst I am
-looking towards the sea, you look towards the jungle.&rsquo;
-Aturamo&rsquo;a later on returned and came towards the sea. He spoke,
-&lsquo;Good, you Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine, look towards the sea, I shall
-look to the jungle!&rsquo; This man, who sits near the jungle, is a
-cannibal, the one who sits near the sea is good.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This short version of the myth I obtained in Sinaketa. The story
-shows us three people migrating for unknown reasons from the North-East
-to this district. The sister, after having lost her comb, decides to
-remain in Siyawawa, and turns into the rock Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i. The
-brothers go only a few miles further, to undergo the same
-transformation at the Northern end of Sarubwoyna beach. There is the
-characteristic distinction <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb332" href=
-"#pb332" name="pb332">332</a>]</span>between the cannibal and the
-non-cannibal. As the story was told to me in Boyowa, that is, in the
-district where they were not man-eaters, the qualification of
-&lsquo;good&rsquo; was given to the non-cannibal hero, who became the
-rock further out to sea. The same distinction is to be found in the
-previously quoted myth of the Kudayuri sisters who flew to Dobu, and it
-is to be found also in a myth, told about the origins of cannibalism,
-which I shall not quote here. The association between the jungle and
-cannibalism on the one hand, and between the sea and abstention from
-human flesh on the other, is the same as the one in the Kudayuri myth.
-In that myth, the rock which looks towards the South is cannibal, while
-the Northern one is not, and for the natives this is the reason why the
-Dobuans do eat human flesh and the Boyowans do not. The designation of
-one of these rocks as a man-eater (<i lang="kij">tokamlata&rsquo;u</i>)
-has no further meaning, more especially it is not associated with the
-belief that any special dangers surround the rock.</p>
-<p>The importance of these two rocks, Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and
-Aturamo&rsquo;a lies, however, not so much in the truncated myth as in
-the ritual surrounding them. Thus, all three stones receive an
-offering&mdash;<i lang="kij">pokala</i>&mdash;consisting of a bit of
-coco-nut, a stale yam, a piece of sugar cane and banana. As the canoes
-go past, the offerings are placed on the stone, or thrown towards it,
-with the words:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Old man (or in the case of <span class="corr"
-id="xd26e11152" title=
-"Source: Sinatemubadiyei">Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i</span>, &lsquo;old
-woman&rsquo;)<a id="xd26e11155" name="xd26e11155"></a> here comes your
-coco-nut, your sugar cane, your bananas, bring me good luck so that I
-may go and make my Kula quickly in Tu&rsquo;utauna.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This offering is given by the Boyowan canoes on their way to Dobu,
-and by the Dobuans as they start on the Kula Northwards, to Boyowa.
-Besides the offerings, certain taboos and observances are kept at these
-rocks. Thus, any people passing close to the rock would have to bathe
-in the sea out of their canoes, and the children in the canoes would be
-sprinkled with sea-water. This is done to prevent disease. A man who
-would go for the first time to <i lang="kij">kula</i> in Dobu would not
-be allowed to eat food in the vicinity of these rocks. A pig, or a
-green coco-nut would not be placed on the soil in this neighbourhood,
-but would have to be put on a mat. A novice in the Kula would have to
-make a point of going and bathing at the foot of Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine
-and Aturamo&rsquo;a. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb333" href="#pb333"
-name="pb333">333</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The Dobuans <i lang="kij">pokala</i> some other stones, to which the
-Boyowans do not give any offerings. The previously mentioned Gurewaya
-rock receives its share from the Dobuans, who believe that if they
-passed it close by without making a <i lang="kij">pokala</i>, they
-would become covered with sores and die. Passing Gurewaya, they would
-not stand up in their canoes, nor would they eat any food when camping
-on a beach within sight of Gurewaya. If they did so, they would become
-seasick, fall asleep, and their canoe would drift away into the
-unknown. I do not know whether there is any myth in Dobu about the
-Gurewaya stone. There is a belief that a big snake is coiled on the top
-of this rock, which looks after the observance of the taboos, and in
-case of breach of any of them would send down sickness on them. Some of
-the taboos of Gurewaya are also kept by the Boyowans, but I do not
-exactly know which.</p>
-<p>I obtained from a Dobuan informant a series of names of other,
-similar stones, lying to the East of Dobu, on the route between there
-and <span class="corr" id="xd26e11174" title=
-"Source: Tubtube">Tubetube</span>. Thus, somewhere in the district of
-Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, there is a rock called Kokorakakedakeda. Besides
-this, near a place called Makaydokodoko there is a stone, Tabudaya.
-Further East, near Bunama, a small stone called Sinada enjoys some Kula
-prestige. In a spot Sina&rsquo;ena, which I cannot place on the map,
-there is a stone called Taryadabwoyro, with eye, nose, legs and
-hind-quarters shaped like those of a pig. This stone is called
-&lsquo;the mother of all the pigs,&rsquo; and the district of
-Sina&rsquo;ena is renowned for the abundance of these animals
-there.</p>
-<p>The only mythical fragment about any of these stones which I
-obtained is the one quoted above. Like the two Kula myths previously
-adduced, it is a story of a migration from North to South. There is no
-allusion to the Kula in the narrative, but as the stones are <i lang=
-"kij">pokala&rsquo;d</i> in the Kula, there is evidently some
-association between it and them. To understand this association better,
-it must be realised that similar offerings are given in certain forms
-of magic to ancestral spirits and to spirits of Kultur-heroes, who have
-founded the institution in which the magic is practised. This suggests
-the conclusion that Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and Aturamo&rsquo;a are
-heroes of the Kula like Tokosikuna and Kasabwaybwayreta; and that their
-story is another variant of the fundamental Kula myth. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb334" href="#pb334" name="pb334">334</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e10143" href="#xd26e10143src" name="xd26e10143">1</a></span> See
-<a href="#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e10143src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e10761" href="#xd26e10761src" name="xd26e10761">2</a></span> The
-reader will note that this is the same name, which another mythical dog
-bore, also of the Lukuba clan as all dogs are, the one namely from whom
-the <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> magic is traced. Cf. <a href=
-"#div10.5">Chapter X, Division V</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e10761src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e10904" href="#xd26e10904src" name="xd26e10904">3</a></span> Cf.
-Professor C. G. Seligman, &ldquo;The Melanesians,&rdquo; Chapter LIV,
-&ldquo;Burial and Mourning Ceremonies&rdquo; (among the natives of the
-Trobriand Islands, of Woodlark and the Marshall
-Bennetts).&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e10904src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch13" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e705">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XIII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">On the Beach of Sarubwoyna</h2>
-<div id="div13.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">When the Sinaketan fleet passes the two mythical rocks
-of Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine and <span class="corr" id="xd26e11193" title=
-"Source: Aturamoa">Aturamo&rsquo;a</span>, the final goal of the
-expedition has been already reached. For before them, there stretch in
-a wide expanse the N.W. shores of Dawson Straits, where on the wide
-beach, there are scattered the villages of Bwayowa, Tu&rsquo;utauna and
-Deyde&rsquo;i, at the foot of Koyava&rsquo;u. This latter, the Boyowans
-call Koyaviguna&mdash;the final mountain. Immediately behind the two
-rocks, there stretches the beach of Sarubwoyna, its clean, white sand
-edging the shallow curve of a small bay. This is the place where the
-crews, nearing their final destination, have to make a halt, to prepare
-themselves magically for approaching their partners in Dobu. As, on
-their start from Sinaketa, they stopped for some time on Muwa and there
-performed the last act of their inaugurating rites and ceremonies, so
-in the same manner this beach is the place where they once more muster
-their forces after the journey has been accomplished.</p>
-<div class="figure pl48width" id="pl48">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl48width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLVIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl48.jpg" alt=
-"A Kula Fleet Halting to Perform the Final Rites of Mwasila." width=
-"720" height="429">
-<p class="figureHead">A Kula Fleet Halting to Perform the Final Rites
-of Mwasila.</p>
-<p>This photograph was taken in the Trobriands, and it shows the Dobuan
-fleet just arriving and its final halt (cf. Chapter XVI, Division II).
-The scene on the beach of Sarubwoyna would present an identical
-picture. Note the two men in the forefront, wading ashore to produce
-the leaves for the Kaykakaya. (See <a href="#div13.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl49width" id="pl49">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl49width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-XLIX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl49.jpg" alt="The Beauty Magic of the Mwasila."
-width="720" height="429">
-<p class="figureHead">The Beauty Magic of the Mwasila.</p>
-<p>The whole fleet are preparing for the final approach; in each canoe
-magic is spoken over cosmetics and every man combs his hair, anoints
-his body, and paints his face. (See <a href="#div13.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>This is the place which was already mentioned in <a href=
-"#ch2">Chapter II</a> when, in giving a description of the district, we
-imagined ourselves passing near this beach and meeting there a large
-fleet of canoes, whose crews were engaged in some mysterious
-activities. I said there that up to a hundred canoes might have been
-seen anchored near the beach, and indeed, on a big <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition in olden days such a figure could easily
-have been reached. For, on a rough estimate, Sinaketa could have
-produced some twenty canoes; the Vakutans could have joined them with
-about forty; the Amphlettans with another twenty; and twenty more would
-have followed from Tewara, Siyawawa, and Sanaroa. Some of them would
-indeed not have taken part in the Kula, but have followed only out of
-sheer curiosity, just <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb335" href=
-"#pb335" name="pb335">335</a>]</span>as in the big <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, which I accompanied in 1918 from Dobu to
-Sinaketa, the sixty Dobuan canoes were joined by some twelve canoes
-from the Amphletts and about as many again from Vakuta.</p>
-<p>The Sinaketans having arrived at this beach, now stop, moor the
-canoes near the shore, adorn their persons, and perform a whole series
-of magical rites. Within a short space of time they crowd in a great
-number of short rites, accompanied by formul&aelig; as a rule not very
-long. In fact, from the moment they have arrived at Sarubwoyna up to
-their entry into the village, they do not cease doing one magical act
-or another, and the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> never stop incessantly
-muttering their spells. To the observer, a spectacle of feverish
-activity unfolds itself, a spectacle which I witnessed in 1918 when I
-assisted at an analogous performance of the Dobuan Kula fleet
-approaching Sinaketa.</p>
-<p>The fleet halts; the sails are furled, the masts dismounted, the
-canoes moored (see <a href="#pl48">Plate XLVIII</a>). In each canoe,
-the elder men begin to undo their baskets and take out their personal
-belongings. The younger ones run ashore and gather copious supplies of
-leaves which they bring back into the canoes. Then the older men again
-murmur magical formul&aelig; over the leaves and over other substances.
-In this, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> is assisted by others. Then,
-they all wash in sea-water, and rub themselves with the medicated
-leaves. Coco-nuts are broken, scraped, medicated, and the skin is
-rubbed with the mess, which greases it and gives it a shining surface.
-A comb is chanted over, and the hair teased out with it (see <a href=
-"#pl49">Plate XLIX</a>). Then, with crushed betel-nut mixed with lime,
-they draw red ornamental designs on their faces, while others use the
-<i lang="kij">sayyaku</i>, an aromatic resinous stuff, and draw similar
-lines in black. The fine-smelling mint plant, which has been chanted
-over at home before starting, is taken out of its little receptacle
-where it was preserved in coco-nut oil. The herb is inserted into the
-armlets, while the few drops of oil are smeared over the body, and over
-the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>, the magical bundle of <i lang=
-"kij">pari</i> (trade goods).</p>
-<p>All the magic which is spoken over the native cosmetics is the
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) of beauty. The main aim of these
-spells is the same one which we found so clearly expressed in myth; to
-make the man beautiful, attractive, and irresistible <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb336" href="#pb336" name="pb336">336</a>]</span>to
-his Kula partner. In the myths we saw how an old, ugly and ungainly man
-becomes transformed by his magic into a radiant and charming youth. Now
-this mythical episode is nothing else but an exaggerated version of
-what happens every time, when the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> of beauty
-is spoken on Sarubwoyna beach or on other similar points of approach.
-As my informants over and over again told me, when explaining the
-meaning of these rites:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Here we are ugly; we eat bad fish, bad food;
-our faces remain ugly. We want to sail to Dobu; we keep taboos, we
-don&rsquo;t eat bad food. We go to Sarubwoyna; we wash; we charm the
-leaves of <i lang="kij">silasila</i>; we charm the coco-nut; we
-<i lang="kij">putuma</i> (anoint ourselves); we make our red paint and
-black paint; we put in our fine-smelling <i lang="kij">vana</i> (herb
-ornament in armlets); we arrive in Dobu beautiful looking. Our partner
-looks at us, sees our faces are beautiful; he throws the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> at us.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The bad fish and bad food here mentioned are the articles which are
-tabooed to those who know the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, and a man may
-often unwittingly break such a taboo.</p>
-<p>There is no doubt that a deep belief in the efficacy of such magic
-might almost make it effective. Although actual beauty cannot be
-imparted by spells, yet the feeling of being beautiful through magic
-may give assurance, and influence people in their behaviour and
-deportment, and as in the transaction it is the manner of the
-soliciting party which matters, this magic, no doubt, achieves its aim
-by <span class="corr" id="xd26e11295" title=
-"Source: pyschological">psychological</span> means.</p>
-<p>This branch of Kula magic has two counter-parts in the other magical
-lore of the Trobrianders. One of them is the love magic, through which
-people are rendered attractive and irresistible. Their belief in these
-spells is such that a man would always attribute all his success in
-love to their efficiency. Another type closely analogous to the beauty
-magic of the Kula is the specific beauty magic practised before big
-dances and festivities.</p>
-<p>Let us now give one or two samples of the magic which is performed
-on Sarubwoyna beach. The ritual in all of it is exceedingly simple. In
-each case the formula is spoken over a certain substance, and then this
-substance is applied to the body. The first rite to be performed is
-that of ceremonial washing. The <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> brings his
-mouth close to the big <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb337" href=
-"#pb337" name="pb337">337</a>]</span>bundles of herbs, brought from the
-shore and utters the formula called <i lang="kij">kaykakaya</i> (the
-ablution formula) over them. After an ablution, these leaves are rubbed
-over the skins of all those in the canoe who practise Kula. Then, in
-the same succession as I mention them, the coco-nut, the comb, the
-ordinary or the aromatic black paint or the betel-nut are charmed
-over.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e11311src" href="#xd26e11311" name=
-"xd26e11311src">1</a> Only one, as a rule, of the paints is used. In
-some cases the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> does the spell for everybody.
-In other cases, a man who knows, say, the betel-nut or the comb spell,
-will do it for himself or even for all others. In some cases again, out
-of all these rites, only the <i lang="kij">kaykakaya</i> (ablution) and
-one of the others will be performed.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kaykakaya Spell</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;O <i lang="kij">katatuna</i> fish, O <i lang=
-"kij">marabwaga</i> fish, <i lang="kij">yabwau</i> fish, <i lang=
-"kij">reregu</i> fish!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Their red paint, with which they are painted; their red
-paint, with which they are adorned.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Alone they visit, together we visit; alone they visit,
-together we visit a chief.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;They take me to their bosom; they hug me.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The great woman befriends me, where the pots are boiling; the
-good woman befriends me, on the sitting platform.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Two pigeons stand and turn round; two parrots fly
-about.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;No more it is my mother, my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu!
-No more it is my father, my father art thou, O man of Dobu! No more it
-is the high platform, the high platform are his arms; no more it is the
-sitting platform, the sitting platform are his legs; no more it is my
-lime spoon, my lime spoon is his tongue; no more it is my lime pot, my
-lime pot is his gullet.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>This formula then passes into the same ending as the <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i> spell, quoted previously, <a href="#ch7">Chapter
-VII</a>, which runs: &ldquo;Recently deceased spirit of my maternal
-uncle, etc.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>At the beginning of this spell, we find enumerated a series of fish
-names. These fishes all have red markings on their bodies, and they are
-tabooed to the people, who recite the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic
-and do the Kula. If eaten, they would give a man an ugly appearance.
-The above quoted saying of one of my informants: <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb338" href="#pb338" name=
-"pb338">338</a>]</span>&ldquo;we eat bad fish, we are ugly,&rdquo;
-refers to these fishes amongst others. In this formula, the invocation
-is partly an appeal for assistance, and partly a sort of exorcism,
-which is meant to undo the evil effects of breaking the taboo of eating
-these fish. As this formula is associated with the ritual washing, the
-whole <span class="corr" id="xd26e11375" title=
-"Source: proceding">proceeding</span> possesses a sort of magical
-consistency, which obtains within an exceedingly obscure and confused
-concatenation of ideas: the redness of the fish, the red painting on
-the human bodies for beauty, the invocation of the fishing magic, the
-taboo on this fish. These ideas hang together somehow, but it would be
-unwise and incorrect to attempt to put them into any logical order or
-sequence.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e11378src" href="#xd26e11378" name=
-"xd26e11378src">2</a> The sentence about &lsquo;visiting,&rsquo; in
-this spell could not be made clear by any of my native informants. I
-venture to suggest that the fish are invited to assist the adventurer
-on his Kula visit, and to help him with their beauty.</p>
-<p>The next few sentences refer to the reception he anticipates at
-Dobu, in the forcible and exaggerated language of magic. The words
-which have been here translated by &lsquo;take to his bosom,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;hug,&rsquo; &lsquo;befriend,&rsquo; are the terms used to
-describe the fondling and rocking and hugging of small children.
-According to native custom, it would not be considered effeminate or
-ridiculous for men to put their arms round each other and walk or sit
-about thus. And it must be added, this is done without any homo-sexual
-intention, at least of the grosser type. None the less, no such
-fondling would really take place between the Dobuans and their Kula
-partners. The mention of the &lsquo;great woman,&rsquo; the
-&lsquo;great good woman&rsquo; refers to the wife and sister of the
-partner, who, as we have said before, are considered to wield great
-influence in the transactions.</p>
-<p>The two pigeons and the two parrots express metaphorically the
-friendship between the reciter of this magic and his partner. The long
-list that follows expresses the exchange of his ordinary relations for
-his Dobuan friends. An exaggerated description follows of the intimacy
-between him and his partner, on whose arms and legs he will sit, and
-from whose mouth he will partake of the betel chewing materials.</p>
-<p>I shall give a sample of another of these spells, associated with
-adornment and personal beauty. This is the spell spoken <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb339" href="#pb339" name="pb339">339</a>]</span>over
-the betel-nut with which the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and the members
-of his canoe draw lines of vermilion red on their faces. Young
-betel-nut, when crushed with lime in a small mortar, produces pigment
-of wonderful brightness and intensity. Travellers in the countries of
-the Indian Ocean and parts of the Pacific know it well, as the paint
-that colours the lips and tongues of the natives.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Talo Spell</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Red paint, red paint of the <i lang=
-"kij">udawada</i> fish! Red paint, red paint, of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwaylili</i> fish! At the one end of the aromatic pandanus
-flower-petal; at the other end of the Duwaku flower. There are two red
-paints of mine, they flare up, they flash.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;My head, it flares up, it flashes; my red paint, it flares
-up, it flashes,</p>
-<p>My facial blacking, it flares up, it flashes;</p>
-<p>My aromatic paint, it flares up, it flashes;</p>
-<p>My little basket, it flares up, it flashes;</p>
-<p>My lime spoon, it flares up, it flashes;</p>
-<p>My lime pot, it flares up, it flashes;</p>
-<p>My comb, it flares up, it flashes.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>And so on, enumerating the various personal appurtenances, such as
-the mat, the stock-in-trade, the big basket, the charmed bundle
-(<i lang="kij">lilava</i>) and then again the various parts of his
-head, that is his nose, his occiput, his tongue, his throat, his
-larynx, his eyes, and his mouth. The whole series of words is again
-repeated with another leading word instead of &ldquo;it flares up, it
-flashes.&rdquo; The new word, &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">mitapwaypwa&rsquo;i</i>&rsquo; is a compound, expressing a
-desire, a coveting, nascent in the eyes. The eyes are, according to
-native psycho-physical theories, the seat of admiration, wish and
-appetite in matters of sex, of greed for food, and for material
-possessions. Here, this expression conveys that the Dobuan partner,
-will, on beholding his visitor, desire to make Kula with him.</p>
-<p>The spell ends: &ldquo;My head is made bright, my face flashes. I
-have acquired a beautiful shape, like that of a chief; I have acquired
-a shape that is good. I am the only one; my renown stands
-alone.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>At the beginning we have again the mention of two fishes; evidently
-the redness of the fish is the right redness for the Kula! I am unable
-to explain the meaning of the second sentence, except that the petals
-of the pandanus flower are slightly coloured at one end, and that they
-are considered as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb340" href="#pb340"
-name="pb340">340</a>]</span>one of the finest and most attractive
-ornaments. The middle part and the end of this spell need no
-commentary.</p>
-<p>These two spells will be sufficient to indicate the general
-character of the beauty magic of the Kula. One more spell must be
-adduced here, that of the conch shell. This shell is as a rule
-medicated at this stage of the Kula proceedings. Sometimes, however,
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> would, before departure from home, utter
-the formula into the opening of the conch shell, and close this up
-carefully, so that the virtue might not evaporate. The conch shell is
-made of a big specimen of the <i lang="la">Cassis cornuta</i> shell, at
-the broad end of which the apex of the spiral windings is knocked out,
-so as to form a mouth-piece. The spell is not uttered into the
-mouthpiece, but into the broad opening between the lips, both orifices
-being afterwards closed with coco-nut husk fibre until the shell has
-actually to be blown.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">The Spell of the Ta&rsquo;uya (Conch Shell)</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;<i lang="kij">Mwanita, Mwanita!</i> Come there
-together; I will make you come there together! Come here together; I
-will make you come here together! The rainbow appears there; I will
-make the rainbow appear there! The rainbow appears here; I will make
-the rainbow here.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Who comes ahead with the Kula? I&rdquo; (here the name of the
-reciter is uttered), &ldquo;come ahead with the Kula, I shall be the
-only chief; I shall be the only old man; I shall be the only one to
-meet my partner on the road. My renown stands alone; my name is the
-only one. Beautiful valuables are exchanged here with my partner;
-Beautiful valuables are exchanged there with my partner; The contents
-of my partner&rsquo;s basket are mustered.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>After this exordium there comes a middle part, constructed on the
-general principle of one word&rsquo;s being repeated with a series of
-others. The keyword here is an expression denoting the state of
-excitement which seizes a partner, and makes him give generous Kula
-offerings. This word here is repeated first with a series of words,
-describing the various personal belongings of the partner, his dog, his
-belt; his tabooed coco-nut and betel-nut; and then, with a new series
-of terms denoting the different classes of Kula valuables which are
-expected to be given. This part could therefore be translated
-thus:&mdash;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;A state of excitement seizes his dog, his belt, his <i lang=
-"kij">gwara</i>&rdquo; (taboo on coco-nuts and betel-nuts) &ldquo;his
-<i lang="kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb341"
-href="#pb341" name="pb341">341</a>]</span>necklace, his <i lang=
-"kij">bagiriku</i> necklace, his <i lang="kij">bagidudu</i> necklace,
-etc.&rdquo; The spell ends in a typical manner: &ldquo;I shall <i lang=
-"kij">kula</i>, I shall rob my Kula; I shall steal my Kula; I shall
-pilfer my Kula. I shall <i lang="kij">kula</i> so as to make my canoe
-sink; I shall <i lang="kij">kula</i> so as to make my outrigger go
-under. My fame is like thunder, my steps are like
-earthquake!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The first word of this spell, <i lang="kij">mwanita</i>, is the
-native name for a long worm covered with rings of black armour. I was
-told that it is mentioned here because of its similarity to the
-spondylus shell necklaces, which also consist of many rings. I obtained
-this formula in Sinaketa, hence this interpretation heeds only the
-necklaces, though the simile might also obviously be extended to
-armshells, for a number of armshells threaded on a string, as they can
-be seen on <a href="#pl60">Plate LX</a>, presents also a likeness to
-the <i lang="kij">mwanita</i> worm. It may be added here that Sinaketa
-is one of these Kula communities in which the overseas expeditions are
-done only in one direction, to the South, from where only the spondylus
-necklaces are fetched. Its counterpart, Kiriwina, to the North, carries
-on again only one-sided overseas Kula. The formul&aelig; which I
-obtained in Kiriwina differ from those of Sinaketa in their main parts:
-whenever there is a list of spondylus necklaces in a Sinaketan <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i> (main part) a list of the several varieties of
-armshells would be used in a Kiriwinian <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>. In
-Kitava, where, as in several other Kula communities, the overseas
-expeditions are carried out in both directions, the same formula would
-be used by the same man with two different main parts, according as to
-whether he was sailing East to fetch <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, or West
-to fetch <i lang="kij">soulava</i>. No changes, however, would be made
-in the beginning of a spell.</p>
-<p>The sentence &lsquo;come here together&rsquo; refers to the
-collected valuables. The play on &lsquo;there&rsquo; and
-&lsquo;here,&rsquo; represented in the native language by the sounds
-&lsquo;m&rsquo; and &lsquo;w,&rsquo; which are used as interchangeable
-formatives, is very frequent in magic; (see <a href="#div18.12">Chapter
-XVIII, Division XII</a>). The rainbow here invoked is a <i lang=
-"kij">kariyala</i> (magical portent) of this formula. When the conch
-shell is blown, and the fleet approaches the shore, a rainbow will
-appear in the skies.</p>
-<p>The rest of the exordium is taken up by the usual boasts and
-exaggerations typical of magic. The middle part needs no <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb342" href="#pb342" name=
-"pb342">342</a>]</span>commentary. It is clear that the sound of the
-conch shell is meant to arouse the partner to do his duty eagerly. The
-magic spoken into the conch shell heightens and strengthens this
-effect.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div13.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">After the beauty magic and the spell over the conch
-shell are finished&mdash;and the whole performance does not take more
-than half an hour or so&mdash;every man, in full festive array, takes
-his place in his canoe. The sails have been folded and the masts
-removed, and the final stage is done by paddling. The canoes close in,
-not in any very regular formation, but keeping near to one another, the
-canoe of the <i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> as a rule moving in
-the van. In each canoe, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> sits at his
-proper place in the middle of the canoe near the <i lang=
-"kij">gebobo</i> (special erection made for cargo). One man sits in the
-front, right against the prow-board, and another at the stern on the
-platform. All the remaining members of the canoe wield the paddles,
-while the small boy or the junior member of the crew, sits near the
-front, ready to blow the conch shell. The oarsmen swing their
-leaf-shaped paddles with long, energetic and swift strokes, letting the
-water spray off them and the glistening blades flash in the
-sunlight&mdash;a ceremonial stroke which they call <i lang=
-"kij">kavikavila</i> (lightening).</p>
-<p>As the canoes begin to move, the three men, so far idle, intone a
-chant, reciting a special magical formula, each a different one. The
-man in the front, holding his hand on the <i lang="kij">tabuyo</i>
-(oval prow-board), recites a spell, called <i lang="kij">kayikuna
-tabuyo</i> (the swaying of the prow-board). The <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> in the middle recites the powerful formula called
-<i lang="kij">kavalikuliku</i> (the earthquake spell), a formula which
-makes &ldquo;the mountain tremble and subside.&rdquo; The man at the
-stern recites what is called <i lang="kij">kaytavilena moynawaga</i>, a
-name which I cannot very well explain, which literally means,
-&ldquo;the changing of the canoe entrance.&rdquo; Thus, laden with
-magical force, which is poured forth irresistibly on to the mountain,
-the canoes advance towards the goal of their enterprise. With the
-voices of the reciters mingle the soft, penetrating sounds of the conch
-shell, blending their various pitches into a weird, disturbing harmony.
-Samples of the three spells must be given here. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb343" href="#pb343" name="pb343">343</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kayikuna Tabuyo</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Moruborogu, Mosilava&rsquo;u!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it.</p>
-<p>My prow-board, O fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it.</p>
-<p>This key expression, the invocation of the fish-hawk, is repeated
-with a string of words, denoting, first, the ornamental parts of the
-canoe; afterwards, certain of its constructive parts; and finally, the
-lime-pot, the lime stick<span class="corr" id="xd26e11571" title=
-"Not in source">,</span> the comb, the paddles, the mats, the <i lang=
-"kij">lilava</i> (magical bundle), and the <i lang="kij">usagelu</i>
-(members of the crew). The spell ends with the words:&mdash;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shall <i lang="kij">kula</i>, I shall rob my Kula,
-etc.,&rdquo; as in the previously given formula of the conch shell.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The first two words of this spell are personal names of men, as the
-initial syllable Mo- indicates, but no information about them was
-available. The allusion to the fish-hawk in the main part suggests a
-connection between the action of the rite, that is, the moving of the
-<i lang="kij">tabuyo</i>, with this part of the spell, for the
-ornamental prow-boards are called synonymously <i lang=
-"kij">buribwari</i> (fish-hawk). On the other hand, the expression:
-&ldquo;Fish-hawk, fall on thy prey,&rdquo; is no doubt also a magical
-simile, expressing the idea: &ldquo;As a fish-hawk falls on his prey
-and carries it off, so let this canoe fall on the Kula valuables and
-carry them off.&rdquo; The association of this simile with the act of
-shaking the <span class="corr" id="xd26e11594" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span> is very suggestive. It may be
-an attempt to assimilate the whole canoe and all its parts to a
-fish-hawk falling on its prey, through the special mediation of the
-ornamental <span class="corr" id="xd26e11597" title=
-"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>.</p>
-<p>The spell recited by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> in the middle of
-the canoe runs thus:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kavalikuliku</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I anchor at the open sea beach, my renown
-reaches the Lagoon; I anchor at the Lagoon, my renown reaches the open
-sea beach.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I hit the mountain; the mountain shivers; the mountain
-subsides; the mountain trembles; the mountain falls down; the mountain
-falls asunder. I kick the ground on which the mountain stands. I bring
-together, I gather.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The mountain is encountered in the Kula; we encounter the
-mountain in the Kula.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>The expression, <i lang="kij">kubara, takuba, kubara</i>, which we
-have here translated by &ldquo;the mountain is met in the Kula,
-etc.&rdquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb344" href="#pb344" name=
-"pb344">344</a>]</span>is then repeated with a long string of words
-denoting the various classes of valuables to be received in the Kula.
-It ends with the conclusion already quoted: &ldquo;My renown is like
-thunder, my steps are like earthquake.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The opening two sentences are clear; they contain a typical magical
-exaggeration, and equally typical permutation of words. Then comes the
-terrible verbal onslaught on &ldquo;the mountain,&rdquo; in which the
-dreadful upheaval is carried on in words. &ldquo;The mountain&rdquo;
-(<i lang="kij">koya</i>) stands here for the community of partners, for
-the partner, for his mind. It was very difficult to translate the
-expression <i lang="kij">kubara, takuba kubara</i>. It is evidently an
-archaic word, and I have found it in several formul&aelig; of the
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>. It seems to mean something like an encounter
-between the approaching fleet and the <i lang="kij">koya</i>. The word
-for sea battle is <i lang="kij">kubilia</i> in the Trobriand language,
-and <i lang="kij">kubara</i> in that of the Amphletts and Dobu, and as
-often the words of the partner&rsquo;s language are mixed up into these
-formul&aelig;, this etymology and translation seem to be the correct
-ones.</p>
-<p>The third formula, that of the man in the stern, is as
-follows:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kaytavilena Mwoynawaga</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Crocodile, fall down, take thy man! push him
-down under the <i lang="kij">gebobo!</i> (part of the canoe where the
-cargo is stowed away).&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Crocodile, bring me the necklace, bring me the <i lang=
-"kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i>, etc.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>The formula is ended by the usual phrase: &ldquo;I shall <i lang=
-"kij">kula</i>, I shall rob my Kula, etc.,&rdquo; as in the two
-previously quoted spells (Ta&rsquo;uyo and Kayikuna Tabuyo).</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This formula is obviously a pendant to the first of these three
-spells, and the crocodile is here invoked instead of the <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e11672" title="Source: fish hawk">fish-hawk</span>, with
-the same significance. The rest of the spell is clear, the crocodile
-being appealed to, to bring all the different classes of the spondylus
-shell valuables.</p>
-<p>It is interesting to reflect upon the psychological importance of
-this magic. There is a deep belief in its efficiency, a belief
-cherished not only by those who advance chanting it, but shared also by
-the men awaiting the visitors on the shore. The Dobuans know that
-powerful forces are at work upon them. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb345" href="#pb345" name="pb345">345</a>]</span>They must feel the
-wave of magical influence slowly advancing, spreading over their
-villages. They hear the appeal of the conch-shell, wafting the magic to
-them in its irresistible note. They can guess the murmur of the many
-voices accompanying it. They know what is expected from them, and they
-rise to the occasion. On the part of the approaching party, this magic,
-the chant of the many voices blended with the <i lang=
-"kij">ta&rsquo;uyo</i> (conch shell), expresses their hopes and desires
-and their rising excitement; their attempt to &ldquo;shake the
-mountain,&rdquo; to stir it to its very foundations.</p>
-<p>At the same time, a new emotion arises in their minds, that of awe
-and apprehension; and another form of magic has to come to their
-assistance at this juncture, to give expression to this fear and to
-assuage it&mdash;the magic of safety. Spells of this magic have been
-spoken previously, perhaps on the beach of Sarubwoyna alongside with
-the rest, perhaps even earlier, at one of the intermediate stages of
-the journey. But the rite will be performed at the moment of setting
-foot ashore, and as this is also the psychological moment to which the
-magic corresponds, it must be described here.</p>
-<p>It seems absurd, from the rational point of view, that the natives,
-who know that they are expected, indeed, who have been invited to come,
-should yet feel uncertain about the good will of their partners, with
-whom they have so often traded, whom they have received in visit, and
-themselves visited and re-visited again and again. Coming on a
-customary and peaceful errand, why should they have any apprehensions
-of danger, and develop a special magical apparatus to meet the natives
-of Dobu? This is a logical way of reasoning, but custom is not logical,
-and the emotional attitude of man has a greater sway over custom than
-has reason. The main attitude of a native to other, alien groups is
-that of hostility and mistrust. The fact that to a native every
-stranger is an enemy, is an ethnographic feature reported from all
-parts of the world. The Trobriander is not an exception in this
-respect, and beyond his own, narrow social horizon, a wall of
-suspicion, misunderstanding and latent enmity divides him from even
-near neighbours. The Kula breaks it through at definite geographical
-points, and by means of special customary transactions. But, like
-everything extraordinary and exceptional, this waiving of the general
-taboo on strangers must be justified and bridged over by magic.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb346" href="#pb346" name=
-"pb346">346</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Indeed, the customary behaviour of the Dobuans and of the visitors
-expresses this state of affairs with singular accuracy. It is the
-customary rule that the Trobrianders should be received first with a
-show of hostility and fierceness; treated almost as intruders. But this
-attitude entirely subsides after the visitors have ritually spat over
-the village on their arrival. The natives express their ideas on this
-subject very characteristically:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The Dobu man is not good as we are. He is
-fierce, he is a man-eater! When we come to Dobu, we fear him, he might
-kill us. But see! I spit the charmed ginger root, and their mind turns.
-They lay down their spears, they receive us well.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div13.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">This show of hostility is fixed into a definite
-ceremonial attitude when the Dobuan village, which consists of a
-collection of hamlets, has been laid under a taboo. On the death of a
-man of importance in any of the hamlets, the whole community undergoes
-the so called <i lang="kij">gwara</i> taboo. The coco-nut and betel-nut
-palms around and within the village are not allowed to be scaled, and
-the fruit must not be touched by the Dobuans themselves, and still less
-by strangers. This state of affairs lasts a varying length of time,
-according to the importance of the dead man, and to other
-circumstances. Only after the <i lang="kij">gwara</i> has run out its
-course, and is ripe for expiring, do the Kiriwinians dare to come on a
-visit to Dobu, having been advised beforehand of the circumstance. But
-then, when they arrive, the Dobuans put up a show of real hostility,
-for the visitors will have to break the taboo, they will have to scale
-the palms, and take the forbidden fruit. This is in accordance with a
-wide-spread Papuo-Melanesian type of custom of finishing tabooed
-periods: in all cases, someone else, who is not under the taboo, has to
-put an end to it, or to force the imposer of the taboo to break it. And
-in all cases, there is some show of violence and struggle on the part
-of the one who has to allow it to be broken. In this case, as the
-Kiriwinian natives put it:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Supposing we do not perform the <i lang=
-"kij">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i> (safety magic), we are afraid, when
-there is a <i lang="kij">gwara</i> in Dobu<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e11723" title="Source: ,">.</span> The Dobuans put on war paint,
-take spear in hand, and a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb347" href=
-"#pb347" name="pb347">347</a>]</span><i lang="kij">puluta</i> (sword
-club); they sit and look at us. We run into the village; we climb the
-tree. He runs at us &lsquo;Don&rsquo;t climb,&rsquo; he cries. Then we
-spit <i lang="kij">leyya</i> (ginger root) at him. He throws down his
-spear, he goes back and smiles. The women take the spears away. We spit
-all around the village. Then he is pleased. He speaks: &lsquo;You climb
-your coco-nut, your betel-nut; cut your
-bananas.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Thus the taboo is broken, the <i lang="kij">gwara</i> is finished,
-and the customary and histrionic moment of tension is over, which must
-have been none the less a strain on the nerves of both parties.</p>
-<p>This is the lengthy formula which a <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>
-utters over several bits of ginger root, which are afterwards
-distributed among his crew, each of whom carries a piece when getting
-ashore.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Floating spirit of Nikiniki!</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Duduba, Kirakira</i>.&rdquo; (These words are
-untranslatable).</p>
-<p>&ldquo;It ebbs, it ebbs away!</p>
-<p>Thy fury ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p>
-<p>Thy war paint ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p>
-<p>Thy sting ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p>
-<p>Thy anger ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!</p>
-<p>Thy chasing away ebbs, it ebbs away, O man of Dobu!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>A long string of various expressings denoting hostile passions,
-disinclination to make Kula, and all the paraphernalia of war are here
-enumerated. Thus, such words as &ldquo;Kula refusal,&rdquo;
-&ldquo;growling,&rdquo; &ldquo;sulking,&rdquo; &ldquo;dislike&rdquo;;
-further: &ldquo;weapon,&rdquo; &ldquo;bamboo knife,&rdquo;
-&ldquo;club-sword,&rdquo; &ldquo;large-barbed spear,&rdquo;
-&ldquo;small-barbed spear,&rdquo; &ldquo;round club,&rdquo; &ldquo;war
-blackening,&rdquo; &ldquo;red war paint,&rdquo; are uttered one after
-the other. Moreover, all of them are repeated in their Dobuan
-equivalents after the list has been exhausted in Kiriwinian. When this
-series has been exhausted with reference to the man of Dobu, part of it
-is repeated with the addition &ldquo;Woman of Dobu,&rdquo; the mention
-of weapons, however, being omitted. But this does not end this
-extremely long formula. After the protracted litany has been finished,
-the reciter chants:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Who emerges at the top of Kinana? I&rdquo; (here the name of
-the reciter is mentioned) &ldquo;emerge on the top of
-Kinana.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>Then the whole litany is again repeated, the key word, instead of,
-&ldquo;it ebbs, it ebbs away&rdquo; being &ldquo;the dog sniffs.&rdquo;
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb348" href="#pb348" name=
-"pb348">348</a>]</span></p>
-<p>In connection with all the other words, this would run, more or
-less, in a free translation:&mdash;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Thy fury, O man of Dobu, is as when the dog sniffs,&rdquo;
-or, more explicitly:&mdash;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Thy fury, O man of Dobu, should abate as the fury of a dog
-abates when it comes and sniffs at a new-comer.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>The simile of the dog must be very strongly ingrained in the magical
-tradition, for in two more versions of this formula, obtained from
-different informants, I received as key-words the expressions:
-&ldquo;The dog plays about,&rdquo; and &ldquo;The dog is docile.&rdquo;
-The final part of this formula is identical with that of the Kaykakaya
-spell previously given in this chapter:&mdash;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;No more it is my mother, my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu,
-etc.,&rdquo; running into the ending &ldquo;Recently deceased,
-etc.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In comment on this formula, there is first of all the name mentioned
-in the first line, that of Nikiniki, or Monikiniki, as it is usually
-pronounced, with the prefix of masculinity, <i lang="kij">mo-</i>. He
-is described as &ldquo;A man, an ancient man; no myth about him; he
-spoke the magic.&rdquo; Indeed, the main system of <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> magic is named after him, but none of my informants
-knew any legend about him.</p>
-<p>The first key word of the middle part is quite clear. It describes
-the ebbing away of the Dobuans&rsquo; passions and of their outward
-trappings. It is noteworthy that the word for &lsquo;ebbing&rsquo; here
-used, is in the Dobuan, and not in the Kiriwinian language. The
-reference to the dog already explained may be still made clearer in
-terms of native comment. One explanation is simple:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;They invoke the dog in the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i>, because when master of dog comes, the dog stands up
-and licks; in the same way, the inclinations of the Dobu people.&rdquo;
-Another explanation is more sophisticated: &ldquo;The reason is that
-dogs play about nose to nose. Supposing we mentioned the word, as it
-was of old arranged, the valuables do the same. Supposing we had given
-away armshells, the necklace will come, they will meet.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This means, by invoking the dog in this magic, according to old
-magical tradition, we also influence the Kula gifts. This explanation
-is undoubtedly far-fetched, and probably does not express the real
-meaning of the spell. It would have no <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb349" href="#pb349" name="pb349">349</a>]</span>meaning in
-association with the list of passions and weapons, but I have adduced
-it as an example of native scholasticism.</p>
-<p>The dog is also a taboo associated with this magic. When a man, who
-practices the <i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i> eats and a dog
-howls within his hearing, he has to leave his food, else his magic
-would &lsquo;blunt.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>Safe under the auspices of this magic, the Trobriand sailors land on
-the beach of Tu&rsquo;utauna, where we shall follow them in the next
-chapter. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb350" href="#pb350" name=
-"pb350">350</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e11311" href="#xd26e11311src" name="xd26e11311">1</a></span>
-Compare also No. VI (A), in the Synoptic Table of Kula magic, in
-<a href="#ch17">Chapter XVII</a>, <a href="#pb418">p.
-418</a>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e11311src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e11378" href="#xd26e11378src" name="xd26e11378">2</a></span> There
-can be no better expression to denote the mutual relation of all these
-ideas than that used by Frazer to describe one of the typical forms of
-magic thought, the &lsquo;contagion of ideas.&rsquo; The subjective,
-psychological process leads the natives to the belief in magical
-contagion of things.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e11378src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch14" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e724">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XIV</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Kula in Dobu&mdash;Technicalities of the
-Exchange</h2>
-<div id="div14.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In the last chapter, we spoke about the institution of
-<i lang="kij">gwara</i> (mortuary taboo) and of the threatening
-reception accorded to the visiting party, at the time when it is laid
-upon the village, and when it has to be lifted. When there is no
-<i lang="kij">gwara</i>, and the arriving fleet are on an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, there will be a big and ceremonial
-welcome. The canoes, as they approach, will range themselves in a long
-row facing the shore. The point selected will be the beach,
-corresponding to a hamlet where the main partner of the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> lives. The canoe of the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>, of the master of the <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, will range itself at the end of the row.
-The <i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> will get up on to the platform
-and harangue the natives assembled on the beach. He will try to appeal
-to their ambition, so that they might give the visitors a large amount
-of valuables and surpass all other occasions. After that, his partner
-on the shore will blow a conch-shell, and, wading through the water,
-advance towards the canoe, and offer the first gift of valuables to the
-master of the expedition. This may be followed by another gift, again
-given to the <i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>. Other blasts then
-follow, and men disengage themselves from the throng on the shore,
-approaching the canoes with necklaces for their partners. A certain
-order of seniority will be observed in this. The necklaces are always
-carried ceremonially; as a rule they will be tied by both ends to a
-stick, and carried hanging down, with the pendant at the bottom (see
-<a href="#pl41">Plate LXI</a>). Sometimes, when a <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (valuable) is carried to the canoes by a woman
-(a headman&rsquo;s wife or sister) it will be put into a basket and
-carried on her head. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb351" href="#pb351"
-name="pb351">351</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div14.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">After this ceremonial reception, the fleet disperses.
-As we remember from <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, the villages in Dobu
-are not built in compact blocks of houses, but scattered in hamlets,
-each of about a dozen huts. The fleet now sails along the shore, every
-canoe anchoring in front of the hamlet in which its <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i> has his main partner.</p>
-<p>We have at last arrived at the point when the real Kula has begun.
-So far, it was all preparations, and sailing with its concomitant
-adventure, and a little bit of preliminary Kula in the Amphletts. It
-was all full of excitement and emotion, pointing always towards the
-final goal, the big Kula in Dobu. Now we have at last reached the
-climax. The net result will be the <span class="corr" id="xd26e11874"
-title="Source: acquision">acquisition</span> of a few dirty, greasy,
-and insignificant looking native trinkets, each of them a string of
-flat, partly discoloured, partly raspberry-pink or brick-red discs,
-threaded one behind the other into a long, cylindrical roll. In the
-eyes of the natives, however, this result receives its meaning from the
-social forces of tradition and custom, which give the imprint of value
-to these objects, and surround them with a halo of romance. It seems
-fit here to make these few reflections upon the native psychology on
-this point, and to attempt to grasp its real significance.</p>
-<p>It may help us towards this understanding to reflect, that not far
-from the scenes of the Kula, large numbers of white adventurers have
-toiled and suffered, and many of them given their lives, in order to
-acquire what to the natives would appear as insignificant and filthy as
-their <i lang="kij">bagi</i> are to us&mdash;a few nuggets of gold.
-Nearer, even, in the very Trobriand Lagoon, there are found valuable
-pearls. In olden days, when the natives on opening a shell to eat it,
-found a <i lang="kij">waytuna</i>, as they called it, a
-&lsquo;seed&rsquo; of the pearl shell, they would throw it to their
-children to play with. Now they see a number of white men straining all
-their forces in competition to acquire as many of these worthless
-things as they can. The parallel is very close. In both cases, the
-conventionalised value attached to an object carries with it power,
-renown, and the pleasure of increasing them both. In the case of the
-white man, this is infinitely more complex and indirect, but not
-essentially different from that of the natives. If we would imagine
-that a great number of celebrated gems are let loose among us, and
-travel from hand <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb352" href="#pb352"
-name="pb352">352</a>]</span>to hand&mdash;that Koh-i-noor and Orloff
-and other celebrated diamonds, emeralds and rubies&mdash;were on a
-continuous round tour, and to be obtained through luck, daring and
-enterprise, we would have a still closer analogy. Even though the
-possession of them would be a short and temporary one, the renown of
-having possessed them and the mania of &lsquo;collectioneering&rsquo;
-would add its spur to the lust for wealth.</p>
-<p>This general, human, psychological foundation of the Kula must be
-kept constantly in mind. If we want, however, to understand its
-specific forms, we have to look for the details and technicalities of
-the transaction. A short outline of these has been given before in
-<a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>. Here, after we have acquired a better
-knowledge of preliminaries, and a more thorough grasp of native
-psychology and custom, we shall be more ready to enter into a detailed
-description.</p>
-<p>The main principle of the Kula exchange has been laid down in the
-before-mentioned chapter; the Kula exchange has always to be a
-<i>gift</i>, followed by a <i>counter-gift</i>; it can never be a
-barter, a direct exchange with assessment of equivalents and with
-haggling. There must be always in the Kula two transactions, distinct
-in name, in nature and in time. The exchange is opened by an initial or
-opening gift called <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, and closed by a final or
-return present called <i lang="kij">yotile</i>. They are both
-ceremonial gifts, they have to be accompanied by the blow of a conch
-shell, and the present is given ostentatiously and in public. The
-native term &ldquo;to throw&rdquo; a valuable describes well the nature
-of the act. For, though the valuable has to be handed over by the
-giver, the receiver hardly takes any notice of it, and seldom receives
-it actually into his hands. The etiquette of the transaction requires
-that the gift should be given in an off-hand, abrupt, almost angry
-manner, and received with equivalent <span class="corr" id="xd26e11906"
-title="Source: nochalance">nonchalance</span> and disdain. A slight
-modification in this is introduced when, as it happens sometimes, in
-the Trobriands, and in the Trobriands only, the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is given by a chief to a commoner, in which
-case the commoner would take it into his hand, and show some
-appreciation of it. In all other cases, the valuable would be placed
-within the reach of the receiver, and an insignificant member of his
-following would pick it up.</p>
-<p>It is not very easy to unravel the various motives which combine to
-make up this customary behaviour on receiving and <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb353" href="#pb353" name=
-"pb353">353</a>]</span>giving a gift. The part played by the receiver
-is perhaps not so difficult to interpret. Right through their
-ceremonial and commercial give and take, there runs the crude and
-fundamental human dissatisfaction with the value received. A native
-will always, when speaking about a transaction, insist on the magnitude
-and value of the gift he gave, and minimise those of the equivalent
-accepted. Side by side with this, there is the essential native
-reluctance to appear in want of anything, a reluctance which is most
-pronounced in the case of food, as we have said before (<a href=
-"#div6.4">Chapter VI, Division IV</a>). Both these motives combine to
-produce the, after all, very human and understandable attitude of
-disdain at the reception of a gift. In the case of the donor, the
-histrionic anger with which he gives an object might be, in the first
-place, a direct expression of the natural human dislike of parting with
-a possession. Added to this, there is the attempt to enhance the
-apparent value of the gift by showing what a wrench it is to give it
-away. This is the interpretation of the etiquette in giving and taking
-at which I have arrived after many observations of native behaviour,
-and through many conversations and casual remarks of the natives.</p>
-<p>The two gifts of the Kula are also distinct in time. It is quite
-obvious this must be so in the case of an overseas expedition of an
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> type, on which no valuables whatever are
-taken with them by the visiting party, and so, any valuable received on
-such an occasion, whether as <i lang="kij">vaga</i> or <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i>, cannot therefore be exchanged at the same time. But
-even when the exchange takes place in the same village during an inland
-Kula, there must be an interval between the two gifts, of a few minutes
-at least.</p>
-<p>There are also deep differences in the nature of the two gifts. The
-<i lang="kij">vaga</i>, as the opening gift of the exchange, has to be
-given spontaneously, that is, there is no enforcement of any duty in
-giving it. There are means of soliciting it, (<i lang=
-"kij">wawoyla</i>), but no pressure can be employed. The <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i>, however, that is, the valuable which is given in
-return for the valuable previously received, is given under pressure of
-a certain obligation. If I have given a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening
-gift of valuable) to a partner of mine, let us say a year ago, and now,
-when on a visit, I find that he has an equivalent <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, I shall consider it his duty to give it to me.
-If he does not do so, I am angry with him, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb354" href="#pb354" name="pb354">354</a>]</span>and
-justified in being so. Not only that, if I can by any chance lay my
-hand on his <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> and carry if off by force
-(<i lang="kij">lebu</i>), I am entitled by custom to do this, although
-my partner in that case may become very irate. The quarrel over that
-would again be half histrionic, half real.</p>
-<p>Another difference between a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> and a <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i> occurs in overseas expeditions which are not <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i>. On such expeditions, valuables sometimes are
-carried, but only such as are due already for a past <i lang=
-"kij">vaga</i>, and are to be given as <i lang="kij">yotile</i>.
-Opening gifts, <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, are never taken overseas.</p>
-<p>As mentioned above, the <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, entails more wooing
-or soliciting than the <i lang="kij">yotile</i>. This process, called
-by the natives <i lang="kij">wawoyla</i>, consists, among others of a
-series of solicitary gifts. One type of such gifts is called <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i>, and consists of food.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e11992src" href="#xd26e11992" name="xd26e11992src">1</a> In the
-myth of Kasabwaybwayreta, narrated in <a href="#ch12">Chapter XII</a>,
-this type of gift was mentioned. As a rule, a considerable amount of
-food is taken on an expedition, and when a good valuable is known to be
-in the possession of a man, some of this food will be presented to him,
-with the words: &ldquo;I <i lang="kij">pokala</i> your valuable; give
-it to me.&rdquo; If the owner is not inclined to part with his
-Valuable, he will not accept the <i lang="kij">pokala</i>. If accepted,
-it is an intimation that the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> will
-sooner or later be given to the man who offers the <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i>. The owner, however, may not be prepared to part with
-it at once, and may wish to receive more solicitary gifts.</p>
-<p>Another type of such a gift is called <i lang="kij">kaributu</i>,
-and consists of a valuable which, as a rule, is not one of those which
-are regularly <i lang="kij">kulaed</i>. Thus, a small polished axe
-blade, or a valuable belt is given with the words: &ldquo;I <i lang=
-"kij">kaributu</i> your necklace (or armshells); I shall take it and
-carry it off.&rdquo; This gift again may only be accepted if there is
-an intention to satisfy the giver with the desired <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. A very famous and great valuable will often be
-solicited by gift of <i lang="kij">pokala</i> and of <i lang=
-"kij">kaributu</i>, one following the other. If, after one or two of
-such solicitory gifts, the big <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is
-finally given, the satisfied receiver will often give some more food to
-his partner, which gift is called <i lang="kij">kwaypolu</i>.</p>
-<p>The food gifts would be returned on a similar occasion if it arises.
-But there would be no strict equivalence in the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb355" href="#pb355" name=
-"pb355">355</a>]</span>matter of food. The <i lang="kij">kaributu</i>
-gift of a valuable, however, would always have to be returned later on,
-in an equivalent form. It may be added that the <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i> offerings of food would be most often given from a
-district, where food is more abundant than in the district to which it
-is carried. Thus, the Sinaketans would bring <i lang="kij">pokala</i>
-to the Amphletts, but they would seldom or never <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i> the Dobuans, who are very rich in food. Again, within
-the Trobriands, a <i lang="kij">pokala</i> would be offered from the
-Northern agricultural district of Kiriwina to men of Sinaketa, but not
-inversely.</p>
-<p>Another peculiar type of gift connected with the Kula is called
-<i lang="kij">korotomna</i>. After a Sinaketan has given a necklace to
-a man of Kiriwina, and this latter receives a minor valuable from his
-partner further East, this minor valuable will be given to the
-Sinaketan as the <i lang="kij">korotomna</i> of his necklace. This gift
-usually consists of a lime spatula of whalebone ornamented with
-spondylus discs, and it has to be repaid.</p>
-<p>It must be noted that all these expressions are given in the
-language of the Trobriands, and they refer to the gifts exchanged
-between the Northern and Southern Trobriands on the one hand, and these
-latter and the Amphletts on the other. In an overseas expedition from
-Sinaketa to Dobu, the solicitary gifts would be rather given wholesale,
-as the visitors&rsquo; gifts of <i lang="kij">pari</i>, and the subtle
-distinctions in name and in technicality would not be observed. That
-this must be so becomes clear, if we realise that, whereas, between the
-Northern and Southern Trobriands the news about an exceptionally good
-valuable spreads easily and quickly, this is not the case between Dobu
-and Boyowa. Going over to Dobu, therefore, a man has to make up his
-mind, whether he will give any solicitory presents to his partner, what
-and how much he will give him, without knowing whether he has any
-specially fine valuables to expect from him or not. If, however, there
-was any exceptionally valuable gift in the visitors&rsquo; <i lang=
-"kij">pari</i>, it will have to be returned later on by the
-Dobuans.</p>
-<p>Another important type of gift essential to the Kula is that of the
-intermediary gifts, called <i lang="kij">basi</i>. Let us imagine that
-a Sinaketan man has given a very fine pair of armshells to his Dobuan
-partner at their last meeting in Sinaketa. Now, arriving in Dobu, he
-finds that his partner has not got any necklace equivalent in value to
-the armshells given. He none <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb356" href=
-"#pb356" name="pb356">356</a>]</span>the less will expect his partner
-to give him meanwhile a necklace, even though it be of inferior value.
-Such a gift is a <i lang="kij">basi</i>, that is, not a return of the
-highly valuable <i lang="kij">vaga</i>, but a gift given to fill in the
-gap. This <i lang="kij">basi</i> will have to be repaid by a small
-equivalent pair of armshells at a later date. And the Dobuan on his
-side has still to repay the big armshells he received, and for which he
-has as yet got no equivalent in his possession. As soon as this is
-obtained, it will be given, and will close the transaction as a
-clinching gift, or <i lang="kij">kudu</i>. Both these names imply
-figures of speech. <i lang="kij">Kudu</i> means &lsquo;tooth,&rsquo;
-and is a good name for a gift which clinches or bites. <i lang=
-"kij">Basi</i> means to pierce, or to stab, and this is the literal
-translation of a native comment on this name:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;We say <i lang="kij">basi</i>, for it does not
-truly bite, like a <i lang="kij">kudu</i> (tooth); it just <i lang=
-"kij">basi</i> (pierces) the surface; makes it lighter.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The equivalence of the two gifts, <i lang="kij">vaga</i> and
-<i lang="kij">yotile</i>, is expressed by the word <i lang=
-"kij">kudu</i> (tooth) and <i lang="kij">bigeda</i> (it will bite).
-Another figure of speech describing the equivalence is contained in the
-word <i lang="kij">va&rsquo;i</i>, to marry. When two of the opposite
-valuables meet in the Kula and are exchanged, it is said that these two
-have married. The armshells are conceived as a female principle, and
-the necklaces as the male. An interesting comment on these ideas was
-given to me by one of the informants. As mentioned above, a gift of
-food is never given from Sinaketa to Kiriwina, obviously because it
-would be a case of bringing coals to Newcastle. When I asked why this
-is so, I received the answer:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;We do not now <i lang="kij">kwaypolu</i> or
-<i lang="kij">pokala</i> the <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, for they are
-women, and there is no reason to <i lang="kij">kwaypolu</i> or <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i> them.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>There is little logic in this comment, but it evidently includes
-some idea about the smaller value of the female principle. Or else
-perhaps it refers to the fundamental idea of the married status, namely
-that it is for the woman&rsquo;s family to provide the man with
-food.</p>
-<p>The idea of equivalence in the Kula transaction is very strong and
-definite, and when the receiver is not satisfied with the <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i> (return gift) he will violently complain that it is
-not a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb357" href="#pb357" name=
-"pb357">357</a>]</span>proper &lsquo;tooth&rsquo; (<i lang=
-"kij">kudu</i>) for his opening gift, that it is not a real
-&lsquo;marriage,&rsquo; that it is not properly
-&lsquo;bitten.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>These terms, given in the Kiriwinian language, cover about half of
-the Kula ring from Woodlark Island and even further East, from Nada
-(Loughlan Islands) as far as the Southern Trobriands. In the language
-of Dobu, the same word is used for <i lang="kij">vaga</i> and <i lang=
-"kij">basi</i>, while <i lang="kij">yotile</i> is pronounced <i lang=
-"kij">yotura</i>, and <i lang="kij">kudu</i> is <i lang="kij">udu</i>.
-The same terms are used in the Amphletts.</p>
-<p>So much about the actual regulations of the Kula transactions. With
-regard to the further general rules, the definition of Kula partnership
-and sociology has been discussed in detail in <a href="#ch11">Chapter
-XI</a>. As to the rule that the valuables have always to travel and
-never to stop, nothing has to be added to what has been said about this
-in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, for there are no exceptions to this
-rule. A few more words must be said on the subject of the valuables
-used in the Kula. I said in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, stating the
-case briefly, that in one direction travel the armshells, whilst in the
-opposite, following the hands of the clock, travel the necklaces. It
-must now be added that the <i lang=
-"kij">mwali</i>&mdash;armshells&mdash;are accompanied by another
-article, the <i lang="kij">doga</i>, or circular boar&rsquo;s tusks. In
-olden days, the <i lang="kij">doga</i> were almost as important as the
-<i lang="kij">mwali</i> in the stream of the Kula. Nowadays, hardly any
-at all are to be met as Kula articles. It is not easy to explain the
-reason for this change. In an institution having the importance and
-traditional tenacity which we find in the Kula, there can be no
-question of the interference of fashion to bring about changes. The
-only reason which I can suggest is that nowadays, with immensely
-increased intertribal intercourse, there is a great drainage on all
-Kula valuables by other districts lying outside the Kula. Now, on the
-one hand the <i lang="kij">doga</i> are extremely valued on the
-main-land of New Guinea, much more, I assume, than they are within the
-Kula district. The drainage therefore would affect the <i lang=
-"kij">doga</i> much more strongly than any other articles, one of
-which, the spondylus necklaces, are actually imported into the Kula
-region from without, and even manufactured by white men in considerable
-quantities for native consumption. The armshells are produced within
-the district in sufficient numbers to replace any leakage, but <i lang=
-"kij">doga</i> are extremely difficult to reproduce, as they are
-connected with a rare freak of nature&mdash;a boar with a circular
-tusk. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb358" href="#pb358" name=
-"pb358">358</a>]</span></p>
-<p>One more article which travels in the same direction as the <i lang=
-"kij">mwali</i>, consists of the <i lang="kij">bosu</i>, the big lime
-spatul&aelig; made of whale-bone and decorated with spondylus shells.
-They are not strictly speaking Kula articles, but play a part as the
-<i lang="kij">korotomna</i> gifts mentioned above and nowadays are
-hardly to be met with. With the necklaces, there travel only as an
-unimportant subsidiary Kula article, belts made of the same red
-spondylus shell. They would be given as return presents for small
-armshells, as <i lang="kij">basi</i>, etc.</p>
-<p>There is one important exception in the respective movements of
-necklace and armshell. A certain type of spondylus shell strings, much
-bigger and coarser than the strings which are used in the Kula, are
-produced in Sinaketa, as we saw in the <a href="#ch13">last
-Chapter</a>. These strings, called <i lang="kij">katudababile</i> in
-Kiriwinian, or <i lang="kij">sama&rsquo;upa</i> in Dobuan, are
-sometimes exported from Sinaketa to Dobu as Kula gifts, and function
-therefore as armshells. These <i lang="kij">katudababile</i>, however,
-never complete the Kula ring, in the wrong direction, as they never
-return to the Trobriands from the East. Part of them are absorbed into
-the districts outside the Kula, part of them come back again to
-Sinaketa, and join the other necklaces in their circular movement.</p>
-<p>Another class of articles, which often take a subsidiary part in the
-Kula exchange, consists of the large and thin polished axe blades,
-called in the Kiriwinian language <i lang="kij">beku</i>. They are
-never used for any practical purposes, and fulfil only the function of
-tokens of wealth and objects of parade. In the Kula they would be given
-as <i lang="kij">kaributu</i> (solicitary gifts), and would go both
-ways. As they are quarried in Woodlark Island and polished in Kiriwina,
-they would, however, move in the direction from the Trobriands to Dobu
-more frequently than in the opposite one.</p>
-<p>To summarise this subject, it may be said that the proper Kula
-articles are on the one hand, the armshells (<i lang="kij">mwali</i>),
-and the curved tusks (<i lang="kij">doga</i>); and, on the other hand,
-the fine, long necklaces (<i lang="kij">soulava</i> or <i lang=
-"kij">bagi</i>), of which there are many sub-classes. An index of the
-special position of these three articles is that they are the only
-ones, or at least, by far the most important ones, mentioned in the
-spells. Later on, I shall enumerate all the sub-classes and varieties
-of these articles.</p>
-<p>Although, as we have seen, there is both a good deal of ceremony
-attached to the transaction and a good deal of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb359" href="#pb359" name=
-"pb359">359</a>]</span>decorum, one might even say commercial honour,
-implied in the technicalities of the exchange, there is much room left
-as well for quarrelling and friction. If a man obtains a very fine
-valuable, which he is not already under an obligation to offer as
-<i lang="kij">yotile</i> (return payment), there will be a number of
-his partners, who will compete to receive it. As only one can be
-successful, all the others will be thwarted and more or less offended
-and full of malice. Still more room for bad blood is left in the matter
-of equivalence. As the valuables exchanged cannot be measured or even
-compared with one another by an exact standard; as there are no
-definite correspondences or indices of correlation between the various
-kinds of the valuables, it is not easy to satisfy a man who has given a
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> of high value. On receiving a repayment
-(<i lang="kij">yotile</i>), which he does not consider equivalent, he
-will not actually make a scene about it, or even show his displeasure
-openly in the act. But he will feel a deep resentment, which will
-express itself in frequent recriminations and abuse. These, though not
-made to his partner&rsquo;s face, will reach his ears sooner or later.
-Eventually, the universal method of settling differences may be
-resorted to&mdash;that of black magic, and a sorcerer will be paid to
-cast some evil spell over the offending party.</p>
-<p>When speaking about some celebrated <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>,
-a native will praise its value in the words: &ldquo;Many men died
-because of it&rdquo;&mdash;which does not mean that they died in battle
-or fight, but were killed by black magic. Again, there is a system of
-signs by which one can recognise, on inspecting the corpse the day
-after death, for what reasons it has been bewitched. Among these signs
-there are one or two which mean that the man has been done away with,
-because of his success in Kula, or because he has offended somebody in
-connection with it. The mixture of punctilio and decorum, on the one
-hand, with passionate resentment and greed on the other, must be
-realised as underlying all the transactions, and giving the leading
-psychological tone to the natives&rsquo; interest. The obligation of
-fairness and decency is based on the general rule, that it is highly
-improper and dishonourable to be mean. Thus, though a man will
-generally strive to belittle the thing received, it must not be
-forgotten that the man who gave it was genuinely eager to do his best.
-And after all, in some cases when a man receives a really fine
-valuable, he will boast of it and be frankly satisfied. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb360" href="#pb360" name="pb360">360</a>]</span>Such
-a success is attributed of course not to his partner&rsquo;s
-generosity, but to his own magic.</p>
-<p>A feature which is universally recognised as reprehensible and
-discreditable, is a tendency to retain a number of valuables and be
-slow in passing them on. A man who did this would be called &ldquo;hard
-in the Kula.&rdquo; The following is a native description of this
-feature as exhibited by the natives of the Amphletts.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The Gumasila, their Kula is very hard; they are
-mean, they are retentive. They would like to take hold of one <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i>, of two, of three big ones, of four perhaps. A man
-would <i lang="kij">pokala</i> them, he would <i lang=
-"kij">pokapokala</i>; if he is a kinsman he will get a <i lang=
-"kij">soulava</i>. The Kayleula only, and the Gumasila are mean. The
-Dobu, the Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, the Kitava are good. Coming to
-Muyuwa&mdash;they are like Gumasila.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This means that a man in Gumasila would let a number of necklaces
-accumulate in his possession; would require plenty of food as <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i>&mdash;a characteristic reduplication describes the
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e12327" title=
-"Source: insistance">insistence</span> and perseverance in <i lang=
-"kij">pokala</i>&mdash;and even then he would give a necklace to a
-kinsman only. When I inquired from the same informant whether such a
-mean man would also run a risk of being killed by sorcery, he
-answered</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;A man who is very much ahead in the
-Kula&mdash;he will die&mdash;the mean man not; he will sit in
-peace.<span class="corr" id="xd26e12339" title=
-"Not in source">&rdquo;</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div14.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Returning now to the concrete proceedings of the Kula,
-let us follow the movements of a Sinaketan <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>.
-He has presumably received a necklace or two on his arrival; but he has
-more partners and he expects more valuables. Before he receives his
-fill, he has to keep a taboo. He may not partake of any local food,
-neither yams, nor coco-nuts, nor betel pepper or nut. According to
-their belief, if he transgressed this taboo he would not receive any
-more valuables. He tries also to soften the heart of his partner by
-feigning disease. He will remain in his canoe and send word that he is
-ill. The Dobu man will know what such a conventional disease means.
-None the less, he may yield to this mode of persuasion. If this ruse
-does not succeed, the man may have recourse to magic. There is a
-formula called <i lang="kij">kwoygapani</i> or &lsquo;enmeshing
-magic,&rsquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb361" href="#pb361" name=
-"pb361">361</a>]</span>which seduces the mind of a man on whom it is
-practised, makes him silly, and thus amenable to persuasion. The
-formula is recited over a betel-nut or two, and these are given to the
-partner and to his wife or sister.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Kwoygapani Spell</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;O <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf; O friendly
-<i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf; O <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf hither; O
-<i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf thither!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;I shall enter through the mouth of the woman of Dobu; I shall
-come out through the mouth of the man of Dobu. I shall enter through
-the mouth of the man of Dobu; I shall come out through the mouth of the
-woman of Dobu.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Seducing <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf; enmeshing <i lang=
-"kij">kwega</i> leaf; the mind of the woman of Dobu is seduced by the
-<i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf, is enmeshed by the <i lang=
-"kij">kwega</i> leaf.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>The expression &ldquo;is seduced,&rdquo; &ldquo;is enmeshed
-&ldquo;by the <i lang="kij">kwega</i> leaf, is repeated with a string
-of words such as: &ldquo;Thy mind, O man of Dobu,&rdquo; &ldquo;thy
-refusal, O woman of Dobu,&rdquo; &ldquo;Thy disinclination, O woman of
-Dobu,&rdquo; &ldquo;Thy bowels, thy tongue, thy liver,&rdquo; going
-thus over all the organs of understanding and feeling, and over the
-words which describe these faculties. The last part is identical with
-that of one or two formul&aelig; previously quoted:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;No more it is my mother; my mother art thou, O woman of Dobu,
-etc.&rdquo; (Compare the Kaykakaya and Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i spells of
-the previous chapter.)</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kwega</i> is a plant, probably belonging to the same
-family as betel pepper, and its leaves are chewed with areca-nut and
-lime, when real betel-pods (<i lang="kij">mwayye</i>) are not
-available. The <i lang="kij">kwega</i> is, remarkably enough, invoked
-in more than one magical formula, instead of the real betel-pod. The
-middle part is quite clear. In it, the seducing and enmeshing power of
-the <i lang="kij">kwega</i> is cast over all the mental faculties of
-the Dobuan, and on the anatomical seats of these faculties. After the
-application of this magic, all the resources of the soliciting man are
-exhausted. He has to give up hope, and take to eating the fruit of
-Dobu, as his taboo lapses.</p>
-<p>Side by side with the Kula, the subsidiary exchange of ordinary
-goods takes place. In <a href="#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>, we
-have classified the various types of <i>give and take</i>, as they are
-to be found in the Trobriand Islands. The inter-tribal transactions
-which now take place in Dobu also fit into that scheme. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb362" href="#pb362" name="pb362">362</a>]</span>The
-Kula itself belongs to class (6), &lsquo;Ceremonial Barter with
-deferred payment.&rsquo; The offering of the <i lang="kij">pari</i>, of
-landing gifts by the visitors, returned by the <i lang=
-"kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> or farewell gifts from the hosts fall into the
-class (4) of presents more or less equivalent. Finally, between the
-visitors and the local people there takes place, also, barter pure and
-simple (<i lang="kij">gimwali</i>). Between partners, however, there is
-never a direct exchange of the <i lang="kij">gimwali</i> type. The
-local man will as a rule contribute a bigger present, for the <i lang=
-"kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> always exceeds the <i lang="kij">pari</i> in
-quantity and value, and small presents are also given to the visitors
-during their stay. Of course, if in the <i lang="kij">pari</i> there
-were included gifts of high value, like a stone blade or a good lime
-spoon, such solicitary gifts would always be returned in strictly
-equivalent form. The rest would be liberally exceeded in value.</p>
-<p>The trade takes place between the visitors and local natives, who
-are not their partners, but who must belong to the community with whom
-the Kula is made. Thus, Numanuma, Tu&rsquo;utauna and Bwayowa are the
-three communities which form what we have called the &lsquo;Kula
-community&rsquo; or &lsquo;Kula unit,&rsquo; with whom the Sinaketans
-stand in the relation of partnership. And a Sinaketa man will <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i> (trade) only with a man from one of these villages
-who is not his personal partner. To use a native statement:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Some of our goods we give in <i lang=
-"kij">pari</i>; some we keep back; later on, we <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i> it. They bring their areca-nut, their sago, they put
-it down. They want some article of ours, they say: &lsquo;I want this
-stone blade.&rsquo; We give it, we put the betel-nut, the sago into our
-canoe. If they give us, however, a not sufficient quantity, we rate
-them. Then they bring more.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This is a clear definition of the <i lang="kij">gimwali</i>, with
-haggling and adjustment of equivalence in the act.</p>
-<p>When the visiting party from Sinaketa arrive, the natives from the
-neighbouring districts, that is, from the small island of Dobu proper,
-from the other side of Dawson Straits, from Deyde&rsquo;i, the village
-to the South, will assemble in the three Kula villages. These natives
-from other districts bring with them a certain amount of goods. But
-they must not trade directly with the visitors from Boyowa. They must
-exchange their goods with the local natives, and these again will trade
-them with the Sinaketans. Thus the hosts from the Kula <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb363" href="#pb363" name=
-"pb363">363</a>]</span>community act as intermediaries in any trading
-relations between the Sinaketans and the inhabitants of more remote
-districts.</p>
-<p>To sum up the sociology of these transactions, we may say that the
-visitor enters into a threefold relation with the Dobuan natives.
-First, there is his partner, with whom he exchanges general gifts on
-the basis of free give and take, a type of transaction, running side by
-side with the Kula proper. Then there is the local resident, not his
-personal Kula partner, with whom he carries on <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i>. Finally there is the stranger with whom an indirect
-exchange is carried on through the intermediation of the local men.
-With all this, it must not be imagined that the commercial aspect of
-the gathering is at all conspicuous. The concourse of the natives is
-great, mainly owing to their curiosity, to see the ceremonial reception
-of the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> party. But if I say that every visitor
-from Boyowa, brings and carries away about half-a-dozen articles, I do
-not under-state the case. Some of these articles the Sinaketan has
-acquired in the industrial districts of Boyowa during his preliminary
-trading expedition (see <a href="#div6.3">Chapter VI, Division
-III</a>). On these he scores a definite gain. A few samples of the
-prices paid in Boyowa and those received in Dobu will indicate the
-amount of this gain.</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t5">
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellTop">Kuboma to
-Sinaketa.</td>
-<td class="cellRight cellTop">Dobu to Sinaketa.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1 <i lang="kij">tanepopo</i> basket</td>
-<td>= 12 coco-nuts</td>
-<td class="cellRight">= 12 coco-nuts + sago + 1 belt</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1 comb</td>
-<td>= 4 coco-nuts</td>
-<td class="cellRight">= 4 coco-nuts + 1 bunch of betel</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1 armlet</td>
-<td>= 8 coco-nuts</td>
-<td class="cellRight">= 8 coco-nuts + 2 bundles of betel</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">1 lime pot</td>
-<td class="cellBottom">= 12 coco-nuts</td>
-<td class="cellRight cellBottom">= 12 coco-nuts + 2 pieces of sago</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>This table shows in its second column the prices paid by the
-Sinaketans to the industrial villages of Kuboma, a district in the
-Northern Trobriands. In the third column what they receive in Dobu is
-recorded. The table has been obtained from a Sinaketan informant, and
-it probably is far from accurate, and the transactions are sure to vary
-greatly in the gain which they afford. There is no doubt, however, that
-for <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb364" href="#pb364" name=
-"pb364">364</a>]</span>each article, the Sinaketan would ask the price
-which he paid for them as well as some extra article.</p>
-<p>Thus we see that there is in this transaction a definite gain
-obtained by the middlemen. The natives of Sinaketa act as
-intermediaries between the industrial centres of the Trobriands and
-Dobu, whereas their hosts play the same r&ocirc;le between the
-Sinaketans and the men from the outlying districts.</p>
-<p>Besides trading and obtaining of Kula valuables, the natives of
-Sinaketa visit their friends and their distant relatives, who, as we
-saw before, are to be found in this district owing to migrations. The
-visitors walk across the flat, fertile plain from one hamlet to the
-other, enjoying some of the marvellous and unknown sights of this
-district. They are shown the hot springs of Numanuma and of
-Deyde&rsquo;i, which are in constant eruption. Every few minutes, the
-water boils up in one spring after another of each group, throwing up
-jets of spray a few metres high. The plain around these springs is
-barren, with nothing but here and there a stunted kind of eucalyptus
-tree. This is the only place in the whole of Eastern New Guinea where
-as far as I know, eucalyptus trees are to be found. This was at least
-the information of some intelligent natives, in whose company I visited
-the springs, and who had travelled all over the Eastern islands and the
-East end of the mainland.</p>
-<p>The land-locked bays and lagoons, the Northern end of Dawson Strait,
-enclosed like a lake by mountains and volcanic cones, all this must
-also appear strange and beautiful to the Trobrianders. In the villages,
-they are entertained by their male friends, the language spoken by both
-parties being that of Dobu, which differs completely from Kiriwinian,
-but which the Sinaketans learn in early youth. It is remarkable that no
-one in Dobu speaks Kiriwinian.</p>
-<p>As said above, no sexual relations of any description take place
-between the visitors and the women of Dobu. As one of the informants
-told me:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;We do not sleep with women of Dobu, for Dobu is
-the final mountain (Koyaviguna Dobu); it is a taboo of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> magic.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>But when I enquired, whether the results of breaking this taboo
-would be baneful to their success in Kula only, the reply was that they
-were afraid of breaking it, and that it was <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb365" href="#pb365" name=
-"pb365">365</a>]</span>ordained of old (<i lang="kij">tokunabogwo
-ayguri</i>) that no man should interfere with the women of Dobu. As a
-matter of fact, the Sinaketans are altogether afraid of the Dobuans,
-and they would take good care not to offend them in any way.</p>
-<p>After some three or four days&rsquo; sojourn in Dobu, the Sinaketan
-fleet starts on its return journey. There is no special ceremony of
-farewell. In the early morning, they receive their <i lang=
-"kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> (farewell gifts) of food, betel-nut, objects of
-use and sometimes also a Kula valuable is enclosed amongst the the
-<i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i>. Heavily laden as they are, they lighten
-their canoes by means of a magic called <i lang="kij">kaylupa</i>, and
-sail away northwards once more. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb366"
-href="#pb366" name="pb366">366</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e11992" href="#xd26e11992src" name="xd26e11992">1</a></span> It
-will be noted, that this is the third meaning in which the term
-<i lang="kij">pokala</i> is used by the natives. (Cf. <a href=
-"#div6.6">Chapter VI, Division VI</a>.)&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e11992src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch15" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e763">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XV</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Journey Home&mdash;The Fishing and Working of the
-Kaloma Shell</h2>
-<div id="div15.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The return journey of the Sinaketan fleet is made by
-following exactly the same route as the one by which they came to Dobu.
-In each inhabited island, in every village, where a halt had previously
-been made, they stop again, for a day or a few hours. In the hamlets of
-Sanaroa, in Tewara and in the Amphletts, the partners are revisited.
-Some Kula valuables are received on the way back, and all the <i lang=
-"kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> gifts from those intermediate partners are also
-collected on the return journey. In each of these villages people are
-eager to hear about the reception which the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>
-party have received in Dobu; the yield in valuables is discussed, and
-comparisons are drawn between the present occasion and previous
-records.</p>
-<p>No magic is performed now, no ceremonial takes place, and there
-would be very little indeed to say about the return journey but for two
-important incidents; the fishing for spondylus shell (<i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i>) in Sanaroa Lagoon, and the display and comparison of
-the yield of Kula valuables on Muwa beach.</p>
-<p>The natives of Sinaketa, as we have seen in the last chapter,
-acquire a certain amount of the Koya produce by means of trade. There
-are, however, certain articles, useful yet unobtainable in the
-Trobriands, and freely accessible in the Koya, and to these the
-Trobrianders help themselves. The glassy forms of lava, known as
-obsidian, can be found in great quantities over the slopes of the hills
-in Sanaroa and Dobu. This article, in olden days, served the
-Trobrianders as material for razors, scrapers, and sharp, delicate,
-cutting instruments. <span class="corr" id="xd26e12586" title=
-"Source: Pummice-stone">Pumice-stone</span> abounding in this district
-is collected and carried to the Trobriands, where it is used for
-polishing. Red ochre is also procured there by the visitors, and so are
-the hard, basaltic stones (<i lang="kij">binabina</i>) used for
-hammering and pounding and for <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb367"
-href="#pb367" name="pb367">367</a>]</span>magical purposes. Finally,
-very fine silica sand, called <i lang="kij">maya</i>, is collected on
-some of the beaches, and imported into the Trobriands, where it is used
-for polishing stone blades, of the kind which serve as tokens of value
-and which are manufactured up to the present day.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div15.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">But by far the most important of the articles which
-the Trobrianders collect for themselves are the spondylus shells. These
-are freely, though by no means easily, accessible in the coral outcrops
-of Sanaroa Lagoon. It is from this shell that the small circular
-perforated discs (<i lang="kij">kaloma</i>) are made, out of which the
-necklaces of the Kula are composed, and which also serve for
-ornamenting almost all the articles of value or of artistic finish
-which are used within the Kula district. But, only in two localities
-within the district are these discs manufactured, in Sinaketa and in
-Vakuta, both villages in Southern Boyowa. The shell can be found also
-in the Trobriand Lagoon, facing these two villages. But the specimens
-found in Sanaroa are much better in colour, and I think more easily
-procured. The fishing in this latter locality, however, is done by the
-Sinaketans only.</p>
-<p>Whether the fishing is done in their own Lagoon, near an uninhabited
-island called Nanoula, or in Sanaroa, it is always a big, ceremonial
-affair, in which the whole community takes part in a body. The magic,
-or at least part of it, is done for the whole community by the magician
-of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (<i lang="kij">towosina kaloma</i>),
-who also fixes the dates, and conducts the ceremonial part of the
-proceedings. As the spondylus shell furnishes one of the essential
-episodes of a Kula expedition, a detailed account both of fishing and
-of manufacturing must be here given. The native name, <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i> (in the Southern Massim districts the word <i lang=
-"kij">sapi-sapi</i> is used) describes both the shell and the
-manufactured discs. The shell is the large spondylus shell, containing
-a crystalline layer of a red colour, varying from dirty brick-red to a
-soft, raspberry pink, the latter being by far the most prized. It lives
-in the cavities of coral outcrop, scattered among shallow mud-bottomed
-lagoons.</p>
-<p>This shell is, according to tradition, associated with the village
-of Sinaketa. According to a Sinaketan legend, once upon a time, three
-<i lang="kij">guya&rsquo;u</i> (chief) women, belonging to the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb368" href="#pb368" name=
-"pb368">368</a>]</span>Tabalu sub-clan of the Malasi clan, wandered
-along, each choosing her place to settle in. The eldest selected the
-village of Omarakana; the second went to Gumilababa; the youngest
-settled in Sinaketa. She had <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> discs in her
-basket, and they were threaded on a long, thin stick, called <i lang=
-"kij">viduna</i>, such as is used in the final stage of manufacture.
-She remained first in a place called Kaybwa&rsquo;u, but a dog howled,
-and she moved further on. She heard again a dog howling, and she took a
-<i lang="kij">kaboma</i> (wooden plate) and went on to the fringing
-reef to collect shells. She found there the <i lang="kij">momoka</i>
-(white spondylus), and she exclaimed: &ldquo;Oh, this is the <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma!</i>&rdquo; She looked closer, and said: &ldquo;Oh no, you
-are not red. Your name is <i lang="kij">momoka</i>.&rdquo; She took
-then the stick with the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> discs and thrust it
-into a hole of the reef. It stood there, but when she looked at it, she
-said: &ldquo;Oh, the people from inland would come and see you and
-pluck you off.&rdquo; She went, she pulled out the stick; she went into
-a canoe, and she paddled. She paddled out into the sea. She anchored
-there, pulled the discs off the stick, and she threw them into the sea
-so that they might come into the coral outcrop. She said: &ldquo;It is
-forbidden that the inland natives should take the valuables. The people
-of Sinaketa only must dive.&rdquo; Thus only the Sinaketa people know
-the magic, and how to dive.</p>
-<p>This myth presents certain remarkable characteristics. I shall not
-enter into its sociology, though it differs in that respect from the
-Kiriwinian myths, in which the equality of the Sinaketan and the
-Gumilababan chiefs with those of Omarakana is not acknowledged. It is
-characteristic that the Malasi woman in this myth shows an aversion to
-the dog, the totem animal of the Lukuba clan, a clan which according to
-mythical and historical data had to recede before and yield its
-priority to the Malasi (compare <a href="#div12.4">Chapter XII,
-Division IV</a>). Another detail of interest is that she brings the
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> on their sticks, as they appear in the final
-stage of manufacturing. In this form, also, she tries to plant them on
-the reef. The finished <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>, however, to use the
-words of one of my informants, &ldquo;looked at her, the water swinging
-it to and fro; flashing its red eyes.&rdquo; And the woman, seeing it,
-pulls out the too accessible and too inviting <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>
-and scatters them over the deep sea. Thus she makes them inaccessible
-to the uninitiated inland villagers, and monopolises them for Sinaketa.
-There <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb369" href="#pb369" name=
-"pb369">369</a>]</span>can be no doubt that the villages of Vakuta have
-learnt this industry from the Sinaketans. The myth is hardly known in
-Vakuta, only a few are experts in diving and manufacturing; there is a
-tradition about a late transference of this industry there; finally the
-Vakutans have never fished for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> in the Sanaroa
-Lagoon.</p>
-<p>Now let us describe the technicalities and the ceremonial connected
-with the fishing for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>. It will be better to
-give an account of how this is done in the Lagoon of Sinaketa, round
-the sandbank of Nanoula, as this is the normal and typical form of
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> fishing. Moreover, when the Sinaketans do it
-in Sanaroa, the proceedings are very much the same, with just one or
-two phases missed out.</p>
-<p>The office of magician of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (<i lang=
-"kij">towosina kaloma</i>) is hereditary in two sub-clans, belonging to
-the Malasi clan, and one of them is that of the main chief of
-Kasi&rsquo;etana. After the Monsoon season is over, that is, some time
-in March or April, <i lang="kij">ogibukuvi</i> (i.e., in the season of
-the new yams) the magician gives the order for preparations. The
-community give him a gift called <i lang="kij">sousula</i>, one or two
-bringing a <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, the rest supplying <i lang=
-"kij">gugu&rsquo;a</i> (ordinary chattels), and some food. Then they
-prepare the canoes, and get ready the <i lang="kij">binabina</i>
-stones, with which the spondylus shell will be knocked off the
-reef.</p>
-<p>Next day, in the morning, the magician performs a rite called
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">kaykwa&rsquo;una la&rsquo;i</i>,&rsquo; &lsquo;the
-attracting of the reef,&rsquo; for, as in the case of several other
-marine beings, the main seat of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> is far
-away. Its dwelling place is the reef Ketabu, somewhere between Sanaroa
-and Dobu. In order to make it move and come towards Nanoula, it is
-necessary to recite the above-named spell. This is done by the magician
-as he walks up and down on the Sinaketa beach and casts his words into
-the open, over the sea, towards the distant seat of the <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i>. The <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> then &lsquo;stand
-up&rsquo; (<i lang="kij">itolise</i>) that is start from their original
-coral outcrop (<i lang="kij">vatu</i>) and come into the Lagoon of
-Sinaketa. This spell, I obtained from To&rsquo;udavada, the present
-chief of Kasi&rsquo;etana, and descendant of the original giver of this
-shell, the woman of the myth. It begins with a long list of ancestral
-names; then follows a boastful picture of how the whole fleet admires
-the magical success of the magician&rsquo;s spell. The key-word in the
-main part is the word &lsquo;<i lang="kij">itolo</i>&rsquo;: &lsquo;it
-stands up,&rsquo; i.e., &lsquo;it starts,&rsquo; and with this, there
-are enumerated all the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb370" href=
-"#pb370" name="pb370">370</a>]</span>various classes of the <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i> shell, differentiated according to size, colour and
-quality. It ends up with another boast; &ldquo;My canoe is <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e12729" title="Source: overladed">overloaded</span> with
-shell so that it sinks,&rdquo; which is repeated with varying
-phraseology.</p>
-<p id="pl50"></p>
-<div class="figure pl50-1width" id="pl50-1">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl50-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate L
-(A)</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl50-1.jpg" alt="Working the Kaloma Shell (I.)" width=
-"679" height="525">
-<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (I.)</p>
-<p>The spondylus shell broken and made into roughly circular pieces by
-knocking all round; this is done by men.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl50-2width" id="pl50-2">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl50-2width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate L
-(B)</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl50-2.jpg" alt="Working the Kaloma Shell (II.)"
-width="683" height="528">
-<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (II.)</p>
-<p>Women grinding pieces of shell into flat discs. Each piece is
-inserted into a hole at the end of a wooden cylinder and ground on a
-flat sandstone.(See <a href="#div15.3">Div. III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>This spell the magician may utter once only, or he may repeat it
-several times on successive days. He fixes then the final date for the
-fishing expedition. On the evening before that date, the men perform
-some private magic, every one in his own house. The hammering stone,
-the <i lang="kij">gabila</i>, which is always a <i lang=
-"kij">binabina</i> (it is a stone imported from the Koya), is charmed
-over. As a rule it is put on a piece of dried banana leaf with some red
-hibiscus blossoms and leaves or flowers of red colour. A formula is
-uttered over it, and the whole is then wrapped up in the banana leaf
-and kept there until it is used. This will make the stone a lucky one
-in hitting off many shells, and it will make the shells very red.</p>
-<p>Another rite of private magic consists in charming a large mussel
-shell, with which, on the next morning, the body of the canoe will be
-scraped. This makes the sea clear, so that the diver may easily see and
-frequently find his spondylus shells.</p>
-<p>Next morning the whole <span class="corr" id="xd26e12766" title=
-"Source: fleets">fleet</span> starts on the expedition. Some food has
-been taken into the canoes, as the fishing usually lasts for a few
-days, the nights being spent on the beach of Nanoula. When the canoes
-arrive at a certain point, about half-way between Sinaketa and Nanoula,
-they all range themselves in a row. The canoe of the magician is at the
-right flank, and he medicates a bunch of red hibiscus flowers, some red
-croton leaves, and the leaves of the red-blossomed mangrove&mdash;red
-coloured substances being used to make the shell red, magically. Then,
-passing in front of all the other canoes, he rubs their prows with the
-bundle of leaves. After that, the canoes at both ends of the row begin
-to punt along, the row evolving into a circle, through which presently
-the canoe of the magician passes, punting along its diameter. At this
-place in the Lagoon, there is a small <i lang="kij">vatu</i> (coral
-outcrop) called Vitukwayla&rsquo;i. This is called the <i lang=
-"kij">vatu</i> of the <i lang="kij">baloma</i> (spirits). At this
-<i lang="kij">vatu</i> the magician&rsquo;s canoe stops, and he orders
-some of its crew to dive down and here to begin the gathering of
-shells.</p>
-<p>Some more private magic is performed later on by each canoe on its
-own account. The anchor stone is charmed <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb371" href="#pb371" name="pb371">371</a>]</span>with some red
-hibiscus flowers, in order to make the spondylus shell red. There is
-another private magic called &lsquo;sweeping of the sea,&rsquo; which,
-like the magic of the mussel shell, mentioned above, makes the sea
-clear and transparent. Finally, there is an evil magic called
-&lsquo;besprinkling with salt water.&rsquo; If a man does it over the
-others, he will annul the effects of their magic, and frustrate their
-efforts, while he himself would arouse astonishment and suspicion by
-the amount of shell collected. Such a man would dive down into the
-water, take some brine into his mouth, and emerging, spray it towards
-the other canoes, while he utters the evil charm.</p>
-<p>So much for the magic and the ceremonial associated with the
-spondylus fishing in the Trobriand Lagoon. In Sanaroa, exactly the same
-proceedings take place, except that there is no attracting of the reef,
-probably because they are already at the original seat of the <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i>. Again I was told that some of the private magic would
-be performed in Sinaketa before the fleet sailed on the Kula
-expedition. The objects medicated would be then kept, well wrapped in
-dried leaves.</p>
-<p>It may be added that neither in the one Lagoon nor in the other are
-there any private, <span class="corr" id="xd26e12792" title=
-"Source: proprietory">proprietary</span> rights to coral outcrops. The
-whole community of Sinaketa have their fishing grounds in the Lagoon,
-within which every man may hunt for his spondylus shell, and catch his
-fish at times. If the other spondylus fishing community, the Vakutans,
-encroached upon their grounds, there would be trouble, and in olden
-days, fighting. Private ownership in coral outcrops exists in the
-Northern villages of the Lagoon, that is in Kavataria, and the villages
-on the island of Kayleula.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div15.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We must now follow the later stages of the <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i> industry. The technology of the proceedings is so
-mixed up with remarkable sociological and economic arrangements that it
-will be better to indicate it first in its main outlines. The spondylus
-consists of a shell, the size and shape of a hollowed out half of a
-pear, and of a flat, small lid. It is only the first part which is
-worked. First it has to be broken into pieces with a <i lang=
-"kij">binabina</i> or an <i lang="kij">utukema</i> (green stone
-imported from Woodlark Island) as shown on <a href="#pl50">Plate L
-(<span class="sc">A</span>)</a>. On each piece, then, can be seen the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb372" href="#pb372" name=
-"pb372">372</a>]</span>stratification of the shell: the outside layer
-of soft, chalky substance; under this, the layer of red, hard,
-calcareous material, and then the inmost, white, crystalline stratum.
-Both the outside and inside have to be rubbed off, but first each piece
-has to be roughly rounded up, so as to form a thick circular lump. Such
-a lump (see foregrounds of <a href="#pl50">Plates L (<span class=
-"sc">A</span>)</a>, <a href="#pl50">L (<span class="sc">B</span>)</a>)
-is then put in the hole of a cylindrical piece of wood. This latter
-serves as a handle with which the lumps are rubbed on a piece of flat
-sandstone (see <a href="#pl50">Plate L (<span class=
-"sc">B</span>)</a>). The rubbing is carried on so far till the outside
-and inside layers are gone, and there remains only a red, flat tablet,
-polished on both sides. In the middle of it, a hole is drilled through
-by means of a pump drill&mdash;<i lang=
-"kij">gigi&rsquo;u</i>&mdash;(see <a href="#pl51">Plate LI</a>), and a
-number of such perforated discs are then threaded on a thin, but tough
-stick (see <a href="#pl52">Plate LII</a>), with which we have already
-met in the myth. Then the cylindrical roll is rubbed round and round on
-the flat sandstone, until its form becomes perfectly symmetrical (see
-<a href="#pl52">Plate LII</a>). Thus a number of flat, circular discs,
-polished all round and perforated in the middle, are produced. The
-breaking and the drilling, like the diving are done exclusively by men.
-The polishing is as a rule woman&rsquo;s work.</p>
-<div class="figure pl51width" id="pl51">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl51width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl51.jpg" alt="Working the Kaloma Shell (III.)" width=
-"662" height="523">
-<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (III.)</p>
-<p>By means of a pump drill, a hole is bored in each disc. (See
-<a href="#div15.3">Div. III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p id="pl52"></p>
-<div class="figure pl52-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl52-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LII</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl52-1.jpg" alt="" width="431" height="557"></div>
-<div class="figure pl52-2width"><img src="images/pl52-2.jpg" alt=
-"Working the Kaloma Shell (IV.)" width="438" height="558">
-<p class="figureHead">Working the Kaloma Shell (IV.)</p>
-<p class="first">The shell discs, flat and perforated, but of irregular
-contour still, are now threaded on to a thin, tough stick, and in this
-form they are ground on a flat sandstone till the roll is cylindrical,
-that is, each disc is a perfect circle. (See <a href="#div15.3">Div.
-III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>This technology is associated with an interesting sociological
-relation between the maker and the man for whom the article is made. As
-has been stated in <a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>, one of the main
-features of the Trobriand organisation consists of the mutual duties
-between a man and his wife&rsquo;s maternal kinsmen. They have to
-supply him regularly with yams at harvest time, while he gives them the
-present of a valuable now and then. The manufacture of <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i> valuables in Sinaketa is very often associated with
-this relationship. The Sinaketan manufacturer makes his <i lang=
-"kij">kutadababile</i> (necklace of large beads) for one of his
-relatives-in-law, while this latter pays him in food. In accordance
-with this custom, it happens very frequently that a Sinaketan man
-marries a woman from one of the agricultural inland villages, or even a
-woman of Kiriwina. Of course, if he has no relatives-in-law in one of
-these villages, he will have friends or distant relatives, and he will
-make the string for one or the other of them. Or else he will produce
-one for himself, and launch it into the Kula. But the most typical and
-interesting case is, when the necklace is produced to order for a man
-who repays it according to a remarkable economic system, a <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb373" href="#pb373" name=
-"pb373">373</a>]</span>system similar to the payments in instalments,
-which I have mentioned with regard to canoe making. I shall give here,
-following closely the native text, a translation of an account of the
-payments for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> making.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Account of the Kaloma Making</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Supposing some man from inland lives in Kiriwina or in
-Luba or in one of the villages nearby; he wants a <i lang=
-"kij">katudababile</i>. He would request an expert fisherman who knows
-how to dive for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>. This man agrees; he dives, he
-dives &hellip; till it is sufficient; his <i lang="kij">vataga</i>
-(large folding basket) is already full, this man (the inlander) hears
-the rumour; he, the master of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (that is,
-the man for whom the necklace will be made) says: &ldquo;Good! I shall
-just have a look!&rdquo; He would come, he would see, he would not give
-any <i lang="kij">vakapula</i> payment. He (here the Sinaketan diver is
-meant) would say: &ldquo;Go, tomorrow, I shall break the shell, come
-here, give me <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>.&rdquo; Next day, he (the
-inlander) would cook food, he would bring, he would give <i lang=
-"kij">vakapula</i>; he (the diver) would break the shell. Next day, the
-same. He (the inlander) would give the <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>, he
-(the diver) would break the shell. Supposing the breaking is already
-finished, he (the diver) would say: &ldquo;Good! already the breaking
-is finished, I shall polish.&rdquo; Next day, he (the inlander) would
-cook food, would bring bananas, coco-nut, betel-nut, sugar cane, would
-give it as <i lang="kij">vakapula</i>; this man (the diver) polishes.
-The polishing already finished, he would speak: &ldquo;Good! To-morrow
-I shall drill.&rdquo; This man (the inlander) would bring food,
-bananas, coco-nuts, sugar cane, he would give it as <i lang=
-"kij">vakapula</i>: it would be abundant, for soon already the necklace
-will be finished. The same, he would give a big <i lang=
-"kij">vakapula</i> on the occasion of the rounding up of the cylinder,
-for soon everything will be finished. When finished, we thread it on a
-string, we wash it. (Note the change from the third singular into the
-first plural). We give it to our wife, we blow the conch shell; she
-would go, she would carry his valuable to this man, our
-relative-in-law. Next day, he would <i lang="kij">yomelu</i>; he would
-catch a pig, he would break off a bunch of betel-nut, he would cut
-sugar cane, bananas, he would fill the baskets with food, and spike the
-coco-nut on a multi-forked piece of wood. By-and-by he would bring it.
-Our house would be filled up. Later on we would make a distribution of
-the bananas, of the sugar cane, of the betel-nut. We give it to our
-helpers. We sit, we sit (i.e., we wait); at harvest <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb374" href="#pb374" name="pb374">374</a>]</span>time
-he brings yams, he <i lang="kij">karibudaboda</i> (he gives the payment
-of that name), the necklace. He would bring the food and fill out our
-yam house.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This narrative, like many pieces of native information, needs
-certain corrections of perspective. In the first place, events here
-succeed one another with a rapidity quite foreign to the extremely
-leisurely way in which natives usually accomplish such a lengthy
-process as the making of a <i lang="kij">katudababile</i>. The amount
-of food which, in the usual manner, is enumerated over and over again
-in this narrative would probably not be exaggerated, for&mdash;such is
-native economy&mdash;a man who makes a necklace to order would get
-about twice as much or even more for it than it would fetch in any
-other transaction. On the other hand, it must be remembered that what
-is represented here as the final payment, the <i lang=
-"kij">karibudaboda</i>, is nothing else but the normal filling up of
-the yam house, always done by a man&rsquo;s relations-in-law. None the
-less, in a year in which a <i lang="kij">katudababile</i> would be
-made, the ordinary yearly harvest gift would be styled the
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">karibudaboda</i> payment for the necklace.&rsquo;
-The giving of the necklace to the wife, who afterwards carries it to
-her brother or kinsman, is also characteristic of the relation between
-relatives-in-law.</p>
-<p>In Sinaketa and Vakuta only the necklaces made of bigger shell and
-tapering towards the end are made. The real Kula article, in which the
-discs are much thinner, smaller in diameter and even in size from one
-end of the necklace to the other, these were introduced into the Kula
-at other points, and I shall speak about this subject in one of the
-following chapters (<a href="#ch21">Chapter XXI</a>), where the other
-branches of the Kula are described.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div15.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Now, having come to an end of this digression on
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i>, let us return for another short while to our
-Sinaketan party, whom we have left on the Lagoon of Sanaroa. Having
-obtained a sufficient amount of the shells, they set sail, and
-re-visiting Tewara and Gumasila, stopping perhaps for a night on one of
-the sandbanks of Pilolu, they arrive at last in their home Lagoon. But
-before rejoining their people in their villages, they stop for the last
-halt on Muwa. Here they make what <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb375"
-href="#pb375" name="pb375">375</a>]</span>is called <i lang=
-"kij">tanarere</i>, a comparison and display of the valuables obtained
-on this trip. From each canoe, a mat or two are spread on the sand
-beach, and the men put their necklaces on the mat. Thus a long row of
-valuables lies on the beach, and the members of the expedition walk up
-and down, admire, and count them. The chiefs would, of course, have
-always the greatest haul, more especially the one who has been the
-<i lang="kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> on that expedition.</p>
-<p>After this is over, they return to the village. Each canoe blows its
-conch shell, a blast for each valuable that it contains. When a canoe
-has obtained no <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> at all, this means
-great shame and distress for its members, and especially for the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>. Such a canoe is said to <i lang=
-"kij">bisikureya</i>, which means literally &lsquo;to keep a
-fast.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>On the beach all the villagers are astir. The women, who have put on
-their new grass petticoats (<i lang="kij">sevata&rsquo;i</i>) specially
-made for this occasion, enter the water and approach the canoes to
-unload them. No special greetings pass between them and their husbands.
-They are interested in the food brought from Dobu, more especially in
-the sago.</p>
-<p>People from other villages assemble also in great numbers to greet
-the incoming party. Those who have supplied their friends or relatives
-with provisions for their journey, receive now sago, betel-nuts and
-coco-nuts in repayment. Some of the welcoming crowd have come in order
-to make Kula. Even from the distant districts of Luba and Kiriwina
-natives will travel to Sinaketa, having a fair idea of the date of the
-arrival of the Kula party from Dobu. The expedition will be talked
-over, the yield counted, the recent history of the important valuables
-described. But this stage leads us already into the subject of inland
-Kula, which will form the subject of one of the following chapters.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb376" href="#pb376" name=
-"pb376">376</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch16" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e781">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XVI</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Return Visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa</h2>
-<div id="div16.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In the twelve preceding chapters, we have followed an
-expedition from Sinaketa to Dobu. But branching off at almost every
-step from its straight track, we studied the various associated
-institutions and underlying beliefs; we quoted magical formul&aelig;,
-and told mythical stories, and thus we broke up the continuous thread
-of the narrative. In this chapter, as we are already acquainted with
-the customs, beliefs and institutions implied in the Kula, we are ready
-to follow a straight and consecutive tale of an expedition in the
-inverse direction, from Dobu to Sinaketa.</p>
-<p>As I have seen, indeed followed, a big <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>
-expedition from the South to the Trobriands, I shall be able to give
-some of the scenes from direct impression, and not from reconstruction.
-Such a reconstruction for one who has seen much of the natives&rsquo;
-tribal life and has a good grip over intelligent informants is neither
-very difficult nor need it be fanciful at all. Indeed, towards the end
-of my second visit, I had several times opportunities to check such a
-reconstruction by witnessing the actual occurrence, for after my first
-year&rsquo;s stay in the Trobriands I had written out already some of
-my material. As a rule, even in minute details, my reconstructions
-hardly differed from reality, as the tests have shown. None the less,
-it is possible for an Ethnographer to enter into concrete details with
-more conviction when he describes things actually seen.</p>
-<div class="figure pl53width" id="pl53">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl53width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl53.jpg" alt="On the Beach of Nabwageta." width="720"
-height="422">
-<p class="figureHead">On the Beach of Nabwageta.</p>
-<p>In the middle of the picture a sail is seen, hung on a scaffolding
-of sticks; natives are pausing in their work of overhauling it and
-patching it up. (See <a href="#div16.1">Div. I</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>In September, 1917, an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition was led
-by Kouta&rsquo;uya from Sinaketa to Dobu. The Vakutans joining them on
-the way, and the canoes of the Amphletts following them also, some
-forty canoes finally arrived at the western shore of Dawson Straits. It
-was arranged then and there that a return expedition from that district
-should visit Sinaketa in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb377" href=
-"#pb377" name="pb377">377</a>]</span>about six months&rsquo; time.
-Kauyaporu, the <i lang="kij">esa&rsquo;esa</i> (headman) of
-Kesora&rsquo;i hamlet in the village of Bwayowa, had a pig with
-circular tusks. He decided therefore to arrange an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> expedition, at the beginning of which the pig was to
-be killed and feasted upon and its tusks turned into ornaments.</p>
-<p>When, in November, 1917, I passed through the district, the
-preparing of the canoes was already afoot. All of those, which still
-could be repaired, had been taken to pieces and were being relashed,
-recaulked and repainted. In some hamlets, new dug-outs were being
-scooped. After a few months stay in the Trobriands, I went South again
-in March, 1918, intending to spend some time in the Amphletts. Landing
-there is always difficult, as there are no anchorages near the shore,
-and it is quite impossible to disembark in rough weather at night. I
-arrived late in a small cutter, and had to cruise between Gumasila and
-Domdom, intending to wait till daybreak and then effect a landing. In
-the middle of the night, however, a violent north-westerly squall came
-down, and making a split in the main-sail, forced us to run before the
-wind, southwards towards Dobu. It was on this night that the native
-boys employed in the boat, saw the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> flaming
-up at the head of the mast. The wind dropped before daybreak, and we
-entered the Lagoon of Sanaroa, in order to repair the sail. During the
-three days we stopped there, I roamed over the country, climbing its
-volcanic cones, paddling up the creeks and visiting the villages
-scattered on the coral plain. Everywhere I saw signs of the approaching
-departure for Boyowa; the natives preparing their canoes on the beach
-to be loaded, collecting food in the gardens and making sago in the
-jungle. At the head of one of the creeks, in the midst of a sago swamp,
-there was a long, low shelter which serves as a dwelling to Dobuan
-natives from the main Island when they come to gather sago. This swamp
-was said to be reserved to a certain community of Tu&rsquo;utauna.</p>
-<p>Another day I came upon a party of local natives from Sanaroa, who
-were pounding sago pulp out of a palm, and sluicing it with water. A
-big tree had been felled, its bark stripped in the middle of the trunk
-in a large square, and the soft, fleshy interior laid open. There were
-three men standing in a row before it and pounding away at it. A few
-more men waited to relieve the tired ones. The pounding instruments,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb378" href="#pb378" name=
-"pb378">378</a>]</span>half club, half adzes, had thick but not very
-broad blades of green stone, of the same type as I have seen among the
-Mailu natives of the South Coast.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e13048src"
-href="#xd26e13048" name="xd26e13048src">1</a></p>
-<p>The pulp was then carried in baskets to a neighbouring stream. At
-this spot there was a natural trough, one of the big, convex scales,
-which form the basis of the sago leaf. In the middle of it, a sieve was
-made of a piece of coco-nut spathing, a fibre which covers the root of
-a coco-nut leaf, and looks at first sight exactly like a piece of
-roughly woven material. Water was directed so that it flowed into the
-trough at its broad end, coming out at the narrow one. The sago pulp
-was put at the top, the water carried away with it the powdered sago
-starch, while the wooden, husky fibres were retained by the sieve. The
-starch was then carried with the water into a big wooden canoe-shaped
-trough; there the heavier starch settled down, while the water welled
-over the brim. When there is plenty of starch, the water is drained off
-carefully and the starch is placed into another of the trough-shaped,
-sago leaf bases, where it is allowed to dry. In such receptacles it is
-then carried on a trading expedition, and is thus counted as one unit
-of sago.</p>
-<p>I watched the proceedings for a long time with great interest. There
-is something fascinating about the big, antideluvian-looking sago palm,
-so malignant and unapproachable in its unhealthy, prickly swamp, being
-turned by man into food by such simple and direct methods. The sago
-produced and eaten by the natives is a tough, starchy stuff, of dirty
-white colour, very unpalatable. It has the consistency of rubber, and
-the taste of very poor, unleavened bread. It is not clear, like the
-article which is sold under the name of sago in our groceries, but is
-mealy, tough, and almost elastic. The natives consider it a great
-delicacy, and bake it into little cakes, or boil it into dumplings.</p>
-<p>The main fleet of the Dobuans started some time in the second half
-of March from their villages, and went first to the beach of
-Sarubwoyna, where they held a ceremonial distribution of food, <i lang=
-"kij">eguya&rsquo;i</i>, as it is called in Dobu. Then, offering the
-<i lang="kij">pokala</i> to Aturamo&rsquo;a and Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine,
-they sailed by way of Sanaroa and Tewara, passing the tabooed rock of
-Gurewaya to <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb379" href="#pb379" name=
-"pb379">379</a>]</span>the Amphletts. The wind was light and
-changeable, weak S.W. breezes prevailing. The progress of this stage of
-the journey must have been very slow. The natives must have spent a few
-nights on the intermediate islands and sandbanks, a few canoes&rsquo;
-crews camping at one spot.</p>
-<p>At that time I had already succeeded in reaching the Amphletts, and
-had been busy for two or three weeks doing ethnographic work, though
-not very successfully; for, as I have already once or twice remarked,
-the natives here are very bad informants. I knew of course that the
-Dobuan fleet was soon to come, but as my experience had taught me to
-mistrust native time-tables and fixtures of date, I did not expect them
-to be punctual. In this, however, I was mistaken. On a Kula expedition,
-when the dates are once fixed, the natives make real and strenuous
-efforts to keep to them. In the Amphletts the people were busy
-preparing for the expedition, because they had the intention of joining
-the Dobuans and proceeding with them to the Trobriands. A few canoes
-went to the mainland to fetch sago, pots were being mustered and made
-ready for stowing away, canoes were overhauled. When the small
-expedition returned from the mainland with sago, after a week or so, a
-<i lang="kij">sagali</i> (in Amphlettan<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e13070" title="Source: ;">:</span> <i lang="kij">madare</i>), that
-is, a ceremonial distribution of food was held on the neighbouring
-island, Nabwageta.</p>
-<p>My arrival was a very untoward event to the natives, and complicated
-matters, causing great annoyance to Tovasana, the main headman. I had
-landed in his own little village, Nu&rsquo;agasi, on the island of
-Gumasila, for it was impossible to anchor near the big village, nor
-would there have been room for pitching a tent. Now, in the Amphletts,
-a white man is an exceedingly rare occurrence, and to my knowledge,
-only once before, a white trader remained there for a few weeks. To
-leave me alone with the women and one or two old men was impossible,
-according to their ideas and fears, and none of the younger men wanted
-to forgo the privilege and pleasure of taking part in the expedition.
-At last, I promised them to move to the neighbouring island of
-Nabwageta, as soon as the men were gone, and with this they were
-satisfied.</p>
-<p>As the date fixed for the arrival of the Dobuans approached, the
-excitement grew. Little by little the news arrived, and was eagerly
-received and conveyed to me: &ldquo;Some sixty canoes <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb380" href="#pb380" name="pb380">380</a>]</span>of
-the Dobuans are coming,&rdquo; &ldquo;the fleet is anchored off
-Tewara,&rdquo; &ldquo;each canoe is heavily laden with food and
-gifts,&rdquo; &ldquo;Kauyaporu sails in his canoe, he is <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>, and has a big pandanus streamer attached
-to the prow.&rdquo; A string of other names followed which had very
-little meaning for me, since I was not acquainted with the Dobuan
-natives. From another part of the world, from the Trobriands, the goal
-of the whole expedition, news reached us again: &ldquo;To&rsquo;uluwa,
-the chief of Kiriwina has gone to Kitava&mdash;he will soon come back,
-bringing plenty of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>.&rdquo; &ldquo;The
-Sinaketans are going there to fetch some of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwali</i>.&rdquo; &ldquo;The Vakutans have been in Kitava and
-brought back great numbers of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>.&rdquo; It was
-astonishing to hear all this news, arriving at a small island,
-apparently completely isolated with its tiny population, within these
-savage and little navigated seas; news only a few days old, yet
-reporting events which had occurred at a travelling distance of some
-hundred miles.</p>
-<p>It was interesting to follow up the way it had come. The earlier
-news about the Dobuans had been brought by the canoes, which had
-fetched the sago to Gumasila from the main island. A few days later, a
-canoe from one of the main island villages had arrived here, and on its
-way had passed the Dobuans in Tewara. The news from the Trobriands in
-the North had been brought by the Kuyawa canoe which had arrived a
-couple of days before in Nabwageta (and whose visit to Nu&rsquo;agasi I
-have described in <a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a>). All these movements
-were not accidental, but connected with the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>
-expedition. To show the complexity, as well as the precise timing of
-the various movements and events, so perfectly synchronised over a vast
-area, in connection with the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, I have
-tabulated them in the Chart, facing this page, in which almost all the
-dates are quite exact, being based on my own observations. This Chart
-also gives a clear, synoptic picture of an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>,
-and it will be useful to refer to it, in reading this Chapter.</p>
-<p>In olden days, not less than now, there must have been an
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e13111" title=
-"Source: ebulition">ebullition</span> in the inter-tribal relations,
-and a great stirring from one place to another, whenever an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> Kula was afoot. Thus, news would be carried rapidly
-over great distances, the movements of the vast numbers of natives
-would be co-ordinated, and dates fixed. As has been said already, a
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb382" href="#pb382" name=
-"pb382">382</a>]</span>culminating event of an expedition, in this case
-the arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, would be always so timed
-as to happen on, or just before, a full moon, and this would serve as a
-general orientation for the preliminary movements, such as in this
-case, the visits of the single canoes. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb381" href="#pb381" name="pb381">381</a>]</span></p>
-<div class="table" id="table2">
-<h4 class="tablecaption">Time-table of the Uvalaku Expedition, Dobu to
-Sinaketa, 1918</h4>
-<table class="t5">
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight cellTop">The Previous
-Uvalaku</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Date</td>
-<td class="cellRight"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">September, 1917</td>
-<td class="cellRight">The expedition, led by Kouta&rsquo;uya from
-Sinaketa to Dobu.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">Preparatory
-Stage</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Oct., 1917&ndash;Feb., 1918</td>
-<td class="cellRight">Building of new canoes and repairing of old ones,
-in the district of N.W. Dobu.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Feb.&ndash;March, 1918</td>
-<td class="cellRight">Sago making, collecting of trade and food.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Middle of March</td>
-<td class="cellRight">Launching, fitting and loading of the canoes;
-preliminary magic.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">The Sailing</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">About 25th March</td>
-<td class="cellRight">The Dobuan canoes start on their overseas
-trip.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">About same time</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: the Vakutans return from Kitava with
-a good haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>].</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Same time</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: preparations to sail;
-collecting food; repairing canoes.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">About 28th March</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: To&rsquo;uluwa returns from Kitava
-bringing <i lang="kij">mwali</i>.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Same time</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: news reach of the approaching
-fleet from Dobu; of the doings in Boyowa.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">29th March</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: part of the canoes sail ahead
-to Vakuta.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">31st March</td>
-<td class="cellRight">The Dobuan fleet arrives in the Amphletts.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1st April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">They proceed on their journey to Boyowa.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">2nd April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In the Amphletts: rest of local canoes sail to
-Boyowa.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Same day</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: the Sinaketans go to Kiriwina.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">3rd April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">[In Boyowa: they return with the armshells.]</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">The Arrival of the
-Dobuans in Boyowa</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">3rd April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">The Dobuan fleet appears in Vakuta.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">3rd&ndash;5th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">They receive Kula gifts, exchange presents and
-trade in Vakuta.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">6th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">Arrival of the Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, magic at
-the beach of Kaykuyawa, ceremonial reception.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">6th&ndash;10th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">The Dobuans (as well as the Amphlettans) remain
-in Sinaketa, receiving Kula presents, giving <i lang="kij">pari</i>
-gifts and trading.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">10th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">They all leave Sinaketa, receiving <i lang=
-"kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> (farewell) gifts. The Dobuans sail south (and
-the Amphlettans to Kayleula and the smaller Western Trobriand
-Islands).</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">10th&ndash;14th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">The Dobuans are engaged in fishing in the S.
-Lagoon.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellRight">Return Journey</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">14th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">They reappear in Vakuta, and receive their
-<i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> (farewell) gifts.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">15th April</td>
-<td class="cellRight">They leave Vakuta.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">About 20th or 21st</td>
-<td class="cellRight cellBottom"><i lang="kij">Tanarere</i>
-(competitive display and comparison) on the beach of Sarubwoyna, and
-return to Dobu.</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb382a" href="#pb382a" name=
-"pb382a">382</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Indeed, from that moment, the events on and about the Amphlett
-Islands moved rapidly. The day after the visit from the Kuyawan canoes,
-the canoes of the main village of Gumasila sailed off to the
-Trobriands, starting therefore a few days ahead of the Dobuan <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> fleet. I rowed over in a dinghy to the big village,
-and watched the loading and departing of the canoes. There was a bustle
-in the village, and even a few old women could be seen helping the men
-in their tasks. The large canoes were being pushed into the water from
-their supports, on which they were beached. They had been already
-prepared for the journey there, their platforms covered with plaited
-palm leaves, frames put in their bottoms to support the cargo, boards
-placed crossways within the canoe to serve as seats for the crew, the
-mast, rigging and sail laid handy. The loading, however, begins only
-after the canoe is in water. The large, trough-shaped chunks of sago
-were put at the bottom, while men and women carefully brought out the
-big clay pots, stowing them away with many precautions in special
-places in the middle (see <a href="#pl47">Plate XLVII</a>). Then, one
-after the other, the canoes went off, paddling round the southern end
-of the island towards the West. At about ten o&rsquo;clock in the
-morning, the last canoe disappeared round the promontory, and the
-village remained practically empty. There was no saying of farewells,
-not a trace of any emotion on the part of those leaving or those
-remaining. But it must be remembered that, owing to my presence, no
-women except one or two old hags, were visible on the shore. All my
-best informants gone, I intended to move to Nabwageta next morning. At
-sunset, I made a long excursion in my dinghy round the western shores
-of Gumasila, and it was on that occasion that I discovered all those
-who had left that morning on the Kula sitting on Giyasila beach, in
-accordance with the Kula custom of a preliminary halt, such as the one
-on Muwa described in <a href="#ch7">Chapter VII</a>.</p>
-<p>Next morning, I left for the neighbouring island and village of
-Nabwageta, and only after he saw me safely off, Tovasana and his party
-left in his canoe, following the others to Vakuta. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb383" href="#pb383" name="pb383">383</a>]</span>In
-Nabwageta, the whole community were in the midst of their final
-preparations for departure, for they intended to wait for the Dobuans
-and sail with them to Kiriwina. All their canoes were being painted and
-renovated, a sail was being repaired on the beach (see <a href=
-"#pl53">Plate LIII</a>). There were some minor distributions of food
-taking place in the village, the stuff being over and over again
-allotted and re-allotted, smaller pieces carved out of the big chunks
-and put into special wrappings. This constant handling of food is one
-of the most prominent features of tribal life in that part of the
-world. As I arrived, a sail for one of the canoes was just being
-finished by a group of men. In another canoe, I saw them mending the
-outrigger by attaching the small log of light, dry wood to make the
-old, waterlogged float more buoyant. I could also watch in detail the
-final trimming of the canoes, the putting up of the additional frames,
-of the coco-nut mats, the making of the little cage in the central part
-for the pots and for the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> (the sacred bundle),
-I was, nevertheless, not on sufficiently intimate terms with these
-Nabwageta natives to be allowed to witness any of the magic. Their
-system of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> is identical with that of Boyowa,
-in fact, it is borrowed from there.</p>
-<p>Next day&mdash;in this village again I had difficulty in finding any
-good informants, a difficulty increased by the feverish occupation of
-all the men&mdash;I went for a long row in the afternoon with my two
-&lsquo;boys,&rsquo; hoping to reach the island of Domdom. A strong
-current, which in this part is at places so pronounced that it breaks
-out into steep, tidal waves, made it impossible to reach our goal.
-Returning in the dark, my boys suddenly grew alert and excited, like
-hounds picking up a scent. I could perceive nothing in the dark, but
-they had discerned two canoes moving westwards. Within about
-half-an-hour, a fire became visible, twinkling on the beach of a small,
-deserted island South of Domdom; evidently some Dobuans were camping
-there. The excitement and intense interest shown by my boys, one a
-Dobuan, the other from Sariba (Southern Massim), gave me an inkling of
-the magnitude of this event&mdash;the vanguard of a big Kula fleet
-slowly creeping up towards one of its intermediate halting places. It
-also brought home to me vividly the inter-tribal character of this
-institution, which unites in one common and strongly emotional interest
-so many scattered communities. That night, as we learnt afterwards, a
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb384" href="#pb384" name=
-"pb384">384</a>]</span>good number of canoes had anchored on the
-outlying deserted islands of the Amphletts, waiting for the rest of the
-fleet to arrive. When we came that evening to Nabwageta, the news had
-already been received of the important event, and the whole village was
-astir.</p>
-<p>Next day, the weather was particularly fine and clear, with the
-distant mountains wreathed only in light cumuli, their alluring
-outlines designed in transparent blue. Early in the afternoon, with a
-blast of conch shell, a Dobuan waga, in full paint and decoration, and
-with the rich pandanus mat of the sail glowing like gold against the
-blue sea, came sailing round the promontory. One after the other, at
-intervals of a few minutes each, other canoes came along, all sailing
-up to some hundred yards from the beach, and then, after furling the
-sail, paddling towards the shore (see <a href="#pl40">Plate XL</a>).
-This was not a ceremonial approach, as the aim of the expedition this
-time did not embrace the Amphletts, but was directed towards the
-Trobriands only, Vakuta, and Sinaketa; these canoes had put in only for
-an intermediate halt. Nevertheless, it was a great event, especially as
-the canoes of Nabwageta were going to join with the fleet later on. Out
-of the sixty or so Dobuan canoes, only about twenty-five with some 250
-men in them had come to Nabwageta, the others having gone to the big
-village of Gumasila. In any case, there were about five times as many
-men gathered in the village as one usually sees. There was no Kula done
-at all, no conch-shells were blown on the shore, nor do I think were
-any presents given or received by either party. The men sat in groups
-round their friends&rsquo; houses, the most distinguished visitors
-collected about the dwelling of Tobwa&rsquo;ina, the main headman of
-Nabwageta.</p>
-<p>Many canoes were anchored along the coast beyond the village beach,
-some tucked away into small coves, others moored in sheltered shallows.
-The men sat on the shore round fires, preparing their food, which they
-took out of the provisions carried on the canoes. Only the water did
-they obtain from the island, filling their coco-nut-made water vessels
-from the springs. About a dozen canoes were actually moored at the
-village beach. Late at night, I walked along the shore to observe their
-sleeping arrangements. In the clear, moonlit night, the small fires
-burnt with a red, subdued glow; there was always one of them between
-each two sleepers, consisting of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb385"
-href="#pb385" name="pb385">385</a>]</span>three burning sticks,
-gradually pushed in as they were consumed. The men slept with the big,
-stiff pandanus mats over them; each mat is folded in the middle, and
-when put on the ground, forms a kind of miniature prismatic tent. All
-along the beach, it was almost a continuous row of man alternating with
-fire, the dun-coloured mats being nearly invisible against the sand in
-the full moonlight. It must have been a very light sleep for every now
-and then, a man stirred, peeping up from under his shell, re-adjusting
-the fire, and casting a searching glance over the surroundings. It
-would be difficult to say whether mosquitoes or cold wind or fear of
-sorcery disturbed their sleep most, but I should say the last.</p>
-<p>The next morning, early, and without any warning, the whole fleet
-sailed away. At about 8 o&rsquo;clock the last canoe punted towards the
-offing, where they stepped their mast and hoisted their sail. There
-were no farewell gifts, no conch shell blowing, and the Dobuans this
-time left their resting place as they had come, without ceremony or
-display. The morning after, the Nabwagetans followed them. I was left
-in the village with a few cripples, the women and one or two men who
-had remained perhaps to look after the village, perhaps specially to
-keep watch over me and see that I did no mischief. Not one of them was
-a good informant. Through a mistake of mine, I had missed the cutter
-which had come two days before to the island of Gumasila and left
-without me. With bad luck and bad weather, I might have had to wait a
-few weeks, if not months in Nabwageta. I could perhaps have sailed in a
-native canoe, but this could only be done without bedding, tent, or
-even writing outfit and photographic apparatus, and so my travelling
-would have been quite useless. It was a piece of great good luck that a
-day or two afterwards, a motor launch, whose owner had heard about my
-staying in the Amphletts, anchored in front of Nabwageta village, and
-within an hour I was speeding towards the Trobriands again, following
-the tracks of the Kula fleet.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div16.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">On the next morning, as we slowly made our way along
-the channels in the opalescent, green lagoon, and as I watched a fleet
-of small, local canoes fishing in their muddy waters, and could
-recognise on the surrounding flat shores a dozen <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb386" href="#pb386" name=
-"pb386">386</a>]</span>well-known villages, my spirits rose, and I felt
-well pleased to have left the picturesque, but ethnographically barren
-Amphletts for the Trobriands, with their scores of excellent
-informants.</p>
-<p>Moreover, the Amphletts, in the persons of their male inhabitants
-were soon to join me here. I went ashore in Sinaketa, where everybody
-was full of the great moment which was soon to arrive. For the Dobuan
-fleet was known to be coming, though on that morning, so far, no news
-had reached them of its whereabouts. As a matter of fact, the Dobuans,
-who had left Nabwageta forty-eight hours ahead of me, had made a slow
-journey with light winds, and sailing a course to the East of mine, had
-arrived that morning only in Vakuta.</p>
-<p>All the rumours which had been reported to me in the Amphletts about
-the previous movements of the Trobriand natives had been correct. Thus
-the natives of Vakuta had really been to the East, to Kitava, and had
-brought with them a big haul of armshells. To&rsquo;uluwa, the chief of
-Kiriwina, had visited Kitava later, and about five or six days before
-had returned from there, bringing with him 213 pairs of armshells. The
-Sinaketans then had gone to Kiriwina, and out of the 213 pairs had
-succeeded in securing 154. As there had been previously 150 pairs in
-Sinaketa, a total of 304 was awaiting the Dobuans. On the morning of my
-arrival, the Sinaketan party had just returned from Kiriwina, hurrying
-home so as to have everything ready for the reception of the Dobuans.
-Of these, we got the news that very afternoon&mdash;news which
-travelled overland from one village to another, and reached us from
-Vakuta with great rapidity. We were also told that the <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> fleet would be at Sinaketa within two or three
-days.</p>
-<p>This period I utilised in refurbishing my information about that
-phase of the Kula, which I was going to witness, and trying to get a
-clear outline of every detail of all that was going soon to happen. It
-is extremely important in sociological work to know well beforehand the
-underlying rules and the fundamental ideas of an occurrence, especially
-if big masses of natives are concerned in it. Otherwise, the really
-important events may be obliterated by quite irrelevant and accidental
-movements of the crowd, and thus the significance of what he sees may
-be lost to the observer. No doubt if one could repeat one&rsquo;s
-observations on the same phenomenon over and over <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb387" href="#pb387" name=
-"pb387">387</a>]</span>again, the essential and relevant features would
-stand out by their regularity and permanence. If, however, as it often
-happens in ethnographic field-work, one gets the opportunity only once
-of witnessing a public ceremony, it is necessary to have its anatomy
-well dissected beforehand, and then concentrate upon observing how
-these outlines are followed up concretely, gauge the tone of the
-general behaviour, the touches of emotion or passion, many small yet
-significant details which nothing but actual observation can reveal,
-and which throw much light upon the real, inner relation of the native
-to his institution. So I was busy going over my old entries and
-checking them and putting my material into shape in a detailed and
-concrete manner.</p>
-<p>On the third day, as I was sitting and taking notes in the
-afternoon, word ran all round the villages that the Dobuan canoes had
-been sighted. And indeed, as I hastened towards the shore, there could
-be seen, far away, like small petals floating on the horizon, the sails
-of the advancing fleet. I jumped at once into a canoe, and was punted
-along towards the promontory of Kaykuyawa, about a mile to the South of
-Sinaketa. There, one after the other, the Dobuan canoes were arriving,
-dropping their sails and undoing the mast as they moored, until the
-whole fleet, numbering now over eighty canoes, were assembled before me
-(see <a href="#pl48">Plate XLVIII</a>). From each a few men waded
-ashore, returning with big bunches of leaves. I saw them wash and smear
-themselves and perform the successive stages of native, festive
-adornment (see <a href="#pl49">Plate XLIX</a>). Each article was
-medicated by some man or another in the canoe before it was used or put
-on. The most carefully handled articles of ornamentation were the
-ineffective looking, dried up herbs, taken out of their little
-receptacles, where they had remained since they had been becharmed in
-Dobu, and now stuck into the armlets. The whole thing went on quickly,
-almost feverishly, making more the impression of a piece of technical
-business being expeditiously performed, than of a solemn and elaborate
-ceremony taking place. But the ceremonial element was soon to show
-itself.</p>
-<p>After the preparations were finished, the whole fleet formed itself
-into a compact body, not quite regular, but with a certain order, about
-four or five canoes being in a row, and one row behind the other. In
-this formation they punted along over <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb388" href="#pb388" name="pb388">388</a>]</span>the Lagoon, too
-shallow for paddling, towards the beach of Sinaketa. When they were
-within about ten minutes of the shore, all the conch shells began to be
-sounded, and the murmur of recited magic rose from the canoes. I could
-not come sufficiently near the canoes, for reason of etiquette, to be
-able to see the exact arrangement of the reciters, but I was told that
-it was the same as that observed by the Trobrianders on their approach
-to Dobu, described in <a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>. The general
-effect was powerful, when this wonderfully painted and fully decorated
-fleet was gliding swiftly over the green waters of the Lagoon towards
-the palm grove above the sand beach, at that moment thick with
-expectant natives. But I imagine that the arrival of a Trobriand fleet
-in Dobu must be considerably more effective even than that. The much
-more picturesque landscape, the ceremonial paddling with the
-leaf-shaped oars over the deep water, the higher sense of danger and
-tension, than that which the Dobuans feel, when coming to visit the
-meek Trobrianders, all this must make it even more dramatic and
-impressive than the scene I have just described.</p>
-<div class="figure pl54width" id="pl54">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl54width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LIV</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl54.jpg" alt=
-"The Dobuan Canoes Pulled Up on Sinaketa Beach." width="674" height=
-"402">
-<p class="figureHead">The Dobuan Canoes Pulled Up on Sinaketa
-Beach.</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl55width" id="pl55">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl55width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LV</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl55.jpg" alt=
-"Some Canoes Moored on the Shallow Lagoon near the Shore." width="684"
-height="415">
-<p class="figureHead">Some Canoes Moored on the Shallow Lagoon near the
-Shore.</p>
-</div>
-<p id="pl56"></p>
-<div class="figure pl56-1width">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl56-1width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LVI</span><span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl56-1.jpg" alt="" width="615" height="445"></div>
-<div class="figure pl56-2width"><img src="images/pl56-2.jpg" alt=
-"Dobuan Visitors in Sinaketa." width="619" height="464">
-<p class="figureHead">Dobuan Visitors in Sinaketa.</p>
-<p class="first">Top picture: the Kula visitors and hosts sitting side
-by side on a house platform in Sinaketa. Bottom picture: to the right
-Tovasana, wearing a wig of pandanus fibre, holding his lime pot and
-spatula and ornamented with <i lang="kij">buna</i> shell on his leg,
-sits with Kauyaporu (on the left), the chief of the Dobuans, on the
-platform of one of the Sinaketan chiefs. Note the aromatic herbs in
-Kauyaporu&rsquo;s armlets.</p>
-</div>
-<p>Within some twenty metres from the shore, the canoes formed
-themselves into a double row, the canoe of the <i lang=
-"kij">toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i> on the left flank of the first row.
-Kauyaporu, as soon as all the craft were in position, rose in his
-canoe, and in a loud voice, addressed in Dobuan those standing on the
-shore. His words, preserved in the memory of his hearers, were
-transmitted to me that same evening in their Kiriwinian equivalent. He
-spoke:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Who will be first in the Kula? The people of
-Vakuta or yourselves? I deem you will have the lead! Bring armshells,
-one basketful, two baskets; catch pigs; pluck coco-nuts; pluck
-betel-nut! For this is my <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>. By and by, thou,
-Kouta&rsquo;uya, wilt make an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>, and we shall
-give thee then plenty of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>So spoke Kauyaporu, addressing his main partner, Kouta&rsquo;uya,
-the second chief of Sinaketa. He did not address To&rsquo;udawada, the
-most important chief, because he was not his main partner.</p>
-<p>As soon as the speech was finished, Kouta&rsquo;uya waded through
-the water from the beach, carrying a pair of armshells in each hand.
-Behind him came a small boy, the youngest son, blowing a conch shell.
-He was followed again by two men, who <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb389" href="#pb389" name="pb389">389</a>]</span>between them had a
-stick resting on their shoulders, on which several pairs of <i lang=
-"kij">mwali</i> (armshells) were displayed. This procession waded
-towards the canoe of Kauyaporu, whom Kouta&rsquo;uya addressed in these
-words, throwing the armshells on the platform of the canoe:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;This is a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening
-gift)! In due time, I shall make a <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> to Dobu;
-thou shalt return to me a big <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklace) as
-<i lang="kij">kudu</i> (equivalent gift) for this. Plenty more
-armshells thou wilt receive now. There are plenty of armshells in
-Sinaketa. We know there were plenty of armshells in Vakuta. By and by
-thou and thy <i lang="kij">usagelu</i> come ashore, I shall catch a
-pig. I shall give you plenty of food, coco-nuts, betel-nut, sugar cane,
-bananas!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>As soon as he was back on the shore, his wife, the eldest one, with
-a <i lang="kij">peta</i> basket on her head, containing a pair of
-armshells, went into the water and carried it to Kauyaporu&rsquo;s
-canoe, the boy with the conch shell following her also. After that,
-conch shells were blown on all sides on the shore, and single men or
-groups detached themselves from the rest, and waded towards the canoes.
-The <i lang="kij">mwali</i> were carried with ceremony on sticks or in
-outstretched arm. But the grossly exaggerated way of putting one pair
-of armshells into a basket which was big enough to hold some four
-score, was only done by the chief&rsquo;s wife. All this lasted for
-perhaps half-an-hour, while the setting sun poured down its glowing
-light on the painted canoes, the yellow beach, and the lively bronze
-forms moving upon it. Then, in a few moments, the Dobuan canoes were
-partly beached, partly moored, whilst their crews spread over the seven
-villages of Sinaketa. Large groups could be seen sitting on platforms
-chewing <span class="corr" id="xd26e13447" title=
-"Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span> and conversing in Dobuan with
-their hosts (see <a href="#pl56">Plate LVI</a>).</p>
-<p>For three days, the Dobuans remained in Sinaketa. Every now and
-then, blasts of conch shell announced that a Kula transaction had taken
-place, that is, that a pair of armshells had been handed over to one of
-the visitors. Swarms of people from the other districts had assembled
-in Sinaketa; every day, natives from the inland villages of Southern
-Boyowa crowded into their capital, whilst people from Kuboma, Luba, and
-Kiriwina, that is, the Central and Northern districts, were camping in
-their relatives&rsquo; houses, in yam stores and under <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb390" href="#pb390" name=
-"pb390">390</a>]</span>provisional shelters. Reckoning that the number
-of the visitors, that is, the Dobuans, the Amphlettans and the
-Vakutans, who had joined them on their way, amounted to some eight
-hundred; that the Sinaketans numbered about five hundred people, and
-that some twelve hundred had come from the other villages, it will be
-seen that the crowd in and about Sinaketa was considerable, numbering
-over two thousand.</p>
-<p>The Trobriand natives, of course, looked after their own provisions.
-The Dobuans had also brought a considerable amount of food with them,
-and would receive some additional vegetables and pigs&rsquo; flesh from
-their hosts, while they acquired fish from some of the other villages
-of Boyowa. As a matter of fact, stingaree, shark and some other fish
-are the only articles for which the Dobuans barter on their own
-account. The rest of the trade, in the same way as is done in Dobu by
-the Sinaketans, must be done with the community who receive visitors,
-that is, with Sinaketa. The Sinaketans buy from the manufacturing
-districts of Boyowa the same industrial products that they take with
-them to Dobu, that is baskets, lime pots, lime spatul&aelig;, etc. Then
-they sell these to the Dobuans in just the same manner and with the
-same profit as was described in <a href="#ch15">Chapter XV</a>. As has
-been said there also, a man of Sinaketa would never trade with his
-partner, but with some other Dobuan. Between the partners, only
-presents are exchanged. The gift offered by the Dobuans to the
-Sinaketans is called <i lang="kij">vata&rsquo;i</i>, and it differs
-only in name and not in its economic or sociological nature from the
-<i lang="kij">pari</i> gift offered by the Boyowans to their overseas
-partners. The <i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i>, or farewell gift offered
-to them is as a rule more substantial than the <i lang=
-"kij">vata&rsquo;i</i>.</p>
-<p>The Dobuans, during their stay in Sinaketa, lived on the beach or in
-their canoes (see Plates <a href="#pl54">LIV</a> and <a href=
-"#pl20">XX</a>). Skilfully rigged up with canopies of golden mats
-covering parts of the craft, their painted hulls glowing in the sun
-against the green water, some of the canoes presented the spectacle of
-some gorgeously fantastic pleasure boat (see <a href="#pl55">Plate
-LV</a>). The natives waded about amongst them, making the Lagoon lively
-with movement, talk and laughter. Groups camped on the sea shore,
-boiling food in the large clay pots, smoking and chewing betel-nut. Big
-parties of Trobrianders walked among them, discreetly but curiously
-watching them. Women were not very conspicuous in the whole
-proceedings, nor did I hear <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb391" href=
-"#pb391" name="pb391">391</a>]</span>any scandal about intrigues,
-although such may have taken place.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div16.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">On the fourth day, conch shells were blown again in
-the morning, though on the last of the three days their sounds had
-almost died out. These were the signs of the departure. Food and small
-presents were brought to the canoes as <i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i>,
-and a few <i lang="kij">mwali</i> were given at the last, for which the
-conch shells were blown. Without any ceremony or farewell speeches, the
-Dobuan canoes sailed away, one after the other.</p>
-<p>Their journey home was also interrupted by a customary halt for
-fishing, but this time for fish, not shell. Some of them stop on the
-beach of Muwa, but the bulk camp on a beach called Susuwa, half way
-between Sinaketa and Vakuta, where they catch the fish by means of a
-poisonous root, which they have brought for this purpose from home.
-This time, they remained three days in Susuwa and Muwa, and then sailed
-to Vakuta to receive there <i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i>. Their
-further journey I could not trace step by step, but afterwards I heard
-that quickly, and without any accident, they had reached their
-homes.</p>
-<p>Their <i lang="kij">tanarere</i> on Sarubwoyna beach&mdash;that is,
-the competitive display of the yield&mdash;gave more or less the
-following results:</p>
-<p>From Sinaketa they received 304 armshells.</p>
-<p>From Vakuta they received 344 armshells.</p>
-<p>The total therefore was 648. As there were about sixty canoes making
-the proper <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> from Dobu, that is, not counting
-those from the Amphletts and Vakuta which joined on the way and
-appeared before Sinaketa, there were at the outside some five hundred
-Dobuan natives on that expedition. Out of these, however, not more than
-half were grown-up, Kula making men. So that, on the average, there
-were nearly thirteen armshells for every five men. Some would not get
-more than one pair, some perhaps even none, whilst the headmen received
-large quantities.</p>
-<p>We shall follow in a later chapter the movements of some at least of
-those who had collected in Sinaketa from the other districts, in
-connection with the Kula. It did not take them more than a few days to
-disperse completely, and for the village to resume its ordinary aspect
-and routine. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb392" href="#pb392" name=
-"pb392">392</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e13048" href="#xd26e13048src" name="xd26e13048">1</a></span> See
-the Author&rsquo;s Memoir, &ldquo;The Natives of Mailu&rdquo; in
-Transactions of the R. Society of S. Australia for 1915, p.
-598.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e13048src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch17" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e800">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XVII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">Magic and the Kula</h2>
-<div id="div17.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In treating of the various customs and practices of
-the Kula, I had at every step to enter into the description of magical
-rites and into the analysis of spells. This had to be done, first of
-all, because magic looms paramount in the natives&rsquo; view of the
-Kula. Again, all magical formul&aelig; disclose essentials of belief
-and illustrate typical ideas in a manner so thorough and telling that
-no other road could lead us as straight into the inner mind of the
-native. Finally, there is a direct, ethnographic interest in knowing
-the details of magical performance, which has such an overweening
-influence over tribal life, and enters so deeply into the make-up of
-the natives&rsquo; mentality.</p>
-<p>It is now necessary to complete our knowledge of magic and to focus
-all the dispersed data into one coherent picture. So far, the many
-scattered references and numerous concrete details have not furnished a
-general idea, of what magic means to the natives; how they imagine the
-working of the magical forces; what are their implied and expressed
-views on the nature of magical power. Collecting all the material which
-has already been presented in the previous chapters, and supplementing
-it with native and ethnographic comments, we shall be able to arrive at
-a certain synthesis, respecting the Kiriwinian theory of magic.</p>
-<p>All the data which have been so far mustered disclose the extreme
-importance of magic in the Kula. But if it were a question of treating
-of any other aspect of the tribal life of these natives, it would also
-be found that, whenever they approach any concern of vital importance,
-they summon magic to their aid. It can be said without exaggeration
-that magic, according to their ideas, governs human destinies; that it
-supplies man with the power of mastering the forces of nature; and that
-it <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb393" href="#pb393" name=
-"pb393">393</a>]</span>is his weapon and armour against the many
-dangers which crowd in upon him on every side. Thus, in what is most
-essential to man, that is in his health and bodily welfare, he is but a
-plaything of the powers of sorcery, of evil spirits and of certain
-beings, controlled by black magic. Death in almost all its forms is the
-result of one of these agencies. Permanent ill-health and all kinds of
-acute sickness, in fact everything, except such easily explainable
-ailments as physical overstrain or slight colds, are attributed to
-magic. I have spoken (<a href="#ch2">Chapter II</a>) of the several
-ways in which the evil powers bring disease and death. The <i lang=
-"kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>, who bring epidemics and the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i>, who inflict shooting pains and minor ailments, are
-the only examples of non-human beings&rsquo; exerting any direct
-influence on human destinies, and even the members of this restricted
-pantheon of demonology only occasionally descend among the mortals to
-put into action their potential powers. By far the deepest dread and
-most constant concern of the natives are with the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>, the entirely human sorcerers, who carry out
-their work exclusively by means of magic. Second to them in the
-quantity of magical output and in the frequency of their exploits, are
-the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, the flying witches, which have been
-described in detail in <a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a>. They are a good
-example of how every belief in a superior power is at the bottom a
-belief in magic. Magic gives to these beings the capacity to destroy
-human life and to command other agents of destruction. Magic also gives
-man the power and the means to defend himself, and if properly applied,
-to frustrate all the nefarious attempts of the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>. Comparing the two agencies, it may be said that
-in every-day life, the sorcerer is by far the most feared and is most
-frequently believed to be at work; while the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i> enter upon the scene at certain dramatic moments,
-such as the presence of death, a catastrophe on land, and more
-especially at sea; but then, they enter with even deadlier weapons than
-the <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i>. Health, the normal state of human
-beings can, if once lost, be regained by magic and by magic only. There
-is no such thing as natural recovery, return to health being always due
-to the removal of the evil magic by means of magical
-counter-action.</p>
-<p>All those crises of life, which are associated with fear of danger,
-with the awakening of passions or of strong emotions, have also their
-magical accompaniment. The birth of a child <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb394" href="#pb394" name="pb394">394</a>]</span>is
-always ushered in by magic, in order to make the child prosper, and to
-neutralise the dangers and evil influences. There is no rite or magic
-at puberty; but then, with this people, puberty does not present any
-very definite crisis in the life of the individual, as their sexual
-life starts long before puberty arrives, and gradually shapes and
-develops as the organism matures. The passion of love, however, has a
-very elaborate magical counterpart, embodied in many rites and
-formul&aelig;, to which a great importance is attached, and all success
-in sexual life is ascribed to it. The evil results of illicit
-love&mdash;that is love within the clan, which, by the way, is
-considered by these natives as the main class of sexual
-immorality&mdash;can also be counteracted by a special type of
-magic.</p>
-<p>The main social interests, ambition in gardening, ambition in
-successful Kula, vanity and display of personal charms in
-dancing&mdash;all find their expression in magic. There is a form of
-beauty magic, performed ceremonially over the dancers, and there is
-also a kind of safety magic at dances, whose object is to prevent the
-evil magic of envious sorcerers. Particular garden magic, performed by
-an individual over his crops and seeds, as well as the evil magic which
-he casts on the gardens of his rivals, express the private ambitions in
-gardening, as contrasted with the interests of the whole village, which
-are catered for by communal garden magic.</p>
-<p>Natural forces of great importance to man, such as rain and
-sunshine, the appropriate alternative operation of which makes his
-crops thrive; or wind, which must be controlled for purposes of sailing
-and fishing, are also governed by magic. The magic of rain and sunshine
-can be used for good, as well as for nefarious purposes, and in this
-they have a special interest in the Trobriands, because the most
-powerful system of this magic is in the hands of the paramount chiefs
-of Kiriwina. By bringing about a prolonged drought, the chiefs of
-Omarakana have always been able to express their general displeasure
-with their subjects, and thus enhance their wholesale power,
-independently of any other mechanism, which they might have used for
-forcing their will on private individuals or on whole communities.</p>
-<p>The basic, food-providing economic activities, which in the
-Trobriands are mainly gardening and fishing, are also <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb395" href="#pb395" name=
-"pb395">395</a>]</span>completely magic-ridden. The success of these
-pursuits is of course largely due to luck, chance or accident, and to
-the natives they require supernatural assistance. We had examples of
-economic magic in describing the construction of a canoe, and the
-fishing for <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> shell. The communal garden-magic
-and the fishing magic of certain village communities show to a higher
-degree even than the cases described, the feature which we found so
-distinct in canoe magic, namely: that the rites and formul&aelig; are
-not a mere appendage, running side by side with economic efforts,
-without exercising any influence over these. On the contrary, it may be
-said that a belief in magic is one of the main, psychological forces
-which allow for organisation and systemisation of economic effort in
-the Trobriands.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e13579src" href="#xd26e13579"
-name="xd26e13579src">1</a> The capacity for art, as well as the
-inspiration in it, is also ascribed to the influence of magic.</p>
-<p>The passions of hatred, envy, and jealousy, besides finding their
-expression in the all powerful sorcery of the <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> and <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, are also
-responsible for many forms of witchery, known by the generic term of
-<i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i>. The classical forms of this magic have
-as their object the estrangement of the affections of a wife or a
-sweetheart, or the destruction of the domestic attachment of a pig. The
-pig is sent away into the bush, having been made to take a dislike to
-its master and to its domestic habits; the wife, though the spells used
-to estrange her are slightly different, can be made also to take a
-dislike to her domestic life, abandon her husband and return to her
-parents. There is a <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i> of gardens, of
-canoes, of Kula, of <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>, in fact of everything,
-and a good deal of beneficial magic is taken up with exorcising the
-results of <i lang="kij">bulubwalata</i>.</p>
-<p>The list of magic is not quite exhausted yet. There is the magic of
-conditional curses, performed in order to guard property from possible
-harm, inflicted by others; there is war-magic; there is magic
-associated with taboos put on coco-nuts and betel-nuts, in order to
-make them grow and multiply; there is magic to avert thunder and
-resuscitate people who are struck by lightning; there is the magic of
-tooth-ache, and a magic to make food last a long time.</p>
-<p>All this shows the wide diffusion of magic, its extreme importance
-and also the fact that it is always strongest there, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb396" href="#pb396" name=
-"pb396">396</a>]</span>where vital interests are concerned; where
-violent passions or emotions are awakened; when mysterious forces are
-opposed to man&rsquo;s endeavours; and when he has to recognise that
-there is something which eludes his most careful calculations, his most
-conscientious preparations and efforts.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us now proceed to formulate some short statement
-of the essential conception of magic, as it is entertained by the
-natives. All statement of belief, found among human beings so widely
-different from us, is full of difficulties and pitfalls, which perhaps
-beset us most there, where we try to arrive at the very foundation of
-the belief&mdash;that is, at the most general ideas which underlie a
-series of practices and a body of traditions. In dealing with a native
-community at the stage of development which we find in the Trobriands,
-we cannot expect to obtain a definite, precise and abstract statement
-from a philosopher, belonging to the community itself. The native takes
-his fundamental assumptions for granted, and if he reasons or inquires
-into matters of belief, it would be always only as regards details and
-concrete applications. Any attempts on the part of the Ethnographer to
-induce his informant to formulate such a general statement would have
-to be in the form of leading questions of the worst type because in
-these leading questions he would have to introduce words and concepts
-essentially foreign to the native. Once the informant grasped their
-meaning, his outlook would be warped by our own ideas having been
-poured into it. Thus the Ethnographer must draw the generalisation for
-himself, must formulate the abstract statement without the direct help
-of a native informant.</p>
-<p>I am saying <i>direct help</i> because the generalisation must be
-entirely based on indirect data supplied by the natives. In the course
-of collecting information, of discussing formul&aelig; and translating
-their text, a considerable number of opinions on matters of detail will
-be set forth by the natives. Such spontaneous opinions, if placed in a
-correctly constructed mosaic, might almost of themselves give us a true
-picture, might almost cover the whole field of native belief. And then
-our task would only be to summarise this picture in an abstract
-formula. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb397" href="#pb397" name=
-"pb397">397</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The Ethnographer, however, possesses an even better supply of
-evidence from which to draw his conclusions. The objective items of
-culture, into which belief has crystallised in the form of tradition,
-myth, spell and rite are the most important source of knowledge. In
-them, we can face the same realities of belief as the native faces in
-his intimate intercourse with the magical, the same realities which he
-not only professes with his tongue, but lives through partly in
-imagination and partly in actual experience. An analysis of the
-contents of the spells, the study of the manner in which they are
-uttered; in which the concomitant rites are performed; the study of the
-natives&rsquo; behaviour, of the actors as well as of the spectators;
-the knowledge of the social position and social functions, of the
-magical expert&mdash;all this reveals to us, not only the bare
-structure of their ideas on magic, but also the associated sentiments
-and emotions, and the nature of magic as a social force.</p>
-<p>An Ethnographer who, from the study of such objective data, has been
-able to penetrate into the natives&rsquo; attitude, to formulate a
-general theory of magic, can <i>then</i> test his conclusions by direct
-questionings. For he will be already in a position to use native
-terminology and to move along the lines of native thought, and in his
-questionings he will be able to accept the lead of his informant
-instead of misleading the latter and himself by leading questions. More
-especially in obtaining opinions of actual occurrences from the
-natives, he will not have to move in abstract generalities, but will be
-able to translate them into concrete applications and into the native
-modes of thought.</p>
-<p>In arriving at such general conclusions about vast aspects of
-primitive human thought and custom, the Ethnographer&rsquo;s is a
-creative work, in so far as he brings to light phenomena of human
-nature which, in their entirety, had remained hidden even from those in
-whom they happened. It is creative in the same sense as is the
-construction of general principles of natural science, where objective
-laws of very wide application lie hidden till brought forth by the
-investigating human mind. In the same sense, however, as the principles
-of natural science are empirical, so are also the final generalisations
-of ethnographic sociology because, though expressly stated for the
-first time by the investigator, they are none the less objective
-realities of human thinking, feeling and behaviour. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb398" href="#pb398" name="pb398">398</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We can start from the question of how the natives
-imagine their magic to have originated. If we would ask even the most
-intelligent informant some such concretely framed questions as:
-&ldquo;Where has your magic been made? How do you imagine its
-invention?&rdquo;&mdash;they would necessarily remain unanswered. Not
-even a warped and half-suggested reply would be forthcoming. Yet there
-is an answer to this question, or rather to its generalised equivalent.
-Examining the mythology of one form of magic after the other, we find
-that there are in every one either explicitly stated or implied views
-about how magic has become known to man. As we register these views,
-compare them, and arrive at a generalisation, we easily see, why our
-imaginary question, put to the natives, would have to remain
-unanswered. For, according to native belief, embedded in all traditions
-and all institutions, magic is never conceived as having been made or
-invented. Magic has been handed on as a thing which has always been
-there. It is conceived as an intrinsic ingredient of everything that
-vitally affects man. The words, by which a magician exercises his power
-over a thing or a process, are believed to be co-existent with them.
-The magical formula and its subject matter were born together.</p>
-<p>In some cases, tradition represents them literally as being
-&lsquo;born&rsquo; by the same woman. Thus, rain was brought forth by a
-woman of Kasana&rsquo;i, and the magic came with it, and has been
-handed on ever since in this woman&rsquo;s sub-clan. Again, the
-mythical mother of the Kultur-hero Tudava gave birth, among other
-plants and animals, also to the <i lang="kij">kalala</i> fish. The
-magic of this fish is also due to her. In the short myth about the
-origin of <i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> magic&mdash;the one to
-protect drowning sailors from witches and other dangers&mdash;we saw
-that the mother, who gave birth to the Tokulubweydoga dog, also handed
-the magic over to him. In all these cases, however, the myth does not
-point to these women&rsquo;s inventing or composing the magic; indeed,
-it is explicitly stated by some natives that the women had learned the
-magic from their matrilineal ancestors. In the last case, the woman is
-said in the myth to have known the magic by tradition.</p>
-<p>Other myths are more rudimentary, yet, though less circumstantial
-about the origin of the magic, show us just as <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb399" href="#pb399" name=
-"pb399">399</a>]</span>unmistakably that magic is a primeval thing,
-indeed, in the literal sense of the word, autochthonous. Thus, the Kula
-magic in Gumasila came out of the rock of Selawaya; the canoe magic out
-of the hole in the ground, brought by the men, who originally emerged
-with it; garden magic is always conceived as being carried from
-underground by the first ancestors, who emerged out of the original
-hole of that locality. Several minor forms of magic of local currency,
-such as fish magic, practised in one village only, wind magic, etc.,
-are also imagined to have been carried out of the ground. All the forms
-of sorcery have been handed over to people by non-human beings, who
-passed them on but did not create them. The <i lang=
-"kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> sorcery is due to a crab, who gave it to a
-mythical personage, in whose <i lang="kij">dala</i> (sub-clan) the
-magic was carried on and from it distributed all over the islands. The
-<i lang="kij">tokway</i> (wood-sprites) have taught man certain forms
-of evil magic. There are no myths in Kiriwina about the origin of
-flying witch magic. From other districts, however, I have obtained
-rudimentary information pointing to the fact that they were instructed
-in this magic by a mythical, malevolent being called Taukuripokapoka,
-with whom even now some sort of relations are kept up, culminating in
-nocturnal meetings and sexual orgies which remind one very strongly of
-the Walpurgisnacht.</p>
-<p>Love magic, the magic of thunder and lightning, are accounted for by
-definite events. But in neither of them are we led to imagine that the
-formula is invented, in fact, there is a sort of <i lang="la">petitio
-principii</i> in all these myths, for on the one hand they set out to
-account for how magic came, and on the other, in all of them magic is
-represented as being there, ready made. But the <i lang="la">petitio
-principii</i> is due only to a false attitude of mind with which we
-approach these tales. Because, to the native mind, they set out to
-tell, not how magic originated, but how magic was brought within the
-reach of one or other of the Boyowan local groups or sub-clans.</p>
-<p>Thus it may be said, in formulating a generalisation from all these
-data, that magic is never invented. In olden days, when mythical things
-happened, magic came from underground, or was given to a man by some
-non-human being, or was handed on to descendants by the original
-ancestress, who also brought forth the phenomenon governed by the
-magic. In actual cases of the present times and of the near-past
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb400" href="#pb400" name=
-"pb400">400</a>]</span>generations whom the natives of to-day knew
-personally, the magic is given by one man to another, as a rule by the
-father to his son or by the maternal kinsman. But its very essence is
-the impossibility of its being manufactured or invented by man, its
-complete resistance to any change or modification by him. It has
-existed ever since the beginning of things; it creates, but is never
-created; it modifies, but must never be modified.</p>
-<p>It is now easy to see that no questions about the origins of magic,
-such as we formulated before, could have been asked of a native
-informant without distorting the evidence in the very act of
-questioning, while more general and quite abstract and colourless
-inquiries cannot be made intelligible to him. He has grown up into a
-world where certain processes, certain activities have their magic,
-which is as much an attribute of theirs&rsquo; as anything else. Some
-people have been traditionally instructed how this magic runs, and they
-know it; how men came by magic is told in numerous mythical narratives.
-That is the correct statement of the native point of view. Once arrived
-at this conclusion inductively, we can of course, test our conclusions
-by direct questions, or by a leading question, for the matter of that.
-To the question: &ldquo;where human beings found magic?&rdquo; I
-obtained the following answer:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;All magic, they found long ago in the nether
-world. We do not find ever a spell in a dream; should we say so, this
-would be a lie. The spirits never give us a spell. Songs and dances
-they do give us, that is true, but no magic.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This statement, expressing the belief in a very clear and direct
-manner, I had confirmed, reiterated with variations and amplifications,
-by ever so many informants. They all emphasise the fact that magic has
-its roots in tradition, that it is the most immutable and most valuable
-traditional item, that it cannot leak into human knowledge by any
-present human intercourse with spirits or with any non-human beings
-such as the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> or <i lang=
-"kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i>. The property of having been received from
-previous generations is so marked that any breach of continuity in this
-succession cannot be imagined, and any addition by an actual human
-being would make the magic spurious.</p>
-<p>At the same time, magic is conceived as something essentially human.
-It is not a force of nature, captured by man <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb401" href="#pb401" name=
-"pb401">401</a>]</span>through some means and put to his service; it is
-essentially the assertion of man&rsquo;s intrinsic power over nature.
-In saying that, I, of course translate native belief into abstract
-terms, which they would not use themselves for its expression. None the
-less it is embodied in all their items of folk-lore and ways of using
-magic and thinking about it. In all the traditions, we find that magic
-is always in possession of man, or at least of anthropomorphic beings.
-It is carried out from underground by man. It is not conceived as
-having been there somewhere outside his knowledge and then captured. On
-the contrary, as we saw, often the very things which are governed by
-magic have been brought forth by man, as for instance rain, the
-<i lang="kij">kalala</i> fish; or disease, created by the <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e13695" title=
-"Source: anthropmorphic">anthropomorphic</span> crab.</p>
-<p>The close sociological association of magic with a given sub-clan
-emphasises this anthropocentric conception of magic. In the majority of
-cases indeed, magic refers to human activities or to the response of
-nature to human activities, rather than to natural forces alone. Thus,
-in gardening and in fishing, it is the behaviour of plants and animals
-tended or pursued by man; in the canoe magic, in the carver&rsquo;s
-magic, the object is a human-made thing; in the Kula, in love magic, in
-many forms of food magic, it is human nature on to which the force is
-directed. Disease is not conceived as an extraneous force, coming from
-outside and settling on the man, it is directly a man-made,
-sorcerer-made something. We may, therefore, amplify the above given
-definition, and say that magic is a traditionally handed on power of
-man over his own creations, over things once brought forth by man, or
-over responses of nature to his activities.</p>
-<p>There is one more important aspect of the question of which I have
-spoken already&mdash;the relation of magic to myth. It has been stated
-in <a href="#ch12">Chapter XII</a>, that myth moves in the realm of the
-supernatural, or better, super-normal, and that magic bridges over the
-gap between that and present-day reality. Now this statement acquires a
-new importance; magic appears to us as the essence of traditional
-continuity with ancestral times. Not only, as I have emphasised in this
-chapter, is it never conceived as a new invention, but it is identical
-in its nature with the supernatural power which forms the atmosphere of
-mythical events. Some of this power may have been lost on its way down
-to our times&mdash;mythical stories relate how it <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb402" href="#pb402" name="pb402">402</a>]</span>has
-been lost; but never has anything been added to it. There is nothing in
-it now which has not been in it in the ancient, hoary times of myth. In
-this the natives have a definitely regressive view of the relation
-between now and before; in this they have their counterpart to a Golden
-Age, and to a Garden of Eden of sorts. Thus we fall back upon the
-recognition of the same truth, whether we approach the matter by
-looking for beginnings of magic, or by studying the relations between
-the present and the mythical reality. Magic is a thing never invented
-and never tampered with, by man or any other agency.</p>
-<p>This, of course, means that it is so in native belief. It hardly
-needs explicitly stating that in reality magic must constantly change.
-The memory of men is not such, that it could hand over verbally exactly
-what it had received, and, like any other item of traditional lore, a
-magical formula is in reality constantly being re-shaped as it passes
-from one generation to another, and even within the mind of the same
-man. As a matter of fact, even from the material collected by me in the
-Trobriands, it can be unmistakably recognised that certain
-formul&aelig; are much older than others, and indeed, that some parts
-of spells, and even some whole spells, are of recent invention. Here I
-cannot do more than refer to this interesting subject, which, for its
-full development, needs a good deal of linguistic analysis, as well as
-of other forms of &ldquo;higher criticism.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>All these considerations have brought us very near to the essential
-problem: what does magic really mean to the natives? So far, we have
-seen that it is an inherent power of man over those things which
-vitally affect him, a power always handed over through
-tradition.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e13712src" href="#xd26e13712"
-name="xd26e13712src">2</a> About the beginnings of magic they know as
-little, and are occupied as little as about the beginnings of the
-world. Their myths describe the origin of <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb403" href="#pb403" name="pb403">403</a>]</span>social institutions
-and the peopling of the world by men. But the world is taken for
-granted, and so is the magic. They ask no questions about <i lang=
-"kij">magiogony</i> any more than they do about <i lang=
-"kij">cosmogony</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">So far we have not gone beyond the examination of
-myths and of what we can learn from them about the nature of magic. To
-gain a deeper insight into this subject, we must study more closely the
-concrete data about magical performance. Even in the foregoing chapters
-a sufficient material has been collected to allow of correct
-inferences, and I shall only here and there have to allude to other
-forms of magic, besides that of canoe, Kula and sailing.</p>
-<p>I have spoken so far about &ldquo;magic&rdquo; in a wholesale
-manner, as if it were all of one piece. As a matter of fact, magic all
-the world over, however rudimentary or developed it might be, presents
-three essential aspects. In its performance there enter always some
-words spoken or chanted, some actions carried out, and there are always
-the minister or ministers of the ceremony. In analysing the concrete
-details of magical performances, therefore, we have to distinguish the
-<i>formula, the rite</i>, and <i>the condition of the
-performer</i>.</p>
-<p>These three factors stand out quite clearly and definitely in the
-Trobriand magic, whether we examine the facts themselves or the
-natives&rsquo; way of looking at them. It may be said at once that in
-this society the relative importance of the three factors is not quite
-the same. The spell is by far the most important constituent of magic.
-In their linguistic use, although these natives have a special word,
-<i lang="kij">yopa</i>, they very often use the word magic, <i lang=
-"kij">megwa</i>, to describe a spell. The spell is the part of the
-magic which is kept secret and known only to the esoteric circle of
-practitioners. When a magic is handed over, whether by purchase, gift,
-or inheritance, only the spell has to be taught to the new recipient,
-and as already once said before, it is usually taught in instalments,
-while the payment is received in that manner. When one speaks about
-magical knowledge, or in inquiries whether an individual knows some
-magic, this invariably refers to the formula, for the nature of the
-rite is always quite public property. Even from the examples given in
-this book, it can be seen how simple are the rites and how elaborate
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb404" href="#pb404" name=
-"pb404">404</a>]</span>often the formul&aelig;. To direct questions on
-the subject, the natives always reply that the spell is the more
-important part. The question: &ldquo;where is the real strength of
-magic?&rdquo; would receive the reply: &ldquo;in the spell.&rdquo; The
-condition of the magician is, like the rite, essential to the
-performance of the magic, but it also is considered by the natives as
-subservient to the spell.</p>
-<p>All this must be made clearer by the examination of actual facts.
-First of all, let us examine the relation between spell and rite; and
-to this purpose it will be best to group the various magical
-performances into several classes according to the complexity of the
-concomitant rite. We shall begin with the simplest rites.</p>
-<p><i>Spells uttered directly without concomitant rite</i>.&mdash;We
-had one or two examples of such magic where the performer simply utters
-a formula directly into space. For example, the communal magician of
-the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (spondylus shell) fishing performs the
-first act by walking on the beach and reciting his spell towards the
-sea. In the moment of actual shipwreck, before abandoning the canoe,
-the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> launches his last <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> directly into the elements. Again, he lets his
-voice float over the waters, when invoking the marvellous fish, who
-will bring the drowning party to some friendly shore. The final spell
-of the Kula, by which the approaching canoe &lsquo;shakes the
-mountain,&rsquo; chanted by a trio of magical reciters, is thrown
-directly towards the Koya. The clearing of the sea in the <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i> fishing is also done this way, and many more examples
-could be adduced from garden magic, wind magic, and other classes not
-described in this book.</p>
-<p>The natives have a special expression for such acts; they say that
-the formula is recited &lsquo;by the mouth only,&rsquo; &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">o wadola wala</i>.&rsquo; This form of magic with such a
-rudimentary rite is, however, relatively uncommon. Although one could
-say that there is no rite at all in such cases, for the magician does
-not manipulate anything or perform any action beyond speaking, yet from
-another point of view, the whole performance is ritual in so far as he
-has always to cast his voice towards the element, or being, which he
-addresses. Indeed here, as in all other cases, the voice of the reciter
-has to be somehow or other conveyed to the object which he wishes to
-becharm. We see, moreover, that in all these instances, the nature of
-this object is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb405" href="#pb405" name=
-"pb405">405</a>]</span>such that it can be directly reached by the
-voice, whilst on the other hand, there would be some difficulty in
-applying any substance or performing any action over, let us say, wind,
-or a shell growing on a distant reef or the Koya (mountain).</p>
-<p><i>Spells accompanied by simple rites of impregnation</i>.&mdash;A
-large number of the cases described in this book falls under this
-heading. We saw quite at the beginning (<a href="#div5.2">Chapter V,
-Division II and III</a>) how the magician charms the blade of his adze,
-the ropes by which the canoe had been pulled, the lashing creeper, the
-caulking, and the paint of the canoe. Among the Kula rites, the initial
-magic over the aromatic mint, over the <i lang="kij">lilava</i>
-(magical bundle) over the <i lang="kij">gebobo</i> (central part of
-canoe); all the beauty magic on Sarubwoyna beach, over coco-nuts, over
-the facial paints as well as the conch shell magic, belong here. In all
-these performances an object is put well within reach of the voice, and
-in an appropriate position. Often, the object is placed within a
-receptacle or covering so that the voice enters an enclosed space and
-is concentrated upon the substance to be charmed. Thus, when the
-<i lang="kij">lilava</i> is chanted over, the voice is cast into the
-mats, which are afterwards carefully wrapped up. The aromatic mint is
-charmed, lying at the bottom of a bag made of baked and thus toughened
-banana leaf, which afterwards is carefully folded together and bound
-with string. Again, the adze blade is first of all half wrapped up in a
-banana leaf, and the voice enters the blade and the inside of the leaf,
-which subsequently is folded over and tied over the blade. In the magic
-of the conch shell, I drew attention to the fact that immediately after
-the charm has been spoken, both holes of the instrument are carefully
-stuffed up. In all cases where an object is going to be used
-immediately, not so many precautions are taken, but always, without any
-exception, the mouth is put quite close to the object medicated (see
-<a href="#pl57">Plate LVII</a>) and wherever possible, this latter is
-placed in some sort of cavity, such as a folded piece of leaf, or even
-the two palms of the hand put together. All this shows that it is
-essential to a correct performance of magic, that the voice should be
-conveyed directly to the substance, if possible enclosed and condensed
-round it, and then, imprisoned permanently there by means of some
-wrapping. Thus, in this type of rite, the action serves mainly to
-convey carefully and to retain the spell round the object. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb406" href="#pb406" name="pb406">406</a>]</span></p>
-<p>It may be noted that in almost all cases described, the substance
-harmed in the rite is not the final aim of the magic, but forms only a
-constituent part of the object in view or is an accessory of it, or an
-instrument used in its making. Thus the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>
-creeper, the <i lang="kij">kaybasi</i> (caulking), the paint, the
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e13803" title=
-"Source: prowboards">prow-boards</span>, all these are constituent
-parts of the canoe, and the magic performed over them does not aim at
-giving them any qualities, but aims at imparting swiftness and
-lightness to the canoe of which they are parts only. Again, the herbs
-and the colours of the coco-nut ointment medicated in the Kula are
-accessories of the final end of this magic, that is, of the personal
-beauty and attractiveness of the performer. The adze, the breaking
-stone in <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> magic are implements used in
-obtaining the object, towards which the magic is directed. There are
-only a few instances in which the simple rite of impregnation is
-directly performed on the object in view. If we compare this type of
-rite with the one of the previous category, we see that the difference
-lies mainly in the size of the object. If you want to cast a charm over
-a mountain, over a reef, or over the wind, you cannot put your object
-into a little bag made of banana leaf. Nor can you put there the human
-mind. And as a rule, the final objects of magical rites are not small
-things, which could be easily handled. In the magic described in this
-book, there is, I think, not one single instance, in which the
-substance handled in the rite and impregnated by condensing the charm
-upon it artificially, is the final object of the spell. In war magic
-the points of the spears are made effective and the shields are made
-spear-proof (see <a href="#pl58">Plate LVIII</a>) by magic uttered over
-them. In private garden magic, the planted yams are made fruitful by a
-spell, and a few more examples could be adduced from other types of
-magic.</p>
-<div class="figure pl57width" id="pl57">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl57width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LVII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl57.jpg" alt=
-"A Magical Spell Associated with Pregnancy." width="660" height="473">
-<p class="figureHead">A Magical Spell Associated with Pregnancy.</p>
-<p>The women are bent over a special garment to be worn by the pregnant
-woman. They almost touch it with their mouths so that it may be well
-pervaded with their breath which conveys the virtues of the spell. (See
-<a href="#div17.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl58width" id="pl58">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl58width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LVIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl58.jpg" alt="A Rite of War Magic." width="665"
-height="468">
-<p class="figureHead">A Rite of War Magic.</p>
-<p>Kanukubusi, the last war wizard of Kiriwina (see <a href=
-"#div17.5">Div. V</a>), showing, in reconstruction, the manner in which
-he used to charm the shields in olden days. (See <a href=
-"#div17.4">Div. IV</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl59width" id="pl59">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl59width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LIX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl59.jpg" alt="A Rite of Garden Magic." width="720"
-height="404">
-<p class="figureHead">A Rite of Garden Magic.</p>
-<p>An offering of cooked food is exposed to the spirits for some time
-in the garden. The magician, with the ceremonial axe on his arm, is
-seen squatting to the right. In the forefront, a big bundle of leaves
-which he will presently charm over. (See <a href="#div17.4">Div.
-IV</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p><i>Spells accompanied by a rite of transference</i>.&mdash;When we
-compare the rite of medicating the adze blade with the rite of
-medicating some dried grass, with which the canoe is afterwards beaten,
-we see that, in the second case, the magic is uttered over a something,
-which has no intrinsic connection with the final object of the magic,
-that is, with the canoe. It is neither to become a part of it, nor to
-be used as an implement in its manufacture. We have here the
-introduction for purposes of the rite, of a special medium, used to
-absorb the magical force, and to transfer it to the final object. We
-can therefore call <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb407" href="#pb407"
-name="pb407">407</a>]</span>rites where such mediums are used <i>rites
-of transference</i>. When a stick is charmed to be used afterwards for
-the magical knocking out of a canoe; or a mussel-shell, with which the
-canoe will be scraped; or a piece of coco-nut husk, which will be
-thrown into the water to remove the heaviness of the canoe; or a
-pandanus streamer, which will give it swiftness, there is introduced
-into every one of these rites a substance which has to play a magical
-r&ocirc;le only. The rite, therefore, is not the simple charming of a
-part or of a constructive implement, which will enter into the
-composition or be used in the making of an object. The rite here is
-more autonomous, possesses more of its own significance. The beating of
-a canoe with two bunches of grass, one after the other, in order first
-to extract its heaviness and then impart to it lightness, has a meaning
-parallel to the spell but independent of it. So has also the throwing
-down of the coco-nut husk. The flutter of the pandanus streamers has
-direct association with speed, as the natives explicitly state. As the
-<i lang="kij">bisila</i> streamers flutter in the wind, so should the
-canoe and the sail shake with the swiftness of their going. In the case
-of the ginger, which is spat over the Dobuans feigning hostility, the
-inherent quality of the substance, which our pharmacop&aelig;as
-describe as a <i>stimulant</i>, makes the meaning of the rite plain. We
-can easily see that some of the rites are rather more creative than
-others. That is, the very act performed produces, according to native
-ideas, a more definite effect than in others. So it is with the
-spitting of the ginger, and still more directly the spilling of the
-lime, in order to produce a mist, and shut the eyes of the <i lang=
-"kij">mulukwausi</i>. These two, for instance, are more creative than
-the hanging up of the pandanus streamer.</p>
-<p><i>Spells accompanied by offerings and invocations</i>.&mdash;In the
-very first rite described in this book, we saw an offering being laid
-before, and an invocation being addressed to the <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e13874" title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>, <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i>. There are a number of rites, accompanied by offerings
-given to ancestral spirits, whose participation in the offering is
-solicited. Such rites are performed in garden magic (see <a href=
-"#pl59">Plate LIX</a>) in fishing magic, and in weather magic. It must,
-however, be said at once that there is no worship and no sacrificial
-offering involved in these rites, that is, not of the usual
-description, because the spirits are not imagined to serve as agents of
-the magician, in carrying out the bidding of his <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb408" href="#pb408" name=
-"pb408">408</a>]</span>magic. We shall return to the subject presently.
-Here it will be enough to notice that the only instance of such a spell
-we have come across&mdash;that is, the invocation of the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i>&mdash;has its concomitant offering made only as a sort
-of compensation for having chased him out, or as a means of persuading
-him to go. Probably it is the first rather than the second, because the
-<i lang="kij">tokway</i> has no free choice left, after he has been
-exorcised. He must obey the bidding of the magician.</p>
-<p>This survey shows clearly that the virtue, the force, the effective
-principle of magic lies in the spell. We saw that in many cases, the
-spell is quite sufficient, if directly breathed upon the object. Again,
-in what may be called the prevalent type of ritual, the action which
-accompanies the utterance of the formula serves only to direct and
-condense the spell upon the object. In all such cases the rite lacks
-all independent significance, all autonomous function. In some cases,
-the rite introduces a substance which is used for magical purposes
-only. As a rule, the substance then intensifies, through a parallel
-action, the meaning of the spell. On the whole, it may be said that the
-main creative power of magic resides in the formula; that the rite
-serves to convey, or transfer it to the object, in certain cases
-emphasising the meaning of the spell through the nature of the
-transferring medium, as well as through the manner in which it is
-finally applied. It is hardly necessary to state that in the Trobriand
-magic, there are no rites performed without the spell.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">It is also evident in studying the manner in which the
-force of the spell is conveyed to the object, that the voice of the
-reciter transfers the virtue. Indeed, as has been repeatedly pointed
-out, in quoting the formul&aelig;, and as we shall have to discuss
-later still, the magical words are, so to speak, rubbed in by constant
-repetition to the substance. To understand this better we must inquire
-into the natives&rsquo; conceptions of psycho-physiology. The mind,
-<i lang="kij">nanola</i>, by which term intelligence, power of
-discrimination, capacity for learning magical formul&aelig;, and all
-forms of non-manual skill are described, as well as moral qualities,
-resides somewhere in the larynx. The natives will always point to the
-organs of speech, where the <i lang="kij">nanola</i> resides. The man
-who cannot speak through any defect <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb409" href="#pb409" name="pb409">409</a>]</span>of his organs, is
-identified in name (<i lang="kij">tonagowa</i>) and in treatment with
-all those mentally deficient. The memory, however, the store of
-formul&aelig; and traditions learned by heart, resides deeper, in the
-belly. A man will be said to have a good <i lang="kij">nanola</i>, when
-he can acquire many formul&aelig;, but though they enter through the
-larynx, naturally, as he learns them, repeating word for word, he has
-to stow them away in a bigger and more commodious receptacle; they sink
-down right to the bottom of his abdomen. I made the discovery of this
-anatomical truth, while collecting war magic, from Kanukubusi, the last
-office holder of the long succession of war magicians to the chiefs of
-Omarakana. Kanukubusi is an old man, with a big head, a broad, high
-forehead, a stumpy nose, and no chin, the meekest and most docile of my
-informants, with a permanently puzzled and frightened expression on his
-honest countenance (see <a href="#pl58">Plate LVIII</a>). I found this
-mild old man very trustworthy and accurate, an excellent informant
-indeed, within the narrow sphere of his speciality, which he and his
-predecessors had used to make &lsquo;anger flare up in the <i lang=
-"kij">nanola</i>&rsquo; of Omarakana men, to make the enemy fly in
-terror, pursued and slaughtered by the victorious warriors. I paid him
-well for the few formul&aelig; he gave me, and inquired at the end of
-our first session, whether he had any more magic to produce. With
-pride, he struck his belly several times, and answered: &ldquo;Plenty
-more lies there!&rdquo; I at once checked his statement by an
-independent informant, and learned that everybody carries his magic in
-his abdomen.</p>
-<p>There exist also certain ideas about stratification of magic,
-namely, that certain forms of magic have to be learnt first, so that
-they sink down, while others come on top. But these ideas are vague and
-contradictory, whereas the main idea, that magic rests in the belly, is
-clear and definite. This fact gives us a new insight into native ideas
-about magic. The force of magic, crystallised in the magical
-formul&aelig;, is carried by men of the present generation in their
-bodies. They are the depositories of this most valuable legacy of the
-past. The force of magic does not reside in the things; it resides
-within man and can escape only through his voice.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">So far, we only spoke of the relation between spell
-and rite. The last point, however, brings us to the problem of the
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb410" href="#pb410" name=
-"pb410">410</a>]</span>condition of the performer. His belly is a
-tabernacle of magical force. Such a privilege carries its dangers and
-obligations. It is clear that you cannot stuff foreign matter
-indiscriminately into a place, where extremely valuable possessions are
-kept. Food restrictions, therefore, become imperative. Many of them are
-directly determined by the contents of the spell. We saw some examples
-of this, as when red fish, invoked in magic, is tabooed to the
-performer; or the dog, spoken about in the Ka&rsquo;ubanai spell, may
-not be heard howling while the man eats. In other cases, the object
-which is the aim of the magic, cannot be partaken by the magician. This
-is the rule in the case of shark fishing, <i lang="kij">kalala</i>
-fishing, and other forms of fishing magic. The garden magician is also
-debarred from partaking of new crops, up to a certain period. There is
-hardly any clear doctrine, as to why things mentioned in magical
-formul&aelig;, whether they are the aims of the magic or only
-cooperating factors, should not be eaten. There is just the general
-apprehension that the formula would be damaged by it. There are other
-taboos, binding the magician, some of them permanent, some of them
-temporary, during the season of his magical performance. We saw some
-permanent ones, as in the case of the man who knows Kayga&rsquo;u
-magic, and is not allowed to eat while children make noises. The
-temporary ones, such as the sexual abstinence during the first rites of
-the Kula, could be supplemented by numerous examples from other forms
-of magic. Thus, in order to bring about rain, the magician paints
-himself black and has to remain unwashed and unkempt for some time. The
-shark magician has to keep his house open, to remove his pubic leaf and
-to sit with his legs apart, while the fishing and the magic last,
-&ldquo;so that the shark&rsquo;s mouth might remain gaping.&rdquo; But
-we cannot enter too much into enumeration of these taboos and
-observances, and have only to make it clear that the proper behaviour
-of the magician is one of the essentials of magic, and that in many
-cases this behaviour is dictated by the contents of the spell.</p>
-<p>The taboos and observances are not the only conditions which a man
-must fulfil in order to carry out certain forms of magic. In many cases
-the most important condition is his membership in a social group, for
-many forms of magic are strictly local, and must be performed by one,
-who is the descendant of the mythical, original owner of the magic.
-Thus in <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb411" href="#pb411" name=
-"pb411">411</a>]</span>every case of garden magic, a magic which to the
-natives ranks first among all the other types of beneficent magic, the
-performer must be genealogically related to the first ancestor, who
-locally emerged from the hole. Certain exceptions to this rule are to
-be found only in cases where a family of high rank has come and usurped
-the headmanship of the group, but these exceptions are rare. In the
-case of the several systems of local fishing magic, the office of
-magician is hereditary, and associated with the locality. The important
-rain and sun magic which have been &lsquo;born&rsquo; in
-Kasana&rsquo;i, can only be performed by the chiefs of that spot, who
-have <span class="corr" id="xd26e13936" title=
-"Source: ursurped">usurped</span> this important privilege from the
-original local headman. The succession, is of course, always
-matrilineal. A man may make a gift of such a magic to his son, but this
-latter may be obliged to relinquish the privilege at his father&rsquo;s
-death, and he never will be allowed to hand it over to his son, unless
-this latter belongs again to the local group, through cross-cousin
-marriage. Even in transactions where magic is sold or given away from
-one clan to another, the prestige of certain local groups as main
-specialists and experts in a branch of magic still remain. For
-instance, the black magic, though practised all over the place and no
-more localised, is still believed to be best known in the villages of
-Ba&rsquo;u and Bwoytalu, where the original crab fell down from the
-skies, and brought with him the magic. The Kula magic is also spread
-over the whole district, yet it is still associated with definite
-localities.</p>
-<p>To summarise these sociological observations, We may say that, where
-the local character of magic is still maintained, the magician has to
-belong to the <i lang="kij">dala</i> (sub-clan or local group) of the
-mythical ancestor. In all other cases, the local character of magic is
-still recognised, even though it does not influence the sociology of
-the magician.</p>
-<p>The traditional character of magic and the magical filiation of the
-performer find their expression in another important feature of the
-spells. In some of them, as we have seen, references to mythical events
-are made, or names of mythical ancestors are uttered. Even more often,
-we find a whole list of names, beginning with the mythical founder of
-the magic, and ending with the name of the immediate predecessor, that
-is, of the man from whom the magic was obtained by the actual
-performer. Such a list links up the present magician by a sort
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb412" href="#pb412" name=
-"pb412">412</a>]</span>of magical pedigree with all those, who had
-previously been using this formula. In other formul&aelig; again, the
-magician identifies himself with some mythical individual, and utters
-the latter&rsquo;s name in the first person. Thus, in the spell uttered
-whilst plucking the mint plant, we found the phrase: &ldquo;I,
-Kwoyregu, with my father, we cut the <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> of
-Laba&rsquo;i.&rdquo; Both the actual genealogical descent of the
-magician from the mythical ancestors, and the magical filiation
-expressed in the formul&aelig; show again the paramount importance of
-tradition, in this case acting on the sociological determination of the
-performer. He is placed in a definite social group of those, who by
-birth, or what could be called &lsquo;magical adoption&rsquo;, have had
-the right of performing this magic. In the very act of uttering the
-spell, the magician bears testimony to his indebtedness to the past by
-the enumeration of magical names, and by references to myth and
-mythical events. Both the sociological restrictions, wherever they
-still exist, and the magical filiation confirm once more the dependence
-of magic on tradition. On the other hand, both show, as also do the
-taboos, that the obligations imposed on the magician and the conditions
-he has to fulfil, are largely derived from the spell.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Closely connected with the questions discussed in the
-preceding division, is the subject of the <i>systems of magic</i> and
-the distinction between &lsquo;systematic&rsquo; and
-&lsquo;independent&rsquo; magical rites and formul&aelig;. As we saw in
-the beginning of this chapter, the whole body of magic naturally falls
-into several big divisions, each of them corresponding to a department
-of nature, such as wind or weather; to some activity of man, such as
-gardening, fishing, hunting or warfare; or to some real or imaginary
-force, such as artistic inspiration, witchcraft, personal charm or
-prowess.</p>
-<p>There is, however, an important distinction to be made within each
-such division of magic; some of the rites and spells are isolated and
-independent, they can be used by themselves, whenever the need arises.
-Such are almost all the incantations of wind magic; some spells of
-individual garden magic; formul&aelig; against toothache, and minor
-ailments; some spells of hunting and food collecting; a few rites of
-love magic and <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb413" href="#pb413" name=
-"pb413">413</a>]</span>of the magic of carving. When a man, for
-instance, paddles along the Lagoon in his canoe and an unfavourable
-wind sets in, he will utter a spell to make it abate and change. The
-same spell would be recited in the village, when there arises a wind so
-strong as to be dangerous. The incantation is a free, individual act,
-which may be performed and is performed in any of the circumstances
-which require it.</p>
-<p>It is quite another matter with the spells belonging to what I have
-called here <i>systematic magic</i>. Such magic consists of a connected
-and consecutive body of incantations and concomitant rites, no one of
-which can be torn out of its sequence and performed by itself. They
-have to be carried out one after the other in a determined order, and
-the more important of them, at least, can never be omitted, once the
-series has been started. Such a series is always closely connected with
-some activity, such as the building of a canoe or an overseas Kula
-voyage, a fishing expedition or the making and harvesting of a garden.
-It will not be difficult for us to realise the nature of systematic
-magic, for in this book almost all the rites and spells described
-belong to this class. In general, in the Trobriands, the independent
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e13968" title=
-"Source: uncorollated">uncorrelated</span> rites and formul&aelig; are
-quite an insignificant minority, both in number and in importance.</p>
-<p>Let us consider one of the forms of systematic magic previously
-described, whether canoe magic or that of the Kula, whether the
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> formul&aelig;, or the magical ritual of
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> fishing. The first general fact to be noted
-here is, that we are in the presence of a type of enterprise or
-activity, which is never embarked upon without magic. No canoe will be
-built, no <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> started, no <i lang=
-"kij">kaloma</i> fished, without its magic ceremonial. This ceremonial
-will be scrupulously observed in its main features, that is, some of
-the most important formul&aelig; will never be omitted, as some minor
-ones might be, a fact which has been previously noted. The association
-between the practical activity and its magical concomitant is very
-intimate. The stages and acts of the first, and the rites and spells of
-the latter, correspond to each other one by one. Certain rites have to
-be done in order to inaugurate certain activities; others have to be
-performed at the end of the practical work; others again are part and
-parcel of the activity. But each of the rites and spells is to the
-native mind, quite as indispensable for <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb414" href="#pb414" name="pb414">414</a>]</span>the success of the
-enterprise, as is the practical activity. Thus, the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i> has to be expelled, or the tree would be entirely
-unsuitable for a canoe; the adze, the lashing creeper, the caulking and
-the paint have to be charmed, or else the canoe would be heavy and
-unwieldy, and such an omission might even prove dangerous to life.
-Going mentally over the various cases quoted in the previous chapters,
-it can be easily seen, how this intimate association between enterprise
-and magic imparts to systematic magic its specific character. The
-consecutive progress of work and of magic are inseparable, just
-because, according to native ideas, work needs magic, and magic has
-only meaning as an indispensable ingredient of work.</p>
-<p>Both work and magic are directed towards the same aim; to construct
-a swift and a stable canoe; to obtain a good Kula yield; to insure
-safety from drowning and so on. Thus we see that systematic magic
-consists in a body of rites and spells associated with one enterprise,
-directed towards one aim, and progressing in a consecutive series of
-performances which have to be carried out in their proper place. The
-point&mdash;the proper understanding of what is meant by systematic
-magic&mdash;is of the greatest theoretical importance because it
-reveals the nature of the relation between magical and practical
-activities, and shows how deeply the two are connected with one
-another. It is one of these points, also, which cannot be properly
-explained and grasped without the help of a Chart. In the appended
-&ldquo;<a href="#table3">Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding
-Activities</a>,&rdquo; I have prepared such a Chart, in which has been
-summarised the substance of several of the foregoing Chapters. The
-Table allows of a rapid survey of the consecutive activities of the
-Kula in their relation to magic, beginning with the first act of
-canoe-building and finishing with the return home. It shows the salient
-features of systematic magic in general, and of the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> and canoe magic in particular. It shows the relation
-between magical, ritual and practical activities, the correlated
-sequence of the two, their rolling off, stage after stage, and side by
-side, towards one central aim&mdash;a successful Kula. The Table thus
-serves to illustrate the meaning of the expression &lsquo;systematic
-magic,&rsquo; and it provides a firm outline of the essentials,
-magical, ceremonial and practical, of the Kula. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb415" href="#pb415" name="pb415">415</a>]</span></p>
-<p id="table3" class="h3">Table of Kula Magic and of the Corresponding
-Activities</p>
-<p>I&mdash;First Stage of Canoe-Building (<a href="#div5.2">Chapter V,
-Division II</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Season
-and approximate duration</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Place</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Beginning: June&mdash;August.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008"><i lang="kij">Raybwag</i>.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Felling of tree, (done by the builder and
-helpers);</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">The <i lang="kij">Vabusi Tokway</i>
-(offering and spell) aiming at the expulsion of the <span class="corr"
-id="xd26e14040" title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span> from the
-tree (performed by owner or builder).</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Immediately afterwards.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Same place.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Trimming of the log-canoe (done by builder with
-helpers).</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">No magic.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">A few days later.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Road.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Pulling the log (done by all villagers);</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">Helped out by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">double rite of lightness (<i lang=
-"kij">Kaymomwa&rsquo;u</i> and <i lang="kij">Kaygagabile</i>).</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">On morning after arrival at
-village.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Main place in the village.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">The log is left as it is;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">until</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">The magical act (<i lang=
-"kij">Kapitunena Duhu</i>) ceremonially inaugurating the work over the
-canoe.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Evening of the same day.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Main place in the village.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Working out of the outside of the log.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">No magic accompanying it.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Several days or weeks following.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Main place.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Scooping out of the inside of the canoe;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Ligogu</i> spell, over
-the <i lang="kij">havilali</i>, the adze with the moveable handle.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Towards the end of the foregoing
-period.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">In the village before builder&rsquo;s
-house.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Other parts of canoe made ready by builder and
-helpers.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">No magic.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft cellBottom">After all work is over.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14011 cellBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight cellBottom">Concluding rite: <i lang=
-"kij">Kapitunena Nanola Waga</i>.</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>All the magic of this stage is canoe magic. It is performed only
-when a new canoe is built and not when an old one is renovated. The
-spells are uttered by the builder and not by the owner, except the
-first one. Work at this stage is done by one man mainly, the builder
-and carver, with the help of a few men; except for the pulling of the
-log, in which many men assist.</p>
-<p>II&mdash;The Second Stage of Canoe Building (<a href=
-"#div5.3">Chapter V, Division III</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Time</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Place</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">First day of work.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">On the sea-front of a Lagoon village, or on a
-beach of one of the Eastern villages.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Fixing the prow-boards;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Katuliliva Tabuyo</i>
-rite, performed over the ornamental prow-boards by the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>. It belongs to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula
-magic).</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14008"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">The following activities are</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">inaugurated by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Vakakaya</i> rite. A
-magical, ceremonial cleansing of the canoe, performed by the owner or
-builder to remove all evil influence and thus to make the canoe
-fast.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">(At times, the lashing cannot be done
-in one day and has to be continued into another session.)</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Lashing of the canoe;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">associated with</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight">The <i lang="kij">Wayugo</i> spell
-(lashing creeper) rite; the most important of the magical performances
-in the second stage. Done by builder or owner to make canoe swifter and
-stronger.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft">Second sitting: during this the
-caulking is done and the three exorcisms performed afterwards.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">On the sea-front of a Lagoon village or on a
-beach of one of the Eastern villages.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">Caulking of the canoe;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011">associated with</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight"><i lang="kij">Kaybasi</i> (caulking)
-magic; spell uttered over caulking by builder or owner to make canoe
-safe.<br>
-<i lang="kij">Vakasulu</i>, an exorcism.<br>
-<i lang="kij">Vaguri</i>, an exorcism.<br>
-<i lang="kij">Kaytapena waga</i><span class="corr" id="xd26e14233"
-title="Not in source">,</span> an exorcism.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellLeft cellBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom">Painting of the canoe;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14011 cellBottom">associated with</td>
-<td class="xd26e14012 cellRight cellBottom">Magic of; <i lang=
-"kij">Kayhoulo</i> (black paint)<br>
-<i lang="kij">Malakava</i> (red paint).<br>
-<i lang="kij">Pwaka</i> (white paint).</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>III&mdash;The Ceremonial Launching of a Canoe (<a href=
-"#div6.1">Chapter VI, Division I</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellLeft cellBottom">The launching and trial
-run</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom">inaugurated by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang="kij">Kaytalula
-wadola waga</i> rite, belonging to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> cycle
-of magic.</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>After this, there comes the interval, filled out by the <i lang=
-"kij">Kabigidoya</i> (ceremonial visiting,) by the preliminary trade
-and other preparations for the expedition overseas.</p>
-<p>IV&mdash;The Magic During, and Preparations before the Departure
-(Chapter VII)</p>
-<p>Time: some three to seven days before setting sail.</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellLeft">Preparing the canoe for sailing
-(placing of the mats on the platform, and of the frames in the
-body);</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008">inaugurated by</td>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellRight">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Yawarapu</i> rite over the coco-palm
-leaves, done by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> to ensure success in the
-Kula.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kayikuna sulumwoya</i> rite over the aromatic
-mint.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kaymwaloyo</i> rite over the mint boiled in coco-nut
-oil, performed by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>.</p>
-</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellLeft cellBottom">Packing of the trade
-goods;</td>
-<td class="xd26e14008 cellBottom">associated with</td>
-<td class="xd26e14265 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang="kij">Gebobo</i>
-rite (called also: <i lang="kij">Kipwo&rsquo;i sikwabu</i>), made over
-four coco-nuts by a friend or relative in law of the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>, to make all the food last (the spell expresses only
-the desire for a good Kula.)</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>All this magic belongs to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, and it has
-to be performed by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, with the exception
-of the last spell.</p>
-<p>V&mdash;Canoe Magic, Performed at the Final Start on Overseas Voyage
-(<a href="#div8.3">Chapter VIII, Division III</a>)</p>
-<p>The series of rites starts at the moment when the canoes are ready
-to set sail on the long voyage on Pilolu. They are not associated with
-a progressive series of acts; they all refer to one aim: canoe speed
-and reliability. They are all performed by the <i lang=
-"kij">toliwaga</i>.</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<tr>
-<td colspan="2" class="colspan xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellTop">
-<b>Activity:</b> overseas sailing, inaugurated by a <b>Series of
-Magical Rites.</b></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft"><b>Time:</b> morning of the second day
-of the expedition.</td>
-<td rowspan="4" class="rowspan xd26e14368 cellRight">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Kadumiyala</i>, ritual rubbing or
-cleansing of the canoe with leaves charmed over.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Bisila</i> magic; pandanus streamers, previously
-chanted over are tied to the mast and rigging.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kayikunaveva</i>; swaying the sheet rope uttering an
-incantation.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Vabusi momwa&rsquo;u</i>; &ldquo;expelling the
-heaviness&rdquo; out of a canoe by means of a stale potato.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Bisiboda patile</i>; a rite of evil magic to make
-other canoes slow and thus achieve relative speed.</p>
-</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Place:</b> the beach of
-Muwa.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Aim of Magic:</b>
-imparting of speed to canoe.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellBottom"><b>Performer of
-the Rites:</b> the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i><span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e14420" title="Not in source">.</span></td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb418" href="#pb418" name=
-"pb418">418</a>]</span></p>
-<p>VI&mdash;The Mwasila, Performed on Arrival at the Final
-Destination</p>
-<p>(A) Beauty Magic (<a href="#div13.1">Chapter XIII, Division
-I</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellTop"><b>Activity:</b> washing,
-anointing and painting.</td>
-<td rowspan="3" class="rowspan xd26e14368 cellRight cellTop">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Kaykakaya</i>&mdash;ritual washing and
-rubbing with charmed leaves.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Luya</i> (coco-nut) spell&mdash;over the scraped
-coco-nut used for anointing.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Sinata</i> (comb) spell&mdash;over the comb.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Sayyaku</i>&mdash;aromatic black paint.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Bowa</i>&mdash;ordinary charcoal blacking.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Talo</i>&mdash;red paint of crushed areca-nut.</p>
-</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Place:</b> the beach, on
-or near which the party rest before starting on the last stage (on the
-way to Dobu; Sarubwoyna beach. On the way to Sinaketa: Kaykuyawa).</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellBottom"><b>Performers:</b>
-the spells are uttered usually by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>,
-sometimes by an elder member of the crew.</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>(B) Magic of the Final Approach (<a href="#div13.2">Chapter XIII,
-Division II</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellTop"><b>Activity:</b> the fleet are
-paddling (on the approach to Dobu) or punting (to Sinaketa) in a
-body.</td>
-<td rowspan="3" class="rowspan xd26e14368 cellRight cellTop">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Ta&rsquo;uya</i>&mdash;the ritual
-blowing of the conch shell, which has been charmed over before.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kayihuna-tabuyo</i>&mdash;the swaying of the front
-prow-board while the spell is being uttered.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kavalikuliku</i>&mdash;the spell by the toliwaga.</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Kaytavilena mwoynawaga</i>&mdash;the incantation
-uttered at the stern towards the Koya.</p>
-</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight"><b>Performers:</b> in each
-canoe, simultaneously, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> and two members
-of the crew.</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellRight cellBottom"><b>Aim:</b> to
-&ldquo;shake the mountain,&rdquo; to produce an impression on the
-partners awaiting on the beach.</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>(C) Magic of Safety (<a href="#div13.3">Chapter XIII, Division
-III</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellBottom">Entering the Dobuan village
-(This magic is performed only when Boyowans come to the <i lang=
-"kij">Koya</i>).</td>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang=
-"kij">Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i>, charm uttered over ginger, which is
-then ritually spat over the Dobuan village and the partners, and makes
-their hearts soft.</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>(D) Magic of Persuasion (<a href="#div14.3">Chapter XIV, Division
-III</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t8">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellBottom">The wooing in Kula (<i lang=
-"kij">wawoyla</i>) of the of the overseas partner by the visitor.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang=
-"kij">Kwoygapani</i>&mdash;a spell uttered over a piece of areca-nut,
-given subsequently to the partner.</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>VII&mdash;A Canoe Spell, Uttered on the Departure Home (<a href=
-"#div14.3">Chapter XIV, Division III</a>)</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t5">
-<thead>
-<tr class="label">
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadLeft cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Activity</td>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellHeadRight cellHeadTop cellHeadBottom">
-Magic</td>
-</tr>
-</thead>
-<tbody>
-<tr>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellLeft cellBottom">Loading of the canoe with
-the its gifts received from overseas partners, with the trade gain, and
-with the provisions for the home journey.</td>
-<td class="xd26e14368 cellRight cellBottom"><i lang=
-"kij">Kaylupa</i>&mdash;a spell to make the canoe lighter, to
-&ldquo;lift&rdquo; it out of the water.</td>
-</tr>
-</tbody>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb419" href="#pb419" name=
-"pb419">419</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Within each department of systematic magic, there are again various
-<i>systems of magic</i>. Thus we saw that, although the type of rite
-and formula is the same in all villages, the actual details, let us
-say, of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magic, are not identical, but vary
-according to the system with which a given reciter is acquainted. The
-differences are, as a rule, less pronounced in the rites, which are
-generally very simple in the Trobriand magic, and are identical in all
-the systems, but the formul&aelig; differ completely in their wording.
-Thus, in the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> magic (<a href="#div5.3">Chapter
-V, Division III</a>) we found only a slight difference in the rite, but
-one or two <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spells, which I have also recorded,
-differ essentially from the one given in the text.</p>
-<p>Each system of magic has a more or less developed mythological
-pedigree, and in connection with it a local character, a point which
-has been elaborated in the previous Division. The <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo</i> spell given in <a href="#ch5">Chapter V</a>, and all
-the spells of canoe-building quoted in this book belong to the
-Kaykudayuri system of canoe magic. This system is believed to have been
-known and recited by the mythical builder of the flying canoe, and to
-have been handed down to his descendants, that is, as we know, in an
-incomplete form. As has been said in the <a href="#div17.6">previous
-Division</a>, the knowledge and the use of this magic and of other
-systems does not abide strictly within the original clan, but it
-spreads outside of it, and it becomes known to many people who are
-connected with the original owner by a sort of magical filiation.</p>
-<p>According to native belief, all these people know identical
-formul&aelig;. In fact, in the course of years and of repeated
-transmission, considerable differences have been introduced, and
-nowadays many of the &lsquo;real Kudayuri&rsquo; spells differ from one
-another completely.</p>
-<p>A system of magic is therefore a number of magical formul&aelig;,
-forming one consecutive series. The main system of canoe magic is that
-of the Kaykudayuri, which is associated with the place of the same name
-in Kitava. This system comprises the whole series of canoe-building
-spells, from the expelling of the <i lang="kij">tokway</i> to the final
-exorcisms. Another comprehensive system is called Kaykapayouko, and is
-localised in the island of Kayleula. An important system called
-Ilumte&rsquo;ulo is nowadays claimed by Sinaketa, but probably hails
-from Dobu. The mythological data of some of these systems are not
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb420" href="#pb420" name=
-"pb420">420</a>]</span>known to me, and some of them seem to be
-exceedingly rudimentary, not going beyond the assertion that such and
-such a system originated at such and such a place, and was originally
-the property of such and such a clan. Of the systems of <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i>, the best known in South Boyowa is that called
-Monikiniki, to which belong the majority of the formul&aelig; here
-quoted. This system is sometimes loosely associated with the myth of
-Tokosikuna, who is sometimes said to have been the original owner of
-the system. According to another version, Monikiniki is the name of the
-original owner. The Dobuan <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> is called
-Kasabwaybwayreta, and is ascribed to that hero. From Muyuwa, hails the
-Momroveta system of Kula magic, while in Kiriwina the system of
-Monikiniki is usually recited, and only a few formul&aelig; are
-inserted into it, belonging to a local magic, called Kwoygapani (a name
-not to be confused with the name in a formula quoted in <a href=
-"#ch14">Chapter XIV</a>). In the light of these remarks, the many
-references to &lsquo;magical systems&rsquo; given in the text, will
-become clear, so there is no need to add more here.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VIII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We saw before in the chapter on mythology that magic
-bridges over the cleavage between the super-normal world of myth and
-the normal, ordinary happenings of to-day. But then, this bridge itself
-must necessarily touch the super-normal, it must lead into that domain.
-Magic surely, therefore, must partake of the supernatural character?
-There is no doubt that it is so. The effects of magic, although
-constantly witnessed, and although considered as a fundamental fact,
-are regarded as something distinctly different from the effects of
-other human activities. The natives realise quite well that the speed
-and buoyancy of a canoe are due to the knowledge and work of the
-constructor; they are well acquainted with the properties of good
-material and of good craftsmanship. Yet the magic of swiftness adds
-something more to even the best constructed canoe. This superadded
-quality is regarded very much like the properties of the mythical canoe
-which made it fly through the air, though in the present day canoes
-these properties have dwindled down to mere surpassing speed.</p>
-<p>The language of spells expresses this belief through the constant
-allusions to myth, similes in which the present canoe is <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb421" href="#pb421" name=
-"pb421">421</a>]</span>invited to imitate the mythical one. In the
-explicit comments on the Kudayuri myth, the natives also state
-definitely that the prodigious speed which well-charmed canoes develop
-is the legacy and counterpart of the old flying speed. Thus the effects
-of magic are something superadded to all the other effects produced by
-human effort and by natural qualities. The same is to be found in love
-magic. The importance of a fine face and figure, of ornaments,
-decorations and nice scents, is well recognised as being of attractive
-value, yet almost every man ascribes his success to the perfection of
-his love magic. The force of magic is considered as something
-independent of, and surpassing even, the power of all other personal
-charms. A statement very often met with expresses this quite well:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Look, I am not good looking, yet so many girls
-want me. The reason of that is that I have good magic.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In garden magic, soil, rain, proper work, are given their full due.
-None the less, no one would dream of making a garden without the full
-magical performance being done over it. Garden magic is thought to make
-just this difference, which a man hopes for from &lsquo;chance,&rsquo;
-or &lsquo;good luck,&rsquo; when he sees everybody round him working as
-hard as he can, and in all other respects under similar conditions to
-himself. So we see that, in all these cases, magical influence runs
-parallel to and independently of the effects of human work and natural
-conditions. It produces these differences and those unexpected results,
-which cannot be explained by any of the other factors.</p>
-<p>So far, we see that magic represents, so to speak, a different sort
-of reality. When I call this different sort &lsquo;super-natural&rsquo;
-or &lsquo;super-normal,&rsquo; one of the criteria which I use here
-lies in the emotional reaction of the natives. This, of course, is most
-pronounced in the case of evil magic. The sorcerer is not only feared
-because of his bad intentions. He is also feared as ghosts are feared
-by us, as an uncanny manifestation. One is afraid of meeting him in the
-dark, not so much because he might do any harm, but because his
-appearance is dreadful and because he has at his bidding all sorts of
-powers and faculties which are denied to those not versed in black
-magic. His sweat glows, night birds run with him to give him warning;
-he can become invisible at will and produce paralysing fear in those he
-meets. In short, the same hysterical dread, associated <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb422" href="#pb422" name=
-"pb422">422</a>]</span>amongst ourselves with the idea of haunted
-places, is produced by the sorcerers in the minds of the natives. And
-it must be added that the natives have no such emotion of dread at all
-with regard to the spirits of the departed. The horror which they have
-of the <i lang="kij">bwaga&rsquo;u</i> is even stronger in the case of
-the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>, to whom all sorts of most uncanny
-properties are attributed. Their ghoulish feasting on corpses, their
-capacity of flying, of making themselves invisible, of changing into
-night birds, all this inspires the natives with extreme terror.</p>
-<p>The other magicians and their art do not inspire such strong
-emotions in the natives, and of course in any case the emotion would
-not be that of dread. There is a very great value and attachment to
-systems of local magic, and their effects are distinctly considered as
-an asset for a community.</p>
-<p>Each form of magic also has its associated magical portent, <i lang=
-"kij">kariyala</i>. When a magic formula is spoken, a violent natural
-upheaval will take place. For example, when garden magic is performed,
-there will be thunder and lightning; with certain forms of Kula magic,
-a rainbow will appear in the skies. Others will produce shower clouds.
-The portent of a mild storm, accompanying the opening of the magical
-bundle (<i lang="kij">lilava</i>) has already been quoted. The <i lang=
-"kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> may produce a tidal wave, whereas an earthquake
-will be the result of other forms of magic. War magic, in an
-unexpectedly bucolic way, affects only some plants and birds. In
-certain forms of magic, a portent would take place whenever the formula
-is uttered, in others, this will not be so regular, but a <i lang=
-"kij">kariyala</i> will invariably occur when a magician dies. When
-asked, what is the real cause of any of these natural phenomena
-enumerated, they will say:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Magic is the real cause (<i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>); they are a <i lang="kij">kariyala</i> of
-magic.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Another point, where magic touches the super-normal or supernatural,
-is in the association of spirits with certain magical performances. A
-special type of magical payment, the <i lang="kij">ula&rsquo;ula</i>,
-is at the same time an offering to the <i lang="kij">baloma</i>
-(spirits). The magician will detach a small bit of the large quantity
-of food brought to him, and put it down on some special place, with the
-words:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;Partake, O spirits, of your <i lang=
-"kij">ula&rsquo;ula</i>, and make my magic thrive.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb423" href="#pb423" name=
-"pb423">423</a>]</span></p>
-<p>At certain ceremonies, the spirits are supposed to be present (see
-<a href="#pl59">Plate LIX</a>). When something goes wrong with magic,
-or it is badly performed, &lsquo;the spirits will become angry,&rsquo;
-as it is often expressed by the natives. In some cases the <i lang=
-"kij">baloma</i> will appear in dreams and advise the magician what to
-do. As this is the most active interference of the spirits in human
-affairs, as far as magic is concerned, I shall quote in free
-translation some statements obtained on the matter.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The owners of fish magic will often dream that
-there is plentiful fish. The cause of it is the magician&rsquo;s
-ancestor spirit. Such a magician would then say: &lsquo;The ancestral
-spirit has instructed me in the night, that we should go to catch fish!
-And indeed, when we get there, we find plenty of fish, and we cast the
-nets.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Mokudeya, the maternal uncle of Narugo,&rdquo; who is, the
-main fishing magician of Oburaku &ldquo;comes to his nephew in a dream
-and instructs him: &lsquo;Tomorrow, cast the nets for fish in
-Kwabwawa!&rsquo; Narugo then says: &lsquo;Let us come, the old man
-instructed me last night.&rsquo;&#8202;&rdquo;</p>
-<p>&ldquo;The <i lang="kij">kaloma</i> (spondylus shell) magician of
-Sinaketa dreams about a plentiful patch of <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>
-shell. Next morning, he would dive and knock it off on the reef. Or he
-dreams of a canoe, and he then paddles and casts the anchor at that
-place. To&rsquo;udawada, Luvayam, Sinakadi dream that they knock it off
-in plenty. When next morning we go there, it is plentiful.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In all these examples (except the last) we see that the spirits act
-as advisors and helpers. They fill the r&ocirc;le of guardian of the
-traditions when they get angry because of a bad <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e14742" title="Source: perforance">performance</span>, or as
-associates and sympathisers when they share the magician&rsquo;s
-<i lang="kij">ula&rsquo;ula</i>. But they are not agencies which get to
-work directly. In the Trobriand demonology, the magician does not
-command the spirits to go and set to work. The work is done by the
-agency of the spell, assisted by the accompanying ritual, and performed
-by the proper magician. The spirits stand in the same relation, as the
-performer does, to the magical force, which alone is active. They can
-help him to wield it properly, but they can never become his
-instruments.</p>
-<p>To summarise the results of what we have learned about the
-super-normal nature of magic, it may be said that it has a definite
-character of its own, which differentiates it from the non-magical
-actions of man. The manner in which the magical <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb424" href="#pb424" name=
-"pb424">424</a>]</span>force is conceived to act, parallel to the
-ordinary efforts but independent of them; the emotional reaction to
-certain types of magic and magician; the <i lang="kij">kariyala</i>;
-the intercourse with spirits during the performances, all these
-properties differentiate magic from the ordinary activities of man.</p>
-<p>In native terminology, the realm of the magical is called by the
-word <i lang="kij">megwa</i>, which describes the &lsquo;magical
-performance,&rsquo; the &lsquo;spell,&rsquo; the &lsquo;force&rsquo; or
-&lsquo;virtue&rsquo; of magic, and can be used as adjective to describe
-in general everything which presents a magical character. Used as a
-verb, the words <i lang="kij">megwa, miga-megwa, miga</i>, all of which
-are variations of the same root, mean: &lsquo;to perform magic,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;to utter a spell,&rsquo; &lsquo;to carry out a rite.&rsquo; If
-the natives want to express that certain actions are done in connection
-with magic, and not with work, and that certain effects are due to
-magical forces, and not to other efforts, they used the word <i lang=
-"kij">megwa</i> as a substantive or adjective. It is never used to
-describe any virtue residing in a man or a thing, nor for any action
-which is independent of a spell.</p>
-<p>The associated concept of taboo is covered by the Kiriwinian word
-<i lang="kij">bomala</i> (with suffixed possessive pronouns). It means
-a &lsquo;prohibition,&rsquo; something which a man is not allowed to do
-under any circumstances. It is used for magical taboos, for
-prohibitions associated with rank, for restrictions in regard to food
-generally considered as unclean, as, for example, the flesh of lizards,
-snakes, dogs and man. There is hardly any trace of the meaning of
-&lsquo;sacred&rsquo; attached to the word <i lang="kij">bomala</i>. If
-anywhere, it can be found in the use of the word <i lang=
-"kij">boma</i>, for a tabooed grove where men usually are not allowed
-to enter, and where traditional spots, often original holes where men
-came out and whence magic issued, are to be found. The expression
-<i lang="kij">toboma</i> (<i lang="kij">to-</i>, prefix denoting
-personal noun) means a man of high rank, but hardly a sacred man.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.9" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IX</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Finally, a few words must be said about the
-sociological or ceremonial setting of magic. Reference has often been
-made to the simplicity of rites, and to their matter-of-fact character.
-This has been mentioned with reference to canoe-building, and in garden
-magic we would have found equally simple and purely businesslike
-performances. In calling a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb425" href=
-"#pb425" name="pb425">425</a>]</span>magical action
-&lsquo;ceremonial&rsquo; we imply that it was done with a big public
-attendance; under the observance of definite rules of behaviour by the
-spectators as well as by the performer, such as general silence,
-reverent attention to what is being done, with at least a show of some
-interest. Now if, in the middle of some work, a man quickly performs an
-action whilst others talk and laugh and leave him entirely on one side,
-this gives a definite sociological stamp to the magical actions, and
-does not allow us to use the term &lsquo;ceremonial,&rsquo; as the
-distinguishing mark of the magical acts. Some of them, it is true, do
-have this character. For instance, the initial rite with which the
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> fishing begins, requires the assistance of the
-whole fleet, and a definite type of behaviour on the part of the crews,
-while the magician officiates for all of them, but with their
-assistance, in the complex evolutions of the fleet. Similar rites are
-to be found in two or three systems of fishing magic, and in several
-rites of the garden magic of certain villages. In fact, the initial
-rite of garden magic is everywhere connected with a ceremonial
-performance. The garden rite, associated with the ceremonial offering
-of food to spirits, and attended by a body of villagers, a scene of
-which is shown on <a href="#pl59">Plate LIX</a>, has been elsewhere
-described.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e14797src" href="#xd26e14797"
-name="xd26e14797src">3</a> One or two rites in war magic imply the
-active assistance of large numbers of men, and take the form of big
-ceremonies. Thus we see that magical rites may or may not be
-ceremonial, but that the ceremonial is by no means an outstanding or
-universal feature of Trobriand magic.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.10" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">X</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We found that taboos are associated with magic, in so
-far as it is the magician who has to observe them. There are, however,
-certain forms of restrictions or prohibitions, set up for special
-purposes, and associated with magic in a somewhat different form. Thus,
-in an institution called <i lang="kij">kaytubutabu</i> we find a ban
-made on the consumption of coco-nuts and betel-nuts, associated with a
-specific magic to make them grow. There is also a protective taboo,
-used to prevent the theft of ripening fruits or nuts, too far away from
-the village to be watched. In these cases a small parcel of medicated
-substance is placed on <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb426" href=
-"#pb426" name="pb426">426</a>]</span>the tree or near it, on a small
-stick. The magic spoken over such a substance is a &lsquo;conditional
-curse,&rsquo; to use the excellent term introduced by <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e14811" title="Source: Professsor">Professor</span>
-Westermarck. The conditional curse would fall upon anyone who would
-touch the fruits of that tree, and would bring upon him one form of
-disease or another. This is the only form of magic, in which the
-personal agency is invoked, for in some of these spells, the <i lang=
-"kij">tokway</i> (<span class="corr" id="xd26e14817" title=
-"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>) is invited to take up his
-abode on the <i lang="kij">kaytapaku</i>, that is the stick, with the
-substance on it, and to guard the fruit. Some such small divergencies
-from the general trend of native belief are always to be found.
-Sometimes they contain important clues, and a deeper insight into the
-facts, sometimes they mean nothing, and only emphasise the fact, that
-it is not possible to find absolute consistency in human belief. Only a
-deeper analysis, and a comparative study of similar phenomena can
-decide which is the case.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.11" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In order to complete the survey of all the
-characteristics of magic, I shall rapidly mention here the economic
-aspect of the position of magician, although the data referring to it
-have already been given, scattered through the previous chapters. I
-have spoken of the matrilineal inheritance of magic, and of the
-deviations from it which consist in inheritance from father to son, and
-in the transmission of magic by purchase (<a href="#div2.6">Chapter II,
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e14831" title=
-"Source: Divison">Division</span> VI</a>, and <a href="#div6.6">Chapter
-VI, Division VI</a> under (5)). This latter transaction may take place
-under two names, which really cover two essentially different
-operations; the <i lang="kij">pokala</i> or payment to a maternal
-kinsman from whom one is going to obtain the magic, and the <i lang=
-"kij">laga</i>, which is the purchase of magic from a stranger. Only
-certain forms of magic can freely pass from one clan or sub-clan to
-another, and are purchasable by the <i lang="kij">laga</i> system. The
-majority of magical systems are local, and can descend only in the same
-sub-clan with an occasional deviation to the son of a member, from
-whom, however, the magic must return to the sub-clan again. A further
-economic feature of magic is the payment, which the magician receives
-for his services. There are many types of payment; some given
-occasionally by an individual for a definite act of magic, as in the
-case of sorcery or healing magic; others, paid at regular intervals by
-the whole community, as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb427" href=
-"#pb427" name="pb427">427</a>]</span>in the case of garden and fishing
-magic. In some cases the payments are considerable, as in sorcery, in
-rain and fine weather magic, and in garden magic. In others, they
-amount to little more than a mere formal offering.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div17.12" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In all this, we have been dealing with general
-characteristics of Boyowan (Trobriand) magic. This has been done mainly
-on the basis of the material presented in this volume, with only a few
-examples from other branches of magic. The result so far can be set
-down thus: magic to the natives represents a special department; it is
-a specific power, essentially human, autonomous and independent in its
-action. This power is an inherent property of certain words, uttered
-with the performance of certain actions by the man entitled to do it
-through his social traditions and through certain observances which he
-has to keep. The words and acts have this power in their own right, and
-their action is direct and not mediated by any other agency. Their
-power is not derived from the authority of spirits or demons or
-supernatural beings. It is not conceived as having been wrested from
-nature. The belief in the power of words and rites as a fundamental and
-irreducible force is the ultimate, basic dogma of their magical creed.
-Hence we find established the ideas that one never can tamper with,
-change or improve spells; that tradition is the only source from which
-they can be derived; that it has brought them down from times lying
-beyond the speculation of man, that there can be no spontaneous
-generation of magic.</p>
-<p>We are naturally led now to inquire one stage further into the
-manner in which the magical words and rites act. Obviously the only way
-to obtain correct information on this point is to analyse and compare a
-great number of well authenticated formul&aelig;, and minutely recorded
-rites. Even the collection of Kula magic here partially given in free
-translation, would allow us to arrive at certain interesting
-conclusions. But we can go deeper still with the help of linguistic
-analysis, and we shall proceed to this inquiry in the next chapter.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb428" href="#pb428" name=
-"pb428">428</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e13579" href="#xd26e13579src" name="xd26e13579">1</a></span> These
-views have been elaborated in the previously quoted article on
-&ldquo;Primitive Economics&rdquo; in the <i>Economic Journal</i>,
-March, 1921.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e13579src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e13712" href="#xd26e13712src" name="xd26e13712">2</a></span> The
-association of magic with any vital interest is demonstrated by the
-case of pearling. Here, through the advent of white men, a new and very
-lucrative and absorbing pursuit has opened up for the natives. A form
-of magic is now in existence, associated with this fishing. This of
-course apparently contradicts the native dogma that magic cannot be
-invented. The natives, if faced with this contradiction, explain that
-it is really an old magic of shell fishing which refers to all the
-shells found at the bottom of the Lagoon, but which so far had only
-been used with regard to fishing for the Conus. In fact, this magic is
-nothing but the adaptation of the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshell)
-magic to the pearls. I doubt, none the less, whether even such a
-transference or adaptation would have taken place before the
-foundations of native belief and custom had been shaken by the
-well-intentioned but not always wise and beneficent teachings and
-rulings of the white man and by the introduction of
-trade.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e13712src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e14797" href="#xd26e14797src" name="xd26e14797">3</a></span> See
-article by the Author on the &ldquo;Baloma, spirits of the dead in the
-Trobriand islands.&rdquo; J. A. I., 1917.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e14797src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch18" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e834">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XVIII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Power of Words in Magic&mdash;Some Linguistic
-Data</h2>
-<div id="div18.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The aim of this Chapter is to show by a linguistic
-analysis of two magical texts, and by a general survey of a greater
-number, what sort of words are believed to exercise magical power.
-This, of course, does not mean that we are under the delusion that the
-composers or <span class="corr" id="xd26e14868" title=
-"Source: inventers">inventors</span> of magic had a theory about the
-efficiency of words, and carried this theory into practice by inventing
-the formula. But, as the moral ideas and rules prevalent in society,
-though not codified, can be found out by analysing human behaviour; as
-we reach the underlying principles of law and social propriety by
-examining customs and manners; as in the study of rites, we see some
-definite tenets of belief and dogmas&mdash;so, in analysing the direct
-verbal expressions of certain modes of thinking in the magical
-formul&aelig;, we are justified in assuming that these modes of
-thinking must have somehow guided those who shaped them. The exact
-manner in which we must imagine the relation between a typical way of
-thinking in a society on the one hand, and the fixed, crystallised
-results of this thinking on the other, is a problem of Social
-Psychology. For this branch of science we are, in ethnography, under
-the obligation of gathering material, but we need not encroach upon its
-field of study.</p>
-<p>Thus much may, however, be put down, that, in whatever manner we
-might imagine a spell to have come into existence, it cannot be
-considered as the creation of one man; for as has been said before, if
-we examine any one of them, not with the eyes of the natives, but as
-outside critics, each spell shows unmistakable signs of being a
-collection of linguistic additions from different epochs. There is in
-practically every one of <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb429" href=
-"#pb429" name="pb429">429</a>]</span>them a good deal of archaic
-material, but not a single one bears the stamp of having come down to
-us in the same form in which it must have presented itself a few
-generations ago. So that it may be said that a spell is constantly
-being remoulded as it passes through the chain of magicians, each
-probably leaving his mark, however small, upon it. It is the general
-attitude in matters of magical belief common to all of the successive
-holders which will be at the bottom of all the regularities, all the
-typical features found in the spells.</p>
-<p>I shall adduce a formula of canoe magic and one of the spells
-belonging to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, choosing two texts of which
-a translation and a commentary of average quality have been obtained,
-and which show clearly the several characteristic features of verbal
-magic. Those who are not interested in linguistic technicalities and
-details of method, may omit the following division, and take up the
-trend of our argument at <a href="#div18.12">division XII</a>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The following text is the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>
-spell, obtained from Layseta, the headman of Kopila, one of the
-sub-villages of Sinaketa. The commentary was obtained from himself, and
-from another informant, Motago&rsquo;i, a man of exceptional
-intelligence, and a very straightforward and a reliable informant. This
-spell has been given in free translation before in Chapter <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e14891" title="Source: VI">V</span>, and, as has been
-said there, the rite consists simply in chanting the words over five
-coils of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e14897" title="Source: creeeper">creeper</span> put on a wooden
-platter between two mats.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Wayugo Spell</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A. U&rsquo;ula (Initial Part)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">1</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">His</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bosisi&rsquo;ula,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">ritual eating of fish,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bomwalela.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">tabooed
-inside.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Papapa,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Flutter,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">siliubida,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">betel plant,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">monagakalava.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">leaving behind.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Kalabotawosi,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Grandfather
-Kalabotawosi,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Tubugu Kwaysa&rsquo;i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">grandfather Kwaysa&rsquo;i,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Pulupolu,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Pulupolu,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Semkuku,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Semkuku,</span></span>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb430" href="#pb430" name=
-"pb430">430</a>]</span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Tubugu Kabatuwayaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">grandfather Kabatuwayaga,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Ugwaboda,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Ugwaboda,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tubugu Kitava,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">grandfather Kitava,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bulumava&rsquo;u
-Nawabudoga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">new spirit
-Nawabudoga,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kaykapwapu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">immediate
-predecessor</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Mogilawota.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Mogilawota.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kusilase</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">You sit</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">onikola,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on
-canoe slips,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bukwa&rsquo;u&rsquo;i kambu&rsquo;a.</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">you chew your areca-nut.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kwawoyse</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">You take</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">bisalena</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his
-pandanus streamer</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">Kaykudayuri</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)
-Kaykudayuri</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Kusaylase</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you place
-(it)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">odabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on
-top</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Teula</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)
-Teula.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Basivila,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I might turn,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">basivitake&rsquo;i</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might turn on</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kitava
-miTo&rsquo;uru,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Kitava your
-Touru,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">mimilaveta</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">your
-sea-arm</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Pilolu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Pilolu.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Nagayne</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">To-day</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">isipukayse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">they kindle</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">girina</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">festive
-fire</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Kaykudayuri.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)
-Kaykudayuri.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">8</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">8</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kumwam</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Thou bind together</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">dabem</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">thy skirt</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">Siyaygana,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Siyaygana,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bukuyova.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou
-fly.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">9</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">9</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bakabima</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">I might clutch</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kaykabila,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">the adze handle,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakipatuma</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I might grip</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">yogwayogula</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">the component sticks.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">10</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">10</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Baterera</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">I might fly</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">odabana</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">on top (of)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kuyawa.</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Kuyawa.</span></span></p>
-<p>B. TAPWANA (MAIN PART)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">11</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">11</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Odabana Kuyawa,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">On top (of) Kuyawa,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">odabana Kuyawa</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">on top (of) Kuyawa</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&hellip;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">&hellip;</span></span></p>
-<p class="xd26e15346">(repeated several times)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bayokokoba</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might become like
-smoke</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">odabana Kuyawa;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on top
-(of) Kuyawa;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bayowaysulu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might
-become invisible</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">odabana Kuyawa;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on
-top (of) Kuyawa;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bayovivilu&rsquo;a, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">I might become as a wind eddy, etc.</span></span> <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb431" href="#pb431" name="pb431">431</a>]</span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bayomwaleta,
-etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might become alone,
-etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bayokarige, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I
-might become as dead, etc.</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bayotamwa&rsquo;u, etc;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I might disappear,
-etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bayogugwa&rsquo;u, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">I might become like mist, etc.</span></span></p>
-<p>12 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting Dikutuva for
-Kuyawa.</p>
-<p>13 The verses 9, 10 and 11 are repeated, substituting La&rsquo;u for
-Kuyawa. After this, the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> is repeated, and
-then a secondary <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> follows.</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">14</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">14</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bakalatatava,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakalatatava</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&hellip;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">&hellip;</span></span></p>
-<p class="xd26e15346">(repeated several times)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ula sibu</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my keel</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakalatatava</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo koumwali</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">my canoe gunwale</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bakalatatava</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I might heel over</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">uli sirota, etc.</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my canoe bottom, etc.</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo katukulu,
-etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my prow,
-etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ulo gelu, etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my rib,
-etc.</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo
-kaysuya, etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my threading
-stick, etc.;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">uli tabuyo, etc.;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e15520" title=
-"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>, etc.;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">uli lagim, etc.;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my transverse board,
-etc.;</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ulo kawaydala,
-etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my canoe side,
-etc.</span></span></p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> is repeated again and the spell is
-closed by the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> (concluding part).</p>
-<p>C. Dogina (Conclusion)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">15</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">15</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kalubasisi</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">(Untranslatable)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kalubayo&rsquo;u;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">flying(?);</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvaylise mayena,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you hit his tongue,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvaylise</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you hit</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bubuwala,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">his chest,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kulakwoyse</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">you untie</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">sibu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">keel</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">waga.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">canoe.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">16</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">16</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Wagam,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Canoe (thou art)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kousi,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">ghost,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">wagam,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">canoe, (thou art)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vivilu&rsquo;a,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">wind eddy,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuyokarige</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">thou vanish</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Siyaygana,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Siyaygana,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bukuyova.</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">thou fly.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">17</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">17</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kwarisasa</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Thou pierce</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kamkarikeda</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">thy sea-passage</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kadimwatu;</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Kadimwatu;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kwaripwo</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">thou break through</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kabaluna</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">nose his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">Saramwa;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Saramwa;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kwabadibadi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou
-meet</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Loma.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Loma.</span></span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb432" href=
-"#pb432" name="pb432">432</a>]</span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">18</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">18</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kuyokarige,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Thou become as dead,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuyotamwa&rsquo;u,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou disappear,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kuyovivilu&rsquo;a</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou
-become as a wind eddy,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kuyogugwa&rsquo;u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">thou become like mist.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">19</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">19</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kusola</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Thou mould</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kammayamaya,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">the fine sand,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kwotutine</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">thou cut</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kamgulupeya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thy
-seaweed;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kuna,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou
-go,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kugoguna</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou put
-on</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kambwoymatala.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thy butia
-wreath.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>We have here the native text, translated word for word, each
-expression and formative affix being rendered by its English
-equivalent. In obtaining such a verbatim translation and subsequently
-putting it into a free, intelligible English rendering, there are two
-main difficulties to be overcome. A considerable proportion of the
-words found in magic do not belong to ordinary speech, but are
-archaisms, mythical names and strange compounds, formed according to
-unusual linguistic rules. Thus the first task is to elucidate the
-obsolete expressions, the mythical references, and to find the present
-day equivalents of any archaic words. Even if we obtain a series of
-meanings corresponding to each term of the original text, there is
-often considerable difficulty in linking these meanings together. Magic
-is not built up in the narrative style; it does not serve to
-communicate ideas from one person to another; it does not purport to
-contain a consecutive, consistent meaning. It is an instrument serving
-special purposes, intended for the exercise of man&rsquo;s specific
-power over things, and <i>its meaning</i>, giving this word a wider
-sense, can be understood only in correlation to this aim. It will not
-be therefore a meaning of logically or topically concatenated ideas,
-but of expressions fitting into one another and into the whole,
-according to what could be called a magical order of thinking, or
-perhaps more correctly, a magical order of expressing, of launching
-words towards their aim. It is clear that this magical order of verbal
-concatenations&mdash;I am purposely avoiding the expression
-&lsquo;magical logic&rsquo; for there is no logic in the
-case&mdash;must be known and familiar to anyone who wishes really to
-understand the spells. There is therefore a great initial difficulty in
-&lsquo;reading&rsquo; such documents, and only an acquaintance with a
-great number makes one more confident and more competent. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb433" href="#pb433" name="pb433">433</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III.</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In the ordinary routine of working out such texts, I
-tried to obtain from the magician the equivalents, word for word, of
-the more cryptic expressions. As a rule the magician himself knows a
-good deal more than anyone else about the mythical references, and
-about certain esoteric expressions contained in the spell. There are
-some unintelligent old men, unfortunately, who rattle off a formula,
-and who evidently never were interested about its significance or else
-forgot all about it, and are no good as commentators. Often a fairly
-good informant, quite capable of reciting a spell slowly and
-intelligibly, without losing his thread, will be of no use as
-linguistic informant, that is in helping to obtain a definition of a
-word, in assisting to break it up into its formative parts; in
-explaining which words belong to ordinary speech, which are dialectic,
-which are archaic, and which are purely magical compounds. I had only a
-few informants who could help me in this way, and among them the
-previously mentioned Motago&rsquo;i was one of the best.</p>
-<p>The analysis to which I now proceed can be given only in an
-approximate manner, for in a full one, a long disquisition on grammar
-would have to be given first. It will be enough, however, to show in
-broad outline the main linguistic features of a spell, as well as the
-methods which have been used in constructing the free translation given
-in the previous chapters.</p>
-<p>The formula here quoted, shows the typical tripartition of the
-longer spells. The first part is called <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>.
-This word means the &lsquo;bottom part&rsquo; of a tree or post, the
-&lsquo;foundation&rsquo; of any structure, and in more figurative uses,
-it means &lsquo;reason<span class="corr" id="xd26e15859" title=
-"Not in source">,</span>&rsquo; &lsquo;cause,&rsquo; or, again,
-&lsquo;beginning.&rsquo; It is in this last sense that the natives
-apply it to the first strophe of a song, and to the exordium of a
-magical formula. The second part of the spell is called <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>, literally: &lsquo;surface,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;skin,&rsquo; &lsquo;body,&rsquo; &lsquo;trunk,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;middle part&rsquo; of a tree, &lsquo;main part&rsquo; of a road,
-and thus &lsquo;main part&rsquo; of a spell or song. The word <i lang=
-"kij">dogina</i>, literally the &lsquo;tip&rsquo; or &lsquo;end,&rsquo;
-used for the &lsquo;tip&rsquo; of a tree or the &lsquo;end&rsquo; of a
-tail, is used to designate the &lsquo;final part&rsquo; or the
-&lsquo;conclusion&rsquo; of a spell. Sometimes the word <i lang=
-"kij">dabwana</i>, &lsquo;top,&rsquo; or &lsquo;head,&rsquo; (not human
-head) is substituted for <i lang="kij">dogina</i>. Thus the spell must
-be imagined turned upside down, its beginning put at the basis,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb434" href="#pb434" name=
-"pb434">434</a>]</span>the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>, its main part
-where the middle trunk would be, and its end at the tip, the <i lang=
-"kij">dogina</i>.</p>
-<p>The opening words of the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> in this spell
-are short, cutting, pithy expressions, each standing for its own cycle
-of ideas, for a sentence or even a whole story. In this they are
-typical of the beginnings of Kiriwinian spells. They are also typical,
-in the great difficulty which they present to the interpreter. Out of
-the seven words contained in phrases 1 and 2, four do not belong to
-ordinary speech, and are obscure compounds. Thus the words <i lang=
-"kij">bosisi&rsquo;ula</i> and <i lang="kij">bomwalela</i> are made up
-first of the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, which carries with it the
-meaning of &lsquo;tabooed,&rsquo; &lsquo;belonging to magic,&rsquo; and
-of the two roots <i lang="kij">sisiula</i> and <i lang=
-"kij">mwalela</i>, neither of which is a complete word. The first is
-the root part of the word <i lang="kij">visisi&rsquo;ula</i>, which
-designates a custom associated with this magic. At certain times, in
-connection with the performance of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> rite,
-the magician has fits of trembling and then he has to be given some
-baked fish, and after partaking of it his trembling fit passes. The
-natives say that he trembles like a <i lang="kij">bisila</i> (pandanus
-streamer) and that this shows that his magic is good, since the
-trembling of the pandanus is a symbol of speed. <i lang=
-"kij">Mwalela</i> is derived from <i lang="kij">olumwalela</i> which
-means &lsquo;inside.&rsquo; With the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i> the
-word can be translated &lsquo;the tabooed inside.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>It is even more difficult to interpret the general meaning of these
-two expressions, than to find out their literal equivalents. We have an
-allusion to a ritual eating of fish, associated with a trembling which
-symbolises speed, and we have an expression &lsquo;tabooed
-inside.&rsquo; The custom of eating fish after trembling has a magical
-importance. It adds to the efficiency of magic, as all such observances
-do. The force or merit of this observance, which, dissociated from the
-spell and the rite can have no direct effect, is made available by
-being mentioned in the formula; it is so to speak, magically
-discounted. This is the best way in which I can interpret the two words
-of ritual eating and of tabooed interior of the magician.</p>
-<p>The three words of sentence 2 have each to tell its own story. The
-word <i lang="kij">papapa</i>, &lsquo;flutter,&rsquo; stands for a
-phrase: &ldquo;let the canoe speed so that the pandanus leaves
-flutter.&rdquo; Of course the word expresses much more than this
-sentence, because it is intelligible only to those who are acquainted
-with the part played by the pandanus leaves in the decoration of
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb435" href="#pb435" name=
-"pb435">435</a>]</span>canoes, with the native ideas about magical
-association between flutter and speed, and with the ritual use of
-pandanus streamers. Therefore the word has a meaning only if taken with
-the context of this formula, in connection with its aim, with the
-various associated ideas and customs. To the native, who knows all this
-and in whose mind the whole context rises, when he hears or repeats
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">papapa</i>&rsquo; the word quivers with magical
-force. The word <i lang="kij">silubida</i>, an especial magical
-transformation of <i lang="kij">lilobida</i>, stands for a certain
-variety of the betel pepper plant. The word <i lang=
-"kij">monagakalava</i> is again an elaborate compound carrying the
-meaning &lsquo;to leave behind.&rsquo; The betel plant is a common
-magical ingredient, and in this spell, the ancestral spirits will
-presently be invited to chew betel-nut. &lsquo;Leaving behind&rsquo;
-undoubtedly refers to the other canoes which will be outrun by that of
-the reciter. Both these words, therefore, can be placed without much
-difficulty into the context of this spell. It is quite clear, as has
-been said, that each of these expressions stands alone and represents a
-self-contained cycle of ideas. The two expressions of sentence 1
-probably do belong to one another, but even they represent each
-one-half of a complex story.</p>
-<p>Then, in 3, there comes a long list of names of ancestors, all of
-whom are said to be real men who had lived in Kitava, the home of this
-magic. The words <i lang="kij">kwaysa&rsquo;i</i>, &lsquo;stormy
-sea,&rsquo; and <i lang="kij">pulupolu</i>, &lsquo;boiling up,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;foaming up,&rsquo; suggest that the names are significant and
-therefore mythical. Nawabudoga, a Kitavan man, was father of the
-last-mentioned one, Mogilawota, a maternal relative of the present
-owner. We see here, therefore, a good case of &lsquo;magical
-filiation,&rsquo; by which the present owner, a man of Sinaketa, is
-connected with the mythical district of Kitava.</p>
-<p>The following two sentences, 4 and 5, are linguistically much
-clearer and simpler, and they present connected sequences of words.
-They are an invocation to ancestral spirits, asking them to join the
-magician at the canoe, which is called here Kaykudayuri, &lsquo;the
-craft of the Kudayuri,<span class="corr" id="xd26e15955" title=
-"Source: &ldquo;">&rsquo;</span> and to place the pandanus streamers on
-the top of Teulo. This, in an exaggerated and figurative speech,
-expresses an invitation to the spirits to follow the man on his trip.
-It must be noted that, according to the present belief at least, the
-spirits are not conceived as agents or forces which carry the canoe at
-the behest of the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb436" href="#pb436"
-name="pb436">436</a>]</span>magician, but as passive companions only.
-Sentence 6 contains a scornful address to his companions; the magician
-in prospect sees himself sailing ahead towards the mountains; as he
-turns round, the Kitava men, that is his companions, are far behind on
-the beach of To&rsquo;uru, and the whole sea-arm of Pilolu still lies
-before them.</p>
-<p>In 7, the same trend of ideas is followed; the custom of kindling
-the fire by the first canoe is alluded to, and the magician sees
-himself carrying out this privilege. It is to be noted that he speaks
-always of his canoe under the name of Kudayuri, that is of the mythical
-flying canoe of ancient times. In 8, the canoe is addressed as a flying
-witch, who is asked to bind her skirt together and to fly. In 9, the
-magician verbally retraces an incident from the original myth of
-Kudayuri. He takes the adze handle, gets hold of the canoe, and strikes
-it, whereupon the canoe flies.</p>
-<p>Thus the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> begins with archaic,
-condensed compounds each carrying a self-contained cycle of magical
-meaning. Then follows a list of forbears; then more explicit and, at
-the same time more dramatic sentences; an invocation to ancestral
-spirits, the anticipated victory in speed, the reconstructed mythical
-incident.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us pass now to the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>. This
-is always the longest part of a spell, since we have a whole list of
-words which have to be repeated with several key expressions, of which
-in the present case there are three. Moreover, the magician can
-<i lang="la">ad libitum</i> repeat the same words over and over again
-with a key word. He will not go in any fixed order over all the words
-of the list, but is allowed, in this part of the formula, to return and
-repeat with one key-word the various items of the list.</p>
-<p>It will be best to say here a few words about the manner in which
-the magical formul&aelig; are actually recited. The opening words are
-always intoned with a strong, melodious cadence which is not
-permanently fixed, but varies with the magician. The first words are
-repeated some several times. Thus here, <i lang="kij">kala
-bosisi&rsquo;ula</i> would be reiterated three or four times, and so
-would be the following two words (<i lang="kij">kala bomwalela</i>).
-The words of No. 2 are recited slowly and ponderously but not repeated.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb437" href="#pb437" name=
-"pb437">437</a>]</span>The list of ancestors is run over quickly and
-perfunctorily. The rest of the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>, its
-dramatic part so to speak, is spoken with less melody, more with the
-ordinary speaking voice and more rapidly.</p>
-<p>Then comes the last sentence of the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>,
-which in almost all spells links it up with the main part. This is
-always intoned slowly, solemnly and distinctly; the voice drops at the
-end by the interval of a tone. In the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, the
-key word, or key expression, which forms always the concluding part of
-the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>, is taken up again. It is repeated
-several times, as if to fix or rub it well in. Then, dropping into a
-quick, continuous stream of utterance, the magician runs over one word
-of the list after the other. The key-word is inserted between each of
-them, said sometimes once, sometimes two or three times. It gives an
-effect as if the key-word were being rubbed in into every one of the
-other expressions. They as a rule spoken more slowly, mark the rhythm
-of this part. The reciting of the last part of a spell, the <i lang=
-"kij">dogina</i> or <i lang="kij">dabwana</i>, is more perfunctory,
-usually it is rather spoken than chanted.</p>
-<p>After this digression, let us return to the analysis of our spell.
-It is a rule that the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, the main part of a
-formula, is easier to translate, expressed in less archaic and less
-condensed terms, than the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>. The <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i> of this spell has quite easy key-words, both in its
-first and in its second part. In the first one (phrase 11) the
-key-words are of mythical nature, referring to localities associated
-with the flying of one of the Kudayuri sisters. In the second <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>, the key-word means: &lsquo;I might heel over&rsquo;
-or &lsquo;I shall heel over,&rsquo; that is with speed. And this
-expression stands here for: &lsquo;I shall overtake,&rsquo; and the
-list of words pronounced with this verb denotes the various parts of a
-canoe. The second part of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (phrase 14) is
-much more typical than the first, because the key word is a verb,
-whilst the list words are nouns. It is typical also, in that the verb
-expresses, in a simple and direct manner, the magical effect of the
-spell (the overtaking of the other canoes) whereas the sum of the words
-of the list gives the object of the spell, that is, the canoe. Such
-<i lang="kij">tapwana</i>, in which the magical action is expressed as
-a verb, while in the list of words we have mentioned the various parts
-of a garden or of fishing nets, or weapons or parts of the human body,
-are to be found in all classes of magic. <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb438" href="#pb438" name="pb438">438</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The first part of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (phrases 11, 12, and
-13) is less typical, in so far that the verbs depicting various magical
-actions are relegated into the list, while the key-words are adverbial
-expressions of locality. The verbal links of the long chain express all
-and one in a metaphoric manner the speed of the canoe. &lsquo;I shall
-fly, I shall become like smoke, I shall become invisible, I shall
-become as a wind eddy, etc,<span class="corr" id="xd26e16035" title=
-"Source: &ldquo;">&rsquo;</span> are all rather picturesque, concrete
-descriptions of surpassing speed. They present also a linguistic
-symmetry and singularity. The prefix <i lang="kij">ba-</i> is the form
-of the future or potential tense, which I have literally translated
-&lsquo;might,&rsquo; but which stands here for &lsquo;shall<span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e16041" title="Not in source">.</span>&rsquo; The
-formative prefix <i lang="kij">yo-</i> is a causative, and stands for
-&lsquo;become as&rsquo; or &lsquo;become like.&rsquo; Then follows the
-root: <i lang="kij">kokoba-</i> &lsquo;smoke which trails in clouds
-above a burning garden.&rsquo; Hence the expression <i lang=
-"kij">bayokokoba</i>, in its full concrete meaning, could be
-translated: &lsquo;I shall become like clouds of trailing smoke.&rsquo;
-Again, <i lang="kij">boyowaysula</i> in its full meaning could be
-translated: &lsquo;I shall become invisible as distant spray.&rsquo;
-The only abstract word in this list is <i lang="kij">tamwa&rsquo;u</i>,
-which literally means, &lsquo;to disappear.&rsquo; So, in this <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>, the list consists of a number of formally similar
-words, each expressing the same general meaning in a concrete
-metaphorical manner. The length of the whole <i lang="kij">tapwana</i>
-(main body) of the spell can be imagined, since in the middle between
-its two sections the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> is recited once
-more.</p>
-<p>The last part of this spell, the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, contains
-an explicit allusion to the Kudayuri myth and to several geographic
-localities, which are mentioned in that myth. It also shows the usual
-<i>crescendo</i>, characteristic of the conclusions of a spell. The
-final results are anticipated in exaggerated, forceful language.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">So much about the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spell. I
-shall adduce now another spell of a somewhat different type, belonging
-to the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic). It is distinctly a more
-modern formula; there are hardly any archaic expressions; words are not
-used, as independent sentences each; on the whole it is easily
-understandable and has a consecutive meaning.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Rayikuna Sulumwoya (also called Sumgeyyata)</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A. U&rsquo;ula (Initial Part)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">1</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Avayta&rsquo;u</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Who</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">netata&rsquo;i</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">cuts</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">sulumwoyala</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">the mint plant of</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Laba&rsquo;i?</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Laba&rsquo;i?</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Yaygu,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">I,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">Kwoyregu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Kwoyregu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">sogu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">together
-with</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">tamagu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-father,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">katata&rsquo;i</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we
-cut</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">sulumwoyala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the mint
-plant of</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Laba&rsquo;i.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Laba&rsquo;i.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Silimwaynunuva,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">The roaring sulumwoya,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">inunuva;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it roars;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">silimwayniku,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">the quaking sulumwoya</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">iniku;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it quakes;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">silimwayyega,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">the soughing sulumwoya,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">iyega;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it soughs;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">silimwaypolu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">the boiling sulumwoya,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu.</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it boils.</span></span></p>
-<p>B.&mdash;Tapwana (Main Part)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Ipolu,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">It boils,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">ipolu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">&hellip;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">&hellip;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">sulumwoya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mint
-plant</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vana,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">herb ornaments,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it boils</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kena</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">lime
-spatula</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">yaguma</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">lime pot</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">sinata</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">comb</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mo&rsquo;i</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mat</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">pari</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">presentation
-goods</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vataga</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">big basket</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kauyo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">personal
-basket</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">lilava</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">magical bundle</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu.</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it boils.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Dabagu</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my head</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kabulugu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-nose</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kaygadugu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-occiput</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">mayyegu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-tongue</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">tabagu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-larynx</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kawagu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my speaking
-organ</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">wadogu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-mouth</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ipolu;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it
-boils;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ula</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">woyla</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Kula courting</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ipolu.</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">it boils.</span></span> <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb440" href="#pb440" name="pb440">440</a>]</span></p>
-<p>C.&mdash;Dogina (Conclusion)</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bulumava&rsquo;u</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">New spirit</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kadagu</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">my maternal uncle</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Mwoyalova</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Mwoyalova</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvapwo</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">thou breathe</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(the spell over)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">dabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the
-head</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Monikiniki,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Monikiniki,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuvapokayma</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">thou breathe</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(the spell over)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">dabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the
-head</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">agu</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">my</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">touto&rsquo;u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">light wood.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Avaliwo</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">I kick</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">koya&mdash;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">the mountain&mdash;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">isikila</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it tilts over,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">imwaliku</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it subsides,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikaywa&rsquo;u</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">it opens up,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">isabwani</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">it jubilates,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">the mountain</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">itakubile</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">it topples over,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">the mountain;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">itakubilatala</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">it topples down,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">koya.</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">the mountain.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Avapwoyma</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I breathe</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(a spell over)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">dabana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the
-head</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Koyava&rsquo;u;</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Koyava&rsquo;u;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">avapokayma</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">I charm</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">lopoum</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">thy inside</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(of)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Siyaygana;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Siyaygana</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class=
-"top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(canoe);</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">akulubeku</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I
-drown</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">wagana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the
-waga</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">akulisonu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I
-submerge</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">lumanena.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the
-lamina.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Not</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">butugu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-renown</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">butugu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-renown</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">pilapala;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">thunder;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">not</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">valigu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-treading,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">valigu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">my
-treading</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">lumwadudu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">noise made by
-flying witches(?)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">tudududu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">tudududu.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The opening sentences of the formula are so clear that the
-translation word for word explains itself without any closer
-commentary, except of course as far as the names are concerned.
-Laba&rsquo;i is a village in the North of Kiriwina, and it plays a
-considerable part in the mythology of the origin of man, since several
-of the principal sub-clans emerged there from underground. Laba&rsquo;i
-is also the home of the mythical culture-hero Tudava. The mythology of
-the Kula, however, does not include Laba&rsquo;i amongst the places, on
-which it touches. Perhaps this somewhat anomalous features of the
-formula may <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb441" href="#pb441" name=
-"pb441">441</a>]</span>be connected with its obvious linguistic
-modernity? The other personal name mentioned in this spell is Kwoyregu,
-on which Layseta, who gave me this magic, commented in the following
-manner:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;A man, he lived in Laba&rsquo;i, the master of
-the magic. It was not this man who first knew the magic of Monikiniki.
-That magic was partly found by Tokosikuna, partly in olden days in
-Sinaketa.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In explaining this commentary it must be noted that the informant
-was a Sinaketan man, hence his local patriotism, for there is no
-definite, mythological version connecting the early practice of the
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i> with the village of Sinaketa. As we saw,
-Tokosikuna is indeed one of the mythical heroes with whose story the
-magic of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> is associated. Monikiniki is the
-name of one of the systems of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> magic,
-which usually is said to come from a man of that name.</p>
-<p>Phrase 2 of this spell contains four couples, each consisting of a
-compound and a verb. The substantival compounds have all, according to
-the alliterative symmetry so dear to Kiriwinian magic, the prefix
-<i lang="kij">silimway-</i>, derived from <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i>,
-the mint plant. Such play on words, especially on what is the leading
-word in a spell, as <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> is here, shows that the
-purely phonetic handling of words must be associated with the idea or
-feeling of their inherent power. The keyword of the <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i> (phrase 3), has been translated, literally &lsquo;it
-boils.&rsquo; Perhaps it might have been translated in its other
-slightly different meaning &lsquo;it foams.&rsquo; Probably it has both
-meanings to the mind of the native reciter. I think that the use of a
-word fraught with two meanings at the same time is one of the
-characteristics of native language. In this spell, for instance, the
-word <i lang="kij">polu</i> appears as one in a series of such verbs as
-&lsquo;to roar,&rsquo; &lsquo;to quake,&rsquo; &lsquo;to sough,&rsquo;
-all carrying the meaning of &lsquo;noise,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;commotion,&rsquo; &lsquo;stir,&rsquo; a meaning which is in
-harmony with the magical effects to be produced by the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> magic. In this context the obvious translation of the
-word would be: &lsquo;to foam.&rsquo; On the other hand, this spell is
-said over a piece of mint, which will be preserved in boiled coco-nut
-oil, and the double meaning here contained might be paraphrased in this
-manner: &ldquo;as the oil of the <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> boils, so
-may my renown (or the eagerness of my partner?) foam up.&rdquo; Thus
-the word <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb442" href="#pb442" name=
-"pb442">442</a>]</span><i lang="kij">polu</i> would link up the meaning
-of the rite of boiling with the context of this spell. This
-explanation, however, has not been obtained from a native informant,
-though it is undoubtedly in keeping with the general type of current
-explanations. What I have called before the magical concatenation of
-magical ideas consists in just such connections of words and their
-meanings.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">dogina</i> (final part) contains one or two
-typical features. For instance, in phrase 4, the maternal uncle of the
-present reciter is asked to breathe the spell over the head of
-Monikiniki. In this, the present owner of the spell identifies his
-canoe with that of the mythical hero. In 5, 6 and 7, we have several
-grandiloquent expressions such as that <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e17079" title="Source: refering">referring</span> to the commotion
-on the mountain; that comparing his renown to thunder, and his treading
-to the noise made by <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>; and that describing
-how the <i lang="kij">waga</i> will sink, through being overfilled with
-valuables. The last part would, as usual, be recited in a much more
-perfunctory and quick manner, giving it the effect of piling up words,
-one forceful phrase following another It ends with the onomatopoetic
-sound <i lang="kij">tudududu</i> &hellip; which stands for the roll of
-the thunder.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.6" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The two specimens of magic here given in the original
-with a verbal translation, show how the linguistic analysis allows us a
-much deeper insight into the magical value of words, as it is felt by
-the natives. On the one hand, the various phonetic characteristics show
-the handling of words when these have to convey magical force. On the
-other hand, only an analysis word for word of the spells could give us
-a good insight into the frequently mentioned magical concatenation of
-ideas and verbal expressions. It is, however, impossible to adduce here
-all the spells in their full original version with linguistic comments,
-as this would lead us into a treatise on the language of magic. We may,
-however, quickly pass over some of the other spells and point out in
-them the salient features of magical expression, and thus amplify the
-results so far obtained by the detailed analysis of these two
-spells.</p>
-<p>Of course these two examples belong to the longer type consisting of
-three parts. Many of the spells previously quoted in free translation
-contain no main part, though it is possible to <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb443" href="#pb443" name=
-"pb443">443</a>]</span>distinguish their <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>
-(exordium) from their <i lang="kij">dogina</i> (finale). The very first
-spell quoted in <a href="#ch5">Chapter <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e17108" title="Source: VI">V</span></a>, the formula of the
-<i lang="kij">Vabusi Tokway</i> (the expulsion of the <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e17115" title="Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>)
-is an anomalous one. It is an invocation, and it is not even chanted
-but has to be spoken in a low persuasive voice. It consists of two
-parts: in the first one the word <i lang="kij">kubusi</i> (&lsquo;thou
-comest down&rsquo;) used as an imperative, &lsquo;come down!&rsquo; is
-repeated with all sorts of descriptions and circumscriptions of the
-woodsprites. In the second part, several sentences are repeated to make
-the wood-sprite feel that he has been chased away. Both the keyword of
-the first part, <i lang="kij">kubusi</i>, and the sentences of the
-second part have a direct force of their own. It must be realised that,
-for the natives, it is a great insult to be told to go away. <i lang=
-"kij">Yoba</i>, the &lsquo;expulsion,&rsquo; the &lsquo;command to
-go,&rsquo; stands in a category of its own. People are <i lang=
-"kij">yoba&rsquo;d</i>, expelled from communities in certain
-circumstances, and a man would never dream of remaining, when thus
-treated. Therefore the words in this spell possess a force due to
-social sanctions of native custom. The next spell, given in <a href=
-"#ch6">Chapter VI</a>, the <i lang="kij">Kaymomwa&rsquo;u</i>, is also
-anomalous for it consists of one part only. The word <i lang=
-"kij">kubusi</i>, &lsquo;come down&rsquo; is also repeated here, with
-various words designating defilements and broken taboos. These
-qualities are, however, not thought of as personified beings. The force
-of the word is probably also derived from the ideas about the <i lang=
-"kij">yoba</i>.</p>
-<p>The second spell, which is a pendant to the <i lang=
-"kij">Kaymomwa&rsquo;u</i>, the <i lang="kij">Kaygagabile</i>, or spell
-of lightness, begins with a typical <i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula:</i>&mdash;</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Susuwayliguwa
-(repeated);</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">He fails to outrun
-me;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Titavaguwa (repeated);</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">the canoe trembles with speed;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabuguwa (repeated)</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">magical word;</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabugu,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mabugu,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabugamugwa;</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">mabugu-ancient;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">mabugu,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">mabugu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">mabuguva&rsquo;u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">mabugu-new.</span></span></p>
-<p>The first two words are compounds with prefixes and suffixes added
-for magical purposes, as a sort of magical trimming. The untranslatable
-word, said by the natives to be <i lang="kij">megwa wala</i>
-(&lsquo;just magic&rsquo;) is repeated several times in symmetry with
-the previous two words and then with the two suffixes; ancient and new.
-Such repetitions with prefixes or suffixes of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb444" href="#pb444" name=
-"pb444">444</a>]</span>antithetic meaning are a frequent feature of
-magical trimming of words. This exordium affords a clear example of the
-magical play on words, of transformations for the sake of rhythm and
-symmetry; of repetitions of the same words with antithetic affixes. In
-the following part of the spell, the word <i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;i</i>
-(tree) is repeated with verbs:&mdash;&lsquo;the tree flies&rsquo; etc.,
-and it functions as a key-word. It is difficult to decide whether this
-part is a true <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> or only one of the not
-infrequent examples of an <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> with a
-keyword.</p>
-<p>Let us survey a few more of the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> (first
-parts) of the canoe spells, and then proceed to the examination of the
-middle parts and ends. In the next spell of <a href="#ch6">Chapter
-VI</a>, the Kapitunena Duku spell, the word <i lang=
-"kij">bavisivisi</i>, &lsquo;I shall wave them back,&rsquo; (that is;
-the other canoes), is repeated ponderously several times. The opening
-of a spell with one word, which summarises in a metaphorical manner the
-aim of the spell is often found in Kiriwinian magic. In this spell
-there follow the words:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">S&icirc;y&aacute;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Siya
-hill</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">(on)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">d&aacute;ban&acirc;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">top of</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">T&oacute;kun&acirc;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Takuna</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&iacute;nen&acirc;.</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">the women<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e17271" title="Not in source">.</span></span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Sinegu</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">My mother</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">bwaga&rsquo;u,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">sorcerer,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">tatogu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">myself</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bwaga&rsquo;u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">sorcerer.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>These words are pronounced with a heavy, thumping rhythm, as
-indicated by the sharp and circumflex accents. The second line shows a
-rhythmic and symmetrical arrangement of words. The remainder of the
-<i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> of this spell is similar to the same part
-in the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> spell, which has been given here in
-full native text (compare the free translations of both spells in
-previous Chapters).</p>
-<p>In the <i lang="kij">ligogu</i> spell of the same Chapter, the
-<i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> opens with another juggling of
-words:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">virayra&rsquo;i (repeated);</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">female rayra&rsquo;i;</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">morayra&rsquo;i (repeated);</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">male rayra&rsquo;i;</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">basilabusi</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I shall penetrate</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span class="top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">(at)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">Wayayla,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Wayayla,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">basilalaguwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I
-shall emerge</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class=
-"top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(at)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Oyanaki;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Oyanaki;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">basilalaguwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I
-shall emerge</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class=
-"top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(at)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Wayayla,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Wayayla,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">basilabusi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">I shall
-penetrate</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Oyanaki;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Oyanaki;</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb445" href="#pb445" name=
-"pb445">445</a>]</span></p>
-<p>This part of the <i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i> has not been
-translated in the text, as its meaning is &lsquo;magical&rsquo; and can
-be better grasped in connection with the native text. The word <i lang=
-"kij">rayra&rsquo;i</i> is a magical word only. It is first given with
-the antithetic opposition of the male and female prefixes <i lang=
-"kij">vi-</i> and <i lang="kij">mo-</i>. The following phrase is a
-typical example of a geographical antithesis. The two names refer to
-the promontories facing one other across the sea passage Kaulokoki,
-between Boyowa and Kayleula. Why those two points are mentioned I could
-not find out.</p>
-<p>In the <i lang="kij">kadumiyala</i> spell, given in <a href=
-"#ch9">Chapter IX</a>, we have the following opening:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i lang="kij">Vinapega, pega; vinamwana,
-mwana;<br>
-nam mayouyai, makariyouya&rsquo;i, odabwana;<br>
-nam mayouya&rsquo;i, makariyouya&rsquo;i, o&rsquo;u&rsquo;ula</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In the first line, we have the symmetrically uttered and prefixed
-names of the two flying or jumping fishes, <i lang="kij">pega</i> and
-<i lang="kij">mwana</i>. The prefix <i lang="kij">vina-</i> is probably
-the female prefix and may convey the meaning of flying&rsquo;s being
-associated with women, that is with the flying witches. The second and
-third verse contain a play on the root <i lang="kij">yova</i> or
-<i lang="kij">yo&rsquo;u</i> &lsquo;to fly,&rsquo; reduplicated and
-with several affixes added. These two verses are brought into a sort of
-antithesis by the last two words, <i lang="kij">odabwana</i> and
-<i lang="kij">o&rsquo;u&rsquo;ula</i>, or &lsquo;at the top,&rsquo; and
-&lsquo;at the bottom,&rsquo; or here, probably, at the one end of the
-canoe and at the other.</p>
-<p>In the <i lang="kij">Bisila</i> spell, given in the same chapter, we
-have the beginning:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i lang="kij">Bora&rsquo;i, bora&rsquo;i,
-borayyova, biyova;<br>
-Bora&rsquo;i, bora&rsquo;i, borayteta, biteta</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The word <i lang="kij">bora&rsquo;i</i> seems to be again a purely
-magical one. The prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i> carries the meaning of
-tabooed, or ritual; the root <i lang="kij">ra&rsquo;i</i> suggests
-similarity with the above quoted magical word <i lang=
-"kij">rayra&rsquo;i</i>, which is obviously merely a reduplicated form
-of <i lang="kij">ra&rsquo;i</i>. This is therefore a rhythmically
-constructed play on the magical root <i lang="kij">ra&rsquo;i</i>, and
-the words <i lang="kij">yova</i>, &lsquo;to fly,&rsquo; and <i lang=
-"kij">teta</i>, &lsquo;to be poised<span class="corr" id="xd26e17523"
-title="Not in source">,</span>&rsquo; &lsquo;to soar.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">Kayikuna veva</i> spell presents the following
-rhythmic and symmetrical exordium:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Bosuyasuya</i> (repeated); <i lang=
-"kij">boraguragu</i> (repeated).<br>
-<i lang="kij">Bosuya olumwalela; boyragu akatalena</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb446" href="#pb446" name=
-"pb446">446</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The exact meaning of the two words is not quite clear, except that
-they represent magical influences. Their arrangement and the antithesis
-of <i lang="kij">olumwalela</i> (&lsquo;middle part,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;inside&rsquo;), and <i lang="kij">katalena</i>
-(&lsquo;body&rsquo; or &lsquo;outside&rsquo;) is in keeping with the
-features observed in the other beginnings here quoted.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.7" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> (main parts) of the
-spells, though they take a much longer time in reciting, are simpler in
-construction. Many spells, moreover have no middle part at all. The
-first regular <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> we find in our spells is that
-in the Kapitunena Duku. There, we have a series of key-words recited
-with a list of complimentary expressions. The key-words are verbs,
-spoken in the form:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">mata&rsquo;i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">cut,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">matake&rsquo;i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">cut
-at,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">meyova, etc.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">fly,
-etc.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>These verbs are used in this spell with the prefix <i lang=
-"kij">ma-</i> or <i lang="kij">me-</i>, which represents the tense of
-indefinite duration. This prefix, although, as far as I know, found in
-several Melanesian languages in full vigour, has in Kiriwina a
-distinctly archaic flavour, and is only used in certain locutions and
-in magic. Some of the verbs used in this spell are metaphorical in
-their meaning, describing the speed of the canoe in a figurative
-manner. The list of the complimentary words repeated with the key-words
-contains the enumeration of the different parts of the canoe. It is
-typical that the key-words are in their form archaic and in their
-meaning figurative while the complimentary terms are just ordinary
-words of everyday speech.</p>
-<p>Another regular <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> has been given in the
-<i lang="kij">Kadumiyala</i> spell in <a href="#ch9">Chapter IX</a>,
-where the only key-word, <i lang="kij">napuwoye</i>, has been
-translated: &lsquo;I impart speed magically.&rsquo; The prefix <i lang=
-"kij">na-</i> is that of the definite tense. The formative <i lang=
-"kij">pu-</i> I was unable to translate, while the root <i lang=
-"kij">woye</i> means literally &lsquo;to beat&rsquo; and in a somewhat
-more remote sense, &lsquo;to impart magic.&rsquo; In the <i lang=
-"kij">Kayikuna veva</i> spell, the pair <i lang="kij">bwoytalo&rsquo;i,
-bosuyare</i>, meaning &lsquo;paint red in a ritual manner,&rsquo; and
-&lsquo;wreathe in a ritual manner,&rsquo; are given formal resemblance
-by the alliterative prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, which carries with it
-the meaning of &lsquo;ritual.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>We see that the number of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> is smaller,
-since only three spells out of seven have got it. In form, the <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i> are <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb447" href=
-"#pb447" name="pb447">447</a>]</span>simpler than the <i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>, and an examination of a greater number of
-key-words would show that they also express directly or figuratively
-the magical action or its effect<span class="corr" id="xd26e17648"
-title="Source: ,">.</span> Thus, here we had a verb denoting the
-imparting of magic, that is the direct expression of the action; then
-two words figuratively expressing it, and the series of verbal
-key-words enumerating the effects of the magic, such as flying, speed,
-etc. In other canoe spells, not given in this book, there could be
-found similar types of key-words such as: &lsquo;the canoe
-flies&rsquo;; &lsquo;the <i lang="kij">buriwada</i> fish is poised on a
-wave&rsquo;; &lsquo;the reef-heron wades&rsquo;; &lsquo;the reef-heron
-skirts the beach&#8202;&hellip;&rsquo; all of them expressing the aim
-of the spell in accordance with the magical trend of thought.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.8" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">VIII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">From the linguistic point of view, the final parts of
-the spells, the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>, present, as a rule, fewer
-remarkable features. Phonetically the most outstanding trait is the
-purely onomatopoetic sound complexes, such as <i lang="kij">sididi</i>
-or <i lang="kij">saidididi</i>, or the three words <i lang=
-"kij">sididi, tatata, numsa</i>, found in the <i lang=
-"kij">Kadumiyala</i> spell. From the point of view of meaning, there
-are in some of the <i lang="kij">dogina</i> interesting metaphorical
-turns of speech, such as the descriptions of time in the <i lang=
-"kij">Kaygagabile</i> spell, where the difference in speed between the
-magician and his companions is expressed by allusions to the morning
-and evening sun, couched in figurative speech. Some mythical allusions
-also find their way into the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>. These parts of a
-spell are <span class="corr" id="xd26e17685" title=
-"Source: undoubtly">undoubtedly</span> the least important in the
-natives&rsquo; eyes; very often the same <i lang="kij">dogina</i> is
-used with a number of formul&aelig; belonging to the one cycle, as we
-have noticed. Other spells have no <i lang="kij">dogina</i> at all, for
-instance, that of Kapitunena Duku, where the onomatopoetic sound
-<i lang="kij">sidididi</i> stands for the whole <i lang=
-"kij">dogina</i>. As said above, the manner of reciting these parts is
-more perfunctory, with fewer melodic modulations and phonetic
-peculiarities.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.9" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IX</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I have given so far a short linguistic survey of the
-canoe spells, dealing first with their initial parts, <i lang=
-"kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>, then with their main parts, <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>, and lastly saying a few words about the <i lang=
-"kij">dogina</i>. In a still more summary manner, I shall give a short
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb448" href="#pb448" name=
-"pb448">448</a>]</span>survey of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula
-magic) spells, quoted or mentioned in this book, beginning with the
-<i lang="kij">u&rsquo;ula</i>.</p>
-<p>In the <i lang="kij">Yawarapu</i> spell (<a href="#ch7">Chapter
-VII</a>) we have the beginning:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Bu&rsquo;a, bu&rsquo;a, bovinaygau,
-vinaygu;<br>
-bu&rsquo;a, bu&rsquo;a, bomwanaygu, mwanaygu</i> &hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Here the word <i lang="kij">bu&rsquo;a</i> (areca-nut) is repeated
-and used as a prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>, with the antithetic roots
-<i lang="kij">-vinay-</i> (female), and <i lang="kij">-mwanay-</i>
-(male) and with the suffix <i lang="kij">-gu</i> (first possessive
-pronoun).</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">Kaymwaloyo</i> (<a href="#ch7">Chapter VII</a>)
-begins:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Gala bu&rsquo;a, gala doga, gala
-mwayye</i> &hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This is spoken in a solemn manner, and then follows the play on the
-root <i lang="kij">mwase</i>, described above in the free translation
-of this spell.</p>
-<p>Another rhythmic beginning, spoken with regular, strongly marked
-accent is to be found in the <i lang="kij">Kaykakaya</i> spell
-(<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>):</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Ka&yacute;tut&uacute;na
-&iacute;yan&acirc;, m&aacute;rabw&aacute;ga iyan&acirc;</i>
-&hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Symmetrical arrangements of words, with alliterative prefixing of a
-particle and with antithetic uses of word couples are to be found in
-several other spells.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">Talo</i> formula (<a href="#ch13">Chapter
-XIII</a>):</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Talo, talo&rsquo;udawada, udawada<br>
-Talo, talomwaylili, mwaylili</i> &hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">Ta&rsquo;uya</i> spell (<a href="#ch13">Chapter
-XIII</a>):</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Mwanita, monimwanita;<br>
-Deriwa, baderideriwa;<br>
-Derima, baderiderima</i> &hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i> spell (<a href=
-"#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>):</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Mose&rsquo;una Nikiniki,<br>
-Moga&rsquo;ina Nikiniki</i> &hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">Kwoygapani</i> spell (<a href="#ch14">Chapter
-XIV</a>):</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p lang="kij" class="first"><i>Kwega, kweganubwa&rsquo;i,
-nubwa&rsquo;i;<br>
-Kwega, kweganuwa&rsquo;i, nuwa&rsquo;i;<br>
-Kwega, kweganuma&rsquo;i, numa&rsquo;i</i> &hellip;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>I have written them down here without full comment, to show their
-formal phonetic characteristics, which are indeed in all essentials
-quite similar to the samples previously quoted and analysed.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb449" href="#pb449" name=
-"pb449">449</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.10" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">X</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The main parts of the spells in the magic of the Kula
-do not essentially differ in their characteristics from the <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i> of the canoe magic. In their form, some key-words are
-simply verbs used without any transformation in their narrative tense.
-Thus in the <i lang="kij">Talo</i> (red paint) formula, the pair of
-verbs <i lang="kij">ikata</i> (&lsquo;it flares up&rsquo;), <i lang=
-"kij">inamila</i> (&lsquo;it flashes&rsquo;) is used with various nouns
-describing parts of the human head. The key-words of the <i lang=
-"kij">Kayikuna Tabuyo</i> (<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>) are also
-grammatically simple: <i lang="kij">buribwari, kuvakaku kuvakipusa</i>
-(&lsquo;fish-hawk, fall on thy prey, catch it&rsquo;)&mdash;the verbs
-being in the second person of the narrative tense.</p>
-<p>In other cases we find the key-word transformed by reduplication,
-composition or by affixes. In the Yawarapu spell (<a href=
-"#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) the pair <i lang="kij">boraytupa,
-badederuma</i> repeated as key expressions is a compound which I did
-not succeed in analysing completely, though the consensus of my
-informants makes me satisfied with the approximate
-translation:&mdash;&lsquo;Quick sailing, abundant haul.&rsquo; In the
-<i lang="kij">Gebobo</i> spell (<a href="#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) the
-expression <i lang="kij">tutube tubeyama</i> is a play on the root
-<i lang="kij">tubwo</i> used as a rule verbally and meaning &lsquo;to
-be full in the face,&rsquo; &lsquo;to be fine looking.&rsquo; In the
-<i lang="kij">Ta&rsquo;uya</i> spell (<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>)
-there is the reduplication <i lang="kij">munumweynise</i> of the root
-<i lang="kij">mwana</i> or <i lang="kij">mwayna</i> expressing the
-&lsquo;itching&rsquo; or &lsquo;state of excitement.&rsquo; In the
-<i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;ubanai</i> the first key-expression <i lang=
-"kij">ida dabara</i> is an archaic or dialectical couple (the root is
-<i lang="kij">dabara</i>, and <i lang="kij">ida</i> is only a phonetic
-addition), which signifies &lsquo;to ebb.&rsquo; The other
-key-expressions &lsquo;<i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;ukwa yaruyaru,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;ka&rsquo;ukwa mwasara,&rsquo; &lsquo;ka&rsquo;ukwa mwasara
-baremwasemwasara</i>&rsquo; have all the verbal part irregularly
-reduplicated and in the last expression repeated and transformed. The
-last formula of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> (Kula magic) given in
-<a href="#ch14">Chapter XIV</a>, has a pair of expressions used as
-key-phrase: &lsquo;<i lang="kij">kwoygapani, pani;
-kwoyga&rsquo;ulu</i>, ulu.&rsquo; The word <i lang="kij">kwega</i>, a
-variety of betel plant, is used in a modified form as a prefix and
-compounded with the verbal roots <i lang="kij">pani</i> (seduce) and
-<i lang="kij">ulu</i> (enmesh).</p>
-<p>As to the final parts of this class of spell, I have said before
-that it is much less variable than the initial and main parts of a
-formula. Within the same cycle or system, the <i lang="kij">dogina</i>
-often varies little and a man will often use the same one with all his
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb450" href="#pb450" name=
-"pb450">450</a>]</span>spells. The sample given with the <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i> text will therefore be sufficient to show the
-various characteristics of this part of the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>
-spell, and there is no need to say anything more about it.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.11" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A very rapid survey of the phonetic characters of the
-<i lang="kij">kayga&rsquo;u</i> spells (<a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a>)
-must be sufficient and we shall confine ourselves to their <i lang=
-"kij">tapwana</i>. The word <i lang="kij">gwa&rsquo;u</i> or <i lang=
-"kij">ga&rsquo;u</i> means &lsquo;mist&rsquo; or &lsquo;fog&rsquo;;
-verbally used with the meaning &lsquo;to make mist&rsquo; &lsquo;to
-befog,&rsquo; it has always the form <i lang="kij">ga&rsquo;u</i>. In
-the main parts of some of the formul&aelig; of this class, this
-phonetically very expressive word is used with very great sound effect.
-For example in the <i lang="kij">giyorokaywa</i> spell No. 1, the
-key-words are <i lang="kij">aga&rsquo;u</i> (&lsquo;I befog&rsquo;),
-<i lang="kij">aga&rsquo;usulu</i> (&lsquo;I befog, lead astray&rsquo;);
-<i lang="kij">aga&rsquo;uboda</i> (&lsquo;I befog, shut off&rsquo;).
-Spoken, at the beginning of the <i lang="kij">tapwana</i> slowly and
-sonorously, and then quickly and insistently these words produce a
-really &lsquo;magical&rsquo; effect&mdash;that is as far as the
-hearers&rsquo; subjective impressions are concerned. Even more
-impressive and onomatopoetic is the phrase used as key-expression in
-the <i lang="kij">Giyotanawa</i> No. 2:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Ga&rsquo;u, yaga&rsquo;u,
-yagaga&rsquo;u, yaga&rsquo;u, bode, bodegu!</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>This sentence, giving the vowels a full Italian value, such as they
-receive in the Melanesian pronunciation, does certainly have an
-impressive ring; fittingly enough, because this is the dramatic spell,
-uttered into the wind in the sinking <i lang="kij">waga</i>, the final
-effort of magic to blind and mislead the <i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i>.
-The causative prefix <i lang="kij">ya<span class="corr" id="xd26e18059"
-title="Not in source">-</span></i> is used here with a nominal
-expression <i lang="kij">yaga&rsquo;u</i> which has been translated
-&lsquo;gathering mist&rsquo;; the reduplicated one <i lang=
-"kij">yagaga&rsquo;u</i> I have rendered by &lsquo;encircling
-mist.&rsquo; It can be seen from this example how feebly the
-equivalents can be given of the magical phrases in which so much is
-expressed by phonetic or onomatopoetic means.</p>
-<p>The other spells have much less inspired key-words. <i lang=
-"kij">Giyotanawa</i> No. 1 uses the word <i lang="kij">atumboda</i>,
-translated &lsquo;I press,&rsquo; &lsquo;I close down,&rsquo; which
-literally renders the meanings of the verbs <i lang="kij">tum</i>,
-&lsquo;to press,&rsquo; and <i lang="kij">boda</i>, &lsquo;to
-close.&rsquo; The <i lang="kij">Giyorokaywa</i> No. 2 has the somewhat
-archaic key-words spoken in a couple: &lsquo;<i lang="kij">apeyra
-yauredi</i>,&rsquo; &lsquo;I arise,&rsquo; &lsquo;I escape&rsquo; and
-the grammatically irregular expression <i lang="kij">suluya</i>,
-&lsquo;to lead astray.&rsquo; <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb451"
-href="#pb451" name="pb451">451</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The main part of the Kaytaria spell, by which the benevolent fish is
-summoned to the rescue of the drowning party has the key-phrase
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">bigabaygu suyusayu</i>: the <i lang=
-"kij">suyusayu</i> fish shall lift me up.&rsquo; This expression is
-noteworthy: even in this spell, which might be regarded as an
-invocation of the helpful animal, it is not addressed in the second
-person. The result is verbally anticipated, proving that the spell is
-to act through the direct force of the words and not as an appeal to
-the animal.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.12" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">With this, the survey of linguistic samples from
-various spells is closed, and we can briefly summarise our results. The
-belief in the efficiency of a formula results in various peculiarities
-of the language in which it is couched, both as regards meaning and
-sound. The native is deeply convinced of this mysterious, intrinsic
-power of certain words; words which are believed to have their virtue
-in their own right, so to speak; having come into existence from
-primeval times and exercising their influence directly.</p>
-<p>To start first with the meaning of the magical expressions, we have
-seen that in this respect they are plain and direct enough. Most of the
-key-words simply state the magical action, for example when in one of
-the spells the key-word napuwoye, &lsquo;I impart magical virtue (of
-speed<span class="corr" id="xd26e18108" title=
-"Source: &rsquo;),">),&rsquo;</span> or in another the key-words
-&lsquo;to paint red in a festive manner, to wreathe in a festive
-manner,&rsquo; simply describe what the magician is doing. Much more
-often the principal expressions, that is the initial words and the
-key-words, of a spell refer to its aim, as for instance, when we find
-words and phrases denoting &lsquo;speed&rsquo; in canoe magic; or, in
-Kula magic, designations for &lsquo;success&rsquo; &lsquo;abundant
-haul,&rsquo; &lsquo;excitement,&rsquo; &lsquo;beauty.&rsquo; Still more
-often the aim of magic is stated in a metaphorical manner, by similes
-and double meanings. In other parts of the spell, where the magical
-meaning is imprisoned not so much in single words and expressions, as
-in explicit phraseology and long periods, we found that the predominant
-features are: lists of ancestral names; invocations of ancestral
-spirits; mythological allusions; similes and exaggerations;
-depreciating contrasts between the companions and the
-reciter&mdash;most of them expressing an anticipation of the favourable
-results aimed at in the spell. Again, certain parts of the spell
-contain systematic, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb452" href="#pb452"
-name="pb452">452</a>]</span>meticulous enumerations, the reciter going
-over the parts of a canoe one by one; the successive stages of a
-journey; the various Kula goods and valuables; the parts of the human
-head; the numerous places from which the flying witches are believed to
-come. Such enumerations as a rule strive at an almost pedantic
-completeness.</p>
-<p>Passing to the phonetic characteristics, we saw that a word will
-often be used in a shape quite different from those in which it is used
-in ordinary speech; that it will show notable changes in form and
-sound. Such phonetic peculiarities are most conspicuous in the main
-words, that is in the key-words and initial words. They are sometimes
-truncated, more often provided with additions, such as symmetrical or
-antithetic affixes; formatives added for the sake of sound. By these
-means there are produced effects of rhythm, alliteration and rhyme,
-often heightened and accentuated by actual vocal accent. We found play
-on words by symmetrical couples of sounds, with antithetic meaning like
-<i lang="kij">mo-</i> and <i lang="kij">vi-</i>, or <i lang=
-"kij">mwana-</i> and <i lang="kij">vina-</i>, both couples signifying
-&lsquo;male&rsquo; and &lsquo;female&rsquo; respectively; or <i lang=
-"kij">-mugwa</i> (ancient) and <i lang="kij">-va&rsquo;u</i> (new); or
-<i lang="kij">ma-</i> (hither) and <i lang="kij">wa-</i> (thither),
-etc., etc. Especially we found the prefix <i lang="kij">bo-</i>,
-carrying the meaning of ritual or tabooed, with derivation from
-<i lang="kij">bomala</i>; or with the meaning &lsquo;red,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;festive&rsquo; in its derivation from <i lang=
-"kij">bu&rsquo;a</i> (areca-nut); onomatopoetic sounds such as <i lang=
-"kij">sididi</i> or <i lang="kij">saydidi, tatata, numsa</i>, in
-imitation of speed noises, of the wailing of wind, rustling of sail,
-swish of pandanus leaves; <i lang="kij">tududu</i>, in imitation of the
-thunder claps; and the rhythmical, expressive, though perhaps not
-directly onomatopoetic, sentence:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><i lang="kij">Ga&rsquo;u, yaga&rsquo;u,
-yagaga&rsquo;u, yaga&rsquo;u, bode, bodegu</i>.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.13" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XIII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">If we now turn to the substances used in the magical
-rites, as means of ritual transference of the spell, we find in canoe
-magic, dried lalang grass, dried banana leaf, dried pandanus leaf, all
-used in the magic of lightness. A stale potato is employed to carry
-away the heaviness of the canoe; although on another occasion heaviness
-is thrown away with a bunch of lalang grass. The leaves of two or three
-shrubs and weeds, which as a rule the natives take to dry their skin
-after bathing, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb453" href="#pb453" name=
-"pb453">453</a>]</span>are used for magical cleansing of a canoe body,
-and a stick and a torch serve in other rites of exorcism. In the rite
-associated with the blackening of a canoe, charred remains of several
-light substances such as lalang grass, the nest of a small, swift bird,
-the wings of a bat, coco-nut husk and the twigs of an extremely light
-mimosa tree are employed.</p>
-<p>It is easy to see that, not less than the words, the substances here
-used are associated with the aim of the magic, that is, with lightness,
-with swiftness and with flying.</p>
-<p>In the magic of the Kula we find betel-nut, crushed with lime in a
-mortar, used to redden the tip of the canoe. Betel-nut is also given to
-a partner, after it has been charmed over with a seducing spell.
-Aromatic mint, boiled in coco-nut oil and ginger root are also used in
-the <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>. The conch-shell, and the cosmetic
-ingredients, charmed over on Sarubwoyna beach are really part of the
-outfit, and so is the <i lang="kij">lilava</i> bundle. All the
-substances used in this magic are associated either with beauty and
-attractiveness (betel-nut, cosmetics, the mint plant) or with
-excitement (conch-shell, chewed betel-nut). Here therefore, it is not
-with the final aim&mdash;which is the obtaining of valuables&mdash;that
-the magic is concerned, but with the intermediate one, that is that of
-being agreeable to one&rsquo;s partner, of putting him into a state of
-excitement about the Kula.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.14" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XIV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I wish to close this chapter by adducing a few texts
-of native information. In the previous chapters, several statements and
-narratives have been put into the natives&rsquo; mouths and given in
-quotations. I wish now to show some of the actual linguistic data from
-which such quotations have been derived. Numerous utterances of the
-natives were taken down by me as they were spoken. Whenever there was a
-native expression covering a point of crucial importance, or a
-characteristic thought, or one neatly formulated, or else one
-especially hazy and opalescent in meaning&mdash;I noted them down in
-quick handwriting as they were spoken. A number of such texts, apart
-from their linguistic importance, will serve as documents embodying the
-native ideas without any foreign admixture, and it will also show the
-long way which lies between the crude native statement and its
-explicit, ethnographic presentation. For what strikes us at first sight
-most forcibly in these texts is their <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb454" href="#pb454" name="pb454">454</a>]</span>extreme bareness, the
-scantiness of information which they appear to contain. Couched in a
-condensed, disjointed, one might say telegraphic style, they seem to
-lack almost everything which could throw light on the subject of our
-study. For they lack concatenation of ideas, and they contain few
-concrete details, and few really apt generalisations. It must be
-remembered, however, that, whatever might be the importance of such
-texts, they are not the only source of ethnographic information, not
-even the most important one. The observer has to read them in the
-context of tribal life. Many of the customs of behaviour, of the
-sociological data, which are barely mentioned in the texts, have become
-familiar to the Ethnographer through personal observation and the
-direct study of the objective manifestations and of data referring to
-their social constitution (compare the observations on Method in the
-Introduction). On the other hand, a better knowledge of and
-acquaintance with the means of linguistic expression makes the language
-itself much more significant to one who not only knows how it is used
-but uses it himself. After all, if natives could furnish us with
-correct, explicit and consistent accounts of their tribal organisation,
-customs and ideas, there would be no difficulty in ethnographic work.
-Unfortunately, the native can neither get outside his tribal
-atmospheres and see it objectively, nor if he could, would he have
-intellectual and linguistic means sufficient to express it. And so the
-Ethnographer has to collect objective data, such as maps, plans,
-genealogies, lists of possessions, accounts of inheritance, censuses of
-village communities. He has to study the behaviour of the native, to
-talk with him under all sorts of conditions, and to write down his
-words. And then, from all these diverse data, to construct his
-synthesis, the picture of a community and of the individuals in it. But
-I have dwelt on these aspects of method already in the Introduction and
-here I want only to exemplify them with regard to the linguistic
-material directly representing some of the natives&rsquo; thoughts on
-ethnographic subjects.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.15" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">I shall give here first a text on the subject of the
-priority in sailing, which as described in <a href="#ch9">Chapter
-IX</a>, is the privilege of a certain sub-clan in Sinaketa. I was
-discussing with a very <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb455" href=
-"#pb455" name="pb455">455</a>]</span>good informant, Toybayoba of
-Sinaketa, the customs of launching the canoes, and I tried, as usually,
-to keep my interlocutor as much as possible to concrete details and to
-the stating of the full sequence of events. In his account he uttered
-this sentence:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;The Tolabwaga launch their canoe first; by this
-the face of the sea is cleared.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>I thereupon perceived that a new subject had been brought within my
-notice, and I headed my informant on to it, and obtained the following
-text, sentence after sentence:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">The Tolabwaga Sub-Clan and Their Sea-Faring
-Privileges</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">1</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bikugwo,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">He might be first</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikapusi</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he fall down<br>
-(it is launched)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">siwaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their
-canoe</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Tolabwaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Tolabwaga,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bimilakatile</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-might be clear</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bwarita.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">sea.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Igau</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Later on</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kumaydona</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">all</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">gweguya,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">chiefs,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">tokay</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">commoner</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">siwaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their
-canoe</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ikapusisi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they fall
-down<br>
-(are launched)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">oluvyeki.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">behind.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Kidama</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Supposing</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">takapusi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we
-fall down,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">takugwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we are
-first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bitavilidasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might
-turn (on) us</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">baloma;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">spirits;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bitana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we might
-go</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Dobu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">no</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">tabani</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we
-find</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bunukwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">pig</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">soulava.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">necklace.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Makawala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Alike</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">yuwayoulo:</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(lashing creeper)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bikugwo</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">he (it) might be first</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">isipusi</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">they bind</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">siwayugo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">their wayugo lashing,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">iga&rsquo;u</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">later on</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">yakidasi.</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">ourselves.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Takeulo</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">We sail</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">Dobu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">no</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bikugwasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might be
-first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Tolabwaga;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Tolabwaga;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">okovalawa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">on sea
-front</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">aywokwo.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he was
-over.</span></span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb456" href="#pb456"
-name="pb456">456</a>]</span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Obwarita</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">In sea</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">tananamse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we
-consider</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kayne</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">whether</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">isakauli</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-run</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">taytala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">one
-(masculine)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">lawaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his
-canoe,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ikugwo.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he is
-first.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">No</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bikaraywagasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-might command</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">patile.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">canoe
-fleet.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">8</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">8</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Dobu,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gweguya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">chiefs</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bikugwasi,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-might be first,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">biwayse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might
-come there</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kaypatile</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">canoe
-fleet</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">gweguya.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">chiefs.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">9</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">9</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">M&rsquo;tage</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Indeed</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tolabwaga</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">Tolabwaga</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">aywokwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-(it) was over</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">sikaraywaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their
-command</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ovalu.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">in
-village.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The Tolabwaga sub-clan belong to the Lukwasisiga clan, and live at
-present in Kasi&rsquo;etana. Only one man and two women are
-surviving.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">10</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">10</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Simwasila</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Their Kula magic</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">siwaga</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">their canoe</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">migavala,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">magic his,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">vivila</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">woman</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">iyousayse.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-grasp.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">11</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">11</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&ldquo;Datukwasi</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">&ldquo;Our magical
-property</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kasakaymi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we give
-you</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">megwa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">magic</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kwaraywagasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you
-command</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">lagayle!&rdquo;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">to-day!&rdquo;</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Thus would they say on handing their magic to their male
-descendants.</p>
-<p><i>Informant&rsquo;s Commentary</i>.</p>
-<p>Commenting on verse 3, the expression, &lsquo;<i lang=
-"kij">bitalividasi baloma</i>,&rsquo; my informant said:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">&lsquo;Bitavilida&rsquo;:</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">&lsquo;They might turn (on) us&rsquo;:</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bilivalasi</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might say</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">baloma</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">spirit</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&ldquo;Avaka</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">&ldquo;What</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">pela</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">for</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">no</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ikugwo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he is
-first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">Tolabwaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">Tolabwaga,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kukugwasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you are
-first</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">gumgweguya;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">sub-chiefs;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kayuviyuvisa</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">sweepers of the sea</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tolabwaga!&rdquo;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Tolabwaga!&rdquo;</span></span>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb457" href="#pb457" name=
-"pb457">457</a>]</span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">13</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">13</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tavagi</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">We do</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gaga</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">bad</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">igiburuwasi,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-angry</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ninasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mind
-theirs&rsquo;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">igaga,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-bad</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">pela</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">for</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">magisi</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">desire theirs</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">balayamata</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we might watch</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">tokunabogwo</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">long ago</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">aygura.</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">he has decreed.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The verbal translation renders word for word the individual meaning
-of every particle and root, according to a definite grammatical and
-lexicographical scheme which has been adopted for this text in common
-with a few hundred more. In this place, I cannot give the commentary
-and justification of the linguistic details, which will be fairly
-obvious to a Melanesian scholar, who might, however, find some new and
-even controversial features in my translation. To other readers, these
-details are of small interest. I have not included in this translation
-any distinction between the inclusive and exclusive first person, dual
-and plural. Of the two tenses which are to be found in this text, the
-narrative one is translated by the English verb in infinitive, the
-potential, by the addition of the word &lsquo;might.&rsquo; In brackets
-underneath, the special meaning of a word in its context is indicated,
-or some comments are added.</p>
-<p>The free translation of the text must now be given:&mdash;</p>
-<p>Free Translation.</p>
-<p>1 The Tolabwaga canoe would be launched first; by this the face of
-the sea is cleared.</p>
-<p>2 Afterwards, all the chiefs&rsquo;, the commoners&rsquo; canoes are
-launched.</p>
-<p>3 If we would launch our canoes first, the spirits (of ancestors)
-would be angry with us; we would go to Dobu and we would receive no
-pigs, no necklaces.</p>
-<p>4 It is likewise with the lashing of the canoe: first, the Tolabwaga
-would bind the lashing creeper and afterwards ourselves.</p>
-<p>5 On our journey to Dobu, the Tolabwaga would not sail ahead, for
-their priority ends on the beach of Sinaketa.</p>
-<p>6 On the sea it is according to our wish, and if one man&rsquo;s
-canoe runs fast, he would be first.</p>
-<p>7 They (the Tolabwaga) do not wield the command of the canoe fleet.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb458" href="#pb458" name=
-"pb458">458</a>]</span></p>
-<p>8 In Dobu, the chiefs would be first; the chiefs would arrive there
-at the head of the fleet.</p>
-<p>9 But the supremacy of the Tolabwaga ends here already, in the
-village.</p>
-<p>10 The Kula magic, the magic of the canoe, belonging to the
-Tolabwaga clan has passed already into the hands of their
-womenfolk.</p>
-<p>11 (These would say speaking to their male children): &mdash;
-&ldquo;We shall give you the magic, the magical inheritance, you rule
-henceforward.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>12 When the spirits become angry, they would tell us:&mdash;
-&ldquo;Why are the Tolabwaga not first and you minor chiefs are ahead?
-Are not the Tolabwaga cleaners of the sea?&rdquo;</p>
-<p>13 When we do wrong, they (the spirits) are angry, their minds are
-malevolent, for they desire that we should keep to the old customs.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.16" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XVI</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Comparing the free translation with the literal one,
-it is easy to see that certain additions have been made, sentences have
-been subordinated and co-ordinated by various English conjunctions
-which are either completely absent from the native text, or else
-represented by such very vague particles as <i lang="kij">boge</i>
-(already), and <i lang="kij">m&rsquo;tage</i> (indeed). On these
-linguistic questions I cannot enlarge here, but it will be good to go
-over each sentence in succession, and to show how much it was necessary
-to add from the general store of sociological and ethnographic
-knowledge, in order to make it intelligible.</p>
-<p>1. The meaning of the word &lsquo;fall down&rsquo; is specialised
-here by the context, and I translated it by &lsquo;launch.&rsquo; The
-particle <i lang="kij">boge</i> had to be translated here by &lsquo;by
-this.&rsquo; The words about the &lsquo;clearing of the sea&rsquo;
-suggested at once to me that there was a special ancient custom in
-question. Then there is the name of the sub-clan Tolabwaga. In order to
-understand the full meaning of this phrase, it is necessary to realise
-that this name stands for a sub-clan; and then one has to be well
-acquainted with native sociology, in order to grasp what such a
-privilege, vested in a sub-clan, might mean. Thus, a word like this can
-in the first place be understood only in the context of its phrase, and
-on the basis of a certain linguistic knowledge. But its fuller meaning
-becomes intelligible only in the context of the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb459" href="#pb459" name=
-"pb459">459</a>]</span>native life and of native sociology. Again the
-expression referring to the clearing of the sea required a further
-comment, for which I asked my informant, and was answered by Phrase
-3.</p>
-<p>2. In this phrase the expressions &lsquo;chiefs,&rsquo;
-&lsquo;commoners&rsquo; etc., are fully intelligible only to one, who
-has a definition of these words in terms of native sociology. Indeed,
-only the knowledge of the usual supremacy of the chiefs allows one to
-gauge their importance and the survival character of this custom, by
-which this importance is diminished for a time.</p>
-<p>3. Here, we have the explanation of the obscure clause in phrase 1,
-&lsquo;A clear sea&rsquo; means the good temper of the spirits which
-again means good luck. The question as to whether the spirits are to be
-imagined as actively interfering or helping still remained open. I
-asked for a further elucidation, which was given to me in the text of
-Phrases 12 and 13.</p>
-<p>4. This contains a condensed reference to the stages of
-ship-building, previous to launching. This, of course, to be
-understood, pre-supposes a knowledge of these various activities.</p>
-<p>5 to 9. The limitations of the powers of the Tolabwaga sub-clan are
-outlined, giving interesting side-lights on the r&ocirc;le played by
-females as repositories of family (sub-clan) traditions. Needless to
-say, this statement would be entirely meaningless without the knowledge
-of the natives&rsquo; matrilineal institutions, of their customs of
-inheritance and of property in magic. The correct knowledge of these
-facts can only be gathered by a collection of objective, ethnographic
-documents, such as concrete data about cases of actual inheritance,
-etc.</p>
-<p>12 and 13. Here it is explained how far the <i lang="kij">baloma</i>
-would become angry and how they would act if a custom were broken. It
-can be distinctly seen from it that the anger of the spirits is only a
-phrase, covering all these forces which keep the natives to the
-observance of old customs. The <i lang="kij">baloma</i> would go no
-further than to reproach them for breaking the old rules, and there are
-no definite ideas among these natives about actual punishment being
-meted out by offended spirits.</p>
-<p>These considerations show convincingly that no linguistic analysis
-can disclose the full meaning of a text without the help of an adequate
-knowledge of the sociology, of the customs and of the beliefs, current
-in a given society.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div18.17" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">XVII</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Another sample of a native text may be given here, as
-it is of especial interest, in that it throws light upon the previously
-given magical formula of the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>. It is the text I
-obtained trying to find the meaning of the word <i lang=
-"kij">bosisi&rsquo;ula</i>, which figures at the beginning of the
-above-mentioned spell. According to two informants of Sinaketa, the
-word <i lang="kij">visisi&rsquo;una</i> refers to the belief already
-described, that the owner of a <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> charm is liable
-to fits of trembling, during which he trembles as a <i lang=
-"kij">bisila</i> (pandanus) streamer trembles in the wind. He then
-should ritually eat some baked fish, and this is called <i lang=
-"kij">visisi&rsquo;una</i>. Such a man would then ask somebody of his
-household:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;<i lang="kij">Kugabu, kumaye,
-avisisi&rsquo;una</i>.&rdquo;<br>
-&ldquo;Thou bake, thou bring, I ritually eat.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Or someone else would urge his wife or daughter:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;<i lang="kij">Kugabu, kumaye,
-ivisisi&rsquo;una</i>.&rdquo;<br>
-&ldquo;Thou bake, thou bring, he eats ritually.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Again, asked for a direct equation, my informant said:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;<i lang="kij">Ivisisi&rsquo;una &mdash; bigabu,
-tomwaya ikam</i>.&rdquo;<br>
-&ldquo;Ivisisi&rsquo;una &mdash; he bake, old man he eat.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The following text contains a more explicit definition of the term,
-which I was trying at that time to make clear and to translate by an
-appropriate English expression.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Explanation of Word Visisi&rsquo;una</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">A.&mdash;First Informant.</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">1</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Pela</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">For</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">isewo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-learn</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">wayugo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">wayugo,<br>
-(the creeper magic)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">itatatuva</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he (it)
-tremble</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">wowola</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">body
-his</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">matauna,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">this
-(man),</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class=
-"top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(who)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">isa&rsquo;u (<span class="rm">or</span> isewo)</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he learn</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">wayugo.</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">wayugo.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&ldquo;Nanakwa,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">&ldquo;Quick,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kugabu</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">thou bake</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kusayki,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">thou give</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">tomwaya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">old
-man<br>
-(magician)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ivisisi&rsquo;una</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-ritually eats,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">itatatuva</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-tremble</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kana</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bisila,</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">pandanus streamer,</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kana</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">his</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">wayugo.&rdquo;</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">wayugo creeper.&rdquo;</span></span>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb461" href="#pb461" name=
-"pb461">461</a>]</span></p>
-<p>B.&mdash;Second Informant.</p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tayta</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">(If) one</span></span> <span class="intra"><span class=
-"top">&nbsp;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">(man)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">isewo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-learn</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bisila,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">bisila,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">not</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bikam</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he might
-eat</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">yena,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">fish,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">itatuva</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-tremble</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">wowola.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">body
-his.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Free Translation.</p>
-<p>(A.) 1. The body of a man who has learned the <i lang=
-"kij">wayuga</i> spell, trembles, because he learned the spell.
-(Someone seeing him tremble, would tell someone of his household:)</p>
-<p>2 &ldquo;Quick, bake fish, give to the old man that he might
-ritually eat, his pandanus streamer trembles, his <i lang=
-"kij">wayugo.</i>&rdquo;</p>
-<p>(B.) 3 A man who learns the <i lang="kij">bisila</i> magic and does
-not eat fish will tremble.</p>
-<p>This text, with its foregoing short comments and with its two
-versions will give an inkling of how I was able to obtain from my
-native informants the definition of unknown and sometimes very involved
-expressions and how, in the act of doing it, I was given additional
-enlightenment on obscure details of belief and custom.</p>
-<p>It will also be interesting to give another text referring to the
-<i lang="kij">gwara</i> custom. I have given in <a href="#ch14">Chapter
-XIV</a> a native definition of this custom, and of the reception
-accorded to the Trobrianders in Dobu when there is a taboo on palms
-there. The statement was based on the following text, and on certain
-other additional notes.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Gwara in Dobu and the Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i
-Magic</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">1</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">1</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tama</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">We come (to)</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Dobu</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">Dobu,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikarigava&rsquo;u&mdash;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he die anew&mdash;</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">gwara:</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">gwara:</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bu&rsquo;a</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">areca</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bilalava</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">he might ripen</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">usi</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">banana</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">bimwanogu,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">he might ripen,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">nuya</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">coco-nut</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bibabayse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-might spike</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ka&rsquo;i</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">stick</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kayketoki.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">small
-stick.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">2</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">2</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">No</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">takokola:</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">we fright:</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikawoyse</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">they take (put on)</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bowa</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">war paints</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kayyala,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">spear,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kema;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">axe;</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">isisuse</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-sit</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">biginayda</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they might
-look at us.</span></span> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb462" href=
-"#pb462" name="pb462">462</a>]</span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">3</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">3</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Batana</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">We go</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">ovalu</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">in
-village</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">tasakaulo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we
-run,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">no</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">tanouno</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">we walk.</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">batawa</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">we might arrive</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">tamwoyne</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">we (i.d.) climb</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">bu&rsquo;a.</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">areca.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">4</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">4</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Idou:</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">He cries</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">&ldquo;E!</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">&ldquo;E!</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">Gala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">No</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bukumwoyne</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">thou mightst
-climb</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bu&rsquo;a.&rdquo;</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">areca.&rdquo;</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">5</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">5</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Bogwe</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">ika&rsquo;u</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">he take</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kayyala,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">spear,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">mwada</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">mayhap</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">biwoyda.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he might
-hit us.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">6</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">6</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tapula</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">We ritually spit</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">nayya</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">wild ginger root</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i:</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i:</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ika&rsquo;ita</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he return</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ima,</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">he come</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">igigila</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-laugh,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">iluwaymo</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-throw</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kayyala,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">spear,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kema.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">axe.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">7</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">7</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Tapula</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">We ritually spit</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Valu</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">village</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">kumaydona,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">all,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">boge</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">already</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">itamwa&rsquo;u</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">he
-vanish</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ninasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mind
-theirs&rsquo;,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">ilukwaydasi:</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">they
-tell us:</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">8</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">8</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">&ldquo;Bweyna,</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">&ldquo;Good,</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kumwoynasi</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">you climb</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kami</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">your</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">bu&rsquo;a,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">areca,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">nuya,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">coco-nut
-(palms)</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">kami</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">your</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">usi</span> <span lang=
-"en-uk" class="bottom">banana</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">kuta&rsquo;isi.&rdquo;</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">you cut.&rdquo;</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>In comment added:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first"><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">9</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">9</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Gala</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">No</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">ikarige</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">he die</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">veyola</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">kinsman his,</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang=
-"kij" class="top">ninasi</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">mind
-their</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">bweyna.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">well.</span></span></p>
-<p><span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">10</span>
-<span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">10</span></span> <span class=
-"intra"><span lang="kij" class="top">Vivila</span> <span lang="en-uk"
-class="bottom">Woman</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij"
-class="top">kayyala</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">spear
-her</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">ikawo,</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">she
-take</span></span> <span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">pela</span> <span lang="en-uk" class="bottom">for</span></span>
-<span class="intra"><span lang="kij" class=
-"top">tokamsita&rsquo;u.</span> <span lang="en-uk" class=
-"bottom">cannibals.</span></span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Free Translation</p>
-<p>1 We come to Dobu, (there) someone has recently died&mdash;there is
-a gwala: the areca nut will ripen, the bananas will ripen, they will
-stick up coco-nuts on small spikes.</p>
-<p>2 If there is no ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i charm made&mdash;we are
-afraid: they (sc. the Dobuans) put on war paint, take up spear and axe,
-they sit (waiting) and look at us.</p>
-<p>3 We go into the village running, not walking; we arrive and climb
-the areca palm. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb463" href="#pb463"
-name="pb463">463</a>]</span></p>
-<p>4 He (the Dobuan) shouts: &ldquo;Don&rsquo;t climb the areca
-palm!&rdquo;</p>
-<p>5 Already he takes the spear, so as to hit us.</p>
-<p>6 We ritually spit about wild ginger root charmed with the
-ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i spell&mdash;he returns, comes to us, laughs, he
-throws away spear and axe.</p>
-<p>7 We ritually bespit the whole village, already their intention
-vanishes, they tell us:</p>
-<p>8 &ldquo;Well, climb your areca palm and your coco-nut, cut your
-banana.&rdquo;</p>
-<p>9 If no kinsman had died, their intentions are good.</p>
-<p>10 A woman would also take up a spear, as they (the Dobuans) are
-cannibals.</p>
-<p>These three texts will be quite sufficient to give an idea of the
-method of dealing with linguistic evidence, and of the documentary
-value of immediately recorded native opinions. They will also make
-clear what I have said before, that only a good, working knowledge of a
-native language on the one hand, and a familiarity with their social
-organisation and tribal life on the other, would make it possible to
-read all the full significance into these texts. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb464" href="#pb464" name="pb464">464</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch19" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e885">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XIX</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Inland Kula</h2>
-<div id="div19.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">After the somewhat long digression on magic, we can
-now return once more to the description of the Kula. So far, we have
-been treating only one incident in it, the overseas expedition between
-Sinaketa and Dobu, and the return visit. But in dealing with this one
-typical stage we have received a picture of the whole Kula, and we have
-incidentally learnt all about the fundamentals of the exchange, the
-magic, the mythology, and the other associated aspects. Now it remains
-to put the finishing touches to the general picture, that is, to say a
-few words, first about the manner in which it is conducted within a
-district, and then to follow the exchange on the remaining part of the
-ring. The exchange within each Kula community has been called the
-&lsquo;inland Kula.&rsquo; This part of the subject I know from
-personal experience in the Trobriands only. All that will be said
-therefore in this chapter will apply primarily to that part of the
-ring. As Boyowa, however, is by far the biggest and most densely
-populated piece of land within the Kula, it is clear that in treating
-the inland exchange in that island, we treat it in its most developed
-and typical form.</p>
-<p>It has been mentioned before, in <a href="#ch16">Chapter XVI</a>
-that in April, 1918, To&rsquo;uluwa had come to Sinaketa in connection
-with the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visit of the Dobuans. To&rsquo;uluwa
-is the present chief of Omarakana, indeed, the last chief of Kiriwina,
-for after his death no one will succeed him. His power has been broken
-by the interference of Government officials and the influence of
-Mission work. The power of the Trobriand chief lay mainly in his
-wealth, and this he was able to keep constantly at a high level through
-the institution of polygamy. Now that he is <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb465" href="#pb465" name=
-"pb465">465</a>]</span>forbidden to acquire more wives, though he may
-keep his old ones; and now that his successor will not be allowed to
-follow this immemorial custom of polygamy practised by their dynasty,
-the power of the chief has no basis, and has to a great extent
-collapsed.</p>
-<p>I may add that this interference, inflicted for no comprehensible
-purposes, except if it be an exceedingly parochial and narrow-minded
-application of our sense of morality and propriety, has no legal basis
-whatever in the regulations of that Colony, and could not be justified
-either formally or on account of any results it may produce. Indeed,
-the undermining of old-established authority, of tribal morals and
-customs tends on the one hand completely to demoralise the natives and
-to make them unamenable to any law or rule, while on the other hand, by
-destroying the whole fabric of tribal life, it deprives them of many of
-their most cherished diversions, ways of enjoying life, and social
-pleasures. Now once you make life unattractive for a man, whether
-savage or civilised, you cut the taproot of his vitality. The rapid
-dying out of native races is, I am deeply convinced, due more to wanton
-interference with their pleasures and normal occupations, to the
-marring of their joy of life as they conceive it, than to any other
-cause. In the Trobriands, for instance, the chief has always been the
-organiser of all the big, tribal festivities. He received large
-contributions from the commoners under various legal obligations (see
-<a href="#div6.6">Chap. VI, Division VI</a>) but he gave away all his
-wealth again in the form of big, ceremonial distributions, of presents
-at festivities, of food gifts to the partakers in dances, tribal sports
-and diversions. These were the pleasures in which the natives found
-real zest, which largely gave meaning to their lives. Nowadays all
-these pursuits have greatly slackened, because of the lack of
-concentration of wealth and power in the chief&rsquo;s hands. He can
-neither afford to finance the big pastimes of yore, nor has he
-influence enough to give the same energetic initiative to start them
-going. After his death, things will be worse still. There are reasons
-to fear, and even natives express their misgivings, that in a
-generation or two the Kula will become entirely disorganised.</p>
-<p>It is a well-known fact that the resistance and health of a native
-depend on auto-suggestion more even than is the case with ourselves,
-though new developments in psychotherapy <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb466" href="#pb466" name="pb466">466</a>]</span>seem to indicate that
-medicine has up till now largely underrated the general influence of
-this factor. Even the old ethnographic observers, more in Polynesia
-perhaps than anywhere else, have reported clear, unmistakable instances
-in which the loss of interest in life and the determination to die
-brought about death without any other cause. My own experience, though
-I have no one very striking case to cite, bears this out fully from all
-sorts of corroborating types of evidence. It is therefore not going
-beyond what is fully granted by facts, to maintain that a general loss
-of interest in life, of the <i lang="fr">joie de vivre</i>, the cutting
-of all the bonds of intense interest, which bind members of a human
-community to existence, will result in their giving up the desire to
-live altogether, and that therefore they will fall an easy prey to any
-disease, as well as fail to multiply.</p>
-<p>A wise administration of natives would, on the one hand, try to
-govern <i>through</i> the chief, using his authority along the lines of
-old law, usage, and custom; on the other hand it would try to maintain
-all which really makes life worth living for the natives, for it is the
-most precious inheritance, which they have from the past ages, and it
-is no good to try to substitute other interests for those lost. It is
-easy to hand over one&rsquo;s vices to a man racially and culturally
-different; but nothing is as difficult to impart as a keen interest in
-the sports and amusements of other people. Even from one European
-nation to another, the last stronghold of national peculiarity can be
-found in its traditional diversions, and without diversion and
-amusement a culture and a race cannot survive. The application of a
-heavy, indeed, crushing machinery of European law and moral
-regulations, with their various sanctions, simply destroys the whole
-delicate fabric of tribal authority, eradicating good and bad alike,
-and leaves nothing but anarchy, bewilderment and ill will.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e20128src" href="#xd26e20128" name=
-"xd26e20128src">1</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb467" href=
-"#pb467" name="pb467">467</a>]</span></p>
-<p>With a mere show of his former authority, therefore, poor old
-To&rsquo;uluwa arrived with a handful of followers at Sinaketa. He
-still keeps to all the strict observances and onerous duties with which
-his exalted position was weighted in olden days. Thus, he may not
-partake of ever so many kinds of food, considered to be unclean for the
-members of the sub-clan of Tabalu. He may not even touch any defiled
-objects, that have been in contact with unclean food; he may not eat
-from dishes or drink out of vessels which have been used previously by
-other people. When he goes to Sinaketa, for instance, where even the
-highest chiefs do not keep the taboos, he remains almost on starvation
-diet; he can only eat the food which has been brought from his own
-village, or drink and eat green coco-nut. Of the honours attaching to
-his position, not many are observed. In olden days, on his approach to
-a village, a runner would enter first, <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb468" href="#pb468" name="pb468">468</a>]</span>and in a loud voice
-cry out &ldquo;<i lang="kij">O Guya&rsquo;u</i>,&rdquo; whereupon all
-the people would stand in readiness, and at the chief&rsquo;s approach
-the commoners would throw themselves on the ground, the headman would
-squat down, and men of rank would bend their heads. Even now, no
-commoner in the Trobriands would stand erect in the presence of
-To&rsquo;uluwa. But he no more announces his arrival in such a loud and
-proud manner, and he takes his dues as they are given, not demanding
-them with any show of authority.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div19.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">On that occasion in Sinaketa, I met him again after
-about two years interval since the time when I lived as his neighbour
-in Omarakana for some eight months, my tent pitched side by side with
-his <i lang="kij">lisiga</i> (chief&rsquo;s man&rsquo;s abode). I found
-him changed and aged, his tall figure more bent, his large face, with
-its expression half of benevolence and half of cunning, wrinkled and
-clouded over. He had some grievances to tell about the offhand
-treatment which had been given to him in Sinaketa, where he had
-received no necklaces at all, although a few days before the Sinaketans
-had carried from Kiriwina over 150 pairs of armshells. Indeed, the
-relative change of position between the chiefs of Sinaketa and himself
-is a permanent sore point with the old chief. All coastal natives, and
-especially the headman of Sinaketa, have become very rich owing to the
-introduced industry of pearling, where their services are paid for by
-the white men in tobacco, betel-nut, and <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>. But To&rsquo;uluwa, ruined through white
-man&rsquo;s influence, receives nothing from pearling, and compared to
-his Sinaketan inferiors, is a pauper. So after a day or two in
-Sinaketa, highly displeased, and vowing never to return again, he went
-back to Omarakana, his residence, and thither we shall follow him.</p>
-<p>For Omarakana is still the centre of the Trobriand inland Kula, and,
-in certain respects, still one of the most important places on the
-ring. It is probably the only locality where the Kula is or ever was to
-some extent concentrated in the hands of one man, and it is also the
-capital of the important district of Kiriwina, which dominates all the
-inland Kula of the Northern Trobriands, and links up the island of
-Kitava with the western islands of Kuyleula and Kuyawa. It is also an
-important link <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb469" href="#pb469" name=
-"pb469">469</a>]</span>between Kitava and Sinaketa, though between
-these two last mentioned places there are some minor means of
-communication, as we shall presently see.</p>
-<p>Previously, in <a href="#ch3">Chapter III</a>, in the definition of
-the fundamentals of the Kula, we saw that the population of the Ring
-can be divided into what we called <i>Kula communities</i>. These
-divisions, as we remember, were distinguished by the fact that each one
-makes overseas expeditions of its own. For example, the Sinaketans, as
-we saw, make their trips to Dobu in a body, and although the Vakutans
-may go with them at the same time, the two fleets sail and act as
-independent units. Again, the whole district of Kiriwina sails to the
-East, to Kitava, as one fleet. But no Sinaketan canoe could ever form
-part of it. Another distinguishing characteristic of a Kula community
-is that the furthest limits of partnership are the same for all its
-members. Thus for instance, a man from any village in Kiriwina,
-provided he is in the Kula, may have a partner anywhere up to the
-furthest limits of the Sinaketa district in the South, and in any of
-the villages of the island of Kitava to the East. But beyond that, no
-Kiriwinian, not even To&rsquo;uluwa himself, can enter into Kula
-partnership. There are again certain differences between the manner of
-conducting transactions within a Kula community on the one hand, and
-between members of two communities on the other.</p>
-<p>Kiriwina is one of such Kula communities, and Sinaketa is another.
-Yet the two are not divided by sea, and the style of exchange, when
-this is carried on between two Kula communities which lie in the same
-district, differs also from that of overseas Kula. Our first task here
-will be therefore to mark out clearly the lines of distinction
-between:</p>
-<p>1. The transactions of Kula carried on overseas, from one district
-to another.</p>
-<p>2. Kula between two distinct but contiguous &lsquo;Kula
-communities.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>3. Transactions within a &lsquo;Kula community.&rsquo;</p>
-<p>The facts belonging to the first heading have been described at
-length, and it will be enough to point out in what the second type
-differs from the first. Obviously, when two districts on the same
-island, such as Kiriwina and Sinaketa, make the exchange there is no
-overseas sailing, no preparation of canoes, no launching, no <i lang=
-"kij">kabigidoya</i>. Sometimes big joint expeditions <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb470" href="#pb470" name="pb470">470</a>]</span>are
-made by the one community to the other and a great haul of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is carried home. As an example of that, we may
-mention the visit made by the Sinaketans to Kiriwina in the last days
-of March, 1918, when a great number of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> were
-brought, in readiness for the Dobuan <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visit.
-When such an important visit is made from one Trobriand district to
-another, some of the Kula magic will be performed, but obviously not
-all, for there is no <i lang="kij">lilava</i> bundle to be medicated,
-since no trade is carried; no dangerous cannibals have to be tamed by
-the <i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i> rite, for the hosts are,
-and always have been, friendly neighbours. But some of the beauty
-magic, and the enticing formula over <span class="corr" id="xd26e20206"
-title="Source: betel nut">betel-nut</span> would be recited to obtain
-as many valuables as possible. There is nothing corresponding to
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> in such big visits between neighbouring
-districts, though I think that they would be held only in connection
-with some <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> visit from another part of the ring
-to one of the two districts, as was the case in the example quoted,
-that is the Sinaketan visit to Kiriwina (<a href="#ch16">Chapter
-XVI</a>). Of course there is no associated trade on such expeditions,
-for there is very little to exchange between Sinaketa and Kiriwina, and
-what there is, is done independently, in a regular manner all the year
-round. Partnership between people of such two Kula communities is very
-much the same as within one of them. It obtains between people speaking
-the same language, having the same customs and institutions, many of
-whom are united by bonds of actual kinship or relationship-in-law. For,
-as has been mentioned already, marriages between Sinaketa and Kiriwina
-take place frequently, especially between natives of high rank. The
-rule is, in such cases, that a man of Sinaketa marries a woman of
-Kiriwina.</p>
-<div class="figure pl60width" id="pl60">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl60width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LX</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl60.jpg" alt="Armshells Brought from Kitava." width=
-"720" height="407">
-<p class="figureHead">Armshells Brought from Kitava.</p>
-<p>The personal share of To&rsquo;uluwa from the haul of armshells
-brought to Omarakana in October in October, 1915. (See <a href=
-"#div19.3">Div. III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl61width" id="pl61">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl61width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LXI</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl61.jpg" alt="Bringing in a Soulava." width="661"
-height="391">
-<p class="figureHead">Bringing in a Soulava.</p>
-<p>The party, the second man blowing the conch shell and the leader
-carrying the necklace on a stick, approach the chief&rsquo;s house.
-(See <a href="#div19.3">Div. III</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class="figure pl62width" id="pl62">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl62width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LXII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl62.jpg" alt="Offering the Soulava." width="658"
-height="389">
-<p class="figureHead">Offering the Soulava.</p>
-<p>The necklace is thrust on its stick into the chief&rsquo;s house.
-Both this plate and the foregoing one represent an act of purely
-domestic Kula, one of the sons of To&rsquo;uluwa offering his father a
-necklace. Hence the scanty attendance of the general public.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div19.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us pass now to the relation between categories 2
-and 3, that is between Kula of two contiguous &lsquo;Kula
-communities,&rsquo; and the Kula within one of them. First of all, in
-the inland Kula within the same community, there never take place big,
-wholesale transactions. The circulation of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> consists of individual exchanges, sometimes
-more frequent, that is, whenever an overseas expedition has come home
-laden with many valuables, sometimes done at long intervals. No magic
-is <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb471" href="#pb471" name=
-"pb471">471</a>]</span>performed in this type of Kula, and though there
-is a certain amount of ceremony accompanying each gift, there are no
-big, public gatherings. A concrete description of an actual case may
-serve best to illustrate these general statements.</p>
-<p>During the eight months I stayed in Omarakana in 1915&ndash;1916, I
-had the opportunity of watching many cases of inland Kula, as there was
-a constant come and go between Kiriwina and Kitava, and subsequent to
-each influx of armshells from the East, a series of exchanges took
-place. In the month of November, To&rsquo;uluwa went with his canoe on
-a small expedition across the sea to Kitava, and brought back a good
-haul of <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshells). He arrived on an evening
-on the beach of Kaulukuba, and word was sent over to the village that
-next day he would come up with his trophies. In the morning, blows of
-conch-shell, heard from the distance, announced the approach of the
-returning party, and soon, preceded by one of his small sons carrying
-the conch-shell, To&rsquo;uluwa made his appearance followed by his
-companions. Each man carried a few pairs which he had obtained, whilst
-the chief&rsquo;s share was brought in on a stick, hanging down in a
-chaplet (see <a href="#pl60">Plate LX</a>).</p>
-<p>The people in the village sat before their huts, and according to
-native custom, there was no special concourse to meet the chief, nor
-any outward signs of excitement. The chief went straight to one of his
-<i lang="kij">bulaviyaka</i>, that is, one of his wives&rsquo; houses,
-and sat on the platform before it, waiting for some food to come. That
-would be the place where he would seat himself, if he wanted just to
-have a domestic chat with some of his wives and children. Had any
-strangers been there, he would have received them at his place of
-official reception, in front of his <i lang="kij">lisiga</i>, the
-extremely large and high chief&rsquo;s house, standing in the inner row
-of yam houses, and facing the main place, the <i lang="kij">baku</i>
-(see <a href="#pl02">Plate II</a>). On that occasion he went to the hut
-of Kadamwasila, his favourite wife, the mother of four sons and one
-daughter. She is quite old now, but she was the first wife married by
-To&rsquo;uluwa himself, that is, not inherited, and there is an
-unmistakable attachment and affection between the two, even now. Though
-the chief has several much younger and one or two really fine looking
-wives, he is usually to be found talking and taking his food with
-Kadamwasila. He has also a few older wives, whom, according to the
-custom, he inherited <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb472" href="#pb472"
-name="pb472">472</a>]</span>from his predecessor, in that case, his
-elder brother. The eldest of them, Bokuyoba, the Dean of the Body of
-the chief&rsquo;s wives, has been twice inherited; she is now a source
-of income&mdash;for her male kinsmen have to supply yams to the
-chief&mdash;and an object of veneration, and is now even relieved of
-the duty of cooking the chief&rsquo;s food.</p>
-<p>To&rsquo;uluwa sat, ate, and talked about his journey to myself and
-some of the village elders assembled there. He spoke of the amount of
-<i lang="kij">mwali</i> at present in Kitava, told us from whom and how
-he obtained those at which we were then looking, naming the most
-important ones, and giving bits of their histories. He commented on the
-state of gardens in Kitava, which in one respect, in the production of
-the big yams (<i lang="kij">kuvi</i>) are the admiration of all the
-surrounding districts. He spoke also about future Kula arrangements,
-expeditions to arrive from the East in Kiriwina, and of his own planned
-movements.</p>
-<p>On the afternoon of the same day, people from other villages began
-to assemble, partly to hear the news of the chief&rsquo;s expedition,
-partly in order to find out what they could obtain themselves from him.
-Headmen from all the dependent villages sat in one group round the
-chief, who now had moved to the official reception ground, in front of
-his <i lang="kij">lisiga</i>. Their followers, in company with the
-chief&rsquo;s henchmen, and other inhabitants of Omarakana, squatted
-all over the <i lang="kij">baku</i> (central place), engaged in
-conversation. The talk in each group was of the same subjects, and did
-not differ much from the conversation, I had heard from the chief on
-his arrival. The newly acquired armshells were handed round, admired,
-named, and the manner of their acquisition described.</p>
-<p>Next day, several <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (spondylus shell
-necklaces) were brought to Omarakana by the various men from
-neighbouring villages to the West, and ceremonially offered to
-To&rsquo;uluwa (see Plates <a href="#pl61">LXI</a>, <a href=
-"#pl62">LXII</a>, and <a href="#pl00">Frontispiece</a>). This was, in
-each case a <i lang="kij">vaga</i> (opening gift), for which the giver
-expected to receive his <i lang="kij">yotile</i> (clinching gift) at
-once from the store of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>. In this case we see the
-influence of chieftainship in the relation between Kula partners. In
-the inland Kula of Kiriwina, all gifts would be brought to
-To&rsquo;uluwa, and he would never have to fetch or carry his presents.
-Moreover, he would always be given and never give the opening gift
-(<i lang="kij">vaga</i>); while his gift <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb473" href="#pb473" name="pb473">473</a>]</span>would invariably be a
-<i lang="kij">yotile</i>. So that the chief sometimes owes a Kula gift
-to a commoner, but a commoner never owes a gift to a chief. The
-difference between the rules of procedure here and those of an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> overseas expedition is clear: in a competitive
-overseas expedition, valuables for exchange are never carried by the
-visiting party, who only receive gifts and bring them back home; in the
-inland Kula, the determining factor is the relative social position of
-the two partners. Gifts are brought to the man of superior by the man
-of inferior rank, and the latter has also to initiate the exchange.</p>
-<p>The following entry is quoted literally from my notes, made in
-Omarakana, on November the 13th, 1915. &ldquo;This morning, the headman
-of Wagaluma brought a <i lang="kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i> (fine necklace).
-At the entrance to the village (it is Omarakana), they (the party)
-halted, blew the conch shell, put themselves in order. Then, the conch
-shell blower went ahead, the men of highest rank took the stick with
-the <i lang="kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i>, a boy carrying the heavy wooden
-bell pendant on a <i lang="kij">kaboma</i> (wooden dish).&rdquo; This
-requires a commentary. The ceremonial way of carrying the spondylus
-shell necklaces is by attaching each end to a stick, so that the
-necklace hangs down with the pendant at its lowest point (see <a href=
-"#pl00">Frontispiece</a> and <a href="#pl61">Pl. LXI</a> and <a href=
-"#pl62">LXII</a>). In the case of very long and fine necklaces, in
-which the pendant is accordingly big and heavy, while the actual
-necklace is thin and fragile, the pendant has to be taken off and
-carried apart. Resuming the narrative:&mdash;&ldquo;The headman
-approached To&rsquo;uluwa and said: &lsquo;<i lang="kij">Agukuleya,
-ikanawo; lagayla lamaye; yoku kayne gala mwali</i>.&rsquo; This he said
-in thrusting the stick into the thatch of the chief&rsquo;s
-house.&rdquo; The words literally mean: &lsquo;My <i lang=
-"kij">kuleya</i> (food left over), take it; I brought it to-day; have
-you perhaps no armshells?&rsquo; The expression &lsquo;food left
-over,&rsquo; applied to the gift was a depreciating term, meaning
-something which is an overflow or unwanted scrap. Thus he was
-ironically depreciating his gift, and at the same time implying that
-much wealth still remained in his possession. By this, in an oblique
-manner, he bragged about his own riches, and with the last phrase,
-expressing doubt as to whether To&rsquo;uluwa had any armshells, he
-threw a taunt at the chief. This time the gift was returned immediately
-by a fine pair of armshells.</p>
-<p>It was in connection with the same expedition that the little
-exchange between two of the chief&rsquo;s wives took place,
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb474" href="#pb474" name=
-"pb474">474</a>]</span>mentioned before (in <a href="#div11.2">Chapter
-XI, Division II</a>, under 4) and one or two more domestic Kula acts
-were performed, a son of To&rsquo;uluwa offering him a necklace (see
-<a href="#pl61">Plates LXI</a> and <a href="#pl62">LXII</a>) and
-receiving a pair of armshells afterwards. Many more transactions took
-place in those two days or so; sounds of conch shells were heard on all
-sides as they were blown first in the village from which the men
-started, then on the way, then at the entrance to Omarakana, and
-finally at the moment of giving. Again, after some time another blast
-announced the return gift by To&rsquo;uluwa, and the receding sounds of
-the conch marked the stages of the going home of the party.
-To&rsquo;uluwa himself never receives a gift with his own hands; it is
-always hung up in his house or platform, and then somebody of his
-household takes charge of it; but the commoner receives the armshell
-himself from the hands of the chief. There was much life and movement
-in the village during this time of concentrated exchange; parties came
-and went with <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, others arrived as mere
-spectators, and the place was always full of a gazing crowd. The soft
-sounds of the conch shell, so characteristic of all South Sea
-experiences, gave a special flavour to the festive and ceremonial
-atmosphere of those days.</p>
-<p>Not all the armshells brought from Kitava were thus at once given
-away. Some of them were kept for the purposes of more distant Kula; or
-to be given on some future, special occasion when a present had to be
-handed over in association with some ceremony. In the inland Kula,
-there is always an outbreak of transactions whenever a big quantity of
-valuables is imported into the district. And afterwards, sporadic
-transactions happen now and then. For the minor partners who had
-received armshells from To&rsquo;uluwa would not all of them keep them
-for any length of time, but part of them would be sooner or later
-passed on in inland transactions. But, however these valuables might
-spread over the district, they would be always available when an
-expedition from another Kula community would come and claim them. When
-the party from Sinaketa came in March, 1918, to Omarakana, all those
-who owned armshells would either come to the capital or else be visited
-in their villages by their Sinaketan partners. Of the 154 or so
-armshells obtained in Kiriwina on that occasion, only thirty came from
-To&rsquo;uluwa himself, and fifty from Omarakana <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb475" href="#pb475" name=
-"pb475">475</a>]</span>altogether, while the rest were given from other
-villages, in the following proportions:</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table class="t5">
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft cellTop">Liluta</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight cellTop">14</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Osapola</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">14</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Mtawa</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">6</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Kurokaywa</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">15</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Omarakana (To&rsquo;uluwa)</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">30</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Omarakana (other men)</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">20</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Yalumugwa</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">14</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Kasana&rsquo;i</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">16</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">Other villages</td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight">25</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft cellBottom"></td>
-<td class="xd26e4518 cellRight cellBottom"><span class=
-"sum">154</span></td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<p>Thus the inner Kula does not affect the flow of the main stream,
-and, however, the valuables might change hands within the &lsquo;Kula
-community,&rsquo; it matters little for the outside flow.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div19.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">It will be necessary to give a more detailed account
-of the actual conditions obtaining in Boyowa <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e20446" title="Source: wth">with</span> regard to the limits of
-the various Kula communities in that district. Looking at <a href=
-"#map4">Map IV</a>, p. 50, we see there the boundaries of Kiriwina,
-which is the easternmost Kula community in the Northern part of the
-islands. To the west of it the provinces of Tilataula, Kuboma, and
-Kulumata form another Kula community, or, it would be more correct to
-say, some of the men in these districts make the inland Kula with
-members of neighbouring communities. But these three provinces do not
-form as a whole a Kula community. In the first place, many villages are
-quite outside the Kula, that is, not even their headmen belong to the
-inter-tribal exchange. Remarkably enough, all the big industrial
-centres, such as Bwoytalu, Luya, Yalaka, Kadukwaykela, Buduwaylaka, do
-not take part in the Kula. An interesting myth localised in Yalaka
-tells how the inhabitants of that village, prevented by custom from
-seeing the world on Kula expeditions, attempted to erect a high pillar
-reaching to heaven, so as to find a field for their adventures in the
-skies. Unfortunately, it fell down, and only one man remained above,
-who is now responsible for thunder and lightning. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb476" href="#pb476" name="pb476">476</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Another important omission in the Kula is that of the Northern
-villages of Laba&rsquo;i, Kaybola, Lu&rsquo;ebila, Idaleaka, Kapwani
-and Yuwada. If we remember that Laba&rsquo;i is the very centre of
-Kiriwinian mythology, that there lies the very hole out of which the
-original ancestors of the four clans emerged from underground, that the
-highest chiefs of Kiriwina trace their descent from Laba&rsquo;i, this
-omission appears all the more remarkable and mysterious.</p>
-<p>Thus the whole Western half of the Northern Trobriands forms a unit
-of sorts in the chain of Kula communities, but it cannot be considered
-as a fully fledged one, for only sporadic individuals belong to it, and
-again, that district as a whole, or even individual canoes from it,
-never take part in any overseas Kula expedition. The village of
-Kavataria makes big overseas sailings to the Western
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Islands. Though these expeditions really have
-nothing to do with the Kula we shall say a few words about this in the
-next chapter but one.</p>
-<p>Passing now to the West, we find the island of Kayleula, which,
-together with two or three smaller islands, to its South, Kuyawa,
-Manuwata, and Nubiyam, form a &lsquo;Kula <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e20459" title="Source: comunity">community</span>&rsquo; of its
-own. This community is again slightly anomalous, for they make Kula
-only on a small scale, on the one hand with the chiefs and headmen of
-Kiriwina, and of the North-Western district of Boyowa, and on the other
-hand with the Amphletts, but never with Dobu. They also used to make
-long and perilous trips to the Western d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux, sailing
-further West and for longer distances than the natives of
-Kavataria.</p>
-<p>The main Kula communities in the South of Boyowa, Sinaketa and
-Vakuta, have been described already, and sufficiently defined in the
-previous chapters. Sinaketa is the centre for inland Kula of the South,
-which, though on a smaller scale than the inland Kula of the North,
-still unites half-a-dozen villages round Sinaketa. That village also
-carries on Kula with three coastal villages in the East, Okayaulo,
-Bwaga, and Kumilabwaga, who link it up with Kitava, to where they make
-journeys from time to time. These villages form again the sort of
-imperfect &lsquo;Kula community,&rsquo; or perhaps one on a very small
-scale, for they would never have an <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> of their
-own, and the amount of transactions which pass through them is very
-small. Another such small community, independent as regards
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb477" href="#pb477" name=
-"pb477">477</a>]</span>Kula, is the village of Wawela. The district of
-Luba, which sometimes joins with Kiriwina in carrying on a big
-expedition, also sometimes joins with Wawela on small expeditions. Such
-nondescript or intermediate phenomena of transition are always to be
-found in studying the life of native races, where most social rules
-have not got the same precision as with us. There is among them neither
-any strong, psychological tendency to consistent thinking, nor are the
-local peculiarities and exceptions rubbed off by the influence of
-example or competition.</p>
-<p>I cannot say very much about the inland Kula in other regions
-besides the Trobriands. I have seen it done in Woodlark Island, at the
-very beginning of my work among the Northern Massim, and that was the
-first time that I came across any of the symptoms of the Kula. Early in
-1915, in the village of Dikoyas, I heard conch shells blown, there was
-a general commotion in the village, and I saw the presentation of a
-large <i lang="kij">bagido&rsquo;u</i>. I, of course, inquired about
-the meaning of the custom, and was told that this is one of the
-exchanges of presents made when visiting friends. At that time I had no
-inkling that I had been a witness of a detailed manifestation, of what
-I subsequently found out was Kula. On the whole, however, I have been
-told by natives from Kitava and Gawa, later on whilst working in the
-Trobriands, that the customs of Kula exchange there are identical with
-those obtaining in Kiriwina. And the same I was told is the case in
-Dobu. It must be realised, however, that the inland Kula must be
-somewhat different in a community where, as in Kitava, for instance,
-the strands of the Kula all come together in a small space, and the
-stream of valuables, which has been flowing through the broad area of
-the Trobriands, there concentrates into three small villages. If we
-estimate the inhabitants of the Trobriands with Vakuta at up to ten
-thousand, while those of Kitava at no more than five hundred, there
-will be about twenty times as many valuables per head of inhabitants in
-Kitava as compared to the Trobriands.</p>
-<p>Another such place of concentration is the island of Tubetube, and I
-think one or two places in Woodlark Island, where the village of
-Yanabwa is said to be an independent link in the chain, through which
-every article has to pass. But this brings us already to the Eastern
-Kula, which will form the subject of the next chapter. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb478" href="#pb478" name="pb478">478</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20128" href="#xd26e20128src" name="xd26e20128">1</a></span> An
-example of this ill-judged attitude of interference is to be found even
-in a book written by an exceptionally <span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e20131" title="Source: well informed">well-informed</span> and
-enlightened missionary, &ldquo;In Far New Guinea,&rdquo; by Henry
-Newton. In describing the feasts and dancing of the natives, he admits
-these to be a necessity of tribal life: &ldquo;On the whole the
-feasting and dancing are good; they give excitement and relaxation to
-the young men, and tone the drab colours of life.&rdquo; He himself
-tells us that, &ldquo;the time comes when the old men stop the dancing.
-They begin to growl because the gardens are neglected, and they want to
-know if dancing will give the people food, so the order is given that
-the drums are to be hung up, and the people settle down to work.&rdquo;
-But in spite of Mr. Newton&rsquo;s recognition of this natural, tribal
-authority, in spite of the fact that he really admits the views given
-in our <span class="pagenum">[<a id="xd26e20134" href="#xd26e20134"
-name="xd26e20134">467n</a>]</span> text, he cannot refrain from saying:
-&ldquo;Seriously, however, for the benefit of the people themselves, it
-would be a good thing if there could be some regulations&mdash;if
-dancing were not allowed after midnight, for while it lasts nothing
-else is done.&mdash;The gardens suffer and it would help the people to
-learn self-restraint and so strengthen their characters if the dancing
-could be regulated.&rdquo; He goes on to admit quite candidly that it
-would be difficult to enforce such a regulation because &ldquo;to the
-native mind, it would seem that it was the comfort of the white man,
-not the benefit of the native which was the reason for the
-regulation.&rdquo; And to my mind also, I am afraid!</p>
-<p class="footnote cont">The following quotations from a recent
-scientific work published by the Oxford Press&mdash;&ldquo;The Northern
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux,&rdquo; by D. Jenness, and the Rev. A.
-Ballantyne, 1920&mdash;are also examples of the dangerous and heedless
-tampering with the one authority that now binds the natives, the one
-discipline they can be relied upon to observe&mdash;that of their own
-tribal tradition. The relations of a church member who died, were
-&ldquo;counselled to drop the harsher elements in their
-mourning,&rdquo; and instead of the people being bidden &ldquo;to
-observe each jot and tittle of their old, time-honoured rites,&rdquo;
-they were advised from that day forth to leave off &ldquo;those which
-had no meaning.&rdquo; It is strange to find a trained ethnologist,
-confessing that old, time-honoured rites have no meaning! And one might
-feel tempted to ask: for <i>whom</i> it is that these customs have no
-meaning, for the natives or for the writers of the passage quoted?</p>
-<p class="footnote cont">The following incident is even more telling. A
-native headman of an inland village was supposed to keep concealed in
-his hut a magic pot, the &ldquo;greatest ruler of winds, rain, and
-sunshine,&rdquo; a pot which had &ldquo;come down from times
-immemorial,&rdquo; which according to some of the natives &ldquo;in the
-beginning simply was.&rdquo; According to the Authors, the owner of the
-pot used to descend on the coastal natives and &ldquo;levy
-tribute,&rdquo; threatening them with the magical powers of the pot if
-they refused. Some of the coastal natives went to the Missionary and
-asked him to interfere or get the magistrate to do so. It was arranged
-they should all go with the Missionary and seize the pot. But on the
-day &ldquo;only one man turned up.&rdquo; When the Missionary went,
-however, the natives blocked his path, and only through threats of
-punishments by the magistrate, were they induced to temporarily leave
-the village and thus to allow him to seize the pot! A few days later
-the Missionary accordingly took possession of the pot, which he broke.
-The Authors go on to say that after this incident &ldquo;everyone was
-contented and happy;&rdquo; except, one might add, the natives and
-those who would see in such occurrences the speedy destruction of
-native culture, and the final disintegration of the
-race.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e20128src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch20" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e897">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XX</h2>
-<h2 class="main">Expeditions Between Kiriwina and Kitava</h2>
-<div id="div20.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">The subject of which this book treats and the material
-at our disposal are nearly exhausted. In describing the Southern branch
-of the Kula (between Sinaketa and Dobu) I entered into the details of
-its rules and associated aspects, and almost all that was said there
-refers to the Kula as a whole. In speaking of the N.E. branch of the
-Kula, which I am now about to describe, there will not therefore be
-very much new to tell. All the general rules of exchange and types of
-behaviour are the same as those previously defined. Here we have also
-big <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expeditions and small, non-ceremonial
-sailings. The type of partnership between Kiriwinians and Kitavans is
-the same here, as the one obtaining within the Trobriands, and
-described in the last chapter. For the natives of the Eastern islands,
-from Kitava to Woodlark, have the same social organisation and the same
-culture as the Trobrianders, and speak the same language with
-dialectical differences only. Never any but friendly relations have
-obtained between them and many people are united by bonds of real
-kinship across the seas, for there have been migrations between the
-districts, and marriages are also not infrequent. Thus the general
-relations between overseas partners are different here from those
-between Sinaketa and Dobu. The visiting is not associated with any deep
-apprehensions, there is no <i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i>
-(danger magic), and the relations between the visitors and hosts are
-much more free and easy and intimate. The rest of the Kula magic
-(except the <i lang="kij">ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i>) is identical With
-that in the South, and indeed much of it, as used all over Boyowa, has
-been received from the Kitavans. Many of the preliminary customs and
-arrangements of the Kula, the preparation of the canoes, ceremonial
-launching and <i lang="kij">kabigidoya</i> are the same here. In fact,
-the launching <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb479" href="#pb479" name=
-"pb479">479</a>]</span>described in <a href="#ch6">Chapter VI</a> was
-the one I saw on the beach of Omarakana.</p>
-<p>On the actual expeditions, much of the ceremonial and all the rules
-of the Kula gifts, as well as of the <i lang="kij">pari</i> and
-<i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i>, the initial and farewell presents, are
-the same as in the South-Western branch of the Kula. The best plan will
-be to tell the story of a typical <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition
-from Kiriwina to Kitava, noting the similarities and emphasising the
-differences, while one or two points of divergence will claim our
-special attention. There is a small, but interesting incident called
-<i lang="kij">youlawada</i>, a custom which allows a visiting party to
-attack and damage the house ornaments of a man, to whom they bring a
-gift. Another important speciality of this Eastern Kula is the
-association of a mortuary feast called <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i>
-with particularly abundant distributions of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>.</p>
-<p>I had opportunities of collecting notes about the North-Eastern Kula
-and of making observations during my residence in Omarakana, in
-1915&ndash;1916. I saw several expeditions from Kitava arrive on the
-beach, and camp for a few days. To&rsquo;uluwa went twice to Kitava,
-and his return from one of these visits has been described in the last
-chapter. He also once started for an expedition there, of which I was a
-member. There was a change of wind, some time in September, and with
-the North wind which we hoped would last for a few hours, it would have
-been possible to cross to Kitava and to return at our pleasure with the
-prevailing South-Easterly. Half-way to our goal, the wind changed and
-we had to return, to my great disappointment, though this gave me a
-good example of the entire dependence of the natives on the weather.
-Unfortunately, To&rsquo;uluwa got it into his head that I had brought
-him bad luck, and so when he planned his next trip, I was not taken
-into his confidence or allowed to form one of the party. Two years
-later, when I lived in Oburaka, about half-way between the Northern and
-Southernmost end of Boyowa, several expeditions from Kitava visited
-Wawela, a village lying across on the other side of the island, which
-here is no more than a mile and a half wide; and one or two expeditions
-left from Wawela for Kitava. The only big expedition which came under
-my notice was the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> which was to leave some
-time in April or May, 1916, from Kiriwina to the East. I saw only the
-preparatory stages, of which the launching was described in <a href=
-"#ch6">Chapter VII</a>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb480" href=
-"#pb480" name="pb480">480</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Let us imagine that we follow the course of this Kiriwinian <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i>. The first general intimation that it would take
-place, came after one of the visits which To&rsquo;ulawa made to
-Kitava. He had heard there that a considerable quantity of armshells
-was soon to come to the island, for, as we shall see by the end of this
-Chapter, such big, concerted movements of valuables along the ring take
-place from time to time. To&rsquo;ulawa then and there made
-arrangements with his chief partner, Kwaywaya, to make an <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i>, which was to be the means of carrying on the big
-movement of the <i lang="kij">mwali</i>. On his return to Omarakana,
-when the headmen of the other Kiriwinian villages assembled, the plans
-of the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> were talked over and details arranged.
-Even in olden days, before the chief&rsquo;s power was undermined,
-though he used to take the initiative, and give decisions in important
-matters, he had to put the case before the other headmen, and listen to
-what they had to say. Their opinions on the occasion of which we are
-speaking, would hardly ever be in contradiction to his wishes, and it
-was decided without much discussion to make the <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> in about six months&rsquo; time. Soon after, the
-rebuilding or refitting of the canoes began, in the manner previously
-described. The only slight difference in the preparations between
-Kiriwina and Sinaketa lies in the preliminary trade. The Kiriwinians
-have to go inland to the industrial districts of Kuboma, and they go
-there every man on his own account, to acquire the articles needed.</p>
-<p>It will be best to say here at once all that is necessary about the
-trade between Kiriwina and Kitava. As these two districts are
-geologically and in other respects much more similar to one another
-than Sinaketa and Dobu are, the trade is not of such vital importance,
-with one notable exception, as we shall see. The articles of subsidiary
-trade, which a Kiriwinian expedition would carry with them to Kitava,
-are the following:&mdash;wooden combs; various classes of lime pots;
-armlets, plaited of fern fibre; turtle-shell earrings; mussel shell;
-coils of lashing creeper (<i lang="kij">wayugo</i>); plaited fern
-belts, made originally in the d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux. Of these articles,
-the most important are probably the mussel shells, used for scraping
-and as knives, the various kinds of lime pots, which are a speciality
-of Kuboma, and last, but not least, the <i lang="kij">wayugo</i>. I am
-not quite certain as to whether this creeper is not to be <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb481" href="#pb481" name=
-"pb481">481</a>]</span>found in Kitava, but as it grows only on marshy
-soil, it is hardly probable that it would thrive on a high, raised,
-coral island. In that case, the creeper is certainly the most
-indispensable of all the trade articles imported into Kitava from the
-Trobriands.</p>
-<p>The Trobrianders import from the smaller islands a class of grass
-skirt made of coco-nut leaves; exceptionally well finished urn-shaped
-baskets; small hand-baskets; specially bleached pandanus mats;
-ornaments made of fragments of conus shell; certain classes of cowrie
-shell, used for ornamenting belts; ebony lime spatul&aelig;; ebony
-walking staves; sword-clubs carved in ebony; and an aromatic black
-paint, made of charred sandal wood. None of these articles is of vital
-importance, as all of them, though perhaps in slightly different or
-even inferior quality, are manufactured or found in the Trobriands.</p>
-<p>There was one article, however, which, in the olden days, was of
-surpassing utility to the Trobriand natives, and which they could
-obtain only from Kitava, though it came originally from further East,
-from Murua (Woodlark Island). These were the <i lang=
-"kij">kukumali</i>, or roughly shaped pieces of green-stone, which were
-then polished in the Trobriands, and in this state used as stone
-implements, while the biggest of them, very large and thin and well
-polished all over, became a specially important class of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (articles of high value). Although the
-practical use of stone implements has naturally been done away with by
-the introduction of steel and iron, the <i lang="kij">beku</i>
-(valuable axe blades) have still an undiminished, indeed, an increased
-value, as the white traders have to use them for purchasing pearls from
-the natives. It is important to note that although all the raw material
-for these stone implements and valuables had to be imported from
-Kitava, the finished valuables were and are re-exported again, as
-Kiriwina is still the main polishing district.</p>
-<p>As to the manner in which the trade was done between the Kiriwinians
-and Kitavans, all that has been said previously on the subject of
-inter-tribal trade holds good; part of the goods carried were given as
-presents, part of them were exchanged with non-partners, some were
-gifts received from the partners on leaving. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb482" href="#pb482" name="pb482">482</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div20.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Returning to To&rsquo;ulawa and his companions, as
-time went on there was more and more stir in the villages. As usually,
-all sorts of ambitious plans were framed, and the youthful members of
-the party hoped that they would reach Muyuwa (or Murua, Woodlark
-Island) where Kula was not done, but where Kiriwinian parties sometimes
-went in order to witness certain festivities. On the subject of Muyuwa,
-Bagido&rsquo;u, the elderly heir apparent of Omarakana, who however, as
-said in the previous chapter, will never succeed his uncle, had to tell
-his own experiences. As a small boy, he sailed there with one of the
-big chiefs of Omarakana, his maternal grandfather. They went to Suloga,
-the place where the green stone was quarried.</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;There,&rdquo; spoke Bagido&rsquo;u,
-&ldquo;there was a big <i lang="kij">dubwadebula</i> (grotto or rock
-shelf). The members of the Lukulabuta clan (this clan is called
-Kulutalu in Muyuwa) of Suloga, were the <i lang="kij">toli</i>
-(masters, owners) of this <i lang="kij">dubwadebula</i>, and could
-quarry the stone. They knew some <i lang="kij">megwa</i> (magic); they
-charmed their <span class="corr" id="xd26e20601" title=
-"Source: axeblades">axe-blades</span>, and hit the walls of the
-<i lang="kij">dubwadebula</i>. The <i lang="kij">kukumali</i> (pieces
-of stone) fell down. When the men of Boyowa came to Suloga, they gave
-<i lang="kij">pari</i> (presents) to the Lukulabuta men of Suloga. They
-gave them <i lang="kij">paya</i> (turtle shell), <i lang=
-"kij">kwasi</i> (armlets), <i lang="kij">sinata</i> (combs). Then, the
-Suloga men would show us the <i lang="kij">kukumali</i>, and tell us:
-&lsquo;Take them with you, take plenty.&rsquo; Good <i lang=
-"kij">kukumali</i>, which could be made into a <i lang="kij">beku</i>
-(big wealth-blades) we would pay for; we would give our <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> (valuables) in exchange. At parting, they would
-give us more <i lang="kij">kukumali</i> as <i lang=
-"kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> (farewell gift).&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>It must be remembered, in comment on this narrative, that when
-Bagido&rsquo;u went to Suloga, some thirty or forty years ago, the iron
-and steel had already long before rendered the small <i lang=
-"kij">kukumali</i> quite useless and worthless to the natives, while
-the big <i lang="kij">kukumali</i> had still their full value, as
-material for the large blades which serve as tokens of wealth. Hence,
-the big ones had still to be paid for, and hence also the generous
-invitation to take as many of the small ones, as they liked, an
-invitation of which the visitors, with corresponding delicacy, refused
-to avail themselves.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20651src" href=
-"#xd26e20651" name="xd26e20651src">1</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb483" href="#pb483" name="pb483">483</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Another hero of the occasion was old Ibena, one of the Tabalu
-(members of the highest rank) of Kasana&rsquo;i, the sister village of
-Omarakana. He has spent a long time on the island of Iwa, and knew the
-myths and magic of the Eastern archipelago very well. He would sit down
-and tell for hours various stories of famous Kula expeditions, of
-mythological incidents, and of the peculiar customs of the Eastern
-islands. It was from him that I first obtained my information about the
-<i lang="kij">mulukwausi</i> and their customs, about shipwreck and the
-means of saving the party, about the love magic of Iwa, and many other
-facts, which only a man of cosmopolitan experience and culture, like
-Ibena, would know and understand thoroughly. He was a good informant,
-eager to instruct and to display his wisdom and knowledge, and not
-devoid of imagination; of the licentious and libidinous women of
-Kaytalugi (see <a href="#ch10">Chapter X</a>) and of what a man has to
-suffer there, he would speak as if he had been there himself. At this
-time, he was specially loquacious about the Kula, and associated
-customs, inspired as he was by the hope of re-visiting his old haunts,
-and by the admiration and reverence shown to him by his listeners,
-myself included.</p>
-<p>The other members of the audience were most interested in his
-accounts of how they make gardens in Kitava, Iwa and Gawa; of the
-special dances performed there, of the technicalities of Kula, and of
-the great efficiency of the Iwan love magic.</p>
-<p>At that time, I was able to obtain more information about the Kula,
-and that more easily and in a shorter while, than I had, with strenuous
-efforts, for months before. It is by taking advantage of such epochs,
-when the interest of the natives is centred round a certain subject,
-that ethnographic evidence can be collected in the easiest and most
-reliable manner. Natives will willingly state customs and rules, and
-they will also accurately and with interest follow up concrete cases.
-Here, for instance, they would trace the way in which a given pair of
-armshells had passed through the hands of several individuals, and was
-now supposed to have come round again to Kitava&mdash;and in such a way
-one receives from the natives definite ethnographic documents,
-realities of thought, and details of belief, instead of forced
-artificial verbiage. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb484" href="#pb484"
-name="pb484">484</a>]</span></p>
-<p>I saw the proceedings as far as the ceremonial launching of the
-chiefs&rsquo; canoes in Kasana&rsquo;i and Omarakana (cf. <a href=
-"#ch6">Chapter VI</a>), when the natives assembled in big numbers, and
-various festivities took place. Afterwards when everything was ready
-for sailing, a similar crowd gathered on the beach, though less
-numerous than the previous one, for only the neighbouring villages were
-there instead of the whole district. The chief addressed the crowd,
-enjoining strict taboos on strangers entering the village while the men
-were away. Such taboos, on the surface at least, are very carefully
-kept, as I had opportunities to observe during the two previous
-absences of To&rsquo;uluwa. Early in the evening, everybody retired
-into his or her house, the outside fires were extinguished and when I
-walked through the village, it was quite deserted and except for a few
-old men specially keeping watch, no one was to be seen. Strangers would
-be careful not to pass even through the outskirts of the village after
-sunset, and would take another road to avoid the grove of
-Omarakana.</p>
-<p>Even men from the sister-village of Kasana&rsquo;i were excluded
-from entering the capital, and on one occasion when two or three of
-them wanted to visit their friends, they were stopped from doing it by
-some of the old men, with a considerable display of indignation and
-authority. As it happened, a day or two afterwards, but still while the
-Kula party were away, one of the favourite sons of To&rsquo;uluwa,
-called Nabwasu&rsquo;a<span class="corr" id="xd26e20678" title=
-"Not in source">,</span> who had not gone on the expedition, was caught
-<i lang="la">in flagrante delicto</i> of adultery with the youngest
-wife of the very old chief of Kasana&rsquo;i. The people of the latter
-village were highly incensed, not without an admixture of malicious
-amusement. One of these who had been expelled two nights before from
-Omarakana took a conch shell and with its blast announced to the wide
-world the shame and scandal of Omarakana. As a conch shell is blown
-only on very important and ceremonial occasion, this was a slap in the
-face of the supposedly virtuous community, and a reproach of its
-hypocrisy. A man of Kasana&rsquo;i, speaking in a loud <span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e20684" title="Source: vocie">voice</span>, addressed
-the people of Omarakana:&mdash;</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;You don&rsquo;t allow us to enter your village;
-you call us adulterous (<i lang="kij">tokaylasi</i>); but we wanted
-only to go and visit our friends. And look here, Nabwasu&rsquo;a
-committed adultery in our village!&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb485" href="#pb485" name=
-"pb485">485</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> party, to whom we now return, would
-cross the sea in a few hours and arrive in Kitava. Their manner of
-sailing, the arrangement of men in the canoe, the taboos of sailing are
-the same as in Sinaketa. My knowledge of their canoe magic is much
-smaller than of that in Southern Boyowa, but I think they have got far
-fewer rites. The sailing on these seas is on the whole easier, for
-there are fewer reefs, and the two prevailing winds would either bring
-them towards the Eastern islands, or push them back towards the long
-coast of Boyowa. The natives of Kiriwina are on the other hand far less
-expert sailors than the Sinaketans.</p>
-<p>They have the same beliefs about the dangers at sea, especially
-about the participation of the flying witches in shipwreck. The history
-of such a calamity and the means of escape from it, given in one of the
-foregoing chapters (<a href="#ch10">Chapter X</a>), refers to these
-seas, as well as to the sea-arm of Pilolu.</p>
-<p>These natives, as well as the Southern Boyowans, feel and appreciate
-the romance of sailing; they are visibly excited at the idea of an
-expedition, they enjoy even the sight of the open sea on the Eastern
-coast beyond the <i lang="kij">raybwag</i> (coral ridge), and often
-walk there on mere pleasure parties. The Eastern coast is much finer
-than the beach of the Lagoon; steep, dark rocks alternate there with
-fine, sandy beaches, the tall jungle spreading over the higher and
-lower parts of the shore. The sailing to Kitava does not present,
-however, the same contrasts as an expedition to the
-d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux Islands from Southern Boyowa. The natives remain
-still in the world of raised coral islands, which they know from their
-own home. Even the island of Muyuwa (or Murua, Woodlark Island) where I
-spent a short time, does not present such a definite contrast in
-landscape as that between the Trobriands and the Koya. I do not know
-from personal experience the Marshall Bennett Islands, but from an
-excellent description given by Professor Seligman, they seem to be good
-specimens of small raised atolls.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20713src"
-href="#xd26e20713" name="xd26e20713src">2</a></p>
-<p>With regard to magic, the most important initial rites over the
-<i lang="kij">lilava</i> and <i lang="kij">sulumwoya</i> are done in
-the village by the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> (compare above, <a href=
-"#ch7">Chapter VII</a>). The magic over the four coco-nuts in the canoe
-is not performed in Kiriwina. On arrival at the beach in Kitava, all
-the rites of beauty magic, as <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb486"
-href="#pb486" name="pb486">486</a>]</span>well as the magic over the
-conch shell are recited in a manner identical to that in Sarubwoyna
-(<a href="#ch13">Chapter XIII</a>). Here, however, the natives have to
-make the last stage of the journey on foot.</p>
-<p>The party, headed by a small boy, probably a youngest son of the
-<i lang="kij">toliwaga</i>, after whom the chief and the others follow,
-would march towards the village which is situated beyond the elevated
-ridge. When <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklaces) are brought by the
-party&mdash;which, it must be remembered is never the case on an
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i>&mdash;they would be carried ceremonially on
-sticks by some men following the chief. In that case, that is when the
-party are bringing Kula gifts&mdash;the <i lang="kij">youlawada</i>
-ceremony is performed. On entering the village, the party march on
-briskly without looking to right or left, and, whilst the boy blows
-frantically the conch shell, and all the men in the party emit the
-intermittent ceremonial scream called <i lang="kij">tilaykiki</i>,
-others throw stones and spears at the <i lang="kij">kavalapu</i>, the
-ornamental carved and painted boards running in a Gothic arch round the
-eaves of a chief&rsquo;s house or yam house. Almost all the <i lang=
-"kij">kavalapu</i> in the Eastern villages are slightly injured, that
-of To&rsquo;uluwa having one of its ends knocked off. The damage is not
-repaired, as it is a mark of distinction.</p>
-<div class="figure pl63width" id="pl63">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl63width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LXIII</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl63.jpg" alt=
-"Ceremonial Destruction During A So&rsquo;i Feast." width="626" height=
-"477">
-<p class="figureHead">Ceremonial Destruction During A So&rsquo;i
-Feast.</p>
-<p>This picture was taken on the South coast of New Guinea. (cf. Div.
-II of this Ch. and Div. III of Ch. II.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>This custom is not known in the Kula between Sinaketa and Dobu or
-Sinaketa and Kiriwina. It begins on the Eastern shore of the
-Trobriands, and is carried on as far as Tubetube where it stops again,
-for it is not practised in Wari (Teste Island) or on the portion of the
-Kula between Tubetube and Dobu. I myself never saw it practised in the
-Trobriands, but I saw a similar custom among the Massim of the South
-Coast of New Guinea. At a <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> feast which I
-witnessed in three different villages as it progressed from one to the
-other, the party who brought in gifts of pigs to a man attempted to do
-some damage to his trees or his house. A pig is always slung by its
-legs on a long, stout pole, dangling head downwards (see <a href=
-"#pl05">Plates V</a> and <a href="#pl63">LXIII</a>): with this pole the
-natives would ram a young coco-nut or betel-nut palm or a fruit tree
-and if not stopped by the owners would break or uproot it, the pig
-squealing and the women of the damaged party screaming in unison.
-Again, a party entering a village with gifts to one of the inhabitants,
-would throw miniature spears at his house. A distinct show of
-fierceness and hostility is displayed on both sides by the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb487" href="#pb487" name=
-"pb487">487</a>]</span>natives on such occasions. Although the somewhat
-histrionic attack, and the slight but real damage to property were
-sanctioned by tribal usage, not infrequently among the Southern Massim
-serious quarrels and scrimmages were started by it. This custom has
-been observed by Professor Seligman among the natives of Bartle Bay.
-&ldquo;As a man passed the house, they speared the wall with the
-branches they had been waving, and left them stuck in the walls.&rdquo;
-And again: &ldquo;&hellip; the people bringing them (the pigs) in,
-carried branches of trees or pieces of stick with a wisp of grass tied
-to the end, and with these speared the house of the man to whom the
-pigs were given.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20786src" href=
-"#xd26e20786" name="xd26e20786src">3</a></p>
-<p>When we remember what has been said about the style in which all
-gifts are given; that is, so to speak, thrown down fiercely and almost
-contemptuously by the giver; when we remember the taunts with which
-gifts are often accompanied, as well as the manner in which they are
-received, the <i lang="kij">youlawada</i> custom appears only as an
-exaggerated form of this manner of giving, fixed into a definite
-ceremonial. It is interesting from this point of view to note that the
-<i lang="kij">youlawada</i> is only done in association with <i lang=
-"kij">vaga</i> (initial gifts) and not with the <i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i> (return gifts).</p>
-<p>The Kiriwinian party, after having paid their preliminary ceremonial
-visit in the village, given their gifts, both of the Kula and of the
-<i lang="kij">pari</i> type, and had a long chat with their partners
-and friends, return in the evening to the beach, where they camp near
-their canoes. Sometimes temporary huts are erected, sometimes in fine
-weather the natives sleep under mats on the sand beach. Food is brought
-to them from the village by young, unmarried girls, who very often on
-that occasion arrange their intrigues with the visitors. The party will
-remain for a few days paying calls to the other villages of the island,
-talking, inspecting the gardens and hoping for more Kula presents. The
-food of Kitava is not tabooed to the chiefs, as the Kitavans abstain
-from the worst abominations. At parting the visitors receive their
-<i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> gifts which are brought down to their
-canoes.</p>
-<p>The visits are returned by the Kitavans in very much the same
-manner. They camp on the sand beaches of the Eastern Coast. When
-weather-bound they erect temporary habitations, <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb488" href="#pb488" name="pb488">488</a>]</span>and
-I have seen whole families, men, women, and children living for days on
-some of the Eastern shores. For it is the custom of the men of Kitava
-to carry their women and small children on their trips. The Kiriwinians
-take sometimes unmarried girls, but they would never take their wives
-and small children, whilst in the South no Sinaketan women at all go on
-a Kula voyage however small and unimportant a one it may be. From big
-<i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expeditions, women are excluded in all the
-districts.</p>
-<p>It has been mentioned in the last chapter that Kitava enjoys a
-privileged position in the Ring, for every single piece of valuables
-has to pass through it. The island of Kitava is a &lsquo;Kula
-community&rsquo; in itself. All its neighbours to the West, the Kula
-communities of Kiriwina, Luba, Wawela, Southern Boyowa (that is, the
-villages of Okayyaulo, Bwaga and Kumilabwaga) cannot skip Kitava when
-they are exchanging, and the same refers to the Kitavan neighbours in
-the East. In other words, a man from the Eastern islands beyond Kitava,
-if he wants to pass an armshell westwards, has to give it to a Kitava
-man, and may not give it directly to some one beyond. The islands East
-of Kitava, Iwa, Gawa, and Kwayawata form one community. This is shown
-on <a href="#map5">Map V</a>, where each &lsquo;Kula community&rsquo;
-is represented by one circle. The Kula stream, after having
-concentrated in Kitava, spreads out again, but by no means as broadly
-as when it runs to the Westward, and overflows over the broad area of
-the Trobriands. Another point, in which the Kula of Kitava differs from
-that of Sinaketa or Kiriwina, a point on which I have touched already
-once before (in <a href="#div13.1">Chapter XIII, Division I</a>) is
-that the small island has to make overseas exchanges on both sides. As
-we saw, the Sinaketans carry on big expeditions and make <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> only to their Southern partners, so that they receive
-only the one Kula article, the necklaces in this manner, while their
-armshells come to them by inland Kula, from their Northern and Eastern
-neighbours. The same <i lang="la">mutatis mutandis</i> refers to the
-Kiriwinians, who receive all their necklaces overland and make overseas
-Kula for their armshells only. The two islands of Kitava and Vakuta, as
-well as the other Marshall Bennetts are, so to speak, ambidextrous in
-the Kula and have to fetch and carry both articles overseas. This, of
-course, results primarily from the geographical position in a district
-and a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb489" href="#pb489" name=
-"pb489">489</a>]</span>glance at <a href="#map5">Map V</a> will easily
-show which Kula communities have to carry all their transactions
-overseas and which of them have to do one half of them overland. These
-latter are only the Trobriand districts mentioned in the previous
-Chapter and the districts in Dobu.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div20.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">This exhausts all the peculiarities of the Kula in
-Kitava except one, and that a very important one. It has been mentioned
-before, in fact it is obvious from the account of the <i lang=
-"kij">uvalaku</i> custom that the Kula does not run with an even flow,
-but in violent gushes. Thus the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition
-from Dobu described in <a href="#ch16">Chapter XVI</a> carried about
-800 pairs of armshells from Boyowa. Such sudden rushes of the Kula
-articles are associated with an important institution, which is not
-known in the Trobriands or in Dobu, but which we find in Kitava and
-further along the Ring, as far as Tubetube (see <a href="#map5">Map
-V</a>). When a man dies, custom imposes a taboo upon the inhabitants of
-that village. This means that no one on a visit is received in the
-village, and no Kula articles are given away from there. The community
-lying under the taboo, however, expect to receive as many Kula gifts as
-possible, and busy themselves in that matter. After a certain time, a
-big ceremony and distribution of goods, called <i lang=
-"kij">so&rsquo;i</i> is held, and invitations are sent out to all the
-Kula partners, and, in the case of a big affair, even to people from
-districts beyond the boundary of partnership. A big distribution of
-food takes place in which all the guests receive their share, and then
-the Kula valuables are given in great quantities to the partners of
-that community.</p>
-<p>The association of taboo on economic goods with mourning is a
-wide-spread feature of the Melanesian customs in New Guinea. I found it
-among the Mailu on the South Coast of New Guinea, where a taboo, called
-<i lang="kij">gora</i>, is put on coco-nuts as one of the features of
-mourning.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20863src" href="#xd26e20863" name=
-"xd26e20863src">4</a> The same institution, as we saw, obtains in Dobu.
-Similar taboos are to be found among the Southern Massim.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e20866src" href="#xd26e20866" name=
-"xd26e20866src">5</a></p>
-<p>The importance of such economic taboos at times of mourning is due
-to another wide-spread association, that <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb490" href="#pb490" name="pb490">490</a>]</span>namely which obtains
-between mourning and feasts, or, more correctly, distributions of food,
-which are made at intervals during a more or less prolonged period
-after a person&rsquo;s death. An especially big feast, or rather
-distribution, is made at the end of the period, and on this occasion
-the accumulated goods, usually coco-nut, betel-nut and pigs, are
-distributed. Death among all the coastal natives of Eastern New Guinea
-causes a great and permanent disturbance in the equilibrium of tribal
-life. On the one hand, there is the stemming of the normal flow of
-economic consumption. On the other hand, an innumerable series of
-rites, ceremonies and festive distributions, which one and all create
-all sorts of reciprocal obligations, take up the best part of the
-energy, attention and time of the natives for a period of a few months,
-or a couple of years according to the importance of the dead. The
-immense social and economic upheaval which occurs after each death is
-one of the most salient features of the culture of these natives, and
-one also which on its surface strikes us as enigmatic and which entices
-into all sorts of speculations and reflections. What makes the problem
-still more obscure and complex is the fact that all these taboos,
-feasts, and rites have nothing whatever to do, in the belief of the
-natives, with the spirit of the deceased. This latter has gone at once
-and settled definitely in another world, entirely oblivious of what
-happens in the villages and especially of what is done in memory of his
-former existence.</p>
-<p>The <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> (distribution of food) as found in
-Kitava is the final act in a long series of minor distributions. What
-distinguishes it from its Boyowan counterparts and the similar
-ceremonies among the other Massim, is the accumulation of Kula goods.
-In this case, as we have said, the taboo extends also to the valuables.
-Immediately after death has occurred in a village, a large stick is
-placed on the reef in front of its landing beach, and a conch shell is
-tied to it. This is a sign that no visitors will be received who come
-to ask for Kula goods. Besides this, a taboo is also imposed on
-coco-nut, betel-nut and pigs.</p>
-<p>These details, as well as the following ones, I received from an
-intelligent and reliable Kitavan informant, who has settled in
-Sinaketa. He told me that according to the importance of the death, and
-the speed with which the goods were accumulating after a year or so,
-word would be sent round to all the partners and <i lang=
-"kij">muri-muri</i> (partners once removed). <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb491" href="#pb491" name="pb491">491</a>]</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;When all are assembled,&rdquo; my informant
-told me, &ldquo;the <i lang="kij">sagali</i> (distribution) begins.
-They <i lang="kij">sagali</i> first <i lang="kij">kaulo</i> (yam food),
-then <i lang="kij">bulukwa</i> (pig). When pig is plentiful it would be
-given in halves; when not, it will be quartered. A big heap of yam
-food, of coco-nut, betel-nut, and banana would be placed for each
-canoe. Side by side with this row, a row of pig meat would be placed.
-One man calls out for the yam heaps, another for the pig-meat; the name
-of each canoe is called out. If it were a whole pig, they would say,
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">To&rsquo;uluwa kam visibala!</i>&rsquo;
-(To&rsquo;uluwa, your whole pig)! Otherwise they would call out,
-&lsquo;<i lang="kij">Mililuta, kami bulukwa!</i>&rsquo; (Men of Liluta,
-your pig). And again, &lsquo;<i lang="kij">Mililuta, kami
-gogula!</i>&rsquo; (Men of Liluta, your heap). They take it, take their
-heap to their canoe. There, the <i lang="kij">toliwaga</i> (master of
-the canoe) would make another small <i lang="kij">sagali</i>. Those,
-who live near by, singe their meat, and carry it home in their canoes.
-Those who live far away, roast the pig, and eat it on the
-beach.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>It will be noted that the supreme chief&rsquo;s name would be
-uttered when his and his companion&rsquo;s share is allotted. With the
-shares of men of less importance, the name of the village is called
-out. As on all such occasions, the strangers do not eat their food in
-public, and even its re-distribution is done in the privacy of their
-camping place near the canoe.</p>
-<p>After the distribution of the food, and of course before this is
-taken away by the parties, the master of the <i lang=
-"kij">so&rsquo;i</i> goes into his house and takes out a specially good
-piece of valuable. With a blast of the conch shell, he gives it to the
-most distinguished of his partners present. Others follow his example,
-and soon the village is filled with conch shell blasts, and all the
-members of the community are busy presenting gifts to their partners.
-First, the initial gifts (<i lang="kij">vaga</i>) are given, and only
-after this is over, such valuables as have been due of old to their
-partners, and which have to be given as clinching gifts (<i lang=
-"kij">yotile</i>) are handed over.</p>
-<p>After the whole public distribution is finished and the guests have
-gone, the members of the sub-clan who organised it, at sunset make a
-small distribution of their own, called <i lang="kij">kaymelu</i>. With
-that the <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> and the whole period of mourning
-and of consecutive distributions, is over. I have said before that this
-account of the <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> has been obtained only
-through the statements of several informants, one especially very clear
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb492" href="#pb492" name=
-"pb492">492</a>]</span>and reliable. But it has not been checked by
-personal observation, and as is always the case with such material,
-there is no guarantee of its being complete.</p>
-<p>From the point of view in which it interests us, however, that is,
-in connection with the Kula, the outstanding fact is well established;
-a mortuary taboo temporarily holds up the flow of Kula goods, and a big
-quantity of valuables thus dammed up, is suddenly let loose by the
-<i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> and spreads in a big wave along the
-circuit. The big wave of armshells, for instance, which travelled along
-and was taken up by the <i lang="kij">uvalaku</i> expedition of the
-Dobuans, was the ripple of a <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> feast, held
-one or two months previously at full moon in Yanabwa, a village of
-Woodlark Island. When I was leaving Boyowa, in September, 1918, a
-mortuary taboo was in force in the Island of Yeguma, or Egum, as it is
-pronounced in the Eastern district (the Alcester Islands of the map).
-Kwaywaya, the chief of Kitava whom I met on his visit in Sinaketa, told
-me that the people of Yeguma had sent him a sprouting coco-nut, with
-the message: &ldquo;When its leaves develop, we shall <i lang=
-"kij">sagali</i> (make the distribution).&rdquo; They had kept a
-coco-nut at the same stage of development in their village, and sent
-others to to all the neighbouring communities. This would give a first
-approach in fixing the date, which would be appointed more precisely
-when the feast was close at hand.</p>
-<p>The custom of associating the <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i> with Kula
-is practised as far as Tubetube. In Dobu, there is no distribution of
-valuables at the mortuary feast. They have there another custom,
-however; at the final mortuary distribution, they like to adorn
-themselves with armshells and necklaces of the Kula&mdash;a custom
-entirely foreign to the Trobrianders. In Dobu therefore, an approaching
-mortuary feast also tends to dam up the valuables<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e20964" title="Not in source">,</span> which<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e20967" title="Not in source">,</span> after its performance<a id=
-"xd26e20970" name="xd26e20970"></a> will ebb away in two waves of
-<i lang="kij">mwali</i> and <i lang="kij">so&rsquo;ulava</i> along both
-branches of the Kula. But they have no custom of distributing these
-valuables during the final mortuary feast, and therefore the release of
-the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> would not be as sudden as in a
-<i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i>.</p>
-<p>The same word&mdash;<i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i>&mdash;is used to
-denote the mortuary festivities over a wide area in the country of the
-Massim. Thus, the natives of Bonabona and Su&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, on the
-South Coast of New Guinea celebrate annually in November to January
-festivities, associated with dancing, gifts of pigs, the building of
-new houses, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb493" href="#pb493" name=
-"pb493">493</a>]</span>the erection of a platform and several other
-features. These feasts, which are held in an inter-connected series
-each year in several different localities, I had opportunities, as
-mentioned before, to see in three places, but not to study. Whether
-they are associated with some form of exchange of valuables I do not
-know. Mortuary feasts in other districts of the Massim are also called
-<i lang="kij">so&rsquo;i</i>.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20996src"
-href="#xd26e20996" name="xd26e20996src">6</a> What is the relation
-between these feasts and those of the Northern Massim I am unable to
-say.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e20999src" href="#xd26e20999" name=
-"xd26e20999src">7</a></p>
-<p>These considerations bring us more and more to the point, where the
-two branches of the Kula which we have been following up from the
-Trobriands Southwards and Eastwards bend back again and meet. On this
-remaining part of the Kula, on which my information, however, is
-scanty, a few words will be said in the next Chapter. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb494" href="#pb494" name="pb494">494</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20651" href="#xd26e20651src" name="xd26e20651">1</a></span> I
-have not seen the site of Suloga myself. Interesting details are to be
-found in &ldquo;The Melanesians&rdquo; of Professor Seligman, who
-visited the spot himself, and who has collected a number of specimens
-in the locality, as well as many data about the production of the
-blades. <i>Op. cit</i>., pp. 530&ndash;533.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e20651src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20713" href="#xd26e20713src" name="xd26e20713">2</a></span> Cf.
-<i>Op. cit</i>., pp. 670&ndash;672.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e20713src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20786" href="#xd26e20786src" name="xd26e20786">3</a></span> Op.
-cit., description of the Walaga feast, pp.
-594&ndash;603.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e20786src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20863" href="#xd26e20863src" name="xd26e20863">4</a></span> See
-the Author&rsquo;s Memoir in the Transactions of the Royal Society of
-S. Australia. &ldquo;The Natives of Mailu,&rdquo; pp.
-580&ndash;588.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e20863src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20866" href="#xd26e20866src" name="xd26e20866">5</a></span> Cf.
-Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., Chapter XLIV.&nbsp;<a class=
-"fnarrow" href="#xd26e20866src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20996" href="#xd26e20996src" name="xd26e20996">6</a></span> Cf.
-Professor C. G. Seligman. Op. cit., p. 584.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow"
-href="#xd26e20996src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e20999" href="#xd26e20999src" name="xd26e20999">7</a></span> The
-ethnographic researches at present carried on in Su&rsquo;a&rsquo;u by
-Mr. W. E. Armstrong, of Cambridge, will no doubt throw light on this
-subject.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e20999src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch21" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e917">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XXI</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Remaining Branches and Offshoots of the Kula</h2>
-<div id="div21.1" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">I</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">In this chapter the ring of the Kula has to be closed
-by a description of its remaining portions. It will also be found
-indispensable to speak about its offshoots, that is, the trade and the
-expeditions, regularly carried on from certain points of the ring to
-outlying places. We have come across such offshoots already, when we
-realised that the Western Trobriands, especially the village of
-Kavataria, and the settlements on the island of Kayleula make non-Kula
-trading expeditions to the islands of Fergusson and Goodenough. Such
-expeditions would naturally belong to a full picture of the Kula, with
-its various associations. This is even more the case, as this lateral
-trade is associated with the import and export of some of the Kula
-valuables in and out of the ring.</p>
-<p>We have brought the description of our Southern expedition as far as
-Dawson Straits, and on the Eastern route, we reached Woodlark Island in
-the last chapter. We have to link up these two points. The saying, that
-a chain is not stronger than its weakest link does not, let us hope,
-apply to Ethnology. For indeed my knowledge of the remaining links of
-the Kula chain is far less complete than that contained in the previous
-chapters. Fortunately, what has been said there, remains true and
-valid, whatever might happen in the South-Eastern portion of the Kula.
-And again, there is no doubt that the fundamentals of the transaction
-are identical all over the ring, though some variations in detail
-probably occur. I had the opportunity of questioning informants from
-almost every place in the Kula, and the similarity of the main outlines
-is established beyond a doubt. Moreover, the information about some
-aspect of trade in the Southern Massim district contained in Professor
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb495" href="#pb495" name=
-"pb495">495</a>]</span>Seligman&rsquo;s book, entirely, though
-indirectly, corroborates my results. But it is necessary to state
-emphatically and explicitly that the data given in this chapter are not
-in the same category as the rest of the information contained in this
-book. The latter was obtained from natives among whom I lived, and the
-bulk of it has been controlled and verified by personal experiences and
-observations (compare <a href="#table1">Table I</a> in the
-Introduction). The material referring to the South Eastern branch was
-obtained by cursory examination of natives from that district, whom I
-met abroad, not in their own country, whilst I have not been in any of
-the places between Woodlark Island and Dobu.</p>
-<p>Starting at Woodlark Island, and keeping <a href="#map5">Map V</a>
-before our eyes&mdash;we come at once on to an interesting ramification
-of the Kula. To the East of Woodlark, lies the coral group of the
-Loughlans, inhabited by natives speaking the same language as in
-Woodlark. They are in the ring, but it seems to be a <i lang=
-"fr">cul-de-sac</i> Kula, for as I was told, the valuables, which go
-there<span class="corr" id="xd26e21030" title="Not in source">,</span>
-return again to Woodlark. This is quite an unusual complication, a kind
-of eddy in the otherwise progressive current. I could not ascertain
-whether the difficulty is solved by the districts being sub-divided, a
-small ring being formed within it, and each class of articles moving on
-it in an opposite direction; or whether some other arrangement has been
-adopted. Again, one of my informants told me that some of the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> went directly from the Loughlans South to
-Misima, but I was unable to verify this statement and this whole part
-of the Kula must remain with a sketchy outline.</p>
-<p>Whatever might be the routes on which the Kula articles travel South
-from Woodlark Island, there is no doubt whatever that they all, or
-almost all, converge in the important commercial centre of Tubetube.
-This small island, according to Professor Seligman, is not even
-self-supporting as far as food goes; nor are they a greatly industrial
-community. They are to a great extent engaged in trade, and probably
-gain part of their support from this activity. &ldquo;Tubetube has
-become a trading community, whose inhabitants are recognised as traders
-and middlemen over a very considerable area, extending westwards
-&hellip; to Rogea and eastward to Murua.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21038src" href="#xd26e21038" name="xd26e21038src">1</a> Tubetube
-is known even in the Trobriands as one of the crucial points of the
-Kula, and it is well known that, whatever happens in <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb496" href="#pb496" name="pb496">496</a>]</span>the
-small island in the way of mortuary taboos and big feasts will affect
-the flow of valuables in Boyowa.</p>
-<p>There is no doubt whatever that Tubetube had direct relations with
-Murua (to use the Tubetube pronunciation of the native name for
-Woodlark Island) to the North-East, and with Dobu to the North-West. I
-saw a canoe from the small island beached at Dobu, and in Woodlark I
-was told that men from Tubetube used to come there from time to time.
-Professor Seligman also describes in detail the manner and the stages
-of their sailings to Woodlark Island:</p>
-<p>&ldquo;Their trade route to Murua &hellip; was, as they made it,
-about 120&ndash;135 miles. They would usually go during the monsoon,
-and come back on the trade, as those winds served their itinerary best.
-Presuming that wind and weather served them throughout the passage,
-they slept the first night on an island called Ore, a couple of miles
-or so from Dawson Island. The next night they made Panamoti, the third
-night they slept at Tokunu (the Alcesters), and by the fourth night,
-they might reach Murua.&rdquo;<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21050src"
-href="#xd26e21050" name="xd26e21050src">2</a> This description reminds
-us very much of the route on which we previously had followed the
-Sinaketans to Dobu&mdash;the same short stages with intermediate
-camping on sandbanks or islands, the same taking advantage of
-favourable following winds.</p>
-<div class="figure pl64width" id="pl64">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl64width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LXIV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl64.jpg" alt="Nagega Canoe." width="720" height=
-"426">
-<p class="figureHead">Nagega Canoe.</p>
-<p>This type of canoe is manufactured by the North Eastern Massim and
-it is used in the South Eastern branch of the Kula. (See <a href=
-"#div21.1">Div. I</a> and <a href="#div5.4">Ch. V, Div. IV</a>.)</p>
-</div>
-<p>From Kitava Eastward as far as Tubetube, a different type of canoe
-was used, the <i lang="kij">nagega</i>, mentioned already in <a href=
-"#div5.4">Chapter V, Division IV</a>. As we saw there, it was very much
-the same in principles of construction as the Trobriand canoe, but it
-was bigger, of a greater carrying capacity, and more seaworthy. It was
-at the same time slower, but had one great advantage over the swifter
-counterpart; having more waterboard, it made less leeway in its
-sailing, and could be sailed against the wind. It would thus allow the
-natives to cross distances and to face changes in the weather, either
-of which would compel the frailer and swifter canoe of Dobu and
-Kiriwina to turn back.</p>
-<p>To the Northern shores of Normanby Island (Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u) and
-to Dobu, the men of Tubetube would sail with the S.E. trade wind and
-return with the blow of the monsoon. According to Professor Seligman,
-such a trip to Dobu would take them also about four days, under the
-most favourable conditions.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21080src" href=
-"#xd26e21080" name="xd26e21080src">3</a> <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb497" href="#pb497" name="pb497">497</a>]</span></p>
-<p>Thus, one fundamental fact can be regarded as definitely
-established; the main centre of the Kula in its South-Eastern branch,
-was the small island of Tubetube. And this island was in direct
-communication with two points to which we have followed the Kula in two
-directions, starting from the Trobriands; that is, with Dobu and with
-Woodlark Island.</p>
-<p>On points of detail, some queries must be left unsolved. Were the
-visits returned by the Dobuans and Muruans? According to all
-probability, yes, but I possess no definite certainty on this
-point.</p>
-<p>Another question is whether the natives of Tubetube were direct
-partners of Murua or Dobu. We have seen that natives of Kiriwina sail
-not infrequently to Iwa, Gawa, Kwayawata and even to Woodlark; yet they
-are not partners (<i lang="kij">karayta&rsquo;u</i>) of these natives,
-but partners once removed (<i lang="kij">murimuri</i>). I have definite
-information that the natives of Dobu Island proper and of
-Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, who, as we remember are not partners of the
-Southern Boyowans, stood in direct relation of partnership to the
-Tubetube. I believe also that the natives of Woodlark made direct Kula
-exchange with those of Tubetube.</p>
-<p>The fact, however, that there is a direct line of communication
-between Murua-Tubetube-Dobu does not preclude the possibility of other
-and more complex routes running parallel with the direct one. Indeed, I
-know that the island of Wari, (Teste Island) lying almost due South of
-Tubetube is also in the Kula. The big island of Misima (St. Aignan
-Island) about a hundred miles East of Tubetube forms also part of the
-ring. Thus a much wider circle runs from Woodlark Island, perhaps from
-the Loughlans through Misima, the neighbouring small island of
-Panayati, Wari, and further West, through the group of islands quite
-close to the East end of New Guinea, that is, the islands of Sariba,
-Roge&rsquo;a, and Basilaki, and then northwards again towards Normanby
-Island. This duplicated circuit in the South-East has its North-Western
-counterpart in the double ramification which unites Kitava with Dobu.
-The short route runs direct from Kitava to Vakuta and from Vakuta to
-Dobu. Besides this, however, there are several longer ones. In one of
-them the stages are as follows: Kitava, Okayaulo, or Kitava, Wawela,
-thence Sinaketa, then Dobu direct; or <i>via</i> the Amphletts. Another
-and still wider ramification would run thus: Kitava, to Kiriwina,
-Kiriwina to Sinaketa, etc.; or, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb498"
-href="#pb498" name="pb498">498</a>]</span>the widest, Kiriwina to
-western Boyowa, then Kayleula, thence Amphletts, and from there to
-Dobu. This last route was not only longest in distance, but owing to
-the notorious &lsquo;hardness&rsquo; of both the natives of Kayleula
-and of the Amphletts, would take up much more time. A glance at Map V,
-and also at the more detailed map of the Trobriands (<a href=
-"#map4">Map IV</a>) will make all this clear.</p>
-<p>A more detailed knowledge of the North-Western routes allowed us to
-see the complications and irregularities obtaining there; that the
-district of Western Boyowa carried on exclusively the inland Kula, and
-that merely in the person of a few headmen of a few villages; that
-Kayleula made Kula on a small scale with the communities in the
-Amphletts, and that all these, as well as the villages on the Eastern
-shore of Southern Boyowa, were what we described as semi-independent
-Kula communities. Such details and peculiarities no doubt also exist
-with regard to the South-Eastern ramifications of the Kula, but must be
-taken here for granted.</p>
-<p>Following the various threads further on, I have no doubt that the
-islands lying near the East end of New Guinea&mdash;Roge&rsquo;a,
-Sariba, Basilaki&mdash;are and were in olden days in the Kula ring,
-communicating in the East with Tubetube and Wari, while to the North
-they were in contact with the natives of Normanby Island. Whether the
-large village complex lying at East Cape was also in the Kula I cannot
-definitely say. In any case all the strands led to the Eastern shores
-of Dawson Straits, by way of the North-Eastern shores of Normanby
-Island. From here, from the district of Dobu, we have traced the
-further lines with complete exactness and detail.</p>
-<p>Of the various details of these expeditions and technicalities of
-the Kula observed in them, I have not much material available. The
-rules of actual exchange, the ceremonial of conch blowing, the code of
-honour or morality or vanity, perhaps, compelling people to give
-equivalent articles for what they have received, all these are the same
-all along the ring. So is also the Kula magic, with variations in
-details.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div21.2" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">II</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">One subject on which more must be said is that of the
-associated trade. A new and important article of exchange accompanies
-the transaction in the South-Eastern branch of <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb499" href="#pb499" name="pb499">499</a>]</span>the
-Kula: the big, sea-going canoes. The main centres of manufacture, and
-to a great extent manufacture for export, were the islands of Gawa and
-Panayati. In these places, canoes were constructed for export to the
-southern districts where the natives did not know how to build such
-canoes (compare <a href="#div1.3">Chapter I, Division III</a>). In
-olden days the natives of Woodlark Island, before its present
-depopulation, also probably made some canoes for exchange in external
-trade. I have seen these canoes owned by natives in the Southern Massim
-district as far as Orangerie Bay, over two hundred miles from the place
-where they were manufactured. The trading of this article ran along
-with the Kula lines of communication as there is no doubt that the
-natives of Tubetube and Wari were the main distributors and middlemen
-in this trade.</p>
-<p>How far canoe exchange was associated directly with Kula
-transactions, I cannot say definitely. Judging from the data given by
-Professor Seligman,<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21128src" href=
-"#xd26e21128" name="xd26e21128src">4</a> armshells were paid by natives
-of Tubetube for canoes purchased from Panamoti in the North. Thus, the
-<i lang="kij">mwali</i> in this commercial transaction, travelled in a
-direction opposite to that in which they must move in the Kula ring.
-This, again, suggests complete independence of the two transactions.
-Besides the canoes, another important article of trade in the southern
-portion are the clay pots manufactured both in Tubetube and Wari.
-Besides this, the two islands of &ldquo;merchant venturers,&rdquo; as
-they are called by Professor Seligman, carry on their Kula expeditions,
-and most likely independent of them also, they trade almost all the
-various articles of industry manufactured in the neighbouring districts
-and distributed by the two communities. This subject has been treated
-so fully by Professor Seligman in Chapter XL of his
-&ldquo;Melanesians&rdquo; that a reference here will suffice.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e21137src" href="#xd26e21137" name=
-"xd26e21137src">5</a></p>
-<p>Having now before us the whole ring of the Kula, we may inquire how
-far is this ring in contact commercially with other outlying districts,
-and, more especially, how far are certain <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb500" href="#pb500" name="pb500">500</a>]</span>articles of trade
-imported into it and others drawn out of it? What will interest us most
-in this connection is the entry into the ring and the exit out of it of
-the articles of Kula proper, the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> (armshells)
-and the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> (necklaces).</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div21.3" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">III</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">One such offshoot of the Kula ring we met in the
-Trobriands, to wit, the expeditions from the Western village of
-Kavataria, and from the island of Kayleula, to the Koya of Fergusson
-and Goodenough. We shall begin with a brief account of these
-expeditions.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21161src" href="#xd26e21161"
-name="xd26e21161src">6</a> The preparations are very much the same, as
-in Sinaketa. The canoes are built with more or less the same magic (cf.
-<a href="#ch5">Chapter V</a>), they are launched ceremonially and the
-trial run, the <i lang="kij">tasasoria</i>, also takes place (<a href=
-"#ch6">Chapter VI</a>). The island of Kayleula is by far the more
-important centre of canoe building. Whether some of the Kavataria
-canoes were not actually made in Kayleula and purchased by the
-Kavatarians in olden days, I do not definitely know, though I think
-this was the case. Nowadays, the community of Kavataria are completely
-absorbed by the pearling industry, and since about a generation ago
-have given up the expeditions, and even do not own any canoes. The
-collecting of trade articles, the magic performed over the <i lang=
-"kij">lilava</i>, the <i lang="kij">yawarapu</i>, and the <i lang=
-"kij">sulumwoya</i> are the same as those described before (<a href=
-"#ch7">Chapter VII</a>) except, that is, that there exists a different
-system of <i lang="kij">mwasila</i> in the island of Kayleula, a system
-which was used also by the Kavatarians. It must be remembered in this
-connection that <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb501" href="#pb501"
-name="pb501">501</a>]</span>the natives of Kayleula did make Kula on a
-small scale with the Amphlettans, and that their <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> was connected with the Kula.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21198src" href="#xd26e21198" name="xd26e21198src">7</a> But the
-main object of the Kavatarian and Kayleulan <i lang="kij">mwasila</i>
-was their non-Kula trade with the natives of Fergusson and Goodenough.
-This is quite clear from Mr. Gilmour&rsquo;s account, and it was also
-corroborated by my informants. They told me that the <i lang=
-"kij">mwasila</i> is done because of the <i lang=
-"kij">kavaylu&rsquo;a</i> (fine food) that is, of the sago and
-betel-nut and pigs, the main objects of their expedition:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;If they (the Western Boyowans) would not make
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, they (the Western d&rsquo;Entrecasteaux
-natives) would fight them. They are foolish men, the people of the
-Koya, not like people of Dobu, who are human beings. Those in the Koya
-are wild, eaters of man. If they (Kavataria and Kayleula) would make no
-<i lang="kij">mwasila</i>, they would refuse them betel-nut, refuse
-them sago.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The sailing is characterised by the priority enjoyed by the Kulutula
-clan, who, as we have seen in a previous chapter (<a href=
-"#div9.3">Chapter IX, Division III</a>) sail ahead and have the
-privilege of landing first on any beach, on which they stop. On
-arrival, they perform the beauty magic, and sailing towards the beach,
-the magic of &ldquo;shaking the mountain&rdquo; is also recited. In the
-Koya, the transactions resemble to a certain extent those of the Kula.
-As my informant said:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;When they anchor, first of all they give the
-<i lang="kij">pari</i>; they give combs, lime pots, wooden dishes, lime
-spatul&aelig;, plenty of <i lang="kij">gugu&rsquo;a</i> (objects of
-use). At the <i lang="kij">talo&rsquo;i</i> (farewell gifts) this will
-be repaid.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>The following transaction, the main trade, is carried on as <i lang=
-"kij">gimwali</i>. The natives of the Koya would bring the sago, or the
-betel-nut, put it on the beach near the canoes and say:</p>
-<blockquote>
-<div class="body">
-<div class="div1 chapter">
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">&ldquo;I want a <i lang="kij">beku</i> (ceremonial axe
-blade).&rdquo; And here my informants were positive that real
-bargaining would take place. &ldquo;If they give us an insufficient
-quantity, we <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb502" href="#pb502" name=
-"pb502">502</a>]</span>expostulate, then they bring another portion.
-They would go to the village, fetch some more goods, return and give it
-to us<span class="corr" id="xd26e21263" title="Source: ,">.</span> If
-it is enough, we give him the <i lang="kij">beku</i>.&rdquo;</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p>Thus the barter would be carried on till the visitors had exhausted
-their stock in trade and received as much from the local natives as
-they could.</p>
-<p>These expeditions are interesting in that we see the same type of
-magic and a number of similar customs, as in the Kula, associated with
-ordinary trading expeditions. I am not certain about the nature of
-partnership obtaining in these trading relations, except that Kavataria
-and Kayleula have their own districts each with whom they trade.</p>
-<p>As said already, the main objects for which they make these distant
-trips are sago, betel-nut, pig; also the various feathers, especially
-those of the cassowary and the red parrot; rattan-cane belts; plaited
-fibre belts; obsidian; fine sand for polishing axe blades; red ochre;
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e21276" title=
-"Source: pummice">pumice</span> stone; and other products of the jungle
-and of the volcanic mountains. For that, they exported to the Koya, to
-mention the most valuable first, armshells, the valuable axe blades,
-boars&rsquo; tusks and imitations; and, of lesser value, wooden dishes,
-combs, lime pots, armlets, baskets, <i lang="kij">wayugo</i> creeper,
-mussel shells and lime spatul&aelig; of ebony. Spondylus shell
-necklaces were not exported to the Koya.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div21.4" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">IV</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Another important activity of the two districts of
-Kavataria and Kayleula is their production of armshells. As Sinaketa
-and Vakuta are the only two places in the Trobriands where spondylus
-discs are made, so Kavataria and Kayleula are the only localities where
-the natives fished for the large <i lang="la">Conus millepunctatus</i>
-shell, and made out of it the ornaments so highly valued yet so seldom
-used. The main reason for the exclusive monopoly, held by these two
-places in the manufacture of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, is the inertia of
-custom and usage which traditionally assigns to them this sort of
-fishing and manufacture. For the shells are scattered all over the
-Lagoon, nor is the fishing and diving for them more difficult than any
-of the pursuits practised by all the Lagoon villages. Only the
-communities mentioned, however, carry it on, and they only are in
-possession of a system of elaborate magic, at least as complex as that
-of the <i lang="kij">kaloma</i>. <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb503"
-href="#pb503" name="pb503">503</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The actual manufacturing of the armshells presents also no
-difficulties. The ornament is made out of a belt of the shell cut out
-nearest to its base. With a stone, the natives knock out the circular
-base along the rim, and they also knock a circle at some distance from
-the base and parallel to it, by which the broad band of shell is
-severed, from which the ornament is to be made. It has then to be
-polished, and this is done on the outside by rubbing off the soft
-calcareous surface on a flat sandstone. The interior is polished off
-with a long, cylindrical stone.<a class="noteref" id="xd26e21299src"
-href="#xd26e21299" name="xd26e21299src">8</a></p>
-<p>It was the custom in Kavataria that when a man found a fine Conus
-shell, he would give it to his wife&rsquo;s brother as a <i lang=
-"kij">youlo</i> present, who in turn would send the finder a return
-present of food, such as specially fine yams, bananas, betel-nut, and
-also a pig if it were an especially fine shell. He then would work out
-the shell for himself. This arrangement is a pendant to the one
-described with reference to Sinaketa, where a man would fish as well as
-work out a necklace for one of his wife&rsquo;s kinsmen.</p>
-<p>An even more interesting custom obtains in Kayleula. A pair of
-shells would be fished and broken in one of the villages of that
-island, or in one of its small sister islands, Kuyawa and Manuwata. In
-this unfinished state, as a band of coarse shell, called as such
-<i lang="kij">makavayna</i>, it is then brought to the Amphletts, and
-there given as a Kula gift. The Gumasila man, who receives the shells,
-will then polish them up, and in that state again <i lang=
-"kij">kula</i> them to Dobu. The Dobuan who receives them then bores
-holes in the side, where one rim overlaps the other (clearly to be seen
-on <a href="#pl16">Plate XVI</a>) and attaches there the ornaments of
-black, wild banana seeds, and spondylus discs. Thus, only after it has
-travelled some one hundred miles and passed through two stages of the
-Kula, has the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> received its proper shape and
-final outfit.</p>
-<p>In this manner does a new-born Kula article enter into the ring,
-taking shape as it goes through its first few stages, and at the same
-time, if it is a specially fine specimen, it is christened <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb504" href="#pb504" name="pb504">504</a>]</span>by
-its maker. Some of the names express simply local associations. Thus, a
-celebrated pair of <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, of which the shell was
-found not long ago by a Kavataria man near the island of Nanoula, is
-named after that place. It may be added that, in each pair there is
-always a &lsquo;right&rsquo; and a &lsquo;left&rsquo; one, the first
-the bigger and more important of the two, and it is after that the name
-is given. Of course, they never are found at the same time, but if a
-man has succeeded in obtaining a specially fine specimen, he will be
-busy trying to find its slightly inferior companion, or some of his
-relatives-in-law, friends or kinsmen will give him one.
-&lsquo;Nanoula&rsquo; is one of the most celebrated pairs, and it was
-known all over the Trobriands, at that moment, that it was soon to come
-to Kitava, and the general interest hung round the question who was
-going to get it in Boyowa. A pair called &lsquo;Sopimanuwata,&rsquo;
-which means, &lsquo;water of Manuwata&rsquo; was found in olden days by
-a man of that island close to its shores. Another famous pair, made in
-Kayleula, was called &lsquo;Bulivada,&rsquo; after a fish of this name.
-The larger shell of this pair was found, according to tradition,
-broken, with a hole near its apex. When they brought it to the surface
-they found a small <i lang="kij">bulivada</i> fish which had taken up
-its abode in the shell. Another pair was called &lsquo;Gomane
-ikola,&rsquo; which means &lsquo;it is entangled in a net,&rsquo; as,
-according to the story, it was brought up in a net. There are many
-other celebrated <i lang="kij">mwali</i>, the names of which are so
-familiar that boys and girls are named after them. But the majority of
-the names cannot be traced as to their origins.</p>
-<p>Another point at which the armshells enter into the ring is Woodlark
-Island. I do not know for certain, but I believe that the industry is
-quite or almost extinct now in that island. In the olden days, Murua
-probably was quite as productive a centre of this manufacture as the
-Trobriands, and in these latter though Kayleula and the Western islands
-fish and work the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> as much as ever, the natives
-of Kavataria are almost entirely out of it, busy all the time diving
-for pearls. Both the main places of origin of the armshells, therefore,
-are within the Kula ring. After they are made, or, as we saw in
-Kayleula, in the process of making, they enter the circulation. Their
-entry into the ring is not accompanied by any special rite or custom,
-and indeed it does not differ from an ordinary act of exchange. If the
-man who found the shell and made the <i lang="kij">mwali</i>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb505" href="#pb505" name=
-"pb505">505</a>]</span>were not in the Kula himself, as might happen in
-Kavataria or Kayleula, he would have a relative, a brother-in-law, or a
-head man to whom he would give it in the form of one or other of the
-many gifts and payments obligatory in this society.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="div21.5" class="div2 section"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h3 class="main">V</h3>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Let us follow the ring of the Kula, noticing its
-commercial side tracks, of which so far we only described the trading
-routes of Kavataria and Kayleula. To the Eastward, the section from
-Kitava to Woodlark Island is the one big portion of the Kula from which
-no lateral offshoots issue, and on which all the trade follows the same
-routes as the Kula. The other branch, of which I have got a good
-knowledge, that from the Trobriands to Dobu, has the commercial
-relations of which I have just spoken. The Amphletts, as described in
-<a href="#ch11">Chapter XI</a> trade with the natives of Fergusson
-Island. The Dobuan-speaking natives from Tewara, Sanaroa, and the
-Dawson Straits make exchange, though perhaps not on a very big scale,
-with the inland natives of Fergusson. The Dobuan-speaking communities
-on Normanby Island, and the natives of Du&rsquo;a&rsquo;u, on the
-Northern coast of Normanby, all of whom are in the Kula, trade with the
-other natives of Normanby Island who are not in the ring, and with the
-natives of the mainland of New Guinea from East Cape Westwards. But,
-all this trade affects little the main current of the Kula. From its
-main stream, possibly some of the less valuable articles ebb away into
-the jungle, which, in its turn, gives its produce to the coast.</p>
-<p>The most important leakage out and into the main stream takes place
-on the Southern section, mainly at Tubetube and Wari, and at some
-points of lesser importance around these two main centres. The North
-coast of New Guinea was connected with this district through the
-seafaring community at East Cape. But this side branch is of very small
-importance as regards the main articles of the Kula. It is the two
-connections to East and West, at the extreme southern point of the Kula
-ring, which matter most. One of them links up the South Coast of New
-Guinea with the Kula ring, the other joins the ring to the big islands
-of Sud-Est (Tagula) and Rossel with several adjacent small islands.
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb506" href="#pb506" name=
-"pb506">506</a>]</span></p>
-<p>The South Coast, going from East to West, is at first inhabited by
-natives of the Massim stock, speaking the Su&rsquo;a&rsquo;u and
-Bonabona dialects. These are in constant intercourse with the Southern
-section of the Kula district, that is with the natives of Rogea,
-Sariba, Basilaki, Tubetube and Wari. The Massim of the Southern coast
-are again in commercial relations with the Mailu, and from this point,
-a chain of trading relations unites the Eastern districts with the
-Central ones, inhabited by the Motu. The Motu again as we know from
-Captain Barton&rsquo;s contribution to Professor Seligman&rsquo;s work,
-are in annual trading relations with the Gulf of Papua, so that an
-article could travel from the delta of any of the Papuan rivers to
-Woodlark in the Trobriands, and many things were in fact traded over
-all this distance.</p>
-<p>There is, however, one movement which specially interests us from
-the Kula point of view, namely that of the two types of Kula valuables.
-One of these articles, the armshells, travels on the South Coast from
-East to West. There is no doubt that this article leaks out from the
-Kula current at its Southernmost point, and is carried away towards
-Port Moresby, where the value of armshells is, and was, in olden days
-much higher than in the Eastern district. I found in Mailu that the
-local native traders purchased, for pigs, armshells in the
-Su&rsquo;a&rsquo;u district, and carried them West towards Aroma, Hula,
-and Kerepunu. Professor Seligman, from his notes taken at Port Moresby,
-informs us that Hula, Aroma, and Kerepunu import armshells into Port
-Moresby. Some of these armshells, according to the same authority,
-travel further West as far as the Gulf of Papua.<a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21361src" href="#xd26e21361" name="xd26e21361src">9</a></p>
-<p>It was much more difficult to ascertain what was the direction in
-which the spondylus shell necklaces moved on the Southern Coast.
-Nowadays, the industry of making these articles, which was once very
-highly developed among the Port Moresby natives is partially, though
-not completely in decay. I have myself still had the opportunity of
-watching the natives of Bo&rsquo;era at work on the <i lang=
-"kij">ageva</i>, the very small and fine shell discs, such as the very
-finest <i lang="kij">bagi</i> would consist of. They were using in
-their manufacture a native pump-drill with a <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb507" href="#pb507" name=
-"pb507">507</a>]</span>quartz point, in a place within a few miles of a
-large white settlement, in a district where white man&rsquo;s influence
-on a big scale has been exercised for the last fifty years. Yet, this
-is only a vestige of the once extremely developed industry. My
-inquiries into this subject could not be exhaustive, for when I worked
-on the South Coast, I did not have the problem before me, and on my
-second and third expeditions to New Guinea I only passed through Port
-Moresby. But I think it may be considered certain that in olden days
-the shell strings moved from Port Moresby Eastwards and were introduced
-into the Kula ring, at the East end of New Guinea.</p>
-<p>However this might be, unquestionable sources of this Kula article
-are the islands of Sud-Est, Rossel, and the surrounding small islands.
-The best spondylus shell, with the reddest colours is fished in these
-seas, and the natives are expert workers of the discs, and export the
-finished article to the island of Wari, and, I believe, to the islands
-of Misima and Panayati. The most important articles for which the
-necklaces are traded are the canoes, and the large polished axe
-blades.</p>
-<p>Casting now a glance at the Kula ring we see that one class of Kula
-article, the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> or armshells, are produced within
-the ring at two points, that is, in Woodlark Island and in Western
-Boyowa. The other article, that is the <i lang="kij">soulava</i> or
-<i lang="kij">bagi</i> (necklaces) are poured into the ring at its
-southernmost point. One of these sources (Rossel Island) is still
-active, the other (Port Moresby) most probably furnished a good supply
-in olden days, but is now disconnected with the Kula ring. The
-necklaces produced in Sinaketa are not the real Kula article, and
-though they are sometimes exchanged they sooner or later disappear from
-the ring according to a sort of Gresham&rsquo;s Law, which operates
-here on an article which is not money, and therefore acts in the
-opposite sense! The third type of valuable which sometimes flows in the
-Kula stream but is not really of it, the large green stone axe blades,
-finely polished all over, are, as we know, or more correctly were,
-quarried in Woodlark Island, and polished in the district of Kiriwina
-in the Trobriands. Another polishing centre is, or was, I believe, the
-island of Misima.</p>
-<p>We see that the two sources of the <i lang="kij">mwali</i> and
-<i lang="kij">soulava</i> are at the Northern and Southern ends of the
-ring; the armshells being manufactured in the extreme North, the
-necklaces <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb508" href="#pb508" name=
-"pb508">508</a>]</span>entering at the Southern end. It is noteworthy
-that on the Eastern portion of the ring, on the section
-Woodlark-Boyowa-Dobu-Tubetube, the two articles travel in the natural
-direction, that is, each is exported from the districts of its origin
-towards one, where it is not made or procured. On the other branch,
-Woodlark-Yeguma-Tubetube, the current of the Kula is inverse to a
-natural, commercial movement of the articles, for here, the Tubetube
-people import armshells into Murua, thus bringing coals to Newcastle,
-while the Muruans bring necklaces to Tubetube and Wari, that is, to the
-points at which the necklaces flow into the ring from the outside.
-These considerations are important for anyone who would like to reflect
-on the origins, or history of the Kula, since the natural movement of
-valuables was no doubt the original one, and the Western half of the
-Kula from this point of view appears to be the older.</p>
-<p>But here we have come to an end of all the descriptive data
-referring to the Kula, and some general remarks which I have to make
-upon it, will be reserved for the next and last chapter. <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb509" href="#pb509" name="pb509">509</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21038" href="#xd26e21038src" name="xd26e21038">1</a></span>
-Seligman. <i>Op. cit</i>., p. 524.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21038src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21050" href="#xd26e21050src" name="xd26e21050">2</a></span>
-<i>Op. cit</i>., p. 538.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21050src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21080" href="#xd26e21080src" name="xd26e21080">3</a></span>
-<i>Ibid</i>.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21080src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21128" href="#xd26e21128src" name="xd26e21128">4</a></span> Cf.
-<i>Op. cit</i>., pp. 536&ndash;537.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21128src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21137" href="#xd26e21137src" name="xd26e21137">5</a></span> I
-cannot follow Professor Seligman in his use of the word
-<i>currency</i>, which is not very clearly defined by him. This word
-can be correctly applied to the armshells, spondylus discs, big
-polished blades of green stones, etc., only if we give it simply the
-meaning of &ldquo;objects&rdquo; or &ldquo;tokens of wealth.&rdquo;
-<i>Currency</i> as a rule means a medium of exchange and standard of
-value, and none of the Massim valuables fulfil these
-functions.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e21137src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21161" href="#xd26e21161src" name="xd26e21161">6</a></span> A
-short article on this subject has been published by the Rev. M.
-Gilmour, now head of the Methodist Mission in New Guinea. (Annual
-Report of British New Guinea, 1904&ndash;5, p. 71.) I used this article
-in the field, going over it with several natives of Kavataria, and I
-found it substantially correct, and on the whole formulated with
-precision. The need for extreme compression of statement has, however,
-led the Author into one or two ambiguities. Thus, the constant mention
-of &ldquo;feasting&rdquo; might give a wrong impression, for it is
-always the matter of a public distribution of food, which is then eaten
-apart, or in small groups, while the word &ldquo;feast&rdquo; suggests
-eating in common. Again, the data about the &ldquo;sea-chief,&rdquo; as
-Mr. Gilmour calls the leader of the privileged clan in Kavataria (cf.
-<a href="#div9.3">Chapter IX, Division III</a>), seemed to me
-over-stated, when he is said to be &ldquo;supreme,&rdquo; to have
-&ldquo;the right of determining an expedition,&rdquo; and especially
-when it is said that he &ldquo;had the right of first choice of a
-canoe.&rdquo; This latter phrase must involve a misunderstanding; as we
-saw, each sub-clan (that is, each sub-division of the village) build
-their own canoe, and a subsequent swapping and free choice are out of
-the question. Mr. Gilmour was fully acquainted with the facts of the
-Kula, as I learnt from personal conversation. In this article, he
-mentions it only in one phrase, saying that some of the expeditions
-&ldquo;were principally concerned in the exchange of the circulated
-articles of native wealth &hellip; in which trade was only a secondary
-consideration.&rdquo;&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21161src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21198" href="#xd26e21198src" name="xd26e21198">7</a></span> Mr.
-Gilmour&rsquo;s statement to the contrary namely that &ldquo;the trips
-from the West&mdash;Kavataria and Kaileuna&mdash;were pure trading
-expeditions&rdquo; (<i>loc. cit</i>.)&mdash;is incorrect. First, I am
-inclined to think that some of the Kavataria men did make the Kula in
-the Amphletts, where they always stopped on their way South, but this
-might have been only on a very small scale, and entirely overshadowed
-by the main object of the expedition, which was the trade with the
-Southern Koya. Secondly, as to the natives of Kayleula, I am certain
-that they made the Kula, from conclusive data collected both in the
-Trobriands and in the Amphletts.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21198src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21299" href="#xd26e21299src" name="xd26e21299">8</a></span> I
-have given a more detailed description of this process which I had
-often opportunities to observe among the Mailu on the South coast. I
-never saw the making of an armshell in the Trobriands, but the two
-processes are identical according to detailed information which I
-obtained. (Compare the monograph on &ldquo;The Natives of Mailu&rdquo;
-by the Author, in the Transactions of the Royal Society of S.
-Australia, 1915, pp. 643&ndash;644.<span class="corr" id="xd26e21301"
-title="Not in source">)</span>&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21299src">&uarr;</a></p>
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21361" href="#xd26e21361src" name="xd26e21361">9</a></span> Both
-statements of Professor Seligman in the &ldquo;Melanesians&rdquo; (p.
-89) are in entire agreement with the information I obtained among the
-Mailu. See Transactions of the Royal Society of S. Australia, 1915, pp.
-620&ndash;629.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href=
-"#xd26e21361src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id="ch22" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e933">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="label">Chapter XXII</h2>
-<h2 class="main">The Meaning of the Kula</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">We have been following the various routes and
-ramifications of the Kula, entering minutely and meticulously into its
-rules and customs., its beliefs and practices, and the mythological
-tradition spun round it, till, arriving at the end of our information,
-we have made its two ends meet. We shall now put aside the magnifying
-glass of detailed examination and look from a distance at the subject
-of our inquiry, take in the whole institution with one glance, let it
-assume a definite shape before us. This shape will perhaps strike us as
-being something unusual, something not met before in ethnological
-studies. It will be well to make an attempt at finding its place among
-the other subjects of systematic ethnology, at gauging its
-significance, at assessing how much we have learned by becoming
-acquainted with it.</p>
-<p>After all there is no value in isolated facts for science, however
-striking and novel they might seem in themselves. Genuine scientific
-research differs from mere curio-hunting in that the latter runs after
-the quaint, singular and freakish&mdash;the craving for the sensational
-and the mania of collecting providing its twofold stimulus. Science on
-the other hand has to analyse and classify facts in order to place them
-in an organic whole, to incorporate them in one of the systems in which
-it tries to group the various aspects of reality.</p>
-<p>I shall not, of course enter upon any speculations or add any
-hypothetical assumptions to the empirical data contained in the
-foregoing chapters. I shall confine myself to some reflections on the
-most general aspect of the institution, and try to express somewhat
-more clearly what to me appears the mental attitude at the bottom of
-the various Kula customs. These general points of view ought, I think,
-to be considered and tested in further field-work done on subjects akin
-to the Kula <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb510" href="#pb510" name=
-"pb510">510</a>]</span>as well as in theoretical research, and might
-thus prove fertile for future scientific work. In this form it may be
-granted that it is the privilege of the chronicler of a novel
-phenomenon to pass it over to the consideration of fellow-workers; but
-it is his duty as well as his privilege. For, apart from his first-hand
-acquaintance with the facts&mdash;and indeed, if his account is good,
-he ought to have succeeded in transferring the best part of his
-knowledge to the reader&mdash;the fundamental aspects and
-characteristics of an ethnographic phenomenon for being general are
-none the less empirical. It is therefore the Chronicler&rsquo;s task to
-finish his account by a comprehensive, synthetic <i lang="fr">coup
-d&rsquo;&oelig;il</i> upon the institution described.</p>
-<p>As said the Kula seems to be, to a certain extent, a novel type of
-ethnological fact. Its novelty lies partly in the size of its
-sociological and geographical extent. A big, inter-tribal relationship,
-uniting with definite social bonds a vast area and great numbers of
-people, binding them with definite ties of reciprocal obligations,
-making them follow minute rules and observations in a concerted
-manner&mdash;the Kula is a sociological mechanism of surpassing size
-and complexity, considering the level of culture on which we find it.
-Nor can this wide network of social co-relations and cultural
-influences be considered for a moment as ephemeral, new or precarious.
-For its highly developed mythology and its magical ritual show how
-deeply it has taken root in the tradition of these natives and of what
-ancient growth it must be.</p>
-<p>Another unusual feature is the character of the transaction itself,
-which is the proper substance of the Kula. A half commercial, half
-ceremonial exchange, it is carried out for its own sake, in fulfilment
-of a deep desire to possess. But here again, it is not ordinary
-possession, but a special type, in which a man owns for a short time,
-and in an alternating manner, individual specimens of two classes of
-objects. Though the ownership is incomplete in point of permanency, it
-is in turn enhanced in point of numbers successively possessed, and may
-be called a cumulative possession.</p>
-<p>Another aspect of great, perhaps the greatest, importance and which
-perhaps reveals best the unusual character of the Kula is the
-natives&rsquo; mental attitude towards the tokens of wealth. These
-latter are neither used nor regarded as money or currency, and they
-resemble these economic instruments <span class="pagenum">[<a id=
-"pb511" href="#pb511" name="pb511">511</a>]</span>very little, if
-indeed there is any resemblance at all, except that both money and
-<i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> represent condensed wealth. <i lang=
-"kij">Vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is never used as medium of exchange or as
-measure of value, which are the two most important functions of
-currency or money. Each piece of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> of the
-Kula type has one main object throughout its existence&mdash;to be
-possessed and exchanged; has one main function and serves one main
-purpose&mdash;to circulate round the Kula ring, to be owned and
-displayed in a certain manner, of which we shall speak presently. And
-the exchange which each piece of <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>
-constantly undergoes is of a very special kind; limited in the
-geographical direction in which it can take place, narrowly
-circumscribed in the social circle of men between whom it may be done,
-it is subject to all sorts of strict rules and regulations; it can
-neither be described as barter, nor as simply giving and receiving of
-presents, nor in any sense is it a play at exchange. In fact it is
-<i lang="kij">Kula</i>, an exchange of an entirely novel type. And it
-is just through this exchange, through their being constantly within
-reach and the object of competitive desire, through being the means of
-arousing envy and conferring social distinction and renown, that these
-objects attain their high value. Indeed, they form one of the leading
-interests in native life, and are one of the main items in the
-inventory of their culture. Thus, one of the most important and unusual
-features of the Kula is the existence of the Kula <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, the incessantly circulating and ever
-exchangeable valuables, owing their value to this very circulation and
-its character.</p>
-<p>The acts of exchange of the valuables have to conform to a definite
-code. The main tenet of this declares that the transaction is not a
-bargain. The equivalence of the values exchanged is essential, but it
-must be the result of the repayer&rsquo;s own sense of what is due to
-custom and to his own dignity. The ceremonial attached to the act of
-giving, the manner of carrying and handling the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> shows distinctly that this is regarded as
-something else than mere merchandise. Indeed it is to the native
-something that confers dignity, that exalts him, and which he therefore
-treats with veneration and affection. Their behaviour at the
-transaction, makes it clear that the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is
-regarded, not only as possessing high value, but that it is treated
-also in a ritual manner, and arouses emotional reaction. This
-recognition is confirmed and deepened by the <span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb512" href="#pb512" name=
-"pb512">512</a>]</span>consideration of some other uses of <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, in which uses other valuables, such as
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> belts and large stone blades also function,
-besides the Kula articles.</p>
-<p>Thus, when a malignant spirit, <i lang="kij">tauva&rsquo;u</i> (see
-<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>) is found in or near the
-village in the shape of a snake or a land crab, some <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is put before it ceremonially and this is not
-done so much in order to bribe the spirit sacrificially by a gift as
-rather to exercise a direct action on his mind, and to make it
-benevolent. In the annual festive and dancing period, the <i lang=
-"kij">milamala</i>, the spirits return to their villages. The Kula
-valuables at that time in the hands of the community, as well as the
-permanent <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, such as stone blades,
-<i lang="kij">kaloma</i> belts, and <i lang="kij">doga</i> pendants,
-are exhibited sacrificially to the spirits on a platform, an
-arrangement and custom called <i lang="kij">yolova</i> (compare
-<a href="#div2.7">Chapter II, Division VII</a>). Thus the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> represent the most effective offering to be
-given to the spirits, through which they can be put into a pleasant
-state of mind; &ldquo;to make their minds good,&rdquo; as the
-stereotyped phrase of the natives runs. In the <i lang="kij">yolova</i>
-an offering is made to the spirits of what is most valued by the
-living. The shadowy visitors are supposed to take the spirit or shadow
-part of the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> home, and make a <i lang=
-"kij">tanarere</i> of it on the beach of Tuma, just as a Kula party
-make a <i lang="kij">tanarere</i> of the acquired valuables on their
-home beach (cf. <a href="#div15.4">Chapter XV, Division IV</a>). In all
-this there is a clear expression of the mental attitude of the natives,
-who regard the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> as supremely good in
-themselves, and not as convertible wealth, or as potential ornaments,
-or even as instruments of power. To possess <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> is exhilarating, comforting, soothing in
-itself. They will look at <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> and handle it
-for hours; even a touch of it imparts under circumstances its
-virtue.</p>
-<p>This is most clearly expressed by a custom observed at death. A
-dying man is surrounded and overlaid with valuables which all his
-relatives and relatives-in-law bring in loan for the occasion, to take
-it back when all is over while the man&rsquo;s own <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> are left on the corpse for some time after
-death (see <a href="#pl65">Plate LXV</a>). Various rationalised
-versions and justifications of this custom are given. Thus it is said
-to be a gift to Topileta, the keeper of the nether world; or, again,
-that it has to be taken in its spiritual form to procure a high social
-standing in Tuma, or simply, that it is laid to adorn and make happier
-the <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb513" href="#pb513" name=
-"pb513">513</a>]</span>last moments of the dying. All these beliefs no
-doubt exist side by side, and they are all compatible with, and indeed
-express, the underlying emotional attitude; the comforting action of
-the valuables. It is applied to the dying as something full of good, as
-something exercising a pleasant action, soothing and fortifying at the
-same time. They put it on his forehead, they put it on his chest, they
-rub his belly and his ribs with it, they dangle some of the <i lang=
-"kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> before his nose. I have often seen them do
-that, in fact, observed them do it for hours, and I believe there is a
-complex, emotional and intellectual attitude at the bottom of it; the
-desire to inspire with life; and at the same time to prepare for death;
-to hold him fast to this one, and to equip for the other world; but
-above all, the deep feeling that the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>
-are the supreme comfort, that to surround a man with them, even in his
-most evil moment, makes this moment less evil. The same mental attitude
-is probably at the bottom of the custom which prescribes that the
-widow&rsquo;s brothers should give a <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> to
-the brothers of the dead man, the same <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>
-being given back on the same day. But it is kept just long enough to be
-of comfort to those, who, according to native kinship ideas, are most
-directly hit by the death.</p>
-<div class="figure pl65width" id="pl65">
-<div class="figAnnotation pl65width"><span class="figTopLeft">Plate
-LXV</span> <span class="figTop">&nbsp;</span></div>
-<img src="images/pl65.jpg" alt="A Corpse Covered with Valuables."
-width="556" height="463">
-<p class="figureHead">A Corpse Covered with Valuables.</p>
-<p>A great number of valuables, including large axe blades, with which
-this man was covered at dying, have been already withdrawn. Only
-personal possessions are left on the corpse, and they will be removed
-immediately before the interment.</p>
-</div>
-<p>In all this we find the expression of the same mental attitude, the
-extreme value attached to condensed wealth, the serious, respectful way
-of treating it, the idea and the feeling that it is the reservoir of
-highest good. The <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> are valued in quite a
-different manner from that in which we value our wealth. The Biblical
-symbol of the golden calf might even be better applied to their
-attitude than to ours, although it would be not quite correct to say
-that they &lsquo;worship&rsquo; the <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i>,
-for they worship nothing. The <i lang="kij">vaygu&rsquo;a</i> might
-perhaps be called &ldquo;objects of cult&rdquo; in the sense expressed
-by the facts of the Kula, and the data just adduced; that is, in so far
-as they are handled ritually in some of the most important acts of
-native life.</p>
-<p>Thus, in several aspects, the Kula presents to us a new type of
-phenomenon, lying on the borderland between the commercial and the
-ceremonial and expressing a complex and interesting attitude of mind.
-But though it is novel, it can hardly be unique. For we can scarcely
-imagine that a social phenomenon on such a scale, and obviously so
-deeply connected with fundamental layers of human nature, should only
-be a sport and a <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb514" href="#pb514"
-name="pb514">514</a>]</span>freak, found in one spot of the earth
-alone. Once we have found this new type of ethnographic fact, we may
-hope that similar or kindred ones will be found elsewhere. For the
-history of our science shows many cases in which a new type of
-phenomena having been discovered, taken up by theory, discussed and
-analysed, was found subsequently all the world over. The <i lang=
-"xx">tabu</i>, the Polynesian word and the Polynesian custom, has
-served as prototype and eponym to similar regulations found among all
-the savage and barbarous as well as civilised races. Totemism, found
-first among one tribe of North American Indians and brought to light by
-the work of Frazer, has later on been documented so widely and fully
-from everywhere, that in re-writing his early small book, its historian
-could fill out four volumes. The conception of <i lang="kij">mana</i>,
-discovered in a small Melanesian community has, by the work of Hubert
-and Mauss, Marett and others, been proved of fundamental importance,
-and there is no doubt that <i lang="kij">mana</i>, whether named or
-unnamed, figures and figures largely in the magical beliefs and
-practices of all natives. These are the most classical and best known
-examples, and they could be multiplied by others were it necessary.
-Phenomena of the &lsquo;totemic type&rsquo; or of the &lsquo;mana
-type&rsquo; or of the &lsquo;tabu type&rsquo; are to be found in all
-ethnographic provinces, since each of these concepts stands for a
-fundamental attitude of the savage towards reality.</p>
-<p>So with the Kula, if it represents a novel, but not freakish,
-indeed, a fundamental type of human activity and of the mental attitude
-of man, we may expect to find allied and kindred phenomena in various
-other ethnographic provinces. And we may be on the lookout for economic
-transactions, expressing a reverential, almost worshipping attitude
-towards the valuables exchanged or handled; implying a novel type of
-ownership, temporary, intermittent, and cumulative; involving a vast
-and complex social mechanism and systems of economic enterprises, by
-means of which it is carried out. Such is the Kula type of
-semi-economic, semi-ceremonial activities. It would be futile, no
-doubt, to expect that exact replicas of this institution should be
-found anywhere and with the same details, such as the circular path on
-which the valuables move, the fixed direction in which each class has
-to travel, and existence of solicitory and intermediate gifts. All
-these technicalities are important and interesting, but they are
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb515" href="#pb515" name=
-"pb515">515</a>]</span>probably connected in one way or another with
-the special local conditions of the Kula. What we can expect to find in
-other parts of the world are the fundamental ideas of the Kula, and its
-social arrangements in their main outline, and for these the
-field-worker might be on the look-out.</p>
-<p>For the theoretical student, mainly interested in problems of
-evolution, the Kula might supply some reflections about the origins of
-wealth and value, of trade and economic relations in general. It might
-also shed some light upon the development of ceremonial life, and upon
-the influence of economic aims <span class="corr" id="xd26e21582"
-title="Source: and and">and</span> ambitions upon the evolution of
-intertribal intercourse and of primitive international law. For the
-student mainly viewing the problems of Ethnology from the point of view
-of the contact of cultures, and interested in the spread of
-institutions, beliefs and objects by transmission, the Kula is no less
-important. Here is a new type of inter-tribal contact, of relations
-between several communities slightly but definitely differing in
-culture, and a relation not spasmodic or accidental but regulated and
-permanent. Quite apart from the fact that in trying to explain how the
-Kula relationship between the various tribes originated, we are
-confronted with a definite problem of culture contact.</p>
-<p>These few remarks must suffice, as I cannot enter into any
-theoretical speculations myself. There is one aspect of the Kula,
-however, to which attention must be drawn from the point of view of its
-theoretical importance. We have seen that this institution presents
-several aspects closely intertwined and influencing one another. To
-take only two, economic enterprise and magical ritual form one
-inseparable whole, the forces of the magical belief and the efforts of
-man moulding and influencing one another. How this is happening has
-been described before in detail in the previous chapters.<a class=
-"noteref" id="xd26e21587src" href="#xd26e21587" name=
-"xd26e21587src">1</a></p>
-<p>But it seems to me that a deeper analysis and comparison of the
-manner in which two aspects of culture functionally depend on one
-another might afford some interesting material for theoretical
-reflection. Indeed, it seems to me that there is room for a new type of
-theory. The succession in time, and the influence of the previous stage
-upon the subsequent, is the main subject of evolutional studies, such
-as are practised by the classical school of British Anthropology
-(Tylor, Frazer, <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb516" href="#pb516"
-name="pb516">516</a>]</span>Westermarck, Sydney Hartland, Crawley). The
-ethnological school (Ratzel, Foy, Gr&auml;bner, W. Schmidt, Rivers, and
-Eliott-Smith) studies the influence of cultures by contact,
-infiltration and transmission. The influence of environment on cultural
-institutions and race is studied by anthropo-geography (Ratzel and
-others). The influence on one another of the various aspects of an
-institution, the study of the social and psychological mechanism on
-which the institution is based, are a type of theoretical studies which
-has been practised up till now in a tentative way only, but I venture
-to foretell will come into their own sooner or later. This kind of
-research will pave the way and provide the material for the others.</p>
-<p>At one or two places in the previous chapters, a somewhat detailed
-digression was made in order to criticise the view about the economic
-nature of primitive man, as it survives in our mental habits as well as
-in some text books&mdash;the conception of a rational being who wants
-nothing but to satisfy his simplest needs and does it according to the
-economic principle of least effort. This economic man always knows
-exactly where his material interests lie, and makes for them in a
-straight line. At the bottom of the so-called materialistic conception
-of history lies a somewhat analogous idea of a human being, who, in
-everything he devises and pursues, has nothing but his material
-advantage of a purely utilitarian type at heart. Now I hope that
-whatever the meaning of the Kula might be for Ethnology, for the
-general science of culture, the meaning of the Kula will consist in
-being instrumental to <span class="corr" id="xd26e21599" title=
-"Source: dispell">dispel</span> such crude, rationalistic conceptions
-of primitive mankind, and to induce both the speculator and the
-observer to deepen the analysis of economic facts. Indeed, the Kula
-shows us that the whole conception of primitive value; the very
-incorrect habit of calling all objects of value &lsquo;money&rsquo; or
-&lsquo;currency&rsquo;; the current ideas of primitive trade and
-primitive ownership&mdash;all these have to be revised in the light of
-our institution.</p>
-<p>At the beginning of this book, in the Introduction, I, in a way,
-promised the reader that he should receive a vivid impression of the
-events enabling him to see them in their native perspective, at the
-same time without for one moment losing sight of the method by which I
-have obtained my data. I have tried to present everything as far as
-possible in terms of concrete fact, letting the natives speak for
-themselves, perform <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb517" href="#pb517"
-name="pb517">517</a>]</span>their transactions, pursue their activities
-before the reader&rsquo;s mental vision. I have tried to pave my
-account with fact and details, equip it with documents, with figures,
-with instances of actual occurrence. But at the same time, my
-conviction, as expressed over and over again, is that what matters
-really is not the detail, not the fact, but the scientific use we make
-of it. Thus the details and technicalities of the Kula acquire their
-meaning in so far only as they express some central attitude of mind of
-the natives, and thus broaden our knowledge, widen our outlook and
-deepen our grasp of human nature.</p>
-<p>What interests me really in the study of the native is his outlook
-on things, his <i lang="de">Weltanschauung</i>, the breath of life and
-reality which he breathes and by which he lives. Every human culture
-gives its members a definite vision of the world, a definite zest of
-life. In the roamings over human history, and over the surface of the
-earth, it is the possibility of seeing life and the world from the
-various angles, peculiar to each culture, that has always charmed me
-most, and inspired me with real desire to penetrate other cultures, to
-understand other types of life.</p>
-<p>To pause for a moment before a quaint and singular fact; to be
-amused at it, and see its outward strangeness; to look at it as a curio
-and collect it into the museum of one&rsquo;s memory or into
-one&rsquo;s store of anecdotes&mdash;this attitude of mind has always
-been foreign and repugnant to me. Some people are unable to grasp the
-inner meaning and the psychological reality of all that is outwardly
-strange, at first sight incomprehensible, in a different culture. These
-people are not born to be ethnologists. It is in the love of the final
-synthesis, achieved by the assimilation and comprehension of all the
-items of a culture and still more in the love of the variety and
-independence of the various cultures that lies the test of the real
-worker in the true Science of Man.</p>
-<p>There is, however, one point of view deeper yet and more important
-than the love of tasting of the variety of human modes of life, and
-that is the desire to turn such knowledge into wisdom. Though it may be
-given to us for a moment to enter into the soul of a savage and through
-his eyes to look at the outer world and feel ourselves what it must
-feel to <i>him</i> to be himself&mdash;yet our final goal is to enrich
-and deepen our own <span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb518" href="#pb518"
-name="pb518">518</a>]</span>world&rsquo;s vision, to understand our own
-nature and to make it finer, intellectually and artistically. In
-grasping the essential outlook of others, with the reverence and real
-understanding, due even to savages, we cannot but help widening our
-own. We cannot possibly reach the final Socratic wisdom of knowing
-ourselves if we never leave the narrow confinement of the customs,
-beliefs and prejudices into which every man is born. Nothing can teach
-us a better lesson in this matter of ultimate importance than the habit
-of mind which allows us to treat the beliefs and values of another man
-from his point of view. Nor has civilised humanity ever needed such
-tolerance more than now, when prejudice, ill will and vindictiveness
-are dividing each European nation from another, when all the ideals,
-cherished and proclaimed as the highest achievements of civilisation,
-science and religion, have been thrown to the winds. The Science of
-Man, in its most refined and deepest version should lead us to such
-knowledge and to tolerance and generosity, based on the understanding
-of other men&rsquo;s point of view.</p>
-<p>The study of Ethnology&mdash;so often mistaken by its very votaries
-for an idle hunting after curios, for a ramble among the savage and
-fantastic shapes of &ldquo;barbarous customs and crude
-superstitions&rdquo;&mdash;might become one of the most deeply
-philosophic, enlightening and elevating disciplines of scientific
-research. Alas! the time is short for Ethnology, and will this truth of
-its real meaning and importance dawn before it is too late?
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb521" href="#pb521" name=
-"pb521">521</a>]</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="footnotes">
-<hr class="fnsep">
-<div class="footnote-body">
-<p class="footnote"><span class="label"><a class="noteref" id=
-"xd26e21587" href="#xd26e21587src" name="xd26e21587">1</a></span> Also
-in the before quoted article in the <i>Economic Journal</i>, March,
-1921.&nbsp;<a class="fnarrow" href="#xd26e21587src">&uarr;</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="back">
-<div id="index" class="div1 index"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#xd26e940">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divHead">
-<h2 class="main">Index</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first">Accounts, native, <i>verbatim</i>: Shipwreck and
-Salvage, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>, <a href="#pb258"
-class="pageref">258</a>; <i lang="kij">Kaloma</i> making, <a href=
-"#pb373" class="pageref">373</a><br>
-Adultery, case of, <a href="#pb484" class="pageref">484</a><br>
-Amphlett Is, scenery of, <a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>,
-<a href="#pb46" class="pageref">46</a>, <a href="#pb267" class=
-"pageref">267</a>; inhabitants of, <a href="#pb46" class=
-"pageref">46</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb48" class="pageref">48</a> villages
-in, <a href="#pb46" class="pageref">46</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb47" class=
-"pageref">47</a>; author&rsquo;s experiences in the, <a href="#pb379"
-class="pageref">379</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a>;
-chieftainship among, <a href="#pb469" class="pageref">469</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Trade; Pottery; Departure of Kula parties from A.)<br>
-Armshells, exchange of A. in the Kula, <a href="#pb87" class=
-"pageref">87</a>; manufacture of, <a href="#pb502" class=
-"pageref">502</a>, <a href="#pb503" class="pageref">503</a>; entry into
-the Kula of, <a href="#pb503" class="pageref">503</a>; naming of,
-<a href="#pb504" class="pageref">504</a><br>
-Armstrong, W. E., researches among the S. Massim, <a href="#pb493"
-class="pageref">493</a>n<br>
-Arrival, of Kula parties, in the Amphletts, <a href="#pb268" class=
-"pageref">268</a>, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>; in Dobu,
-<a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a>; of Dobuan fleet in the
-Amphletts, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>; A. and reception
-of Dobuan fleet in Sinaketa, <a href="#pb387" class=
-"pageref">387</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a>; A.
-home in Sinaketa, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a>; in Kitava,
-<a href="#pb486" class="pageref">486</a><br>
-Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine, Aturamo&rsquo;a, Sinatemubadie&rsquo;i,
-mythological persons, <a href="#pb331" class=
-"pageref">331</a><span class="corr" id="xd26e21739" title=
-"Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>.
-(<i>See Pokala</i>)</p>
-<p><i lang="kij">Bagi</i>. (<i>See Soulava</i>)<br>
-<i lang="kij">Baloma</i> (spirits) and magic, <a href="#pb422" class=
-"pageref">422</a>, <a href="#pb423" class="pageref">423</a><br>
-Barter, ceremonial, <a href="#pb187" class=
-"pageref">187</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Trade)<br>
-Barton, F., on <i lang="kij">hiri</i> trading expeditions, <a href=
-"#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>n<br>
-<i lang="kij">Basi</i>, intermediary, gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98"
-class="pageref">98</a>; <a href="#pb355" class=
-"pageref">355</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br>
-Beauty magic, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a>, <a href=
-"#pb336" class="pageref">336</a><br>
-Behaviour of natives, study of, <a href="#pb17" class=
-"pageref">17</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb22" class="pageref">22</a><br>
-<i lang="kij">Beku</i>, stone blades exchanged in the Kula, <a href=
-"#pb358" class="pageref">358</a>. (<i>See Kukumali</i>)<br>
-<span class="corr" id="xd26e21828" title=
-"Source: Betel Nut">Betel-Nut</span>, in magic, <a href="#pb199" class=
-"pageref">199</a>; <a href="#pb361" class="pageref">361</a><br>
-<i lang="kij">Bisila</i>, pandanus streamers, <a href="#pb216" class=
-"pageref">216</a>, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a>; magic of,
-<i>ibid<br>
-Bomala</i> (taboo) <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Taboo)<br>
-<i lang="kij">Bosu</i>, lime spatula of whale-bone, exchanged in the
-Kula, <a href="#pb358" class="pageref">358</a><br>
-<i lang="kij">Bulubwalata</i>, evil magic, <a href="#pb143" class=
-"pageref">143</a>; <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a><br>
-<i>Bwaga&rsquo;u, see</i> Sorcery</p>
-<p>Cannibalism, mythical references to, <a href="#pb321" class=
-"pageref">321</a>, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>; <a href=
-"#pb331" class="pageref">331</a><br>
-Canoes, Ch. IV; principles of stability, of, <a href="#pb108" class=
-"pageref">108</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>; three
-classes of, <a href="#pb112" class="pageref">112</a>, <a href="#pb113"
-class="pageref">113</a>; social organisation of labour at construction
-of, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb116"
-class="pageref">116</a>; ownership of, <a href="#pb116" class=
-"pageref">116</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a>;
-ceremonial building of, Ch. V; magic of, <a href="#pb125" class=
-"pageref">125</a>. (<i>See</i> Launching; Sailing; <i>Tasasoria;
-Kabigidoya</i>; Magic; <i>Nagega; Masawa; Yawarapu</i>; Compartments of
-a C.)<br>
-Ceremonial objects, <a href="#pb89" class="pageref">89</a>, <a href=
-"#pb90" class="pageref">90</a>; <a href="#pb151" class=
-"pageref">151</a><br>
-Charts, as instruments of method, <a href="#pb12" class=
-"pageref">12</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Method)<br>
-Chiefs, of Sinaketa, <a href="#pb196" class="pageref">196</a><br>
-Chieftainship. (<i>See</i> Trobriand I. natives; Amphlett Is.)<br>
-Circulation of <i>vaygu&rsquo;a</i> on the Kula ring, <a href="#pb92"
-class="pageref">92</a>, <a href="#pb93" class="pageref">93</a><br>
-Commercial honour, in Kula transactions, <a href="#pb95" class=
-"pageref">95</a>, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>, (<i>See</i>
-Quarrelling)<br>
-Communal Labour, <a href="#pb159" class=
-"pageref">159</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb163" class="pageref">163</a><br>
-Compartments, of a canoe, <a href="#pb204" class="pageref">204</a>.
-(<i>See Gebobo</i>)<br>
-Conch shell, magic of, <a href="#pb340" class=
-"pageref">340</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a><br>
-Concrete evidence, method of, <a href="#pb12" class=
-"pageref">12</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb17" class="pageref">17</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Method)<br>
-Conversations, about Kula, <a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Partnership)<br>
-Cultural districts, of the Kula, <a href="#pb29" class=
-"pageref">29</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb33" class="pageref">33</a>, Ch. I,
-Divs. II&ndash;V; <a href="#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb80" class="pageref">80</a>; c. d. of the Trobriands, Ch. II, Divs.
-I&ndash;VII</p>
-<p><i>Dabwana, see Dogina</i><br>
-Dangers of sailing, real, <a href="#pb22" class="pageref">22</a>,
-<a href="#pb222" class="pageref">222</a> <a href="#pb228" class=
-"pageref">228</a>; legendary, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>;
-<a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb236" class=
-"pageref">236</a> <a href="#pb291" class=
-"pageref">291</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Shipwreck)<br>
-Dates, fixing of, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a>; <a href=
-"#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>, <a href="#pb382" class=
-"pageref">382</a>. (<i>See</i> Synchronising events)<br>
-Departure, overseas, Ch. VII; from Sinaketa, <a href="#pb205" class=
-"pageref">205</a>, <a href="#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>; of Kula
-parties from the Amphletts, <a href="#pb290" class="pageref">290</a>;
-from Dobu, <a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>; of Dobuan fleet
-from the Amphletts, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>, <a href=
-"#pb385" class="pageref">385</a><br>
-Distributions, ceremonial. (<i>See Eguya&rsquo;i, Madare, Sagali,
-So&rsquo;i</i>)<br>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb522" href="#pb522" name=
-"pb522">522</a>]</span> District of the Kula, Ch. I; sub-divisions of,
-<a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb33" class=
-"pageref">33</a><br>
-Dobu, district of, <a href="#pb38" class=
-"pageref">38</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a>; tribe
-of, <a href="#pb39" class="pageref">39</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb43" class=
-"pageref">43</a>; appearance of, <a href="#pb40" class=
-"pageref">40</a>; customs of, <a href="#pb41" class=
-"pageref">41</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb43" class="pageref">43</a>; Kula in,
-Ch. XIV; Kula expeditions from, Ch. XVI<br>
-<i>Doga</i>, circular boars&rsquo; tusk, exchanged in the Kula,
-<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br>
-<i>Dogina</i>, conclusion of magical spells, <a href="#pb433" class=
-"pageref">433</a>; phonetic characteristics of, <a href="#pb447" class=
-"pageref">447</a></p>
-<p>Economics of primitive man, <a href="#pb60" class="pageref">60</a>;
-<a href="#pb85" class="pageref">85</a>; <a href="#pb96" class=
-"pageref">96</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb98" class="pageref">98</a>, <a href=
-"#pb167" class="pageref">167</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb176" class=
-"pageref">176</a>. (<i>See</i> Value)<br>
-<i>Eguya&rsquo;i</i>, distribution of food in Dobu, <a href="#pb378"
-class="pageref">378</a><br>
-Evolution, absence of idea of, <a href="#pb301" class=
-"pageref">301</a></p>
-<p>Field work, first experiences of, <a href="#pb4" class=
-"pageref">4</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb6" class="pageref">6</a>; proper
-conditions for, <a href="#pb6" class="pageref">6</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>. (See Method)<br>
-Flying canoe, myth of. (See Kudayuri; <i>Mulukwausi</i> and the flying
-of canoes)<br>
-Foodstuffs, psychology of relation to, in the Trobriands, <a href=
-"#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb172" class=
-"pageref">172</a>, (See <i>Sagali</i>)<br>
-Frazer, Sir James, distinction between religion and magic, <a href=
-"#pb73" class="pageref">73</a>n; on the psychological principle of
-magic, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>n; concept of totem,
-<a href="#pb514" class="pageref">514</a></p>
-<p>Gardens and Magic, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb59" class=
-"pageref">59</a>, <a href="#pb60" class="pageref">60</a><br>
-Gardiner, A. H., on linguistic methods, <a href="#pb24" class=
-"pageref">24</a>n<br>
-<i>Gebobo</i>, main compartment of a canoe, <a href="#pb204" class=
-"pageref">204</a>; magic of; <a href="#pb205" class=
-"pageref">205</a><br>
-Gere&rsquo;u, Kultur-hero, <a href="#pb307" class="pageref">307</a><br>
-Gifts. (See Give and Take)<br>
-Gilmour, Rev. M., on Trobriand trade, <a href="#pb500" class=
-"pageref">500</a>n, <a href="#pb501" class="pageref">501</a>n<br>
-<i>Gimwali</i> (trade) <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>; <a href=
-"#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb191" class=
-"pageref">191</a>; <a href="#pb362" class=
-"pageref">362</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a><br>
-Give and Take, in Trobriand tribal life, <a href="#pb167" class=
-"pageref">167</a>; psychology of, <a href="#pb173" class=
-"pageref">173</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>; list
-of gifts, <a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb191" class="pageref">191</a>; sociology of, <a href="#pb191" class=
-"pageref">191</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb194" class="pageref">194</a>; in
-<i>Kaloma</i> industry <a href="#pb372" class=
-"pageref">372</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb374" class="pageref">374</a>.
-(<i>See Basi-, Gimwali Kaributu</i>, Kinship and Presents;
-<i>Korolomna; Kudu; Kwaypolu; Kula; Laga; Mapula; Pari Pokala; Puwaya;
-Talo&rsquo;i</i>; Trade; <i>Vata&rsquo;i; Wasi</i>)<br>
-<i>Gora</i>, mortuary taboo, <a href="#pb489" class=
-"pageref">489</a><br>
-Gumagabu, legend and song of, <a href="#pb292" class=
-"pageref">292</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a><br>
-<i>Gwara</i>, taboo in Dobu, <a href="#pb346" class="pageref">346</a>,
-<a href="#pb347" class="pageref">347</a>; <a href="#pb350" class=
-"pageref">350</a></p>
-<p>Haddon, A. C., advance in method by, <a href="#pb311" class=
-"pageref">311</a>; on racial divisions in New Guinea, <a href="#pb28"
-class="pageref">28</a>; on migrations of cultures, <i>ibid</i>, n<br>
-Historical changes, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>; <a href=
-"#pb288" class="pageref">288</a>, <a href="#pb289" class=
-"pageref">289</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a><br>
-Historical perspective, lack of, <a href="#pb300" class=
-"pageref">300</a><br>
-Hubert, H. and the concept of <i>mama</i>, <a href="#pb514" class=
-"pageref">514</a></p>
-<p>Inland, Kula, Ch. XIX; in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb464" class=
-"pageref">464</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb477" class="pageref">477</a>; in
-the other districts, <a href="#pb477" class="pageref">477</a><br>
-Institutions, study of, <a href="#pb11" class=
-"pageref">11</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>. (See
-Method)<br>
-Intertribal relations, how news spread in, <a href="#pb379" class=
-"pageref">379</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a></p>
-<p>Jenness, D. and Ballantyne A., quoted <a href="#pb43" class=
-"pageref">43</a>; on missionary feats, <a href="#pb467" class=
-"pageref">467</a>n.</p>
-<p><i>Kabigidoya</i>, ceremonial presentation of a canoe, <a href=
-"#pb163" class="pageref">163</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb166" class=
-"pageref">166</a>; <a href="#pb184" class="pageref">184</a><br>
-<i>Kalipoulo</i>, fishing canoe, <a href="#pb112" class=
-"pageref">112</a><br>
-<i>Kaloma</i> (spondylus shell), fishing and working of, Ch. XV;
-distribution of manufacture of, <a href="#pb367" class=
-"pageref">367</a>; mythology of, <a href="#pb367" class=
-"pageref">367</a>, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a>; magic of,
-<a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb371" class=
-"pageref">371</a>; ceremonial fishing for, <a href="#pb370" class=
-"pageref">370</a>; manufacturing of, <a href="#pb371" class=
-"pageref">371</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb374" class="pageref">374</a><br>
-<i>Kaributu</i>, sollicitory gifts in the Kula, <a href="#pb99" class=
-"pageref">99</a>; <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; <a href=
-"#pb358" class="pageref">358</a>.<br>
-<i>Kariyala</i>, magical portent, of <i>wayugo</i> <a href="#pb320"
-class="pageref">320</a>; <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a><br>
-Kasabwaybwayreta, Kultur-hero of the Kula, <a href="#pb322" class=
-"pageref">322</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a><br>
-<i>Katudababile</i>, necklace, exchanged in the Kula, <a href="#pb358"
-class="pageref">358</a><br>
-<i>Katuyausi</i>, fornicating expeditions, in the Trobriands, <a href=
-"#pb55" class="pageref">55</a><br>
-<i>Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i</i>, safety magic, <a href="#pb345" class=
-"pageref">345</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb349" class="pageref">349</a>;
-absent on expeditions to Kitava, <a href="#pb478" class=
-"pageref">478</a><br>
-<i>Kayga&rsquo;u</i>, magic of fog, <a href="#pb245" class=
-"pageref">245</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>; myth
-about origin of, <a href="#pb262" class=
-"pageref">262</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a><br>
-Kaytalugi and Kokopawa, mythical countries, <a href="#pb223" class=
-"pageref">223</a>, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a><span class=
-"pagenum">[<a id="pb523" href="#pb523" name="pb523">523</a>]</span><br>
-<i>Kaytaria</i>, magic of rescue, <a href="#pb261" class=
-"pageref">261</a>, <a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a>
-<i>Kewo&rsquo;u</i>, small canoe, <a href="#pb112" class=
-"pageref">112</a><br>
-Kinship, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb7" class="pageref">7</a>
-<a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>, <a href="#pb72" class=
-"pageref">72</a> kinship and presents, <a href="#pb177" class=
-"pageref">177</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb186" class="pageref">186</a>,
-<a href="#pb191" class="pageref">191</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb193" class=
-"pageref">193</a><br>
-Kitava, Kula in, Ch. XX; privileged position in the ring, <a href=
-"#pb488" class="pageref">488</a><br>
-Kiriwina, Kula expeditions from K. to Kitava, Ch. XX<br>
-<i>Korotomna</i>, secondary gift, <a href="#pb355" class=
-"pageref">355</a><br>
-Kudayuri myth of the flying canoe, <a href="#pb311" class=
-"pageref">311</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a><br>
-<i>Kudu</i>, clinching gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" class=
-"pageref">98</a>, <a href="#pb356" class="pageref">356</a>, <a href=
-"#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br>
-<i>Kukumali</i>, greenstone used for stone implements, <a href="#pb481"
-class="pageref">481</a>, <a href="#pb482" class="pageref">482</a><br>
-Kula, general description of, Ch. III; short definition of, <a href=
-"#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb84" class=
-"pageref">84</a>; its economic nature, <a href="#pb84" class=
-"pageref">84</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>; its main
-rules and aspects, <a href="#pb91" class=
-"pageref">91</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb95" class="pageref">95</a>; K. as
-exchange of valuables, <a href="#pb95" class=
-"pageref">95</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb99" class="pageref">99</a>; its
-secondary rules and aspects, <a href="#pb99" class=
-"pageref">99</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>;
-mythology of, Ch. XII, Divs. III&ndash;V; exchange valuables in the,
-<a href="#pb352" class="pageref">352</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb357" class=
-"pageref">357</a>; ceremonial presentation of gifts within, <a href=
-"#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb389" class=
-"pageref">389</a>; meaning of, Ch. XXII; as a type of ethnological
-fact, <a href="#pb513" class="pageref">513</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb515"
-class="pageref">515</a>. (<i>See</i> Conversations; Dobu; Social
-grouping; Synchronising events; Technicalities; Trade;
-<i>Wawoyla</i>)<br>
-Kula community, defined, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>;
-transactions within a, <a href="#pb470" class=
-"pageref">470</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb475" class="pageref">475</a>;
-limits of, within the <span class="corr" id="xd26e22755" title=
-"Source: Tribriands">Trobriands</span>, <a href="#pb475" class=
-"pageref">475</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb477" class="pageref">477</a><br>
-Kula magic. (<i>See Mwasila</i>, Magic)<br>
-Kulturkreise. (<i>See</i> Cultural districts)<br>
-Kultur-myths, <a href="#pb305" class="pageref">305</a><br>
-<i>Kwaypolu</i>, sollicitory gifts, <a href="#pb354" class=
-"pageref">354</a><br>
-<i>Kwita</i>, legendary giant octopus, <a href="#pb234" class=
-"pageref">234</a></p>
-<p>Labour, Organisation of, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb156" class=
-"pageref">156</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb163" class="pageref">163</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Communal Labour, Trobriand Is. natives)<br>
-<i>Laga</i>, ceremonial purchase, <a href="#pb186" class=
-"pageref">186</a>, <a href="#pb426" class="pageref">426</a><br>
-Lashing creeper. (<i>See Wayugo</i>)<br>
-Launching of canoes, Ch. VI, Div. I<br>
-Legends, Gumagabu, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>, <a href=
-"#pb293" class="pageref">293</a><br>
-<i>Lilava</i>, the magical bundle of Kula goods, <a href="#pb202"
-class="pageref">202</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb204" class="pageref">204</a>;
-Taboos of, <a href="#pb230" class="pageref">230</a>, <a href="#pb335"
-class="pageref">335</a><br>
-Linguistic documents, study of, <a href="#pb23" class="pageref">23</a>,
-<a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>; Ch. XVII</p>
-<p><i>Madare</i>, distribution of food in the Amphletts, <a href=
-"#pb379" class="pageref">379</a><br>
-Magic, systems of, <a href="#pb59" class="pageref">59</a>; associated
-with canoes, Ch. V passim, <a href="#pb125" class="pageref">125</a>;
-Ch. VIII, Div. III; bridging over myth with reality, <a href="#pb303"
-class="pageref">303</a>, <a href="#pb304" class="pageref">304</a>;
-magic and the Kula, Ch. XVII; subject matter of, <a href="#pb392"
-class="pageref">392</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a>;
-method in studying underlying ideas of, <a href="#pb396" class=
-"pageref">396</a>, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>; a primeval
-force, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb403"
-class="pageref">403</a>; intrinsically a human force, <a href="#pb400"
-class="pageref">400</a>, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a>;
-relation to myth, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a>, <a href=
-"#pb402" class="pageref">402</a>; systems of, <a href="#pb412" class=
-"pageref">412</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb420" class="pageref">420</a>; table
-of Kula <a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>n. <a href="#pb415" class=
-"pageref">415</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb418" class="pageref">418</a>;
-ceremonial element in, <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>,
-<a href="#pb425" class="pageref">425</a>; concise summary of native
-view of, <a href="#pb427" class="pageref">427</a>. (<i>See</i> Beauty
-Magic; <i>Bisila; Bulubwalata</i>; Canoes; <i>Gebobo; Lilava; Kaloma;
-Kayga&rsquo;u; Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i; Mulukwausi; Mwasila</i>; Safety;
-Sailing; Shipwreck; <i>Sulumwoya</i>; Trobriand Is.; <i>Vilamalya;
-Wawoyla; Wayugo</i>; Wind; Yawarapu)<br>
-Magical filiation, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a>, <a href=
-"#pb412" class="pageref">412</a><br>
-Magical power, of words, Ch. XVIII<br>
-Magical power and practical efficiency, <a href="#pb420" class=
-"pageref">420</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a><br>
-Magical substances. (<i>See</i> Rites)<br>
-Magician, general conditions of, <a href="#pb409" class=
-"pageref">409</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb412" class="pageref">412</a>;
-taboos of, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a>, <a href="#pb410"
-class="pageref">410</a>; sociology of, <a href="#pb410" class=
-"pageref">410</a>, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a>; economics
-of, <a href="#pb426" class="pageref">426</a>, <a href="#pb427" class=
-"pageref">427</a><br>
-Mailu tribe, trading among, <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a>;
-cultural relation to the Massim, <a href="#pb34" class=
-"pageref">34</a>; manufacture of armshells among, <a href="#pb503"
-class="pageref">503</a>n.<br>
-<i>Mapula</i>, repayment, <a href="#pb178" class="pageref">178</a>,
-<a href="#pb179" class="pageref">179</a>; <a href="#pb182" class=
-"pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb183" class="pageref">183</a>,<br>
-Marett, R. R. and the concept of <i>mama</i>, <a href="#pb514" class=
-"pageref">514</a><br>
-<i>Masawa</i>, seagoing canoe, <a href="#pb112" class=
-"pageref">112</a>; <a href="#pb144" class="pageref">144</a>, <a href=
-"#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>. (<i>See</i> Canoes)<br>
-Massim, racial sub-division of, <a href="#pb28" class=
-"pageref">28</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>;
-description of Southern Massim tribes, Ch. I, Div. III, <a href="#pb33"
-class="pageref">33</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>;
-villages of, <a href="#pb35" class="pageref">35</a>, <a href="#pb36"
-class="pageref">36</a>; appearance of, <a href="#pb36" class=
-"pageref">36</a>; customs of, <a href="#pb37" class="pageref">37</a>,
-<a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>; Northern Massim, <a href=
-"#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb80" class=
-"pageref">80</a><br>
-Mauss, M., and the concept of <i>mana</i>, <a href="#pb514" class=
-"pageref">514</a><br>
-<i>Megwa</i> (magic) <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Magic)<br>
-Mentality of natives, study of, <a href="#pb22" class=
-"pageref">22</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Method)<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb524" href="#pb524"
-name="pb524">524</a>]</span><br>
-Method of Ethnographic field work, Introduction, Divs. II&ndash;VIII;
-its clear statement indispensable, <a href="#pb2" class=
-"pageref">2</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb4" class="pageref">4</a>, <a href=
-"#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>, 16; influence of scientific aims on,
-<a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb11" class=
-"pageref">11</a>; summary of, <a href="#pb24" class="pageref">24</a>,
-<a href="#pb25" class="pageref">25</a>. (<i>See</i> Concrete evidence;
-Charts; Field Work; Linguistic documents; Magic; Method in
-studying)<br>
-Migrations, in the Kula district, <a href="#pb288" class=
-"pageref">288</a>, <a href="#pb289" class="pageref">289</a><br>
-Milamala, annual feast and return of the spirits in the Trobriands,
-<a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>; <a href="#pb184" class=
-"pageref">184</a><br>
-Mint. (<i>See</i> Sulumwoya)<br>
-Mortuary distribution. (<i>See So&rsquo;i</i>, Sagali)<br>
-<i>Mulukwausi</i>, flying witches, <a href="#pb76" class=
-"pageref">76</a>; <a href="#pb236" class="pageref">236</a>, <a href=
-"#pb237" class="pageref">237</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb248" class=
-"pageref">248</a>, Ch. X, passim; magic against, <a href="#pb248"
-class="pageref">248</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>;
-nature of, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>, <a href="#pb239"
-class="pageref">239</a>; imitation and training of, <a href="#pb239"
-class="pageref">239</a>, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>;
-status of, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>, <a href="#pb241"
-class="pageref">241</a> methods of flight of, <a href="#pb241" class=
-"pageref">241</a>, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a> sorcery,
-inflicted by, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb244" class="pageref">244</a> association with shipwreck, <a href=
-"#pb244" class="pageref">244</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb248" class=
-"pageref">248</a>; m. and the flying of canoes, <a href="#pb320" class=
-"pageref">320</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href=
-"#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>. (<i>See</i> Kayga&rsquo;u)<br>
-Muwa, the initial and final halting place of Kula expeditions, Ch.
-VIII<br>
-<i>Mwali</i>. (<i>See</i> Armshells)<br>
-<i>Mwasila</i>, the magic of the Kula <a href="#pb102" class=
-"pageref">102</a>, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a>; Ch. VIII
-passim; Ch. XIII passim; <a href="#pb485" class="pageref">485</a>,
-<a href="#pb486" class="pageref">486</a><br>
-Myth, Ch. XII; native definition of, <a href="#pb299" class=
-"pageref">299</a>, <a href="#pb300" class="pageref">300</a>;
-distinction between myth and actuality, <a href="#pb301" class=
-"pageref">301</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb303" class="pageref">303</a>,
-<a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>&ndash;330; stratification of,
-<a href="#pb304" class="pageref">304</a>, <a href="#pb305" class=
-"pageref">305</a>; sociological analysis of, <a href="#pb326" class=
-"pageref">326</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Atu&rsquo;a&rsquo;ine, Aturaino&rsquo;a, Sina
-temubadie&rsquo;i<a id="xd26e23317" name="xd26e23317"></a>; Clans and
-m; Gere&rsquo;u; Kaloma; Kasabwaybwayreta; Kudayuri; Kulturmyths Magic;
-Origins; Petrifaction Tokosikuna)<br>
-Myths; Tokulubwaydoga, <a href="#pb263" class="pageref">263</a>,
-<a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>; Gere&rsquo;u, <a href=
-"#pb307" class="pageref">307</a>; Tokosikuna, <a href="#pb307" class=
-"pageref">307</a>, <a href="#pb308" class="pageref">308</a>, <a href=
-"#pb309" class="pageref">309</a>, <a href="#pb310" class=
-"pageref">310</a>, Kudayuri, <a href="#pb311" class="pageref">311</a>,
-<a href="#pb312" class="pageref">312</a>, <a href="#pb313" class=
-"pageref">313</a>, <a href="#pb314" class="pageref">314</a>, <a href=
-"#pb315" class="pageref">315</a>, <a href="#pb316" class=
-"pageref">316</a>; Kasabwaybwayreta, <a href="#pb322" class=
-"pageref">322</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb324" class="pageref">324</a>.
-Atua&rsquo;ine Aturaino&rsquo;a and Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i, <a href=
-"#pb331" class="pageref">331</a></p>
-<p><i>Nagega</i>, seagoing canoe, <a href="#pb144" class=
-"pageref">144</a>, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>, <a href=
-"#pb496" class="pageref">496</a>. (<i>See</i> canoe)<br>
-Natives, dying out of, causes of, <a href="#pb465" class=
-"pageref">465</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb468" class="pageref">468</a><br>
-Natives. (<i>See</i> Tobriand Is. natives, Massim; Races; Dobu
-Amphletts)<br>
-Necklaces. (<i>See Soulava, Katudababile</i>)<br>
-Northern Massim. (<i>See</i> Massim)<br>
-<i>Nuwakekepaki</i>, jumping stones, <a href="#pb235" class=
-"pageref">235</a></p>
-<p>Octopus. (<i>See Kwita</i>)<br>
-Organisation of savage communities, <a href="#pb9" class=
-"pageref">9</a>, <a href="#pb10" class="pageref">10</a><br>
-Orgiastic Licence, during weeding in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb53"
-class="pageref">53</a>, <a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a><br>
-Origins of institutions, native ideas about, <a href="#pb305" class=
-"pageref">305</a><br>
-Origins of magic, <a href="#pb398" class=
-"pageref">398</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a><br>
-Ownership, in the Trobriands, defined, <a href="#pb117" class=
-"pageref">117</a><br>
-Ownership, of the Kula articles, <a href="#pb94" class=
-"pageref">94</a></p>
-<p><i>Pari</i>, goods taken on Kula; also (more especially) arrival
-gifts, <a href="#pb205" class="pageref">205</a>; <a href="#pb268"
-class="pageref">268</a>, <a href="#pb269" class="pageref">269</a>;
-<a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a>, <a href="#pb355" class=
-"pageref">355</a>; <a href="#pb361" class="pageref">361</a>, <a href=
-"#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <a href="#pb390" class=
-"pageref">390</a>. (<i>See Vata&rsquo;i</i>)<br>
-Partnerships, briefly defined, <a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a>,
-<a href="#pb92" class="pageref">92</a> social intercourse within,
-<a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>, <a href="#pb273" class=
-"pageref">273</a>; sociology of, Ch. XI, Div. II<span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e23509" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb274" class=
-"pageref">274</a>; limitations to, <a href="#pb275" class=
-"pageref">275</a>; p. relation in general, <a href="#pb275" class=
-"pageref">275</a><span class="corr" id="xd26e23521" title=
-"Source: ,">;</span> list of partners, <a href="#pb276" class=
-"pageref">276</a><span class="corr" id="xd26e23526" title=
-"Source: ,">;</span> entering into, <a href="#pb278" class=
-"pageref">278</a>; women as partners, <a href="#pb280" class=
-"pageref">280</a><br>
-Payments. (<i>See</i> Give and Take).<br>
-Petrefaction, mythological, <a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a>,
-<a href="#pb44" class="pageref">44</a>, <a href="#pb298" class=
-"pageref">298</a>, <a href="#pb330" class=
-"pageref">330</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a><br>
-<i>Pokala</i>,&mdash;sollicitory offering in the Kula, <a href="#pb99"
-class="pageref">99</a>, <a href="#pb205" class="pageref">205</a>,
-<a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb356" class=
-"pageref">356</a>, <a href="#pb360" class="pageref">360</a><br>
-<i>Pokala</i>,&mdash;tribute to chief, <a href="#pb181" class=
-"pageref">181</a><br>
-<i>Pokala</i>,&mdash;payment to kinsmen, <a href="#pb185" class=
-"pageref">185</a>, <a href="#pb186" class="pageref">186</a><br>
-<i>Pokala</i>,&mdash;offerings given to mythical persons, <a href=
-"#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb334" class=
-"pageref">334</a>, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a><br>
-Pottery in the Amphletts, <a href="#pb282" class=
-"pageref">282</a>&ndash;286<br>
-Presents. (<i>See</i> Give and Take)<br>
-Provinces, in the Trobriand Is<span class="corr" id="xd26e23624" title=
-"Not in source">.</span>, <a href="#pb66" class=
-"pageref">66</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb70" class="pageref">70</a><br>
-Prow-board. (<i>See</i> Tabuyo)<br>
-Puwaya, gifts for work done, <a href="#pb129" class=
-"pageref">129</a></p>
-<p>Quarrelling, in the Kula, <a href="#pb358" class=
-"pageref">358</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb360" class="pageref">360</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Commercial Honour)</p>
-<p>Races, in New Guinea, <a href="#pb27" class=
-"pageref">27</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Massim)<br>
-Rank. (<i>See</i> Trobriand Is. natives)<br>
-Return visit of the Dobuans to Sinaketa, Ch. XVI<br>
-<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb525" href="#pb525" name=
-"pb525">525</a>]</span><br>
-Return journey of the Sinaketans, <a href="#pb374" class=
-"pageref">374</a>, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a><br>
-Rites, magical, general analysis, <a href="#pb403" class=
-"pageref">403</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb408" class="pageref">408</a>;
-substances used in, <a href="#pb452" class="pageref">452</a>, <a href=
-"#pb453" class="pageref">453</a><br>
-Rivers, W. H. R., advance in method by, <a href="#pb3" class=
-"pageref">3</a>n; genealogical method of, <a href="#pb14" class=
-"pageref">14</a></p>
-<p>Sailing; Ch. IV; sociology of, <a href="#pb120" class=
-"pageref">120</a>, <a href="#pb121" class="pageref">121</a>; magic of,
-<a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb218" class=
-"pageref">218</a>; s. on Pilolu, Ch. IX; technique of, <a href="#pb226"
-class="pageref">226</a>, <a href="#pb228" class="pageref">228</a>;
-privileges of sub-clans in, <a href="#pb230" class=
-"pageref">230</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Dangers; Stars; Wind)<br>
-Safety magic. (<i>See Ka&rsquo;uba-na&rsquo;i</i>, Kayga&rsquo;u)<br>
-Sagali, ceremonial distributions, <a href="#pb148" class=
-"pageref">148</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a>,
-<a href="#pb170" class="pageref">170</a>, <a href="#pb182" class=
-"pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb183" class="pageref">183</a>; s. at an
-<i>Uvalaku</i>, <a href="#pb211" class="pageref">211</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb214" class="pageref">214</a><br>
-Sago, making of, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>, <a href=
-"#pb378" class="pageref">378</a><br>
-Sarubwoyna, the beach of Kula magic, Ch. XIII, <a href="#pb44" class=
-"pageref">44</a><br>
-Scenery, s. and myth, <a href="#pb298" class="pageref">298</a><br>
-Scenery, in Eastern New Guinea, <a href="#pb33" class="pageref">33</a>,
-<a href="#pb34" class="pageref">34</a>; in Dobu, <a href="#pb43" class=
-"pageref">43</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>; in the
-Amphletts, <a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>, <a href="#pb46"
-class="pageref">46</a>, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a>; in
-the Trobriands, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a>, <a href="#pb51"
-class="pageref">51</a>; in the Lagoon villages, <a href="#pb195" class=
-"pageref">195</a>, <a href="#pb196" class="pageref">196</a>; on Pilolu,
-<a href="#pb219" class="pageref">219</a>, <a href="#pb221" class=
-"pageref">221</a>; in N.E. Fergusson Is., <a href="#pb290" class=
-"pageref">290</a><br>
-Seligman, C. G., on trading among the Southern Massim, <a href="#pb2"
-class="pageref">2</a>; advance in method by, <a href="#pb3" class=
-"pageref">3</a>n; methods of field work, <a href="#pb14" class=
-"pageref">14</a>; on racial divisions in New Guinea, <a href="#pb28"
-class="pageref">28</a>, <a href="#pb31" class="pageref">31</a>; on
-customs of the S. Massim. <a href="#pb37" class="pageref">37</a>,
-<a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>; on types among N. Massim,
-<a href="#pb51" class="pageref">51</a>n; on Trobriand customs, <a href=
-"#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>, <a href="#pb70" class=
-"pageref">70</a>n, <a href="#pb79" class="pageref">79</a>n; on trade on
-the S. Coast, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>n; on flying
-witches, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>; on greenstone quarry
-of Suloga, <a href="#pb482" class="pageref">482</a>n; on Marshall
-Bennett scenery, <a href="#pb485" class="pageref">485</a>; on Walaga
-feast, <a href="#pb487" class="pageref">487</a>; on S. Massim taboos,
-<a href="#pb489" class="pageref">489</a>; on mortuary feasts, <a href=
-"#pb493" class="pageref">493</a>; on trade in Tubetube, <a href=
-"#pb495" class="pageref">495</a>, <a href="#pb496" class=
-"pageref">496</a>, <a href="#pb499" class="pageref">499</a>; use of
-word &lsquo;currency,&rsquo; <a href="#pb499" class=
-"pageref">499</a>n<br>
-Sex, laxity in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>,
-<a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a><span class="corr" id=
-"xd26e23908" title="Not in source">;</span> repayment for sex
-intercourse, <a href="#pb179" class="pageref">179</a>, <a href="#pb182"
-class="pageref">182</a>; s. relations in Dobu, <a href="#pb42" class=
-"pageref">42</a>, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>; S.
-relations in the Amphletts, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>,
-<a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>, <a href="#pb273" class=
-"pageref">273</a>; S. intercourse on overseas expeditions, <a href=
-"#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>. (<i>See</i> Katuyausi, Orgiastic
-licence)<br>
-Sexual taboo. (<i>See</i> Taboo)<br>
-Shipwreck, Ch. X, dangers of drowning during, <a href="#pb244" class=
-"pageref">244</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a>; story
-of, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb261"
-class="pageref">261</a>; rescue from, <a href="#pb256" class=
-"pageref">256</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a>.
-(<i>See Kayga&rsquo;u, Kaytaria, Mulukwausi)<br>
-Sinamatanoginogi</i>, legendary rain, <a href="#pb235" class=
-"pageref">235</a><br>
-Sociology and myth. (<i>See</i> Myth. sociological analysis of)<br>
-<i>So&rsquo;i</i>, mortuary feasts associated with the Kula, <a href=
-"#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>, <a href="#pb489" class=
-"pageref">489</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb493" class="pageref">493</a><br>
-Social Grouping of a Kula party, <a href="#pb197" class=
-"pageref">197</a>, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Sailing, Canoes)<br>
-Songs. Gumagabu, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a>, <a href=
-"#pb296" class="pageref">296</a><br>
-<i>Soulava</i>, necklaces of spondylus, shell-discs, exchanged in the
-Kula. <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>, <a href="#pb87" class=
-"pageref">87</a>. (<i>See Kaloma</i>)<br>
-Southern Massim. (<i>See</i> Massim)<br>
-Sorcery, in the Trobriands, <a href="#pb73" class=
-"pageref">73</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb76" class="pageref">76</a>, <a href=
-"#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>. (<i>See Mulukwausi</i>)<br>
-Spells, magical, native ideas about, <a href="#pb403" class=
-"pageref">403</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb412" class="pageref">412</a>; and
-rites, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb408"
-class="pageref">408</a>; in relation to human anatomy, <a href="#pb408"
-class="pageref">408</a>, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a>;
-theory of meaning of, <a href="#pb432" class="pageref">432</a> vocal
-utterance of, <a href="#pb436" class="pageref">436</a>, <a href=
-"#pb437" class="pageref">437</a> phonetic characteristics of, <a href=
-"#pb442" class="pageref">442</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb452" class=
-"pageref">452</a><br>
-Spells, in native, fragments of: Kaygagabile, <a href="#pb443" class=
-"pageref">443</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb445" class="pageref">445</a>;
-Kadumiyala, <a href="#pb445" class="pageref">445</a>; Bisila, <a href=
-"#pb445" class="pageref">445</a>; Kayikunaveva, <a href="#pb445" class=
-"pageref">445</a>; Kapitunena Duku, <a href="#pb446" class=
-"pageref">446</a>; Yawarapu. <a href="#pb448" class="pageref">448</a>,
-<a href="#pb449" class="pageref">449</a>; Gebobo, <a href="#pb449"
-class="pageref">449</a>; Ta&rsquo;uya, <a href="#pb449" class=
-"pageref">449</a>; Giyotanawa, No. <a href="#pb2" class=
-"pageref">2</a>, <a href="#pb450" class="pageref">450</a>; Kaytaria,
-<a href="#pb451" class="pageref">451</a><br>
-Spells, Magical: Vabusi Tokway, <a href="#pb127" class=
-"pageref">127</a>; Kaymomwa&rsquo;u, <a href="#pb129" class=
-"pageref">129</a>; Kapitunena Duku, <a href="#pb130" class=
-"pageref">130</a>, <a href="#pb131" class="pageref">131</a>; Ligogu,
-<a href="#pb132" class="pageref">132</a>; Wayugo, <a href="#pb137"
-class="pageref">137</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a>.
-<a href="#pb429" class="pageref">429</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb438" class=
-"pageref">438</a>; Yawarapu, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>,
-<a href="#pb199" class="pageref">199</a>; Sulumwoya <a href="#pb200"
-class="pageref">200</a>, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>,
-439&ndash;<a href="#pb442" class="pageref">442</a>; Kaymwalolo,
-<a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>, <a href="#pb202" class=
-"pageref">202</a>; Lilava, <a href="#pb202" class="pageref">202</a>,
-<a href="#pb203" class="pageref">203</a>; Gebobo, <a href="#pb205"
-class="pageref">205</a>; Kadumiyala, <a href="#pb215" class=
-"pageref">215</a>; Bisila, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a>;
-Kayikuna Veva, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a>; Giyorokaywa No
-<a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a> (Leyya Kayga&rsquo;u)<span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e24204" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb249"
-class="pageref">249</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>;
-Giyorokaywa No. <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a> (Pwaka
-Kayga&rsquo;u)<span class="corr" id="xd26e24217" title=
-"Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>,
-<a href="#pb253" class="pageref">253</a>; Giyotanawa No. <a href="#pb1"
-class="pageref">1</a> (Dakuna Kayga&rsquo;u), <a href="#pb254" class=
-"pageref">254</a>; Giyotanawa No. <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a>,
-<a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb255" class=
-"pageref">255</a>; Kaytaria, <a href="#pb261" class="pageref">261</a>,
-<a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a>; Kayga&rsquo;u of
-Tokulubwaydoga, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a><span class=
-"corr" id="xd26e24251" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb265"
-class="pageref">265</a>; Kaykakaya, <a href="#pb337" class=
-"pageref">337</a>, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>; Talo,
-<a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a>, <a href="#pb340" class=
-"pageref">340</a>; Ta&rsquo;uya, <a href="#pb340" class=
-"pageref">340</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a>;
-Kayikuna Tabuyo, <a href="#pb343" class="pageref">343</a>;
-Kavalikuliku, <a href="#pb343" class="pageref">343</a>, <a href=
-"#pb344" class="pageref">344</a>; Kaytavilena Mwoynawaga, <a href=
-"#pb344" class="pageref">344</a>; Ka&rsquo;ubana&rsquo;i, <a href=
-"#pb347" class="pageref">347</a>, <a href="#pb348" class=
-"pageref">348</a>; Kwoygapani, <a href="#pb361" class=
-"pageref">361</a><span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb526" href="#pb526"
-name="pb526">526</a>]</span><br>
-Spirits. (<i>See Baloma; Milamala; Tauva&rsquo;u; Tokway</i>)<br>
-Stars, in sailing, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>, <a href=
-"#pb226" class="pageref">226</a><br>
-Stone Implements. (<i>See Kukumali</i>)<br>
-Stones, jumping. (<i>See Nuwakekepaki; Vineylida</i>)<br>
-<i>Sulumwoya</i>, axomatic mint plant, magic of, <a href="#pb135"
-class="pageref">135</a>, <a href="#pb200" class=
-"pageref">200</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb202" class="pageref">202</a><br>
-Subclans. (<i>See</i> Trobriand Is.<span class="corr" id="xd26e24341"
-title="Source: ,">;</span> Totemism; Sailing)<br>
-Synchronising events, in the Kula, <a href="#pb379" class=
-"pageref">379</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>,
-<a href="#pb386" class="pageref">386</a></p>
-<p>Taboos, sexual, kept before Kula expedition, <a href="#pb198" class=
-"pageref">198</a>; t. of sailing, 229&ndash;<a href="#pb230" class=
-"pageref">230</a>; t. imposed on village during absence of Kula party,
-<a href="#pb484" class="pageref">484</a>; t. in Kula wooing, <a href=
-"#pb360" class="pageref">360</a>; institutions of protective t.,
-<a href="#pb425" class="pageref">425</a>, <a href="#pb426" class=
-"pageref">426</a>. (<i>See Gora, Gwara</i>)<br>
-<i>Tabuyo</i>, ornamental <span class="corr" id="xd26e24388" title=
-"Source: prowboard">prow-board</span>, <a href="#pb134" class=
-"pageref">134</a>, <a href="#pb135" class="pageref">135</a>, <a href=
-"#pb147" class="pageref">147</a><br>
-<i>Talo&rsquo;i</i>, farewell gifts; <a href="#pb362" class=
-"pageref">362</a>; <a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>; <a href=
-"#pb366" class="pageref">366</a>; <a href="#pb390" class=
-"pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a><br>
-<i>Tanarere</i>, comparison of valuables, <a href="#pb374" class=
-"pageref">374</a>, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a>; <a href=
-"#pb391" class="pageref">391</a><br>
-<i>Tapwana</i>, middle part of magical spells, <a href="#pb433" class=
-"pageref">433</a>; analysis of one, <a href="#pb436" class=
-"pageref">436</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb438" class="pageref">438</a>,
-phonetic characteristics of, <a href="#pb446" class="pageref">446</a>,
-<a href="#pb447" class="pageref">447</a>, <a href="#pb449" class=
-"pageref">449</a>, <a href="#pb450" class="pageref">450</a><br>
-<i>Tasasoria</i>, trial run of a canoe, Ch. VI, Div. I. (<i>See</i>
-Canoe)<br>
-<i>Tauva&rsquo;u</i>, malignant spirits, <a href="#pb76" class=
-"pageref">76</a>, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a> T. and the
-Kula, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>, <a href="#pb393" class=
-"pageref">393</a><br>
-Technology of pot making, <a href="#pb284" class=
-"pageref">284</a>&ndash;286<br>
-Technicalities of the Kula, Ch. XIV<br>
-Texts, native statements quoted verbatim: <a href="#pb129" class=
-"pageref">129</a>; <a href="#pb205" class="pageref">205</a>, <a href=
-"#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>; <a href="#pb209" class=
-"pageref">209</a>; <a href="#pb213" class="pageref">213</a>; 229;
-<a href="#pb231" class="pageref">231</a>; <a href="#pb247" class=
-"pageref">247</a>, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>; <a href=
-"#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>, <a href="#pb271" class=
-"pageref">271</a>; <a href="#pb273" class="pageref">273</a>; <a href=
-"#pb276" class="pageref">276</a>; <a href="#pb299" class=
-"pageref">299</a>; <a href="#pb302" class="pageref">302</a>; <a href=
-"#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>; <a href="#pb336" class=
-"pageref">336</a>; <a href="#pb346" class="pageref">346</a>; <a href=
-"#pb346" class="pageref">346</a>, <a href="#pb347" class=
-"pageref">347</a>; <a href="#pb348" class="pageref">348</a>; <a href=
-"#pb356" class="pageref">356</a>; <a href="#pb360" class=
-"pageref">360</a> <a href="#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <a href=
-"#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>; <a href="#pb388" class=
-"pageref">388</a>; <a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a>; <a href=
-"#pb400" class="pageref">400</a>; <a href="#pb421" class=
-"pageref">421</a>; <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a>; <a href=
-"#pb423" class="pageref">423</a>; <a href="#pb441" class=
-"pageref">441</a>. (<i>See</i> Accounts, Legends, Myths, Spells,
-Songs)<br>
-Texts, in native with translation and commentary, <a href="#pb455"
-class="pageref">455</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb459" class="pageref">459</a>;
-460&ndash;<a href="#pb461" class="pageref">461</a> <a href="#pb461"
-class="pageref">461</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb463" class="pageref">463</a>;
-<a href="#pb473" class="pageref">473</a>; <a href="#pb482" class=
-"pageref">482</a>; <a href="#pb484" class="pageref">484</a>; <a href=
-"#pb491" class="pageref">491</a>; <a href="#pb501" class=
-"pageref">501</a>; <a href="#pb501" class=
-"pageref">501</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb502" class="pageref">502</a><br>
-Tokosikuna, Kultur-hero of Kula, <a href="#pb307" class=
-"pageref">307</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb311" class="pageref">311</a><br>
-<i>Tokway</i>, <span class="corr" id="xd26e24657" title=
-"Source: wood sprite">wood-sprite</span>, <a href="#pb77" class=
-"pageref">77</a>, <a href="#pb125" class=
-"pageref">125</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb128" class="pageref">128</a>;
-<a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a><br>
-<i>Toli</i>. (<i>See</i> Ownership)<br>
-<i>Toli&rsquo;uvalaku</i>. (<i>See Uvalaku</i>)<br>
-<i>Toliwaga</i>, owner or master of a canoe, <a href="#pb117" class=
-"pageref">117</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a>.
-(<i>See</i> Sailing; Compartments of a Canoe)<br>
-Totemic clans, and myth of Kayga&rsquo;u <a href="#pb263" class=
-"pageref">263</a>, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>; t.c. and
-myths of Kula, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href=
-"#pb368" class="pageref">368</a>; t.c. and magic, <a href="#pb401"
-class="pageref">401</a>. (<i>See</i> Trobriand Is. natives)<br>
-Trade, among South Sea Natives, <a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>;
-preliminary to the Kula, <a href="#pb165" class="pageref">165</a>,
-<a href="#pb166" class="pageref">166</a>; secondary in the Kula,
-<a href="#pb99" class="pageref">99</a>, <a href="#pb100" class=
-"pageref">100</a>; <a href="#pb361" class=
-"pageref">361</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>; in
-the Amphletts, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a>,
-286&ndash;<a href="#pb288" class="pageref">288</a>; between Kiriwina
-and Kitava. <a href="#pb480" class="pageref">480</a>, <a href="#pb481"
-class="pageref">481</a>; in the Eastern branch of the Kula, <a href=
-"#pb498" class="pageref">498</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb500" class=
-"pageref">500</a>. (<i>See Gimwali</i>; Mailu)<br>
-Trading expeditions, from the W. Trobriands, <a href="#pb500" class=
-"pageref">500</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb502" class="pageref">502</a><br>
-Tradition, classification of, <a href="#pb299" class="pageref">299</a>;
-force of, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb328" class="pageref">328</a><br>
-Trobriand Island natives, Ch. II; appearance of the, <a href="#pb51"
-class="pageref">51</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>;
-rank among, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>; women and sex,
-among the, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb55"
-class="pageref">55</a>; villages of <a href="#pb55" class=
-"pageref">55</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>; gardens
-of, <a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb62" class=
-"pageref">62</a>; chieftainship, among, <a href="#pb62" class=
-"pageref">62</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb70" class="pageref">70</a>;
-totemism, clans and kinship, among <a href="#pb70" class=
-"pageref">70</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>; religion
-and magic of, <a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>&ndash;<a href=
-"#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>. (<i>See</i> Foodstuffs; Give and Take;
-Kinship; Labour; <i>Milamala</i>; Provinces; Scenery; Sorcery)<br>
-Tubetube, Kula in, <a href="#pb495" class=
-"pageref">495</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb498" class="pageref">498</a></p>
-<p><i>Urigubu</i>, annual payments of food to sister&rsquo;s husband,
-<a href="#pb61" class="pageref">61</a>; <a href="#pb63" class=
-"pageref">63</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb65" class="pageref">65</a>; <a href=
-"#pb181" class="pageref">181</a><br>
-<i>U&rsquo;ula</i>, exordium or beginning of magical spells, <a href=
-"#pb433" class="pageref">433</a>; analysis of one, <a href="#pb434"
-class="pageref">434</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb436" class="pageref">436</a>;
-phonetic characteristics of, <a href="#pb446" class="pageref">446</a>,
-<a href="#pb447" class="pageref">447</a>, <a href="#pb449" class=
-"pageref">449</a>, <a href="#pb450" class="pageref">450</a><br>
-<i>Uvalaku</i>, ceremonial competitive expedition, <a href="#pb207"
-class="pageref">207</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>;
-an U. expedition described, Ch. XVI passim; <a href="#pb351" class=
-"pageref">351</a>; <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>; <a href=
-"#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; arrangements about, <a href="#pb376"
-class="pageref">376</a>, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>;
-timetable of a, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a>; between
-Kiriwina and Kitava, <a href="#pb480" class="pageref">480</a>, <a href=
-"#pb482" class="pageref">482</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb489" class=
-"pageref">489</a></p>
-<p><i>Vaga</i>, opening gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" class=
-"pageref">98</a>; <a href="#pb352" class=
-"pageref">352</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br>
-Value, economic, in primitive societies, <a href="#pb168" class=
-"pageref">168</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb173" class="pageref">173</a>;
-native conception of, <a href="#pb351" class="pageref">351</a>,
-<a href="#pb352" class="pageref">352</a>. (<i>See</i> Economics,
-<i>Vaygu&rsquo;a</i>)<br>
-Valuables. (<i>See Vaygu&rsquo;a; Beku; Bosu; Doga; Katudababile;
-Mwali; Soulava</i>)<span class="pagenum">[<a id="pb527" href="#pb527"
-name="pb527">527</a>]</span><br>
-<i>Vata&rsquo;i</i>, arrival gifts, <a href="#pb390" class=
-"pageref">390</a><br>
-<i>Vaygu&rsquo;a</i>, native valuables, <a href="#pb86" class=
-"pageref">86</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a> value of,
-<a href="#pb172" class="pageref">172</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb173" class=
-"pageref">173</a>; entry into and egress from the Ring, <a href=
-"#pb503" class="pageref">503</a>; <a href="#pb505" class=
-"pageref">505</a>, <a href="#pb508" class="pageref">508</a>; its
-meaning analysed, <a href="#pb510" class="pageref">510</a>, <a href=
-"#pb513" class="pageref">513</a>; ceremonial uses of, <a href="#pb512"
-class="pageref">512</a>; at death, <a href="#pb512" class=
-"pageref">512</a>, <a href="#pb513" class="pageref">513</a><br>
-<i>Vilamalya</i>, magic of food, <a href="#pb169" class=
-"pageref">169</a><br>
-<i>Vineylida</i>, jumping stones, <a href="#pb235" class=
-"pageref">235</a></p>
-<p><i>Waga</i>. (<i>See</i> Canoes)<br>
-<i>Wasi</i>, barter of fish for vegetables, <a href="#pb187" class=
-"pageref">187</a>, <a href="#pb188" class="pageref">188</a><br>
-<i>Wawoyla</i>, wooing for Kula gifts, <a href="#pb353" class=
-"pageref">353</a>, <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; magic of,
-<a href="#pb360" class="pageref">360</a>, <a href="#pb361" class=
-"pageref">361</a><br>
-<i>Wayugo</i>, creeper for lashing canoes, <a href="#pb126" class=
-"pageref">126</a>; magic of, <a href="#pb136" class=
-"pageref">136</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a><br>
-Westermarck, E., terminology of W. adopted, <a href="#pb426" class=
-"pageref">426</a><br>
-Wind, w. and sailing, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a>,
-<a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>; magic of, <a href="#pb225"
-class="pageref">225</a><br>
-Witches. (See <i>Mulukwausi</i>)<br>
-Wooing for Kula gifts. (See <i>Kaributu, Kwaypolu, Pokala,
-Wawoyla</i>)</p>
-<p><i>Yawarapu</i>, canoe covering of plaited mats, <a href="#pb198"
-class="pageref">198</a>; its magic, <a href="#pb198" class=
-"pageref">198</a>, <a href="#pb199" class="pageref">199</a><br>
-<i>Yotile</i>, return gift in the Kula, <a href="#pb98" class=
-"pageref">98</a>, <a href="#pb352" class=
-"pageref">352</a>&ndash;<a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a><br>
-<i>Yoyova</i>. (See <i>Mulukwausi</i>)<br>
-<i>Youlawada</i>, ceremony at Kula presentation, <a href="#pb486"
-class="pageref">486</a>, <a href="#pb487" class="pageref">487</a></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="div1 imprint"><span class="pagenum">[<a href=
-"#toc">Contents</a>]</span>
-<div class="divBody">
-<p class="first xd26e25169">Printed in Great Britain by Headley
-Brothers, Ashford, Kent; and 18, Devonshire Street, E.C.2.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="transcribernote">
-<h2 class="main">Colophon</h2>
-<h3 class="main">Availability</h3>
-<p class="first"></p>
-<h3 class="main">Metadata</h3>
-<table class="colophonMetadata">
-<tr>
-<td><b>Title:</b></td>
-<td>Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise
-and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea</td>
-<td></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td><b>Author:</b></td>
-<td>Bronis&#322;aw Kasper Malinowski (1884&ndash;1942)</td>
-<td><a href="https://viaf.org/viaf/64008803/" class=
-"seclink">Info</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td><b>Language:</b></td>
-<td>English (U.K.)</td>
-<td></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td><b>Original publication date:</b></td>
-<td>1922</td>
-<td></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td><b>Keywords:</b></td>
-<td>Ethnology -- Papua New Guinea -- Trobriand Islands.</td>
-<td></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td>Kula exchange -- Papua New Guinea -- Trobriand Islands.</td>
-<td></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td></td>
-<td>Massim (Papua New Guinean people) -- Rites and ceremonies.</td>
-<td></td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-<h3>Catalog entries</h3>
-<table class="catalogEntries">
-<tr>
-<td>Project Gutenberg catalog page:</td>
-<td><a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55822" class=
-"seclink">55822</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td>Related Library of Congress catalog page:</td>
-<td><a href="https://lccn.loc.gov/22016057" class=
-"seclink">22016057</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td>Related Open Library catalog page (for source):</td>
-<td><a href="https://openlibrary.org/books/OL17864424M" class=
-"seclink">OL17864424M</a></td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-<h3 class="main">Encoding</h3>
-<p class="first">Bronis&#322;aw Kasper Malinowski, (1884&ndash;1942)
-was a British anthropologist of Polish descent. Born in Krak&oacute;w,
-Poland, he studied at the Jagiellonian University, Krak&oacute;w, and
-in Leipzig. He moved to London in 1910. In 1914 Malinowski took part in
-an expedition to New Guinea and Melanesia and spent the next four years
-studying the people of the Trobriand Islands of the Southwest Pacific.
-He began teaching at the University of London in 1924 and became
-professor of social anthropology in 1927. Between 1939 and 1942 he was
-a visiting professor at Yale University. He was the founder of
-functionalism, a school in anthropology which maintains that cultures
-should be studied in terms of their particular internal dynamics.</p>
-<p>This book, a classic in anthropology, describes in great detail the
-Kula system of the Trobriand Islands in New Guinea. In the Kula,
-valuables are circulated among the various islands in a complicated,
-ceremonial way. This system is a kind of &ldquo;gift&rdquo; culture, in
-which status is not obtained from the possession of material objects,
-but by handling them or giving them away, similar to the potlatch of
-the indigenous peoples of the Pacific Northwest Coast of Canada and the
-United States. This also has some relevance to the modern &ldquo;Open
-Source&rdquo; movement.</p>
-<p>The book itself had a huge impact on anthropology, because of
-Malinowski&rsquo;s at that time novel approach of anthropological
-research, in which the author immerged himself in the culture he
-studied, using informal interviews, direct observation, participation
-in the life of the group, and collective discussions.</p>
-<p>Bibliography.</p>
-<div class="table">
-<table>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft cellTop">1913</td>
-<td class="cellRight cellTop"><i>Family among the Australian
-aborigines; a sociological study.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1922</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Argonauts of the Western Pacific.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1926</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Crime and Custom in Savage Society.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1927</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Sex and Repression in Savage Society.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1927</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Father in primitive psychology.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1929</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western
-Melanesia; an Ethnographic Account of Courtship, Marriage and Family
-Life among the Natives of the Trobriand Islands, British New
-Guinea.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1935</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Coral gardens and their magic; a study of the
-methods of tilling the soil and of agricultural rites in the Trobriand
-Islands.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1936</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Foundations of faith and morals; an
-anthropological analysis of primitive beliefs and conduct with special
-reference to the fundamental problems of religion and ethics.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1944</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Freedom and civilization.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1945</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Dynamics of Culture Change; an Inquiry into
-Race Relations in Africa.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft">1948</td>
-<td class="cellRight"><i>Magic, Science, and Religion.</i></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="cellLeft cellBottom">1967</td>
-<td class="cellRight cellBottom"><i>A Diary in the Strict Sense of the
-Term</i> (translated from the Polish by Norbert Guterman).</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-<h3 class="main">Revision History</h3>
-<ul>
-<li>2017-10-27: Posted to Project Gutenberg.</li>
-<li>2000-10-31: Removed a lot of parse errors against the DTD.</li>
-<li>2000-10-29: Converted to TEI format, added TEI header.</li>
-</ul>
-<h3 class="main">Corrections</h3>
-<p>The following corrections have been applied to the text:</p>
-<table class="correctiontable" summary=
-"Overview of corrections applied to the text.">
-<tr>
-<th>Page</th>
-<th>Source</th>
-<th>Correction</th>
-<th>Edit distance</th>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e281">xiii</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">questions</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">question</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e435">xxi</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Kiriwinensium</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Kiriwiniensium</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e462">xxii</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21582">515</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">and and</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">and</td>
-<td class="bottom">4</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e465">xxii</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">of of</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">of</td>
-<td class="bottom">3</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e526">xxiii</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1857">2</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e3329">78</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3766">96</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3782">97</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e3853">99</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e6880">200</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7730">224</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e7733">224</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10548">305</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14420">415</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e16041">438</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17271">444</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23624">524</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">.</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e532">xxiii</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3309">77</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e4694">125</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4734">126</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13874">407</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e14040">415</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14817">426</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17115">443</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e24657">526</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">wood sprite</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">wood-sprite</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e548">xxiii</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3983">106</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e4065">108</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4709">126</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5175">139</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e11594">343</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e13803">406</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">prowboards</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">prow-boards</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e570">xxiii</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">communial</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">communal</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e580">xxiii</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">V</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">IV</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e789">xxvii</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">sojurn</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">sojourn</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e808">xxvii</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Inadmissability</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Inadmissibility</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1807">xxxi</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Diagramatic</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Diagrammatic</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1854">2</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">consideraable</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">considerable</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1869">3</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">psycholgical</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">psychological</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e1892">5</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pidgin English</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pidgin-English</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2220">18</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">inponderabilia</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">imponderabilia</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2226">19</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">formalated</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">formulated</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2245">20</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">occuring</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">occurring</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2654">46</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">sphynxes</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">sphinxes</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2756">51</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">unforgetable</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">unforgettable</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2778">52</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">prognatic</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">prognathic</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2858">54</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ignominous</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ignominious</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2917">56</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pictureseque</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">picturesque</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2976">57</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">performmance</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">performance</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e2992">58</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7235">208</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e7507">216</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9947">285</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9968">285</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e20970">492</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e23317">524</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3106">67</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">inhabitabts</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">inhabitants</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3119">68</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">posesses</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">possesses</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3137">69</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5119">137</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e9841">281</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13447">389</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20206">470</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">betel nut</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">betel-nut</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3147">70</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">subdivided</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">sub-divided</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3298">77</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">familar</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">familiar</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3338">79</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Loughlands</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Loughlans</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3342">79</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">field work</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">field-work</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3442">82</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">condiderable</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">considerable</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3601">89</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ond</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">and</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e3630">90</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">rythmic</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">rhythmic</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4053">108</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Plates</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Plate</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4113">110</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">assymetrical</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">asymmetrical</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4279">114</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">disgression</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">digression</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4324">116</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">controling</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">controlling</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4429">119</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">a</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4490">120</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">3</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">C</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4599">122</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4667">124</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e8879">255</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11597">343</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e15520">431</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e24388">526</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">prowboard</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">prow-board</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e4746">127</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">wood sprites</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">wood-sprites</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5247">140</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">expells</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">expels</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5263">140</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">sunstances</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">substances</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5297">142</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">beaviour</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">behaviour</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5432">146</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Kasanai</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Kasana&rsquo;i</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5582">150</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">paraphenalia</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">paraphernalia</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5618">152</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">still</td>
-<td class="bottom">6</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e5854">163</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">basketsful</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">basketfuls</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e6003">168</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9870">283</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">claypots</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">clay-pots</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e6280">181</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">have</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
-<td class="bottom">5</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7370">211</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">dinghey</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">dinghy</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e7846">228</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">cannected</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">connected</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e8204">240</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pyschology</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">psychology</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e8760">253</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">:</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9652">276</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">as</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">a</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9714">278</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Pwatai</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Pwata&rsquo;i</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9861">282</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">relattively</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">relatively</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9875">283</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Seligmann</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Seligman</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9891">283</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">South West</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">South-West</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9934">284</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">manufucturing</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">manufacturing</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e9965">285</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">elipsoid</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ellipsoid</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10030">287</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21276">502</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pummice</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pumice</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10067">288</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">form</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">from</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10792">314</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rsquo;</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e10999">323</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11011">323</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e11027">324</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rsquo;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11002">323</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&lsquo;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11005">323</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rdquo;</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rsquo;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11092">328</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">unbridgable</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">unbridgeable</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11152">332</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Sinatemubadiyei</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Sinatemubadiye&rsquo;i</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11155">332</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rdquo;</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Deleted</i>]</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11174">333</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Tubtube</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Tubetube</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11193">334</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Aturamoa</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Aturamo&rsquo;a</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11295">336</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">pyschological</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">psychological</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11375">338</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">proceding</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">proceeding</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11571">343</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14233">415</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e15859">433</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17523">445</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20678">484</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e20964">492</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20967">492</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21030">495</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e21739">521</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23509">524</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e24204">525</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e24217">525</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e24251">525</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11672">344</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">fish hawk</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">fish-hawk</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11723">346</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17648">447</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e21263">502</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">.</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11874">351</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">acquision</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">acquisition</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e11906">352</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">nochalance</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">nonchalance</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12327">360</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">insistance</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">insistence</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12339">360</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rdquo;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12586">366</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Pummice-stone</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Pumice-stone</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12729">370</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">overladed</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">overloaded</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12766">370</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">fleets</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">fleet</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e12792">371</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">proprietory</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">proprietary</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13070">379</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">;</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">:</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13111">380</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ebulition</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ebullition</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13695">401</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">anthropmorphic</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">anthropomorphic</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13936">411</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">ursurped</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">usurped</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e13968">413</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">uncorollated</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">uncorrelated</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14742">423</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">perforance</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">performance</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14811">426</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Professsor</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Professor</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14831">426</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Divison</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Division</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14868">428</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">inventers</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">inventors</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14891">429</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17108">443</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">VI</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">V</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e14897">429</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">creeeper</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">creeper</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e15955">435</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e16035">438</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&ldquo;</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rsquo;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17079">442</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">refering</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">referring</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e17685">447</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">undoubtly</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">undoubtedly</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e18059">450</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">-</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e18108">451</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">&rsquo;),</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">),&rsquo;</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20131">466</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">well informed</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">well-informed</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20446">475</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">wth</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">with</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20459">476</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">comunity</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">community</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20601">482</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">axeblades</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">axe-blades</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e20684">484</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">vocie</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">voice</td>
-<td class="bottom">2</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21301">503</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">)</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21599">516</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">dispell</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">dispel</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e21828">521</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Betel Nut</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Betel-Nut</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e22755">523</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Tribriands</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">Trobriands</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23521">524</a>,
-<a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23526">524</a>, <a class="pageref" href=
-"#xd26e24341">526</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">,</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd26e23908">525</a></td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">[<i>Not in source</i>]</td>
-<td class="width40 bottom">;</td>
-<td class="bottom">1</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-<pre>
-
-
-
-
-
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-</body>
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