diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/63610-0.txt | 1378 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/63610-0.zip | bin | 26676 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/63610-h.zip | bin | 54677 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/63610-h/63610-h.htm | 1653 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/63610-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 29370 -> 0 bytes |
8 files changed, 17 insertions, 3031 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..bfd40eb --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #63610 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63610) diff --git a/old/63610-0.txt b/old/63610-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 100d50d..0000000 --- a/old/63610-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1378 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Speeches at the Constitutional Convention, by -Robert Smalls - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Speeches at the Constitutional Convention - With the Right of Suffrage Passed by the Constitutional Convention - -Author: Robert Smalls - -Release Date: November 3, 2020 [EBook #63610] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES--CONSTITUTIONAL CONFERENCE *** - - - - -Produced by Charlene Taylor, Craig Kirkwood, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes: - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -Additional Transcriber’s Notes are at the end. - - * * * * * - - - - -SPEECHES AT THE Constitutional Convention, - - - BY - GEN. ROBT. SMALLS. - - WITH THE - RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE - PASSED BY THE - CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. - - COMPILED BY MISS SARAH V. SMALLS. - - ENQUIRER PRINT, 425 KING STREET. - CHARLESTON, S. C. - 1896 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Months previous to the time that the recent Constitutional Convention -met, Conservatives and Reformers, announced publicly their intention to -disfranchise the Negro in South Carolina. - -For this pamphlet such portions of the new Constitution have been -selected as affect the colored people, together with the speeches made -thereon by my father Robert Smalls; several editorials from leading -newspapers; also a few of many letters received by him from all parts -of the country congratulating him for the manly spirit displayed by him -and the other colored delegates, whenever the rights of their race were -in jeopardy. - -Indeed, it may have been an object lesson, planned by the All-wise God, -to teach the haughty, boastful sons of Carolina that there are Negroes -capable and amply qualified in every respect to protect themselves -whenever it becomes necessary to do so; that those few representatives -of the race were but a _very small_ part of the rising host that time -and education are bringing forward day by day in spite of lynching, -caste prejudice or any methods used against them. - -No stenographers were employed by the Convention, the speeches were not -written, and are therefore not given in full, but just as they were -published in the papers of the State. - - SARAH V. SMALLS. - - - - -PLAN OF SUFFRAGE. - - -The following plan of suffrage was introduced by Hon. Robert Smalls -and referred to the suffrage committee, which reported it unfavorably, -notwithstanding that he went before the committee and made a strong -speech in advocacy of the said plan, and said report was adopted by the -Convention: - -SECTION 1. In all elections by the people the electors shall vote by -ballot. - -SEC. 2. Every male citizen of the United States of the age of -twenty-one years and upwards, not laboring under the disabilities named -in this Constitution, without distinction of race, color or former -condition, who shall be a resident of this State at the time of the -adoption of this Constitution, or who shall thereafter reside in this -State one year, and in the county in which he offers to vote sixty days -next preceding any election, shall be entitled to vote for all officers -that are now or hereafter may be elected by the people, and upon all -questions submitted to the electors at any elections; provided, That no -person shall be allowed to vote or hold office who is now, or hereafter -may be, disqualified therefor by the Constitution of the United States, -until such disqualification shall be removed by the Congress of the -United States; provided, further, That no person while kept in any alms -house or asylum, or any of unsound mind, or confined in any public -prison, shall be allowed to vote or hold office. - -SEC. 3. It shall be the duty of the General Assembly to provide from -time to time for the registration of all electors. - -SEC. 4. For the purpose of voting, no person shall be deemed to have -lost his residence by reason of absence while employed in the service -of the United States, nor while engaged upon the waters of this State, -or the United States, or the high seas, nor while temporarily absent -from the State, or removing from one house to another or from one place -to another in the same precinct. - -SEC. 5. No soldier, seaman or marine in the army or navy of the United -States shall be deemed a resident of this State in consequence of -having been stationed therein. - -SEC. 6. Electors shall in all cases, except treason, felony, or breach -of the peace, be privileged from arrest and civil process during -attendance at elections and in going to and returning from the same. - -SEC. 7. Every person entitled to vote at any election shall be eligible -to any office, which now is, or hereafter shall be elective by the -people in the county where he shall have resided sixty days previous to -such election, except as otherwise provided in this Constitution or the -Constitution and laws of the United States. - -SEC. 8. The General Assembly shall never pass any law that will deprive -any of the citizens of this State of the right of suffrage, except for -treason, murder, robbery, or duelling, whereof the persons shall have -been duly tried and convicted. - -SEC. 9. Presidential electors shall be elected by the people. - -SEC. 10. In all elections, State and Federal, there shall be but one -ballot box, and one ticket for each party or faction thereof, with the -names of all the candidates thereon. There shall be three commissioners -of election for each county and three managers for each polling -precinct, not more than two of whom shall be of the same political -party. - -SEC. 11. In all elections held by the people under this Constitution -the person or persons who shall receive the highest number of votes -shall be declared elected. - - - - -ON THE SUFFRAGE. - - -MR. PRESIDENT: I have been asked whether I would speak on this -important matter. I replied that it all depended on circumstances -whether or not I would. The circumstances are such that I have made up -my mind to make a short speech on the general bill, and content myself -with the vote I will cast on the amendments and sections as they are -brought up; inasmuch as I have been perfectly pleased with the speeches -made last night, and the one just concluded by the representatives from -my county, as I feel that they echo the sentiments not only of the -county they represent, but the entire race in the State, and every one -I could claim to represent. I endorse their utterances in the language -of Mr. Cash when he said he endorsed “every syllable” and accepted it -as his own in this letter. I want to hear some of the speeches on the -other side, because I do not like this matter that is called Indian -file, as it seems now we are to form a Negro file in this Convention. -I will only say that this Convention has violated the principle laid -down in the Constitution under which we are now living, it giving the -right for any two members to call for an “aye” and “nay” vote, but the -skillful chairman of the committee on rules, from Edgefield, I mean -ex-governor No. 1, (laughter) has made a rule which requires 10, four -above the number we have, to call for the “aye” and “nay” vote, hence -we cannot put the members on record without the assistance of some of -the white members of the Convention. They formed a “dark corner” over -there by themselves. - -I was born and raised in South Carolina and to-day I live on the very -spot on which I was born, and I expect to remain here as long as the -great God allows me to live, and I will ask no one else to let me -remain. I love this State as much as any member of this Convention, -because it is the garden spot of the South. - -Mr. President, this Convention has been called for no other purpose -than the disfranchisement of the Negro. Be careful and bear in mind -that the elections which are to take place early next month in very -many of the States are watching the action of this Convention, -especially on the suffrage question. Remember that the Negro was not -brought here of his own accord. I found by reference to a history in -the Congressional Library in Washington, written by Neil, that he -says that in 1619, in the month of June a Dutch man-of-war landed -at Jamestown, Va., with 15 sons of Africa aboard, at the time Miles -Kendall was deputy Governor of Virginia. He refused to allow the vessel -to be anchored in any of her harbors. But he found out after his order -had been sent out that the vessel was without provisions, and the crew -was in a starving condition. He countermanded his order, and supplied -the vessel with the needed provisions in exchange for 14 Negroes. It -was then that the seed of slavery was planted in the land. So you see -we did not come here of our own accord; we were brought here in a Dutch -vessel, and we have been here ever since. The Dutch are here and are -controlling the business of Charleston to-day. They are not to blame, -and are not being blamed. - -We served our masters faithfully, and willingly, and as we were made -to do for 244 years. In the last war you left them home. You went to -the war, fought, and came back home, shattered to pieces, worn out, -one-legged, and found your wife and family being properly cared for by -the Negroes you left behind. Why should you now seek to disfranchise a -race that has been so true to you? - -This Convention has a good leader in the person of the distinguished -gentleman from Edgefield. Mr. President, when men go out shooting -and want to shoot straight, they are compelled to shut one eye, and -this leader uses only one eye in this Convention, hence he is always -striking the bull’s eye; let him beware lest he strikes it one time too -often. (Laughter.) - -Since Reconstruction times 53,000 have been killed in the South, and -not more than three white men have been convicted and hung for these -crimes. I want you to be mindful of the fact that the good people of -the North are watching this Convention upon this subject. I hope you -will make a Constitution that will stand the test. I hope that we -may be able to say when our work is done that we have made as good a -Constitution as the one we are doing away with. - -The Negroes are paying taxes in the South on $263,000,000 worth of -property. In South Carolina, according to the census, the Negroes pay -tax on $12,500,000 worth of property. That was in 1890. You voted down -without discussion merely to lay on the table, a proposition for a -simple property and educational qualification. What do you want? You -tried the infamous eight-box and registration laws until they were -worn to such a thinness that they could stand neither the test of the -law nor of public opinion. In behalf of the 600,000 Negroes in the -State and the 132,000 Negro voters all that I demand is that a fair -and honest election law be passed. We care not what the qualifications -imposed are: all that we ask is that they be fair and honest and -honorable, and with these provisos we will stand or fall by it. You -have 102,000 white men over 21 years of age; 13,000 of these cannot -read nor write. You dare not disfranchise them; and you know that the -man who proposes it will never be elected to another office in the -State of South Carolina. But whatever Mr. Tillman can do, he can make -nothing worse than the infamous eight-box law, and I have no praise -for the Conservatives, for they gave the people that law. Fifty-eight -thousand Negroes cannot read nor write. This leaves a majority of -14,000 white men who can read and write over the same class of Negroes -in this State. We are willing to accept a scheme that provides that no -man who cannot read nor write can vote, if you dare pass it. How can -you expect an ordinary man to “understand and explain” any section of -the Constitution, to correspond to the interpretation put upon it by -the manager of election, when by a very recent decision of the Supreme -Court, composed of the most learned men in the State, two of them put -one construction upon a section, and the other Justice put an entirely -different construction upon it. To embody such a provision in the -election law would be to mean that every white man would interpret -it aright and every Negro would interpret it wrong. I appeal to the -gentleman from Edgefield to realize that he is not making a law for -one set of men. Some morning you may wake up to find that the bone -and sinew of your country is gone. The Negro is needed in the cotton -fields and in the low country rice fields, and if you impose too -hard conditions upon the Negro in this State there will be nothing -else for him to do but to leave. What then will you do about your -phosphate works? No one but a Negro can work them: the mines that pay -the interest on your State debt. I tell you the Negro is the bone and -sinew of your country and you cannot do without him. I do not believe -you want to get rid of the Negro, else why did you impose a high tax on -immigration agents who might come here to get him to leave? - -Now, Mr. President, we should not talk one thing and mean another. We -should not deceive ourselves. Let us make a Constitution that is fair, -honest and just. Let us make a Constitution for all the people, one -we will be proud of and our children will receive with delight. Don’t -let us act like a gentleman said he talked. The other day a gentleman -told me that a prominent lawyer, a member of this Convention, made -a very bitter speech against the Negro while he was a candidate for -election to this Convention. After the lawyer had concluded his speech -of bitterness against the Negro and in favor of white supremacy, some -colored men waited on him and asked him why he had made such a bitter -speech against them, saying they had regarded the gentleman as their -friend, as he had often acted as their lawyer. This gentleman replied -to them: “Don’t mind my speech. I am a friend to the Negro, but I have -got to make bitter speeches to fool the Crackers because I want their -votes.” Gentlemen, I warn you that you can fool the Crackers when you -talk to them, but if you pass this ordinance that has been proposed by -the committee on suffrage you will fool nobody, for every person in the -nation has been informed of your speeches on the stump and you will not -be able to explain it away as that lawyer did his words of bitterness -to the colored men who waited on him. - -Mr. President, strange things have happened and I have been shocked -in my life, but the greatest surprise of my life was when the -distinguished lawyer from Barnwell, Mr. Aldrich, introduced a -Constitution in this Convention that was taken verbatim et literatim -from the Constitution of ’65 and the black code of ’66, which deprived -every Negro from holding an office in this State, notwithstanding -that Constitution and black code were rejected by Congress. That -Constitution caused the passage of the acts of reconstruction by -Congress and made it necessary for the Constitutional Convention -of 1868, which gave to you the best Constitution of any one of the -Southern States. Let us make a Constitution, Mr. President, that will -demand the respect of mankind everywhere, for we are not above public -opinion. While in Washington a committee of capitalists came over -from England hunting for timber land in which to invest. One of South -Carolina’s Representative in Congress called upon those gentlemen and -informed them that there were large tracts of land in Beaufort County, -in the Township of Blufton, for sale. They inquired for the name of -the State, and when they were informed that the timber lands were in -South Carolina they answered: “You need not go any further, as our -instructions were, before we left England, not to invest money in a -State where life and property was not secure under the law.” In God’s -name let us make a Constitution that will receive the approval of -everybody--the outside world as well as those at home. - -Some time ago I heard the distinguished gentleman from Edgefield, I -mean Mr. George D. Tillman, say that the white man wanted elbow room, -and I suppose that this is what this suffrage plan is proposed to -give him. Again, the other day, in this Convention, I heard him make -a very eloquent speech on the township government bill, but before he -got through he had acted like the good Jersey cow, which gave her two -gallons of milk, and, though she did not put her foot in it before she -was through, she had shaken so much dirt from her tail into the pail -that we could not accept the milk. [Laughter.] - -Now, Mr. President, I will not detain this Convention, as I had no -intention of making a speech upon this subject, as I said before; but -now, sir, in the language of Mr. E. B. Cash, in his letter received -from the distinguished “Bald Eagle,” of Edgefield, Gen. Mart Gary, -(holding up the letter) let me say that I endorse every letter, -syllable, verbatim et literatim, and accept as my own the speeches made -by my colleagues last night and this morning. And I would, therefore, -ask that the Convention will not vote down the substitute for the -suffrage bill introduced by my colleague, Mr. Whipper, as they did that -of Mr. Wigg, by a simple motion to lay on the table, but will allow -this matter to go over, as the attendance is very slim, until Monday. I -ask the Senator from Edgefield if he intends to press this matter to a -vote this afternoon. - -Senator Tillman remarked that that was what he proposed to do. - -Smalls--Ah! I am beginning to know the Senator at last. [Laughter.] - - - - -SUFFRAGE PLAN ADOPTED. - - -The following is the plan reported by the suffrage committee, which was -adopted by the Convention, and which is now a part of the Constitution -of South Carolina: - -ARTICLE II. - -RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE. - -SECTION 1. All elections by the people shall be by ballot and -elections shall never be held or the ballots counted in secret. - -SEC. 2. Every qualified elector shall be eligible to any office -to be voted for, unless disqualified by age as prescribed in this -Constitution. But no person shall hold two offices of honor or profit -at the same time, except that any person holding another office may at -the same time be an officer in the military and a notary public. - -SEC. 3. Every male citizen of this State and of the United States 21 -years of age and upwards, not laboring under the disabilities named -in this Constitution and possessing the qualification required by it, -shall be an elector. - -SEC. 4. The qualifications for suffrage shall be as follows: - -(a) Residence in the State for two years, in the county one year, in -the polling precinct in which the elector offers to vote four months, -and the payment six months before any election of any poll tax then -due and payable; provided, however, that ministers in charge of an -organized church and teachers of public schools shall be entitled to -vote after six months residence in the State, if otherwise qualified. - -(b) Registration, which shall provide for the enrollment of every -elector once in ten years and also an enrollment during each and every -year of every elector not previously registered under the provisions on -this article. - -(c) Up to January 1, 1898, all male persons of voting age applying for -registration who can read any section in this Constitution submitted -to them by the registration officer, or understand and explain it when -read to them by the registration officer shall be entitled to register -and become electors. A separate record of all persons registered before -January 1, 1898, sworn to by the registration officer shall be filed, -one copy with the clerk of court and one in the office of the secretary -of the state, on or before February 1, 1898, and such persons shall -remain during life qualified electors unless disqualified by the other -provisions of this article. The certificate of the clerk of court or -Secretary of State shall be sufficient evidence to establish the right -of said citizens to any subsequent registration and the franchise under -the limitations herein imposed. - -(d) Any person who shall apply for registration after January 1st, -1898, if otherwise qualified, shall be registered; provided, that he -can both read and write any section of this Constitution submitted to -him by the registration officer, or can show that he owns and has paid -all taxes collectible during the previous year on property in this -State assessed at $300 or more. - -(e) Managers of elections shall require of every elector offering to -vote at any election, before allowing him to vote, proof of the payment -of all taxes, including poll tax, assessed against him and collectible -during the previous year. The production of a certificate or of the -receipt of the officer authorized to collect such taxes shall be -conclusive proof of the payment thereof. - -(f) The general assembly shall provide for issuing to each duly -registered elector a certificate of registration and shall provide for -the renewal of such certificate when lost, mutilated or destroyed, if -the applicant is still a qualified elector under the provisions of this -Constitution, or if he has been registered as provided in subsection -(c). - -SEC. 5. Any person denied registration shall have the right to appeal -to the Court of Common Pleas or any judge thereof, and thence to the -Supreme Court, to determine his right to vote under the limitations -imposed in this article, and on such appeal the hearing shall be de -novo and the General Assembly shall provide by law for such appeal and -for the correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting and -all other crimes against the election laws. - -SEC. 6. The following persons are disqualified from being registered or -voting: - -First. Persons convicted of burglary, arson, obtaining goods or money -under false pretenses, perjury, forgery, robbery, bribery, adultery, -bigamy, wife-beating, housebreaking, receiving stolen goods, breach -of trust with fraudulent intent, fornication, sodomy, incest, assault -with intent to ravish, miscegenation, larceny, or crimes against the -election laws; provided, that the pardon of the Governor shall remove -such disqualification. - -Second. Persons who are idiots, insane, paupers supported at the public -expense, and persons confined in any public prison. - -SEC. 7. For the purpose of voting, no person shall be deemed to have -gained or lost a residence by reason of his presence or absence while -employed in the service of the United States, nor while engaged in the -navigation of the waters of this State, or the United States or of the -high seas, nor while a student of any institution of learning. - -SEC. 8. The general assembly shall provide by law for the registration -of all qualified electors and shall prescribe the manner of holding -elections and of ascertaining the results, of the same; provided, at -the first registration under this Constitution, and until the 1st -of January, 1898, the registration shall be conducted by a board -of three discreet persons in each county, to be appointed by the -governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. For the -first registration to be provided for under this Constitution, the -registration books shall be kept open for at least six consecutive -weeks, and thereafter from time to time at least one week in each -month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election to be held under -this Constitution. The registration books shall be public records open -to the inspection of any citizen at all times. - -SEC. 9. The general assembly shall provide for the establishment of -polling precincts in the several counties of the State and those now -existing shall so continue until abolished or changed. Each elector -shall be required to vote at his own precinct, but provision shall be -made for his transfer to another precinct upon his change of residence. - -SEC. 10. The general assembly shall provide by law for the regulation -of party primary elections and punishing fraud at the same. - -SEC. 11. The registration books shall close at least 30 days before -an election, during which time transfers and registration shall not -be legal; provided, persons who will become of age during that period -shall be entitled to registration before the books are closed. - -SEC. 12. Elector in municipal elections shall possess the -qualifications and be subject to the disqualifications herein -prescribed. The production of a certificate of registration from -the registration officers of the county as an elector at a precinct -included in the incorporated city or town in which the voter desires -to vote is declared a condition prerequisite to his obtaining a -certificate of registration for municipal elections, and in addition -he must have been a resident within the corporate limits at least four -months before the election and have paid all taxes due and collectible -for the preceding fiscal year. The general assembly shall provide for -the registration of all voters before each election in municipalities; -provided, that nothing herein contained shall apply to any municipal -election which may be held prior to the general election of the year -1896. - -SEC. 13. In authorizing a special election in any incorporated city or -town in this State for the purpose of bonding the same, the general -assembly shall prescribe as a condition precedent to the holding of -said election a petition from a majority of the freeholders of said -city or town as shown by its tax books, and at such elections all -electors of such city or town who are duly qualified for voting under -section 12 of this article, and who have paid all taxes, State, county, -municipal, for the previous year, shall be allowed to vote, and the -vote of a majority of those voting in said elections shall be necessary -to authorize the issue of said bonds. - -SEC. 14. Electors shall in all cases except treason, felony or breach -of peace, be privileged from arrest on the days of election during -their attendance at the polls and going and returning therefrom. - -SEC. 15. No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere to -prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in this State. - -The Convention having under consideration the Legislative Department -Ordinance, when Section 34 was reached, which reads: - -“The marriage of white persons with a Negro or a mulatto, or person who -shall have one-eighth or more of Negro blood, shall be unlawful and -void;” - -he proposed an amendment adding after the word “void” in the second -line, the words “and any white person who lives and cohabits with a -Negro, mulatto, or person who shall have one-eighth or more of Negro -blood, shall be disqualified from holding any office of emolument or -trust in this State, and the offspring of any such living or cohabiting -shall bear the name of the father, and shall be entitled to inherit and -acquire property the same as if they were legitimate.” He then spoke as -follows: - -“MR. PRESIDENT: I hope this amendment will be adopted. Sir, there -is not a colored man or woman of any respectability, not only in -South Carolina, but in the whole country, that does not oppose the -intermarriage of the races. There are very few, if any exceptions, in -South Carolina, where a white man ever married a respectable colored -woman or a colored man married a respectable white woman. The facts in -the case are, that the white woman that marries a Negro man as a rule -has been an outcast by her race, and the colored woman that marries a -white man, has no standing with the respectable women of her race, and -the white man no better with his. I cannot see why you want to prevent -the intermarriage of the races, when they want to legitimize their -actions, unless you adopt my amendment, prohibiting the cohabitation -of the white men with the Negro women. Mr. President, and gentlemen of -this Convention let me give you a little statistic, showing you, if it -is possible, to do so, the wrongs you, or your fore-fathers have done -to my race. Let us stop it, if we can; I fear not, but let us put it in -the fundamental laws of this State. - -“The number of Americans of African descent, wholly and in part, -returned to the census bureau in 1890 was 7,470,035. These were divided -as follows: Pure Africans, 6,337,980; mulattoes 956,987; quadroons, -105,132; octoroons, 69,936. The total mixed bloods, white and black, -was 1,132,060 in the whole country, and a third of these are above the -Mason and Dixon line. - -“Mr. President, a careful perusal of the census, also history, shows -that more than three-fourths of the mothers of this large number of -mixed blood whom you seek to legislate against, are colored women, if -so, who could have been their fathers? Do not any of you rise and deny -this, because I am no lawyer, but know enough about it that I cannot -impeach my own witness. A careful perusal of the census, also shows in -the State, that this one-fourth that lives beyond Mason and Dixon’s -line shows fully that three-fourths of the one-fourth of the mixed -blood were born in the Southern States. So you see, gentlemen, you are -responsible for the wrongs that have been done; let us in the name of -God, and in behalf of virtue, try and put a stop to this cohabitation. -I could but admire a few days ago, when the gentlemen upon this floor -spoke so highly of the women of this State, I am mindful of the fact -that when they spoke of the women of this State that they spoke of -the white women. I can but echo their sentiment, and do say, that I -believe them to be as pure women as can be found anywhere in the world. -I have not been strongly in favor of female suffrage, but since your -discussion on the Divorce Law I feel I shall have to vote for the -suffrage in order that they may pass a law or laws that will make -you as pure as they are. We have, sir, as pure colored women in South -Carolina and in this country, as any race upon this earth. Sir, that -evil, known as slavery caused all of this. This wrong was done by you -all, owning them as your slaves. Sir, no act of yours will prevent a -white man from marrying a colored woman or a colored man from marrying -a white woman, who have the means to go in another State. There are -many States in the Union, that do not prevent them marrying and they -can go and get married and you cannot help yourself. I have in my mind -distinctly, a colored man and a white woman who were in love with each -other, and who wanted to get married, but this man recited to her the -law on your Statute book that prohibited the intermarriage of the -races. This lady stated that there were no such laws in the district of -Columbia, New York or Massachusetts. She was as pure a lady as there -is. I only cite this because it is a matter that you cannot control -except directly in the State. This entire matter, sir, has no right in -the Constitution of the State, if your women are as pure as you stated, -and I have reason to believe that they are, they can be trusted; then -why the necessity of this being placed in the Constitution? Can you not -trust yourselves? Is it because that these wrongs have been perpetrated -here, since the formation of the Government, that you feel that you -can’t be trusted? When I say you, I mean the white men of the entire -State. I fear not; hence I trust the amendment will be adopted. These -wrongs have been done, and are still being done, it is not done by -colored men, it is done by white men. If a Negro should improperly -approach a white woman, his body would be hanging on the nearest tree -filled with air holes before daylight the next morning--and perhaps -properly so. If the same rule were applied on the other side, and white -men who insulted or debauched Negro women were treated likewise, this -Convention would have to be adjourned sine die for lack of a quorum. - -“The gentleman called me to order stating that I had reflected on the -Convention. I do not wish to reflect on the Convention. I do not wish -to reflect on the Convention, but do say, that if he has clean hands -he will keep his seat, because I do not mean to reflect on any man who -objects to the intermarriage of a Negro or Mulatto woman with a white -man, and is willing to prohibit the cohabitation, which is the root -and branch of this evil. Stop this evil, and there will be no occasion -for your intermarriage law. Sir, I oppose the intermarriage of the -races as strongly as you do, and I feel that I echo the sentiment of -the respectable class of both sides; because with few exceptions, we -find these marriages are among the lower element of both races, and, -therefore, they degrade and not elevate either race. But sir, don’t -tell me that you will make a law to prevent lawful marriages and give -full license to illicit marriages. Watch the census of each decade, -you will clearly see that this vice is decreasing among our people; as -they are progressing educationally they are raising themselves out of -this degradation, that your race has placed upon them. Now sir, I say, -prohibit intermarriage of the races, also make a law as binding against -cohabitation. Then you will make your men as true as your women. And -our race will be freed from a vice, that is as degrading as the system -of slavery. Again sir, in behalf of my race, I hope that the amendment -to the section under consideration will be adopted and become a part of -the Constitution of the State.” - -The introduction of this amendment caused a great deal of discussion, -which showed plainly that South Carolina had no idea of punishing white -men for wrong done to colored women, nor would she allow the wrong to -be rectified, and the original Section 34 was adopted, and is now the -fundamental law of the State. - -On page (20-22) we have selected two editorials on this amendment, also -a telegram on page 23. - -The following is clipped from Section 6 on Education. There are in this -State several thousand soldiers who fought for the perpetuity of the -Union, yet they are compelled to pay the poll tax ten years longer than -these who sought to destroy it. - -“There shall be assessed on all taxable polls in the State between -the ages of 21 and 60 years (excepting Confederate soldiers above the -age of 50 years) an annual tax of $1 on each poll, the proceeds of -which tax shall be expended for school purposes in the several school -districts in which it is collected.” - -Claflin College was advocated for colored students, taught by Negroes; -the best, wherever they could be found, should be secured. - -The committee on order, style and revision had the work ready, and -all that was needed was the signature of the members to make the -Constitution final. The members went up in county delegations and -signed the new organic law. - -President Evans and Vice President Jones signed the new Constitution as -the officers present, and then came Abbeville and the other counties on -down. When Beaufort was reached, Delegate Smalls asked to be excused -from signing the Constitution, as he would not sign a Constitution with -such an article on suffrage. He was unanimously excused. He was the -only member of the Beaufort delegation present. - -Some one during the progress of the signing sent up a resolution that -members not signing the Constitution should not be paid. Gen. Smalls -said he would walk home rather than sign the instrument. President -Evans did not press the resolution, and members generally thought -lightly of the matter, and it was not even put to the Convention. - - * * * * * - -EDITORIAL FROM THE (N. Y.) PRESS, OCT. 5, 1895. - -We can recall no more brilliant moral victory of a parliamentary -minority than that gained on Thursday in the South Carolina -Constitutional Convention by the representatives of the race about to -be disfranchised for lack of intelligence wherewith to vote. In so -characterizing the attack of these black delegates we have in mind the -extraordinary ends accomplished with minorities by Mr. Randall, Mr. -Blaine and Mr. Reed, the chief parliamentarians of our generation. - -In this case the white majority laid themselves open to the flank -movement, which Robert Smalls had evidently meditated throughout -the session, by introducing a quite supererogatory article for the -amendment of mixed marriages. The black leader instantly moved an -amendment providing that illicit as well as legal unions between the -races should be prohibited. He proposed to disqualify all men--and -this of course would mean only white men--who were parties to such -unions. He proposed that the offspring of such unions should take their -fathers’ names. - -Senator Tillman, who seems, though the author of this new secession of -South Carolina, to be the only man in the Convention who appreciates -in the slightest degree the effect of its actions upon outside public -opinion, proceeded at once to save his record by espousing the Negro -cause. He cut himself loose promptly from the majority in the course -into which he knew its provincial ignorance would direct it. He went so -far as roundly to berate his own chairman for his attempt to choke off -the plea of the black men for the integrity of black women. - -It was hardly a debate that followed. It was an arraignment which -culminated when Mr. Smalls, after approving the punishment which lynch -law has meted out to the worst offenders of his race, said: - -“If the same rule were applied on the other side and white men were -treated likewise, I fear this Convention would have to be adjourned for -lack of a quorum.” - -The “burst of laughter” which followed this threw an interesting light -on the morals and manners of South Carolina. It showed the state of -civilization depicted in “Tom Jones.” A Convention composed entirely -of Squire Westerns would have met such an impeachment in a precisely -similar way. Having satisfied their sense of humor the delegates killed -the amendment and passed the mixed marriages article. - -This seizure of a parliamentary advantage in so sudden and effective a -manner as to cause the majority leader to abandon his forces and leave -them to expose their moral nakedness to the world was more than equal -to Mr. Blaine’s rout of the Rebel Brigadiers in the famous Amnesty -Debate. For those gentry managed to fan and sponge Ben Hill into the -ring again, and these remained “out of time.” - -And in no one other way could the Negroes have so convincingly proved -to the world their right to the ballot than by this victory of black -mind over white matter. It is now made plain, as it was made plain by -the first laws passed by the unreconstructed Legislature of the same -State after the war, that the fear of Negro domination is not born so -much of a regard for the numbers as for the developed intellectual -ability of the blacks. It is not Negro ignorance, but Negro -intelligence, that is feared. - - * * * * * - -EDITORIAL FROM THE NEWS AND COURIER, THE LEADING DEMOCRATIC PAPER OF -CHARLESTON, S. C., Nov. 23, 1895. - -The troublesome matter of miscegenation was settled finally by the -adoption of the provision that “the marriage of a white person with a -Negro or mulatto, or person who shall have one-eighth of Negro blood, -shall be unlawful and void” hereafter. The provision would have been -strengthened and improved by the adoption of Gen. Smalls’ proposed -addition to it that “any white person who lives and cohabits with -such persons should be disqualified from holding office of emolument -or trust in this State, and the offspring of such living or cohabiting -shall bear the name of the father,” but the Convention rejected the -addition by the largest vote recorded recently. Its action was a -mistake. The addition was a proper corollary to the section adopted, -and should have been extended to disqualify from voting, as well as -holding office, the class of offenders at which it was aimed. Of the -two offences--miscegenation within the marriage bond and miscegenation -without it--the latter is the greater social evil. It should have been -treated accordingly. The action of the Convention in this instance -and its action of the preceding day in reducing the age of consent to -the limits of childhood will inevitably be construed together to the -injury and reproach to the State. Both decisions should not stand. -Taken together they offer a premium for a condition of affairs which -is condemned alike by every dictate of sound morals and of the public -sentiment of the State. Miscegenation is contrary to the law of nature. - - - - -TELEGRAM. - - - BOSTON, MASS., Oct. 16, 1895. - - To the Hon. Robert Smalls, Columbia, S. C: - -Dear Sir: A body of clergymen and laymen in Convention assembled in -the City of Boston, Mass., congratulate you for the stand you took for -virtue and chastity in the Constitutional Convention of South Carolina, -on Oct. 2d, current. The Christian Churches are with you in the -struggle, indeed, the civilized world indorses the sentiment expressed -by you. May God save the State of South Carolina from its barbarism. - - (Signed) - - REV. WM H. SCOTT. - CLIFFORD H. PLUMMER, Sec. - P. L. PEMBERTON. - - - - -LETTERS OF CONGRATULATION. - - - 2121 NORTH 29TH STREET } - PHILADELPHIA, October 30, 1895. } - - Gen. Robert Smalls, Columbia, S. C.: - -My Dear General--I am very desirous of procuring a copy of each one of -the speeches delivered in your Convention at Columbia on the suffrage -question. If you have within easy reach any or all of them in print, -I shall esteem it as a favor if you will kindly forward to me here -such of them as you can readily spare. And let me say to you, my dear -General, what has, I presume, been said to you already, that the -dignity, courage and signal ability with which you and your Republican -colleagues at Columbia, have asserted and maintained manhood rights and -the just claims of all citizens to fair play under the supreme law of -the land as well as under the civilization of our times, have touched -the heart of the great North and called forth its soberest approval and -its high admiration. - -Indeed, it is felt here that, in your statements, your arguments and -warnings, you have covered the whole case and done lasting honor to the -Negro race and to American patriotism. All hail to you and your noble -band of Spartans at Columbia! - - Yours very sincerely, - E. C. BOSSETT. - - * * * * * - - NEWBERRY, Oct. 28, 1895. - Hon. Robert Smalls: - -Dear Sir: I take the liberty of expressing to you and through you -to your colleagues, Messrs. Miller, Wigg and Whipper my very great -gratification and approval of your and their very able and eloquent -addresses in behalf of sound Republican principles, of justice towards -all classes, and of fair and honest elections. You all did credit -to your race, to the Republican party, and as I hope and believe -to the cause of justice, for I have no doubt your efforts will -have great influence outside the State. The prompt voting down of -everything proposed, however fair and moderate, looked very much like -pre-concerted action, and was not creditable to the Convention, either -Conservatives or “Reformers.” But I should say, keep up the fight at -every point along the line. Propose amendments to every objectionable -section, even if they are voted down. - - Very Respectfully, - B. O. DUNCAN. - - * * * * * - - ADELPHI HOTEL, } - LIVERPOOL, Oct. 6, 1895. } - - Mr. Robert Smalls, Beaufort, S. C.: - -Dear Sir--We have read over here the telegraphic report about the -metaphorical bomb you threw into the Constitutional Convention, with -the greatest glee. But not only was it the best sort of fuse--it was -loaded, too, with the most explosive truth, (it seems to have scattered -the ladies.) Such jokes as yours make an entrance for the truth when -cold logic slides off like water from a duck’s back. Gen. Ben Butler’s -phrase about the contraband of war converted more Democrats than -Seward’s great speeches. And so I doubt not your “little joke” will do -more to make the scales drop from people’s eyes than even Douglass’ -admirable tract “Why is the Negro Lynched;” (Of this I will try to -send you a copy.) Butler’s “Contraband” prepared the way for Lincoln’s -Emancipation Proclamation. Your resolution, so aptly timed, I regard -as one of those _immense_ things that influence destiny. I do not know -how much it will be written about in the papers, but I believe it is -only second in the importance of its influence to Uncle Tom’s Cabin, -because of its _opportuneness_. _No occasion could have occurred--none -can again occur_--when that truth wrapped up in the words of your -amendment could have reached home to the American people--could have -penetrated the harness and armor of the late Rebel master. More than -that, you have prepared the way for one of the greatest books on the -relations of the Negro and the mulatto to the white race. I speak, -of course, of Mr. Keeper’s book, “Minden Armies.” At once on reading -your action and its result in the Convention, I wrote an article, -intended to be light and attractive, and took it to one of the great -London dailies, but it was returned as the subject was hardly of enough -consequence to their constituency, their columns being so crowded. I -should be very glad to have the best report of that meeting that is -published, as I want to see the details in full. Address me. - - Yours truly, - HORACE J. SMITH, - 44 Grosvenor Road, London S. W. - - * * * * * - -SPECIAL TO THE WORLD. - -COLUMBIA, S. C., Sept. 30--Five of the six Negro delegates to the South -Carolina Constitutional Convention, which proposes to disfranchise the -blacks, have joined in the following address to the North, through The -World: - - To the Editor of the World: - -The Seventh Constitutional Convention called in South Carolina is -in session. It has been called for the purpose of dealing with the -Negro problem. Those who have advocated its assembling have been -explicit in their declaration of the purposes to be accomplished--the -disfranchisement of the Negro and the elimination of him entirely, -not from a participation in elections, for he has not since 1886 had -any show at all in any of the elections held in the State, but of -the possibility of the Negro uniting with the conservative Democratic -faction and thus oust from place and power those now in control of -the Government. The chief obstacle in the way of accomplishing what -is desired is the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal -Constitution. This difficulty removed, there will be plain sailing. - -The Hon. Benjamin Ryan Tillman, who is the head and front of the -movement, has not been at all politic or hypocritical as to his -intentions. He has said that his object is to disfranchise as many -Negroes as he possibly can without disfranchising a single white man, -except for crime. - -WHAT THE CENSUS SHOWS. - -In the State, according to the census of the United States, taken in -1890, there were: Negroes over twenty-one years of age, 132,949; whites -over twenty-one years of age, 102,567; Negro majority, 30,292. Of these -are illiterate, 58,086 Negroes and 13,242 whites. Now, it will plainly -be seen that a purely educational qualification, honestly administered, -would give the whites 89,415, and the Negroes 74,851 votes; white -majority, 14,564 votes. - -But the nut for Tillman to crack is how he can disfranchise the -Negro without disfranchising the 13,242 illiterate whites, whose -votes would be lost entirely to his faction should the conservative -element nominate and vote an independent ticket. The highest vote -his faction has ever been able to poll in round numbers is 60,000, -and the Conservatives 35,000. If Tillman’s faction, therefore, -should lose 13,242 votes it would leave him only 46,758 votes, and -the Conservatives 35,000 votes, and Tillman’s majority over the -Conservatives would be only 11,758 votes. - -It will readily be seen that the 74,851 Negro votes or any -considerable part of them uniting with the Conservatives would make -that faction master of the situation, and that is what Tillman wants to -prevent. He has thus far hypnotized the whites of both factions With -the scarecrow, “White supremacy,” which he has shaken in their faces -on every occasion, and which he is shrewd enough to know has the same -effect upon the whites as a red flag has upon an enraged bull. - -TILLMAN’S SUFFRAGE PLAN. - -The real truth is that “white supremacy” has never been endangered; -for even in the days of Republican ascendancy all the great offices, -and a large majority of all the offices, were held by white men, and -no one ever thought of making it a Negro government. The suffrage -plan, as we have been informed, as agreed upon by the committee, is as -follows: Every male citizen twenty-one years of age who has not been -convicted of crime, and is not an idiot or an inmate of a prison or -a charitable institution, who can read a section of the Constitution -to the satisfaction of the officers of election, or who can explain -said section when read to him to the satisfaction of said officers, or -who pays taxes on $500 worth of real property; or who can satisfy the -election officers that he has paid all taxes due by him to the State, -and who shall be duly registered according to law, shall be entitled to -vote. - -Every one of these provisions, as simple and just as they appear, when -read by the uninitiated, are freighted with fraud, corruption and -prostitution of the suffrage. For the officers of election are the sole -judges of the qualification of the elector, and can at their will make -the Negro vote or the white vote as large or as small as they choose. - -INSTRUMENTS OF FRAUD. - -Everyone of these innocent little “ors” is the instrument of and -contains infinite possibilities of fraud, and in the hands of election -officers, all of whom are members of one party and of the same faction, -are construed to mean one thing to one set of voters and another thing -to another set, when they offer to register. - -As Mr. Creelman has explained in his dispatches, the registration -officer and his board will have the sole power to make voters in South -Carolina, as the Supreme Court of the State has decided that there is -no appeal to any Court of law from the acts of election officers. In -short, the Convention has been called to legalize the frauds which have -been perpetrated upon the elective franchise in this State since 1876. -No one can tell or estimate what the vote will be, and that question -can be answered only by the election officers. - - ROBERT SMALLS, - THOMAS E. MILLER, - JAMES E. WIGG, - R. B. ANDERSON, - ISAIAH REED, - - Republican Members of the Constitutional Convention. - Columbia, S. C., Sept. 30, 1895. - - * * * * * - -Transcriber’s Notes: - -Punctuation has been made consistent. - -Variations in spelling and hyphenation were retained as they appear in -the original publication, except that obvious typographical errors have -been corrected. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Speeches at the Constitutional -Convention, by Robert Smalls - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES--CONSTITUTIONAL CONFERENCE *** - -***** This file should be named 63610-0.txt or 63610-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/6/1/63610/ - -Produced by Charlene Taylor, Craig Kirkwood, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/63610-0.zip b/old/63610-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 3f4acec..0000000 --- a/old/63610-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/63610-h.zip b/old/63610-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b18eef8..0000000 --- a/old/63610-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/63610-h/63610-h.htm b/old/63610-h/63610-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 99b9470..0000000 --- a/old/63610-h/63610-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1653 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> - <head> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> - <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> - <title> - The Project Gutenberg eBook of Speeches At the Constitutional Convention, by Robert Smalls. - </title> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -.p-1 {margin-top: -0.25em;} -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} - -/*Modified horizontal rules to fix ePub display issue*/ -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -/*End modified horizontal rule CSS*/ - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; -} /* page numbers */ - -/*Indent-padding*/ -.il2{padding-left:2em} -.ir1{text-align:right; padding-right:1em} -.ir2{text-align:right; padding-right:2em} - -.displayinline{display:inline-block; line-height:1} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -/* Images */ -img {max-width: 100%; height:auto; } - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - max-width: 90%; -} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -/*CSS to set font sizes*/ -/*font sizes for non-header font changes*/ -.xlargefont{font-size: x-large} -.largefont{font-size: large} -.smallfont{font-size: small} -.boldfont{font-weight:bold} -.sansseriffont{font-family:sans-serif} - -/*CSS to force a page break in ePub*/ -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} - -.nobreak{ - page-break-before: avoid; - padding-top: 0; -} - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Speeches at the Constitutional Convention, by -Robert Smalls - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Speeches at the Constitutional Convention - With the Right of Suffrage Passed by the Constitutional Convention - -Author: Robert Smalls - -Release Date: November 3, 2020 [EBook #63610] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES--CONSTITUTIONAL CONFERENCE *** - - - - -Produced by Charlene Taylor, Craig Kirkwood, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 650px;"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" width="650" height="1008" alt="Cover." /> -</div> - -<hr class="tb" /> - - -<h1 style="line-height:1.5">SPEECHES<br /> -<span class="largefont">AT THE</span><br /> -Constitutional Convention,</h1> - - -<p class="center" style="line-height:1.5">BY<br /> -<span class="xlargefont boldfont">GEN. ROBT. SMALLS.</span></p> - -<p class="center p2" style="line-height:1.5">WITH THE<br /> -<span class="xlargefont boldfont">RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE</span><br /> -PASSED BY THE<br /> -<span class="xlargefont sansseriffont">CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.</span></p> - -<p class="center p2">COMPILED BY MISS SARAH V. SMALLS.</p> - -<p class="center p2 smallfont">ENQUIRER PRINT, 425 KING STREET.<br /> -CHARLESTON, S. C.<br /> -1896 -</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak"><span class="smcap">Introduction.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>Months previous to the time that the recent Constitutional -Convention met, Conservatives and Reformers, announced -publicly their intention to disfranchise the Negro in South -Carolina.</p> - -<p>For this pamphlet such portions of the new Constitution -have been selected as affect the colored people, together with -the speeches made thereon by my father Robert Smalls; -several editorials from leading newspapers; also a few of -many letters received by him from all parts of the country -congratulating him for the manly spirit displayed by -him and the other colored delegates, whenever the rights of -their race were in jeopardy.</p> - -<p>Indeed, it may have been an object lesson, planned by the -All-wise God, to teach the haughty, boastful sons of Carolina -that there are Negroes capable and amply qualified in every respect -to protect themselves whenever it becomes necessary to -do so; that those few representatives of the race were but a <em>very -small</em> part of the rising host that time and education are bringing -forward day by day in spite of lynching, caste prejudice -or any methods used against them.</p> - -<p>No stenographers were employed by the Convention, the -speeches were not written, and are therefore not given in full, -but just as they were published in the papers of the State.</p> - -<p class="ir2 p-1">SARAH V. SMALLS.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">[4]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak"><span class="smcap">Plan of Suffrage.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>The following plan of suffrage was introduced by Hon. -Robert Smalls and referred to the suffrage committee, which -reported it unfavorably, notwithstanding that he went before -the committee and made a strong speech in advocacy of the -said plan, and said report was adopted by the Convention:</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Section 1.</span> In all elections by the people the electors shall -vote by ballot.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 2.</span> Every male citizen of the United States of the age -of twenty-one years and upwards, not laboring under the -disabilities named in this Constitution, without distinction of -race, color or former condition, who shall be a resident of -this State at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, or -who shall thereafter reside in this State one year, and in the -county in which he offers to vote sixty days next preceding -any election, shall be entitled to vote for all officers that are -now or hereafter may be elected by the people, and upon all -questions submitted to the electors at any elections; provided, -That no person shall be allowed to vote or hold office who -is now, or hereafter may be, disqualified therefor by the Constitution -of the United States, until such disqualification shall -be removed by the Congress of the United States; provided, -further, That no person while kept in any alms house or -asylum, or any of unsound mind, or confined in any public -prison, shall be allowed to vote or hold office.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 3.</span> It shall be the duty of the General Assembly to -provide from time to time for the registration of all electors.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 4.</span> For the purpose of voting, no person shall be -deemed to have lost his residence by reason of absence while -employed in the service of the United States, nor while engaged -upon the waters of this State, or the United States, or -the high seas, nor while temporarily absent from the State, -or removing from one house to another or from one place to -another in the same precinct.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">[5]</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 5.</span> No soldier, seaman or marine in the army or navy -of the United States shall be deemed a resident of this State -in consequence of having been stationed therein.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 6.</span> Electors shall in all cases, except treason, felony, -or breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest and civil -process during attendance at elections and in going to and -returning from the same.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 7.</span> Every person entitled to vote at any election shall -be eligible to any office, which now is, or hereafter shall be -elective by the people in the county where he shall have resided -sixty days previous to such election, except as otherwise -provided in this Constitution or the Constitution and -laws of the United States.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 8.</span> The General Assembly shall never pass any law -that will deprive any of the citizens of this State of the right -of suffrage, except for treason, murder, robbery, or duelling, -whereof the persons shall have been duly tried and convicted.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 9.</span> Presidential electors shall be elected by the people.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 10.</span> In all elections, State and Federal, there shall be -but one ballot box, and one ticket for each party or faction -thereof, with the names of all the candidates thereon. There -shall be three commissioners of election for each county and -three managers for each polling precinct, not more than two -of whom shall be of the same political party.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 11.</span> In all elections held by the people under this -Constitution the person or persons who shall receive the -highest number of votes shall be declared elected.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak"><span class="smcap">On the Suffrage.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. President</span>: I have been asked whether I would speak -on this important matter. I replied that it all depended on -circumstances whether or not I would. The circumstances<span class="pagenum">[6]</span> -are such that I have made up my mind to make a short -speech on the general bill, and content myself with the vote -I will cast on the amendments and sections as they are -brought up; inasmuch as I have been perfectly pleased with -the speeches made last night, and the one just concluded by -the representatives from my county, as I feel that they echo -the sentiments not only of the county they represent, but the -entire race in the State, and every one I could claim to represent. -I endorse their utterances in the language of Mr. Cash -when he said he endorsed “every syllable” and accepted it -as his own in this letter. I want to hear some of the speeches -on the other side, because I do not like this matter that is -called Indian file, as it seems now we are to form a Negro -file in this Convention. I will only say that this Convention -has violated the principle laid down in the Constitution under -which we are now living, it giving the right for any two -members to call for an “aye” and “nay” vote, but the skillful -chairman of the committee on rules, from Edgefield, I -mean ex-governor No. 1, (laughter) has made a rule which -requires 10, four above the number we have, to call for the -“aye” and “nay” vote, hence we cannot put the members on -record without the assistance of some of the white members -of the Convention. They formed a “dark corner” over there -by themselves.</p> - -<p>I was born and raised in South Carolina and to-day I live -on the very spot on which I was born, and I expect to remain -here as long as the great God allows me to live, and I -will ask no one else to let me remain. I love this State as -much as any member of this Convention, because it is the -garden spot of the South.</p> - -<p>Mr. President, this Convention has been called for no other -purpose than the disfranchisement of the Negro. Be careful -and bear in mind that the elections which are to take place -early next month in very many of the States are watching -the action of this Convention, especially on the suffrage question.<span class="pagenum">[7]</span> -Remember that the Negro was not brought here of his -own accord. I found by reference to a history in the Congressional -Library in Washington, written by Neil, that he -says that in 1619, in the month of June a Dutch man-of-war -landed at Jamestown, Va., with 15 sons of Africa aboard, at -the time Miles Kendall was deputy Governor of Virginia. -He refused to allow the vessel to be anchored in any of her -harbors. But he found out after his order had been sent out -that the vessel was without provisions, and the crew was in a -starving condition. He countermanded his order, and supplied -the vessel with the needed provisions in exchange for -14 Negroes. It was then that the seed of slavery was planted -in the land. So you see we did not come here of our own -accord; we were brought here in a Dutch vessel, and we have -been here ever since. The Dutch are here and are controlling -the business of Charleston to-day. They are not to -blame, and are not being blamed.</p> - -<p>We served our masters faithfully, and willingly, and as we -were made to do for 244 years. In the last war you left them -home. You went to the war, fought, and came back home, -shattered to pieces, worn out, one-legged, and found your -wife and family being properly cared for by the Negroes you -left behind. Why should you now seek to disfranchise a race -that has been so true to you?</p> - -<p>This Convention has a good leader in the person of the -distinguished gentleman from Edgefield. Mr. President, when -men go out shooting and want to shoot straight, they are -compelled to shut one eye, and this leader uses only one eye -in this Convention, hence he is always striking the bull’s eye; -let him beware lest he strikes it one time too often. (Laughter.)</p> - -<p>Since Reconstruction times 53,000 have been killed in the -South, and not more than three white men have been convicted -and hung for these crimes. I want you to be mindful -of the fact that the good people of the North are watching -this Convention upon this subject. I hope you will make a<span class="pagenum">[8]</span> -Constitution that will stand the test. I hope that we may be -able to say when our work is done that we have made as good -a Constitution as the one we are doing away with.</p> - -<p>The Negroes are paying taxes in the South on $263,000,000 -worth of property. In South Carolina, according to the census, -the Negroes pay tax on $12,500,000 worth of property. -That was in 1890. You voted down without discussion -merely to lay on the table, a proposition for a simple property -and educational qualification. What do you want? You tried -the infamous eight-box and registration laws until they were -worn to such a thinness that they could stand neither the test -of the law nor of public opinion. In behalf of the 600,000 -Negroes in the State and the 132,000 Negro voters all that I -demand is that a fair and honest election law be passed. We -care not what the qualifications imposed are: all that we ask -is that they be fair and honest and honorable, and with these -provisos we will stand or fall by it. You have 102,000 white -men over 21 years of age; 13,000 of these cannot read nor -write. You dare not disfranchise them; and you know that -the man who proposes it will never be elected to another -office in the State of South Carolina. But whatever Mr. Tillman -can do, he can make nothing worse than the infamous -eight-box law, and I have no praise for the Conservatives, for -they gave the people that law. Fifty-eight thousand Negroes -cannot read nor write. This leaves a majority of 14,000 white -men who can read and write over the same class of Negroes -in this State. We are willing to accept a scheme that provides -that no man who cannot read nor write can vote, if you -dare pass it. How can you expect an ordinary man to “understand -and explain” any section of the Constitution, to correspond -to the interpretation put upon it by the manager of -election, when by a very recent decision of the Supreme -Court, composed of the most learned men in the State, two -of them put one construction upon a section, and the other -Justice put an entirely different construction upon it. To embody<span class="pagenum">[9]</span> -such a provision in the election law would be to mean -that every white man would interpret it aright and every -Negro would interpret it wrong. I appeal to the gentleman -from Edgefield to realize that he is not making a law for -one set of men. Some morning you may wake up to find that -the bone and sinew of your country is gone. The Negro is -needed in the cotton fields and in the low country rice fields, -and if you impose too hard conditions upon the Negro in this -State there will be nothing else for him to do but to leave. -What then will you do about your phosphate works? No -one but a Negro can work them: the mines that pay the interest -on your State debt. I tell you the Negro is the bone -and sinew of your country and you cannot do without him. -I do not believe you want to get rid of the Negro, else why -did you impose a high tax on immigration agents who might -come here to get him to leave?</p> - -<p>Now, Mr. President, we should not talk one thing and mean -another. We should not deceive ourselves. Let us make a -Constitution that is fair, honest and just. Let us make a -Constitution for all the people, one we will be proud of and our -children will receive with delight. Don’t let us act like a -gentleman said he talked. The other day a gentleman told -me that a prominent lawyer, a member of this Convention, -made a very bitter speech against the Negro while he was a -candidate for election to this Convention. After the lawyer -had concluded his speech of bitterness against the Negro and -in favor of white supremacy, some colored men waited on -him and asked him why he had made such a bitter speech -against them, saying they had regarded the gentleman as -their friend, as he had often acted as their lawyer. This gentleman -replied to them: “Don’t mind my speech. I am a -friend to the Negro, but I have got to make bitter speeches to -fool the Crackers because I want their votes.” Gentlemen, I -warn you that you can fool the Crackers when you talk to -them, but if you pass this ordinance that has been proposed<span class="pagenum">[10]</span> -by the committee on suffrage you will fool nobody, for every -person in the nation has been informed of your speeches on -the stump and you will not be able to explain it away as that -lawyer did his words of bitterness to the colored men who -waited on him.</p> - -<p>Mr. President, strange things have happened and I have been -shocked in my life, but the greatest surprise of my life was -when the distinguished lawyer from Barnwell, Mr. Aldrich, -introduced a Constitution in this Convention that was taken -verbatim et literatim from the Constitution of ’65 and the -black code of ’66, which deprived every Negro from holding -an office in this State, notwithstanding that Constitution and -black code were rejected by Congress. That Constitution -caused the passage of the acts of reconstruction by Congress -and made it necessary for the Constitutional Convention of -1868, which gave to you the best Constitution of any one of -the Southern States. Let us make a Constitution, Mr. President, -that will demand the respect of mankind everywhere, -for we are not above public opinion. While in Washington -a committee of capitalists came over from England hunting -for timber land in which to invest. One of South Carolina’s -Representative in Congress called upon those gentlemen and -informed them that there were large tracts of land in Beaufort -County, in the Township of Blufton, for sale. They inquired -for the name of the State, and when they were informed -that the timber lands were in South Carolina they -answered: “You need not go any further, as our instructions -were, before we left England, not to invest money in a State -where life and property was not secure under the law.” In -God’s name let us make a Constitution that will receive -the approval of everybody—the outside world as well as those -at home.</p> - -<p>Some time ago I heard the distinguished gentleman from -Edgefield, I mean Mr. George D. Tillman, say that the white -man wanted elbow room, and I suppose that this is what this<span class="pagenum">[11]</span> -suffrage plan is proposed to give him. Again, the other day, -in this Convention, I heard him make a very eloquent speech -on the township government bill, but before he got through -he had acted like the good Jersey cow, which gave her two -gallons of milk, and, though she did not put her foot in it -before she was through, she had shaken so much dirt from -her tail into the pail that we could not accept the milk. -[Laughter.]</p> - -<p>Now, Mr. President, I will not detain this Convention, as -I had no intention of making a speech upon this subject, as I -said before; but now, sir, in the language of Mr. E. B. Cash, -in his letter received from the distinguished “Bald Eagle,” of -Edgefield, Gen. Mart Gary, (holding up the letter) let me say -that I endorse every letter, syllable, verbatim et literatim, and -accept as my own the speeches made by my colleagues last -night and this morning. And I would, therefore, ask that the -Convention will not vote down the substitute for the suffrage -bill introduced by my colleague, Mr. Whipper, as they did -that of Mr. Wigg, by a simple motion to lay on the table, but -will allow this matter to go over, as the attendance is very -slim, until Monday. I ask the Senator from Edgefield if -he intends to press this matter to a vote this afternoon.</p> - -<p>Senator Tillman remarked that that was what he proposed -to do.</p> - -<p>Smalls—Ah! I am beginning to know the Senator at last. -[Laughter.]</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak"><span class="smcap">Suffrage Plan Adopted.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>The following is the plan reported by the suffrage committee, -which was adopted by the Convention, and which is -now a part of the Constitution of South Carolina:</p> - -<p class="center largefont">ARTICLE II.</p> - -<p class="center">RIGHT OF SUFFRAGE.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Section 1.</span> All elections by the people shall be by -ballot<span class="pagenum">[12]</span> -and elections shall never be held or the ballots counted in -secret.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 2.</span> Every qualified elector shall be eligible to any -office to be voted for, unless disqualified by age as prescribed -in this Constitution. But no person shall hold two offices of -honor or profit at the same time, except that any person holding -another office may at the same time be an officer in the -military and a notary public.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 3.</span> Every male citizen of this State and of the United -States 21 years of age and upwards, not laboring under the -disabilities named in this Constitution and possessing the -qualification required by it, shall be an elector.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 4.</span> The qualifications for suffrage shall be as follows:</p> - -<p>(a) Residence in the State for two years, in the county one -year, in the polling precinct in which the elector offers to -vote four months, and the payment six months before any -election of any poll tax then due and payable; provided, however, -that ministers in charge of an organized church and -teachers of public schools shall be entitled to vote after six -months residence in the State, if otherwise qualified.</p> - -<p>(b) Registration, which shall provide for the enrollment -of every elector once in ten years and also an enrollment -during each and every year of every elector not previously -registered under the provisions on this article.</p> - -<p>(c) Up to January 1, 1898, all male persons of voting age -applying for registration who can read any section in this -Constitution submitted to them by the registration officer, or -understand and explain it when read to them by the registration -officer shall be entitled to register and become electors. -A separate record of all persons registered before January 1, -1898, sworn to by the registration officer shall be filed, one -copy with the clerk of court and one in the office of the secretary -of the state, on or before February 1, 1898, and such -persons shall remain during life qualified electors unless disqualified -by the other provisions of this article. The certificate<span class="pagenum">[13]</span> -of the clerk of court or Secretary of State shall -be sufficient evidence to establish the right of said citizens to -any subsequent registration and the franchise under the -limitations herein imposed.</p> - -<p>(d) Any person who shall apply for registration after -January 1st, 1898, if otherwise qualified, shall be registered; -provided, that he can both read and write any section of this -Constitution submitted to him by the registration officer, or -can show that he owns and has paid all taxes collectible -during the previous year on property in this State assessed -at $300 or more.</p> - -<p>(e) Managers of elections shall require of every elector -offering to vote at any election, before allowing him to vote, -proof of the payment of all taxes, including poll tax, assessed -against him and collectible during the previous year. -The production of a certificate or of the receipt of the -officer authorized to collect such taxes shall be conclusive -proof of the payment thereof.</p> - -<p>(f) The general assembly shall provide for issuing to each -duly registered elector a certificate of registration and shall -provide for the renewal of such certificate when lost, mutilated -or destroyed, if the applicant is still a qualified elector under -the provisions of this Constitution, or if he has been registered -as provided in subsection (c).</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 5.</span> Any person denied registration shall have the right -to appeal to the Court of Common Pleas or any judge thereof, -and thence to the Supreme Court, to determine his right -to vote under the limitations imposed in this article, and on -such appeal the hearing shall be de novo and the General -Assembly shall provide by law for such appeal and for the -correction of illegal and fraudulent registration, voting and -all other crimes against the election laws.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 6.</span> The following persons are disqualified from being -registered or voting:</p> - -<p>First. Persons convicted of burglary, arson, obtaining goods<span class="pagenum">[14]</span> -or money under false pretenses, perjury, forgery, robbery, bribery, -adultery, bigamy, wife-beating, housebreaking, receiving -stolen goods, breach of trust with fraudulent intent, fornication, -sodomy, incest, assault with intent to ravish, miscegenation, -larceny, or crimes against the election laws; provided, -that the pardon of the Governor shall remove such -disqualification.</p> - -<p>Second. Persons who are idiots, insane, paupers supported -at the public expense, and persons confined in any public -prison.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 7.</span> For the purpose of voting, no person shall be -deemed to have gained or lost a residence by reason of his -presence or absence while employed in the service of the -United States, nor while engaged in the navigation of the -waters of this State, or the United States or of the high seas, -nor while a student of any institution of learning.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 8.</span> The general assembly shall provide by law for the -registration of all qualified electors and shall prescribe the -manner of holding elections and of ascertaining the results, -of the same; provided, at the first registration under this -Constitution, and until the 1st of January, 1898, the registration -shall be conducted by a board of three discreet persons -in each county, to be appointed by the governor, by and with -the advice and consent of the senate. For the first registration -to be provided for under this Constitution, the registration -books shall be kept open for at least six consecutive -weeks, and thereafter from time to time at least one week in -each month, up to 30 days next preceding the first election -to be held under this Constitution. The registration books -shall be public records open to the inspection of any citizen -at all times.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 9.</span> The general assembly shall provide for the establishment -of polling precincts in the several counties of the -State and those now existing shall so continue until abolished -or changed. Each elector shall be required to vote at his<span class="pagenum">[15]</span> -own precinct, but provision shall be made for his transfer to -another precinct upon his change of residence.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 10.</span> The general assembly shall provide by law for -the regulation of party primary elections and punishing fraud -at the same.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 11.</span> The registration books shall close at least 30 -days before an election, during which time transfers and registration -shall not be legal; provided, persons who will become -of age during that period shall be entitled to registration -before the books are closed.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 12.</span> Elector in municipal elections shall possess the -qualifications and be subject to the disqualifications herein -prescribed. The production of a certificate of registration -from the registration officers of the county as an elector at a -precinct included in the incorporated city or town in which -the voter desires to vote is declared a condition prerequisite -to his obtaining a certificate of registration for municipal elections, -and in addition he must have been a resident within the -corporate limits at least four months before the election and -have paid all taxes due and collectible for the preceding fiscal -year. The general assembly shall provide for the registration -of all voters before each election in municipalities; provided, -that nothing herein contained shall apply to any municipal -election which may be held prior to the general election -of the year 1896.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 13.</span> In authorizing a special election in any incorporated -city or town in this State for the purpose of bonding -the same, the general assembly shall prescribe as a condition -precedent to the holding of said election a petition from a -majority of the freeholders of said city or town as shown by -its tax books, and at such elections all electors of such -city or town who are duly qualified for voting under section -12 of this article, and who have paid all taxes, State, county, -municipal, for the previous year, shall be allowed to vote, -and the vote of a majority of those voting in said elections -shall be necessary to authorize the issue of said bonds.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">[16]</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 14.</span> Electors shall in all cases except treason, felony -or breach of peace, be privileged from arrest on the days of -election during their attendance at the polls and going and -returning therefrom.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sec. 15.</span> No power, civil or military, shall at any time interfere -to prevent the free exercise of the right of suffrage in -this State.</p> - -<p>The Convention having under consideration the Legislative -Department Ordinance, when Section 34 was reached, -which reads:</p> - -<p>“The marriage of white persons with a Negro or a mulatto, -or person who shall have one-eighth or more of Negro blood, -shall be unlawful and void;”</p> - -<p>he proposed an amendment adding after the word “void” in -the second line, the words “and any white person who lives -and cohabits with a Negro, mulatto, or person who shall have -one-eighth or more of Negro blood, shall be disqualified from -holding any office of emolument or trust in this State, and the -offspring of any such living or cohabiting shall bear the name -of the father, and shall be entitled to inherit and acquire property -the same as if they were legitimate.” He then spoke as -follows:</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">Mr. President</span>: I hope this amendment will be adopted. -Sir, there is not a colored man or woman of any respectability, -not only in South Carolina, but in the whole country, -that does not oppose the intermarriage of the races. There -are very few, if any exceptions, in South Carolina, where a -white man ever married a respectable colored woman or a -colored man married a respectable white woman. The facts -in the case are, that the white woman that marries a Negro -man as a rule has been an outcast by her race, and the colored -woman that marries a white man, has no standing with -the respectable women of her race, and the white man no -better with his. I cannot see why you want to prevent the intermarriage -of the races, when they want to legitimize their<span class="pagenum">[17]</span> -actions, unless you adopt my amendment, prohibiting the -cohabitation of the white men with the Negro women. Mr. -President, and gentlemen of this Convention let me give you -a little statistic, showing you, if it is possible, to do so, the -wrongs you, or your fore-fathers have done to my race. Let -us stop it, if we can; I fear not, but let us put it in the fundamental -laws of this State.</p> - -<p>“The number of Americans of African descent, wholly and -in part, returned to the census bureau in 1890 was 7,470,035. -These were divided as follows: Pure Africans, 6,337,980; -mulattoes 956,987; quadroons, 105,132; octoroons, 69,936. -The total mixed bloods, white and black, was 1,132,060 in the -whole country, and a third of these are above the Mason and -Dixon line.</p> - -<p>“Mr. President, a careful perusal of the census, also history, -shows that more than three-fourths of the mothers of this -large number of mixed blood whom you seek to legislate -against, are colored women, if so, who could have been their -fathers? Do not any of you rise and deny this, because I am -no lawyer, but know enough about it that I cannot impeach -my own witness. A careful perusal of the census, also shows -in the State, that this one-fourth that lives beyond Mason and -Dixon’s line shows fully that three-fourths of the one-fourth -of the mixed blood were born in the Southern States. So you -see, gentlemen, you are responsible for the wrongs that have -been done; let us in the name of God, and in behalf of virtue, -try and put a stop to this cohabitation. I could but admire a -few days ago, when the gentlemen upon this floor spoke so -highly of the women of this State, I am mindful of the fact -that when they spoke of the women of this State that they -spoke of the white women. I can but echo their sentiment, -and do say, that I believe them to be as pure women as -can be found anywhere in the world. I have not been strongly -in favor of female suffrage, but since your discussion on the -Divorce Law I feel I shall have to vote for the suffrage in<span class="pagenum">[18]</span> -order that they may pass a law or laws that will make you as -pure as they are. We have, sir, as pure colored women in -South Carolina and in this country, as any race upon this -earth. Sir, that evil, known as slavery caused all of this. This -wrong was done by you all, owning them as your slaves. Sir, -no act of yours will prevent a white man from marrying -a colored woman or a colored man from marrying -a white woman, who have the means to go in -another State. There are many States in the Union, -that do not prevent them marrying and they can go -and get married and you cannot help yourself. I have in my -mind distinctly, a colored man and a white woman who were -in love with each other, and who wanted to get married, but -this man recited to her the law on your Statute book that -prohibited the intermarriage of the races. This lady stated -that there were no such laws in the district of Columbia, New -York or Massachusetts. She was as pure a lady as there is. -I only cite this because it is a matter that you cannot control -except directly in the State. This entire matter, sir, has no -right in the Constitution of the State, if your women are as -pure as you stated, and I have reason to believe that they are, -they can be trusted; then why the necessity of this being -placed in the Constitution? Can you not trust yourselves? Is -it because that these wrongs have been perpetrated here, -since the formation of the Government, that you feel that -you can’t be trusted? When I say you, I mean the white men -of the entire State. I fear not; hence I trust the amendment will -be adopted. These wrongs have been done, and are still being -done, it is not done by colored men, it is done by white men. -If a Negro should improperly approach a white woman, -his body would be hanging on the nearest tree filled with air -holes before daylight the next morning—and perhaps properly -so. If the same rule were applied on the other side, and white -men who insulted or debauched Negro women were treated -likewise, this Convention would have to be adjourned sine -die for lack of a quorum.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">[19]</span></p> - -<p>“The gentleman called me to order stating that I had reflected -on the Convention. I do not wish to reflect on the -Convention. I do not wish to reflect on the Convention, but -do say, that if he has clean hands he will keep his seat, because -I do not mean to reflect on any man who objects to the -intermarriage of a Negro or Mulatto woman with a white man, -and is willing to prohibit the cohabitation, which is the root -and branch of this evil. Stop this evil, and there will be no -occasion for your intermarriage law. Sir, I oppose the intermarriage -of the races as strongly as you do, and I feel that -I echo the sentiment of the respectable class of both sides; -because with few exceptions, we find these marriages are -among the lower element of both races, and, therefore, they degrade -and not elevate either race. But sir, don’t tell me that -you will make a law to prevent lawful marriages and give full -license to illicit marriages. Watch the census of each decade, -you will clearly see that this vice is decreasing among our -people; as they are progressing educationally they are raising -themselves out of this degradation, that your race has placed -upon them. Now sir, I say, prohibit intermarriage of the -races, also make a law as binding against cohabitation. Then -you will make your men as true as your women. And our -race will be freed from a vice, that is as degrading as the system -of slavery. Again sir, in behalf of my race, I hope that -the amendment to the section under consideration will be -adopted and become a part of the Constitution of the State.”</p> - -<p>The introduction of this amendment caused a great deal of -discussion, which showed plainly that South Carolina had no -idea of punishing white men for wrong done to colored -women, nor would she allow the wrong to be rectified, and -the original Section 34 was adopted, and is now the fundamental -law of the State.</p> - -<p>On <a href="#Ref_20">page (20-22)</a> we have selected two editorials on this -amendment, also a telegram on <a href="#Ref_23">page 23</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">[20]</span></p> - -<p>The following is clipped from Section 6 on Education. -There are in this State several thousand soldiers who fought -for the perpetuity of the Union, yet they are compelled to pay -the poll tax ten years longer than these who sought to destroy -it.</p> - -<p>“There shall be assessed on all taxable polls in the State -between the ages of 21 and 60 years (excepting Confederate -soldiers above the age of 50 years) an annual tax of $1 on -each poll, the proceeds of which tax shall be expended for -school purposes in the several school districts in which it is -collected.”</p> - -<p>Claflin College was advocated for colored students, taught -by Negroes; the best, wherever they could be found, should -be secured.</p> - -<p>The committee on order, style and revision had the work -ready, and all that was needed was the signature of the members -to make the Constitution final. The members went up -in county delegations and signed the new organic law.</p> - -<p>President Evans and Vice President Jones signed the new -Constitution as the officers present, and then came Abbeville -and the other counties on down. When Beaufort was reached, -Delegate Smalls asked to be excused from signing the Constitution, -as he would not sign a Constitution with such an -article on suffrage. He was unanimously excused. He was -the only member of the Beaufort delegation present.</p> - -<p>Some one during the progress of the signing sent up a resolution -that members not signing the Constitution should not -be paid. Gen. Smalls said he would walk home rather than -sign the instrument. President Evans did not press the resolution, -and members generally thought lightly of the matter, -and it was not even put to the Convention.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p id="Ref_20" class="center"><span class="smcap">Editorial from the (N. Y.) Press, -Oct. 5, 1895.</span></p> - -<p>We can recall no more brilliant moral victory of a parliamentary<span class="pagenum">[21]</span> -minority than that gained on Thursday in the South -Carolina Constitutional Convention by the representatives -of the race about to be disfranchised for lack of intelligence -wherewith to vote. In so characterizing the attack of these -black delegates we have in mind the extraordinary ends accomplished -with minorities by Mr. Randall, Mr. Blaine and -Mr. Reed, the chief parliamentarians of our generation.</p> - -<p>In this case the white majority laid themselves open to the -flank movement, which Robert Smalls had evidently meditated -throughout the session, by introducing a quite supererogatory -article for the amendment of mixed marriages. -The black leader instantly moved an amendment providing -that illicit as well as legal unions between the races should -be prohibited. He proposed to disqualify all men—and this -of course would mean only white men—who were parties to -such unions. He proposed that the offspring of such unions -should take their fathers’ names.</p> - -<p>Senator Tillman, who seems, though the author of this -new secession of South Carolina, to be the only man in the -Convention who appreciates in the slightest degree the effect -of its actions upon outside public opinion, proceeded at once -to save his record by espousing the Negro cause. He cut -himself loose promptly from the majority in the course into -which he knew its provincial ignorance would direct it. He -went so far as roundly to berate his own chairman for his -attempt to choke off the plea of the black men for the integrity -of black women.</p> - -<p>It was hardly a debate that followed. It was an arraignment -which culminated when Mr. Smalls, after approving -the punishment which lynch law has meted out to the worst -offenders of his race, said:</p> - -<p>“If the same rule were applied on the other side and white -men were treated likewise, I fear this Convention would have -to be adjourned for lack of a quorum.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">[22]</span></p> - -<p>The “burst of laughter” which followed this threw an interesting -light on the morals and manners of South Carolina. -It showed the state of civilization depicted in “Tom Jones.” -A Convention composed entirely of Squire Westerns would -have met such an impeachment in a precisely similar way. -Having satisfied their sense of humor the delegates killed the -amendment and passed the mixed marriages article.</p> - -<p>This seizure of a parliamentary advantage in so sudden -and effective a manner as to cause the majority leader to -abandon his forces and leave them to expose their moral -nakedness to the world was more than equal to Mr. Blaine’s -rout of the Rebel Brigadiers in the famous Amnesty Debate. -For those gentry managed to fan and sponge Ben Hill into -the ring again, and these remained “out of time.”</p> - -<p>And in no one other way could the Negroes have so convincingly -proved to the world their right to the ballot than -by this victory of black mind over white matter. It is now -made plain, as it was made plain by the first laws passed by -the unreconstructed Legislature of the same State after the -war, that the fear of Negro domination is not born so much -of a regard for the numbers as for the developed intellectual -ability of the blacks. It is not Negro ignorance, but Negro -intelligence, that is feared.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Editorial from the News and Courier, the Leading -Democratic Paper of Charleston, S. C.</span>, Nov. 23, 1895.</p> - -<p>The troublesome matter of miscegenation was settled -finally by the adoption of the provision that “the marriage of -a white person with a Negro or mulatto, or person who shall -have one-eighth of Negro blood, shall be unlawful and void” -hereafter. The provision would have been strengthened and -improved by the adoption of Gen. Smalls’ proposed addition -to it that “any white person who lives and cohabits with<span class="pagenum">[23]</span> -such persons should be disqualified from holding office of -emolument or trust in this State, and the offspring of such -living or cohabiting shall bear the name of the father,” but -the Convention rejected the addition by the largest vote recorded -recently. Its action was a mistake. The addition -was a proper corollary to the section adopted, and should -have been extended to disqualify from voting, as well as holding -office, the class of offenders at which it was aimed. Of -the two offences—miscegenation within the marriage bond and -miscegenation without it—the latter is the greater social evil. -It should have been treated accordingly. The action of the -Convention in this instance and its action of the preceding -day in reducing the age of consent to the limits of childhood -will inevitably be construed together to the injury and reproach -to the State. Both decisions should not stand. Taken -together they offer a premium for a condition of affairs which -is condemned alike by every dictate of sound morals and of -the public sentiment of the State. Miscegenation is contrary -to the law of nature.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 id="Ref_23" class="nobreak">TELEGRAM.</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="ir2"><span class="smcap">Boston, Mass.</span>, Oct. 16, 1895.</p> - -<p class="p-1">To the Hon. Robert Smalls, Columbia, S. C:</p> - -<p>Dear Sir: A body of clergymen and laymen in Convention -assembled in the City of Boston, Mass., congratulate you for -the stand you took for virtue and chastity in the Constitutional -Convention of South Carolina, on Oct. 2d, current. The -Christian Churches are with you in the struggle, indeed, the -civilized world indorses the sentiment expressed by you. -May God save the State of South Carolina from its barbarism.</p> - -<div class="ir2"> -<p class="displayinline" style="vertical-align:top; margin-left:20em">(Signed)</p> - -<p class="displayinline il2"><span class="smcap">Rev.</span> WM H. SCOTT.<br /> -CLIFFORD H. PLUMMER, Sec.<br /> -P. L. PEMBERTON.</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">[24]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak">LETTERS OF CONGRATULATION.</h2> -</div> - -<div class="ir2"> -<p class="displayinline"><span class="smcap">2121 North 29th Street</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">Philadelphia</span>, October 30, 1895.</p> -<p class="displayinline" style="font-size:250%;position:relative;top:-0.09em">}</p></div> - -<p class="p-1">Gen. Robert Smalls, Columbia, S. C.:</p> - -<p>My Dear General—I am very desirous of procuring a copy -of each one of the speeches delivered in your Convention at -Columbia on the suffrage question. If you have within easy -reach any or all of them in print, I shall esteem it as a favor -if you will kindly forward to me here such of them as you -can readily spare. And let me say to you, my dear General, -what has, I presume, been said to you already, that the dignity, -courage and signal ability with which you and your Republican -colleagues at Columbia, have asserted and maintained -manhood rights and the just claims of all citizens to -fair play under the supreme law of the land as well as under -the civilization of our times, have touched the heart of the -great North and called forth its soberest approval and its high -admiration.</p> - -<p>Indeed, it is felt here that, in your statements, your arguments -and warnings, you have covered the whole case and -done lasting honor to the Negro race and to American patriotism. -All hail to you and your noble band of Spartans at -Columbia!</p> - -<p class="ir2 p-1"><span style="padding-right:3em">Yours very sincerely,</span><br /> -E. C. BOSSETT.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p class="ir2"><span class="smcap">Newberry</span>, Oct. 28, 1895.</p> - -<p class="p-1">Hon. Robert Smalls:</p> - -<p>Dear Sir: I take the liberty of expressing to you and -through you to your colleagues, Messrs. Miller, Wigg and -Whipper my very great gratification and approval of your -and their very able and eloquent addresses in behalf of sound -Republican principles, of justice towards all classes, and of<span class="pagenum">[25]</span> -fair and honest elections. You all did credit to your race, -to the Republican party, and as I hope and believe to the -cause of justice, for I have no doubt your efforts will have -great influence outside the State. The prompt voting down -of everything proposed, however fair and moderate, looked -very much like pre-concerted action, and was not creditable -to the Convention, either Conservatives or “Reformers.” -But I should say, keep up the fight at every point along the -line. Propose amendments to every objectionable section, -even if they are voted down.</p> - -<p class="ir2 p-1"><span style="padding-right:3em">Very Respectfully,</span><br /> -B. O. DUNCAN.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<div class="ir2"> -<p class="displayinline"><span class="smcap">Adelphi Hotel</span>,<br /> -<span class="smcap">Liverpool</span>, Oct. 6, 1895.</p> -<p class="displayinline" style="font-size:250%;position:relative;top:-0.09em">}</p></div> - -<p class="p-1">Mr. Robert Smalls, Beaufort, S. C.:</p> - -<p>Dear Sir—We have read over here the telegraphic report -about the metaphorical bomb you threw into the Constitutional -Convention, with the greatest glee. But not only was -it the best sort of fuse—it was loaded, too, with the most explosive -truth, (it seems to have scattered the ladies.) Such -jokes as yours make an entrance for the truth when cold -logic slides off like water from a duck’s back. Gen. Ben -Butler’s phrase about the contraband of war converted more -Democrats than Seward’s great speeches. And so I doubt -not your “little joke” will do more to make the scales drop -from people’s eyes than even Douglass’ admirable tract -“Why is the Negro Lynched;” (Of this I will try to send -you a copy.) Butler’s “Contraband” prepared the way for -Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. Your resolution, so -aptly timed, I regard as one of those <em>immense</em> things that influence -destiny. I do not know how much it will be written -about in the papers, but I believe it is only second in the<span class="pagenum">[26]</span> -importance of its influence to Uncle Tom’s Cabin, because of -its <em>opportuneness</em>. <em>No occasion could have occurred—none can -again occur</em>—when that truth wrapped up in the words of -your amendment could have reached home to the American -people—could have penetrated the harness and armor of the -late Rebel master. More than that, you have prepared the -way for one of the greatest books on the relations of the -Negro and the mulatto to the white race. I speak, of course, -of Mr. Keeper’s book, “Minden Armies.” At once on reading -your action and its result in the Convention, I wrote an -article, intended to be light and attractive, and took it to -one of the great London dailies, but it was returned as the -subject was hardly of enough consequence to their constituency, -their columns being so crowded. I should be very glad -to have the best report of that meeting that is published, as I -want to see the details in full. Address me.</p> - -<div class="ir2"> -<p class="displayinline"><span style="padding-left:1em">Yours truly,</span><br /> -<span style="padding-left:3em">HORACE J. SMITH,</span><br /> -44 Grosvenor Road, London S. W.</p> -</div> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Special to the World.</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Columbia, S. C.</span>, Sept. 30—Five of the six Negro delegates -to the South Carolina Constitutional Convention, which -proposes to disfranchise the blacks, have joined in the following -address to the North, through The World:</p> - -<p>To the Editor of the World:</p> - -<p>The Seventh Constitutional Convention called in South -Carolina is in session. It has been called for the purpose of -dealing with the Negro problem. Those who have advocated -its assembling have been explicit in their declaration of the -purposes to be accomplished—the disfranchisement of the -Negro and the elimination of him entirely, not from a participation -in elections, for he has not since 1886 had any<span class="pagenum">[27]</span> -show at all in any of the elections held in the State, but of -the possibility of the Negro uniting with the conservative -Democratic faction and thus oust from place and power those -now in control of the Government. The chief obstacle in the -way of accomplishing what is desired is the Fourteenth -and Fifteenth Amendments to the Federal Constitution. This -difficulty removed, there will be plain sailing.</p> - -<p>The Hon. Benjamin Ryan Tillman, who is the head and -front of the movement, has not been at all politic or hypocritical -as to his intentions. He has said that his object is to -disfranchise as many Negroes as he possibly can without disfranchising -a single white man, except for crime.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">What the Census Shows.</span></p> - -<p>In the State, according to the census of the United States, -taken in 1890, there were: Negroes over twenty-one years of -age, 132,949; whites over twenty-one years of age, 102,567; Negro -majority, 30,292. Of these are illiterate, 58,086 -Negroes and 13,242 whites. Now, it will plainly be seen that -a purely educational qualification, honestly administered, -would give the whites 89,415, and the Negroes 74,851 votes; -white majority, 14,564 votes.</p> - -<p>But the nut for Tillman to crack is how he can disfranchise -the Negro without disfranchising the 13,242 illiterate whites, -whose votes would be lost entirely to his faction should the -conservative element nominate and vote an independent -ticket. The highest vote his faction has ever been able to poll -in round numbers is 60,000, and the Conservatives 35,000. If -Tillman’s faction, therefore, should lose 13,242 votes it would -leave him only 46,758 votes, and the Conservatives 35,000 -votes, and Tillman’s majority over the Conservatives would -be only 11,758 votes.</p> - -<p>It will readily be seen that the 74,851 Negro votes or any<span class="pagenum">[28]</span> -considerable part of them uniting with the Conservatives -would make that faction master of the situation, and that is -what Tillman wants to prevent. He has thus far hypnotized -the whites of both factions With the scarecrow, “White supremacy,” -which he has shaken in their faces on every occasion, -and which he is shrewd enough to know has the same -effect upon the whites as a red flag has upon an enraged bull.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Tillman’s Suffrage Plan.</span></p> - -<p>The real truth is that “white supremacy” has never been -endangered; for even in the days of Republican ascendancy -all the great offices, and a large majority of all the offices, -were held by white men, and no one ever thought of making -it a Negro government. The suffrage plan, as we have been -informed, as agreed upon by the committee, is as follows: -Every male citizen twenty-one years of age who has not been -convicted of crime, and is not an idiot or an inmate of a -prison or a charitable institution, who can read a section of -the Constitution to the satisfaction of the officers of election, -or who can explain said section when read to him to the satisfaction -of said officers, or who pays taxes on $500 worth -of real property; or who can satisfy the election officers that -he has paid all taxes due by him to the State, and who shall -be duly registered according to law, shall be entitled to vote.</p> - -<p>Every one of these provisions, as simple and just as they -appear, when read by the uninitiated, are freighted with fraud, -corruption and prostitution of the suffrage. For the officers -of election are the sole judges of the qualification of the elector, -and can at their will make the Negro vote or the white -vote as large or as small as they choose.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Instruments of Fraud.</span></p> - -<p>Everyone of these innocent little “ors” is the instrument -of and contains infinite possibilities of fraud, and in the hands<span class="pagenum">[29]</span> -of election officers, all of whom are members of one party -and of the same faction, are construed to mean one thing to -one set of voters and another thing to another set, when they -offer to register.</p> - -<p>As Mr. Creelman has explained in his dispatches, the registration -officer and his board will have the sole power to -make voters in South Carolina, as the Supreme Court of the -State has decided that there is no appeal to any Court of law -from the acts of election officers. In short, the Convention -has been called to legalize the frauds which have been perpetrated -upon the elective franchise in this State since 1876. -No one can tell or estimate what the vote will be, and that -question can be answered only by the election officers.</p> - -<div class="ir2 p-1 largefont"> -<p class="displayinline">ROBERT SMALLS,<br /> -THOMAS E. MILLER,<br /> -JAMES E. WIGG,<br /> -R. B. ANDERSON,<br /> -ISAIAH REED,</p> -</div> - -<div class="ir1 p-1"> -<p class="displayinline">Republican Members of the Constitutional Convention.<br /> -Columbia, S. C., Sept. 30, 1895.</p></div> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="transnote"> -<h2 style="margin-top: 0em">Transcriber’s Notes:</h2> - -<p>Punctuation has been made consistent.</p> - -<p>Variations in spelling and hyphenation were retained as they appear in -the original publication, except that obvious typographical errors -have been corrected.</p> -</div></div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Speeches at the Constitutional -Convention, by Robert Smalls - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SPEECHES--CONSTITUTIONAL CONFERENCE *** - -***** This file should be named 63610-h.htm or 63610-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/6/1/63610/ - -Produced by Charlene Taylor, Craig Kirkwood, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - - - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - - - -</pre> - -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/63610-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/63610-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 25ffe21..0000000 --- a/old/63610-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null |
