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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Sociology and Modern Social Problems
+by Charles A. Ellwood
+
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+Title: Sociology and Modern Social Problems
+
+Author: Charles A. Ellwood
+
+Release Date: September, 2004 [EBook #6568]
+[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
+[This file was first posted on December 28, 2002]
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+Edition: 10
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+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIOLOGY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Julie Barkley, Charles Franks
+and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+SOCIOLOGY AND MODERN SOCIAL PROBLEMS
+
+BY
+
+CHARLES A. ELLWOOD, PH. D.
+
+Professor of Sociology, University of Missouri
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+This book is intended as an elementary text in sociology as applied to
+modern social problems, for use in institutions where but a short time
+can be given to the subject, in courses in sociology where it is desired
+to combine it with a study of current social problems on the one hand,
+and to correlate it with a course in economics on the other. The book is
+also especially suited for use in University Extension Courses and in
+Teachers' Reading Circles.
+
+This book aims to teach the simpler principles of sociology concretely
+and inductively. In Chapters I to VIII the elementary principles of
+sociology are stated and illustrated, chiefly through the study of the
+origin, development, structure, and functions of the family considered
+as a typical human institution; while in Chapters IX to XV certain
+special problems are considered in the light of these general
+principles.
+
+Inasmuch as the book aims to illustrate the working of certain factors
+in social organization and evolution by the study of concrete problems,
+interpretation has been emphasized rather than the social facts
+themselves. However, the book is not intended to be a contribution to
+sociological theory, and no attempt is made to give a systematic
+presentation of theory. Rather, the student's attention is called to
+certain obvious and elementary forces in the social life, and he is left
+to work out his own system of social theory.
+
+To guide the student in further reading, a brief list of select
+references in English has been appended to each chapter. Methodological
+discussions and much statistical and historical material have been
+omitted in order to make the text as simple as possible. These can be
+found in the references, or the teacher can supply them at his
+discretion.
+
+The many authorities to whom I am indebted for both facts and
+interpretations of facts cannot be mentioned individually, except that I
+wish to express my special indebtedness to my former teachers, Professor
+Willcox of Cornell and Professors Small and Henderson of the University
+of Chicago, to whom I am under obligation either directly or indirectly
+for much of the substance of this book. The list of references will also
+indicate in the main the sources of whatever is not my own.
+
+CHARLES A. ELLWOOD.
+
+UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+CHAPTER I: THE STUDY OF SOCIETY
+
+CHAPTER II: THE BEARING OF THE THEORY OF EVOLUTION UPON SOCIAL PROBLEMS
+
+CHAPTER III: THE FUNCTION OF THE FAMILY IN SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+CHAPTER IV: THE ORIGIN OF THE FAMILY
+
+CHAPTER V: THE FORMS OF THE FAMILY
+
+CHAPTER VI: THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE FAMILY
+
+CHAPTER VII: THE PROBLEM OF THE MODERN FAMILY
+
+CHAPTER VIII: THE GROWTH OF POPULATION
+
+CHAPTER IX: THE IMMIGRATION PROBLEM
+
+CHAPTER X: THE NEGRO PROBLEM
+
+CHAPTER XI: THE PROBLEM OF THE CITY
+
+CHAPTER XII: POVERTY AND PAUPERISM
+
+CHAPTER XIII: CRIME
+
+CHAPTER XIV: SOCIALISM IN THE LIGHT OF SOCIOLOGY
+
+CHAPTER XV: EDUCATION AND SOCIAL PROGRESS
+
+INDEX
+
+
+
+
+
+
+SOCIOLOGY AND MODERN SOCIAL PROBLEMS
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+
+THE STUDY OF SOCIETY
+
+What is Society?--Perhaps the great question which sociology seeks to
+answer is this question which we have put at the beginning. Just as
+biology seeks to answer the question "What is life?"; zoölogy, "What is
+an animal?"; botany, "What is a plant?"; so sociology seeks to answer
+the question "What is society?" or perhaps better, "What is
+association?" Just as biology, zoölogy, and botany cannot answer their
+questions until those sciences have reached their full and complete
+development, so also sociology cannot answer the question "What is
+society?" until it reaches its final development. Nevertheless, some
+conception or definition of society is necessary for the beginner, for
+in the scientific discussion of social problems we must know first of
+all what we are talking about. We must understand in a general way what
+society is, what sociology is, what the relations are between sociology
+and other sciences, before we can study the social problems of to-day
+from a sociological point of view.
+
+The word "society" is used scientifically to designate the reciprocal
+relations between individuals. More exactly, and using the term in a
+concrete sense, a society is any group of individuals who have more or
+less conscious relations to each other. We say conscious relations
+because it is not necessary that these relations be specialized into
+industrial, political, or ecclesiastical relations. Society is
+constituted by the mental interaction of individuals and exists wherever
+two or three individuals have reciprocal conscious relations to each
+other. Dependence upon a common economic environment, or the mere
+contiguity in space is not sufficient to constitute a society. It is the
+interdependence in function on the mental side, the contact and
+overlapping of our inner selves, which makes possible that form of
+collective life which we call society. Plants and lowly types of
+organisms do not constitute true societies, unless it can be shown that
+they have some degree of mentality. On the other hand, there is no
+reason for withholding the term "society" from many animal groups. These
+animal societies, however, are very different in many respects from
+human society, and are of interest to us only as certain of their forms
+throw light upon human society.
+
+We may dismiss with a word certain faulty conceptions of society. In
+some of the older sociological writings the word society is often used
+as nearly synonymous with the word nation. Now, a nation is a body of
+people politically organized into an independent government, and it is
+manifest that it is only one of many forms of human society. Another
+conception of society, which some have advocated, is that it is
+synonymous with the cultural group. That is, a society is any group of
+people that have a common civilization, or that are bearers of a certain
+type of culture. In this case Christendom, for example, would constitute
+a single society. Cultural groups no doubt are, again, one of the forms
+of human society, but only one among many. Both the cultural group and
+the nation are very imposing forms of society and hence have attracted
+the attention of social thinkers very often in the past to the neglect
+of the more humble forms. But it is evident that all forms of
+association are of equal interest to the sociologist, though, of course,
+this is not saying that all forms are of equal practical importance.
+
+Any form of association, or social group, which may be studied, if
+studied from the point of view of origin and development, whether it be
+a family, a neighborhood group, a city, a state, a trade union, or a
+party, will serve to reveal many of the problems of sociology. The
+natural or genetic social groups, however, such as the family, the
+community, and the nation, serve best to exhibit sociological problems.
+In this text we shall make particular use of the family, as the simplest
+and, in many ways, the most typical of all the forms of human
+association, to illustrate concretely the laws and principles of social
+development. Through the study of the simple and primary forms of
+association the problems of sociology can be much better attacked than
+through the study of society at large, or association in general.
+
+From what has been said it may be inferred that _society_ as a
+scientific term means scarcely more than the abstract term
+_association_, and this is correct. Association, indeed, may be
+regarded as the more scientific term of the two; at any rate it
+indicates more exactly what the sociologist deals with. A word may be
+said also as to the meaning of the word _social_. The sense in
+which this word will generally be used in this text is that of a
+collective adjective, referring to all that pertains to or relates to
+society in any way. The word social, then, is much broader than the
+words industrial, political, moral, religious, and embraces them all;
+that is, social phenomena are all phenomena which involve the
+interaction of two or more individuals. The word social, then, includes
+the economic, political, moral, religious, etc., and must not be thought
+of as something set in opposition to, for instance, the industrial or
+the political.
+
+Society and its Products.--Beneath all the forms and processes of human
+society lies the fact of association itself. Industry, government, and
+civilization itself must be regarded as expressions of collective human
+life rather than _vice versa_. Industry, for example, is one side
+or aspect of man's social life, and must not be mistaken for society
+itself. Industry, government, religion, education, art, and the like,
+are all products of the social life of man. Among these coördinate
+expressions of collective human life, industry, being concerned with the
+satisfying of the material needs of men, is perhaps fundamental to the
+rest. But this must not lead to the mistaken view that the social life
+of man can be interpreted completely through his industrial life; for,
+as has just been said, beneath industry and all other aspects of man's
+collective life lies the biological and psychological fact of
+association. This is equivalent to saying that industry itself must be
+interpreted in terms of the biology and psychology of human association.
+In other words, industrial problems, political problems, educational
+problems, and the like must be viewed from the collective or social
+standpoint rather than simply as detached problems by themselves. We
+must understand the biological and psychological aspects of man's social
+life before we can understand its special phases.
+
+The Origin of Society.--From the definition of society that we have
+given it is evident that society is something which springs from the
+very processes of life itself. It is not something which has been
+invented or planned by individuals. Life, in its higher forms at least,
+could not exist without association. From the very beginning the
+association of the sexes has been necessary for reproduction and for the
+care and rearing of offspring, and it has been not less necessary for
+the procuring of an adequate food supply and for protection against
+enemies. From the association necessary for reproduction has sprung
+family life and all the altruistic institutions of human society, while
+from the association for providing food supply have sprung society's
+industrial institutions. Neither society nor industry, therefore, has
+had a premeditated, reflective origin, but both have sprung up
+spontaneously from the needs of life and both have developed down to the
+present time at least with but little premeditated guidance. It is
+necessary that the student should understand at the outset that social
+organization is not a fabrication of the human intellect to any great
+degree, and the old idea that individuals who existed independently of
+society came together and deliberately planned a certain type of social
+organization is utterly without scientific validity. The individual and
+society are correlatives. We have no knowledge of individuals apart from
+society or society apart from individuals. What we do know is that human
+life everywhere is a collective or associated life, the individual being
+on the one hand largely an expression of the social life surrounding him
+and on the other hand society being largely an expression of individual
+character. The reasons for these assertions will appear later as we
+develop our subject.
+
+What is Sociology?--The science which deals with human association, its
+origin, development, forms, and functions, is sociology. Briefly,
+sociology is a science which deals with society as a whole and not with
+its separate aspects or phases. It attempts to formulate the laws or
+principles which govern social organization and social evolution. This
+means that the main problems of sociology are those of the organization
+of society on the one hand and the evolution of society on the other.
+These words, _organization_ and _evolution_, however, are used
+in a broader sense in sociology than they are generally used. By
+organization we mean any relation of the parts of society to each other.
+By evolution we mean, not necessarily change for the better, but orderly
+change of any sort. Sociology is, therefore, a science which deals with
+the laws or principles of social organization and of social change. Put
+in more exact terms this makes sociology, as we said at the beginning,
+the science of the origin, development, structure, and function of the
+forms of association. We may pass over very rapidly certain faulty
+conceptions of sociology. The first of these is that it is the study of
+social evils and their remedies. This conception is faulty because it
+makes sociology deal primarily with the abnormal rather than the normal
+conditions in society, and secondly, it is to be criticized because it
+makes sociology synonymous with scientific philanthropy. It is rather
+the science of philanthropy, which is an applied science resting upon
+sociology, that studies social evils and their remedies. This is not
+saying, of course, that sociology does not consider social evils, but
+that it considers them as incidents in the normal processes of social
+evolution rather than as its special matter. A second conception of
+sociology which is to be dismissed as inadequate is the conception that
+it is the science of social phenomena. This conception is not incorrect,
+but is somewhat vague, as there are manifestly other sciences of social
+phenomena, such as economics and political science. Such a conception of
+sociology would make it include everything in human society. A third
+faulty conception is that it is the science of human institutions. This
+is faulty because it again is too narrow. An institution is a
+_sanctioned_ form of human association, while sociology deals with
+the ephemeral and unsanctioned forms, such as we see in the phenomena of
+mobs, crazes, fads, fashions, and crimes, as well as with the sanctioned
+forms. A fourth conception which might be criticized is that sociology
+is the science of social organization. This makes sociology deal with
+the laws or principles of the relations of individuals to one another,
+and of institutions to one another. It is to be criticized as faulty
+because it fails to emphasize the evolution of those relations. All
+science is now evolutionary in spirit and in method and believes that
+things cannot be understood except as they are understood in their
+genesis and development. It would, therefore, perhaps be more correct to
+define sociology as the science of the evolution of human interrelations
+than to define it simply as the science of social organization.
+
+The Problems of Sociology.--The problems of sociology fall into two
+great classes; first, problems of the organization of society, and
+second, problems of the evolution of society. The problems of the
+organization of society are problems of the relations of individuals to
+one another and to institutions. Such problems are, for example, the
+influence of various elements in the physical environment upon the
+social organization; or, again, the influence of various elements in
+human nature upon the social order. These problems are, then, problems
+of society in a hypothetically stationary condition or at rest. For this
+reason Comte, the founder of modern sociology, called the division of
+sociology which deals with such problems _Social Statics_. But the
+problems which are of most interest and importance in sociology are
+those of social evolution. Under this head we have the problem of the
+origin of society in general and also of various forms of association.
+More important still are the problems of social progress and social
+retrogression; that is, the causes of the advancement of society to
+higher and more complex types of social organization and the causes of
+social decline. The former problem, social progress, is in a peculiar
+sense the central problem of sociology. The effort of theoretical
+sociology is to develop a scientific theory of social progress. The
+study of social evolution, then, that is, social changes of all sorts,
+as we have emphasized above, is the vital part of sociology; and it is
+manifest that only a general science of society like sociology is
+competent to deal with such a problem. Inasmuch as the problems of
+social evolution are problems of change, development, or movement in
+society, Comte proposed that this division of sociology be called
+_Social Dynamics_.
+
+The Relations of Sociology to Other Sciences. [Footnote: For a fuller
+discussion of the relations of sociology to other sciences and to
+philosophy see my article on "Sociology: Its Problems and Its Relations"
+in the _American Journal of Sociology_ for November, 1907.]--(A)
+_Relations to Biology and Psychology._ In attempting to give a
+scientific view of social organization and social evolution, sociology
+has to depend upon the other natural sciences, particularly upon biology
+and psychology. It is manifest that sociology must depend upon biology,
+since biology is the general science of life, and human society is but
+part of the world of life in general. It is manifest also that sociology
+must depend upon psychology to explain the interactions between
+individuals because these interactions are for the most part
+interactions between their minds. Thus on the one hand all social
+phenomena are vital phenomena and on the other hand nearly all social
+phenomena are mental phenomena. Every social problem has, in other
+words, its psychological and its biological sides, and sociology is
+distinguished from biology and psychology only as a matter of
+convenience. The scientific division of labor necessitates that certain
+scientific workers concern themselves with certain problems. Now, the
+problems with which the biologist and the psychologist deal are not the
+problems of the organization and evolution of society. Hence, while the
+sociologist borrows his principles of interpretation from biology and
+psychology, he has his own distinctive problems, and it is this fact
+which makes sociology a distinct science.
+
+Sociology is not so easily distinguished from the special social
+sciences like politics, economics, and others, as it is from the other
+general sciences. These sciences occupy the same field as sociology,
+that is, they have to do with social phenomena. But in general, as has
+already been pointed out, they are concerned chiefly with certain very
+special aspects or phases of the social life and not with its most
+general problems. If sociology, then, is dependent upon the other
+general sciences, particularly upon biology and psychology, it is
+obvious that its relation to the special sciences is the reverse,
+namely, these sciences are dependent upon sociology. This is only saying
+practically the same thing as was said above when we pointed out that
+industry, government, and religion are but expressions of human social
+life. In other words, sociology deals with the more general biological
+and psychological aspects of human association, while the special
+sciences of economics, politics, and the like, generally deal with
+certain products or highly specialized phases of society.
+
+(B) _Relations to History._ [Footnote: For a discussion of the
+practical relations between the teaching of history and of sociology,
+see my paper on "How History can be taught from a Sociological Point of
+View," in Education for January, 1910.] A word may be said about the
+relation of sociology to another science which also deals with human
+society in a general way, and that is history. History is a concrete,
+descriptive science of society which attempts to construct a picture of
+the social past. Sociology, however, is an abstract, theoretical science
+of society concerned with the laws and principles which govern social
+organization and social change. In a sense, sociology is narrower than
+history inasmuch as it is an abstract science, and in another sense it
+is wider than history because it concerns itself not only with the
+social past but also with the social present. The facts of contemporary
+social life are indeed even more important to the sociologist than the
+facts of history, although it is impossible to construct a theory of
+social evolution without taking into full account all the facts
+available in human history, and in this sense history becomes one of the
+very important methods of sociology. Upon its evolutionary or dynamic
+side sociology may be considered a sort of philosophy of history; at
+least it attempts to give a scientific theory which will explain the
+social changes which history describes concretely.
+
+(C) Relations to Economics. Economics is that special social science
+which deals with the wealth-getting and wealth-using activities of man.
+In other words, it is concerned with the commercial and industrial
+activities of man. As has already been implied, economics must be
+considered one of the most important of the special social sciences, if
+not the most important. Yet it is evident that the wealth-getting and
+wealth-using activities of man are strictly an outgrowth of his social
+life, and that economics as a science of human industry must rest upon
+sociology. Sometimes in the past the mistake has been made of supposing
+that economics dealt with the most fundamental social phenomena, and
+even at times economists have spoken of their science as alone
+sufficient to explain all social phenomena. It cannot be admitted,
+however, that we can explain social organization in general or social
+progress in terms of economic development. A theory of progress, for
+example, in which the sole causes of human progress were found in
+economic conditions would neglect political, religious, educational, and
+many other conditions. Only a very one-sided theory of society can be
+built upon such a basis. Economics should keep to its own sphere of
+explaining the commercial and industrial activities of man and not
+attempt to become a general science dealing with social evolution. This
+is now recognized by practically all economists of standing, and the
+only question which remains is whether economics is independent of
+sociology or whether it rests upon sociology.
+
+The view which has been presented thus far and which will be adhered to
+is that economics should rest upon sociology. That economics does rest
+upon sociology is shown by many considerations. The chief problem of
+theoretical economics is the problem of economic value. But economic
+value is but one sort of value which is recognized in society, moral and
+aesthetic values being other examples of the valuing process, and all
+values must express the collective judgment of some human group or
+other. The problem of economic value, in other words, reduces itself to
+a problem in social psychology, and when this is said it is equivalent
+to making economics dependent upon sociology, for social psychology is
+simply the psychological aspect of sociology. Again, industrial
+organization and industrial evolution are but parts or phases of social
+evolution in general, and it is safe to say that industry, both in its
+organization and evolution, cannot be understood apart from the general
+conditions, psychological and biological, which surround society. Again,
+many non-economic forces continually obtrude themselves upon the student
+of industrial conditions, such as custom, invention, imitation,
+standards, ideals, and the like. These are general social forces which
+play throughout all phases of human social life and so show the
+dependence of industry upon society in general, and, therefore, of
+economics upon sociology. Much more might be said in the way of
+concretely illustrating these statements, but the purpose of this text
+precludes anything but the briefest and most elementary statement of
+these theoretical facts.
+
+(D) _Relations to Politics._ We have already said that the state is
+one of the chief forms of human association. The science which treats of
+the state or of government is known as political science or politics. It
+is one of the oldest of the social sciences, having been more or less
+systematized by Aristotle. The problems of politics are those of the
+origin, nature, function, and development of government. It is manifest
+that politics, both on its practical and theoretical sides, has many
+close relations to sociology. While the state or nation must not be
+confused with society in general, yet because the state is the most
+imposing, if not the most important, form of human association, the
+relations of politics and sociology must be very intimate. On the one
+hand, political scientists can scarcely understand the origin, nature,
+and proper functions of government without understanding more or less
+about the social life generally; and, on the other hand, the sociologist
+finds that one of the most important facts of human society is that of
+social control, or of authority. While political science deals only with
+the organized authority manifested in the state, which we call
+government, yet inasmuch as this is the most important form of social
+control, and inasmuch as political organization is one of the chief
+manifestations of social organization, the sociologist can scarcely deal
+adequately with the great problems of social organization and evolution
+without constant reference to political science.
+
+An important branch of political science is jurisprudence, or the
+science of law. This, again, is closely related with sociology, on both
+its theoretical and practical sides. Law is, perhaps, the most important
+means of social control made use of by society, and the sociologist
+needs to understand something of the principles of law in order to
+understand the nature of the existing social order. On the other hand,
+the jurist needs to know the principles of social organization and
+evolution in general before he can understand the nature and purpose of
+law.
+
+(E) _Relations to Ethics._ [Footnote: For a full statement of my
+views regarding the relations of sociology and ethics, see my article on
+"The Sociological Basis of Ethics," in the _International Journal of
+Ethics_ for April, 1910.] Ethics is the science which deals with the
+right or wrong of human conduct. Its problems are the nature of morality
+and of moral obligation, the validity of moral ideals, the norms by
+which conduct is to be judged, and the like. While ethics was once
+considered to be a science of individual conduct it is now generally
+conceived as being essentially a social science. The moral and the
+social are indeed not clearly separable, but we may consider the moral
+to be the ideal aspect of the social.
+
+This view of morality, which, for the most part, is indorsed by modern
+thought, makes ethics dependent upon sociology for its criteria of
+rightness or wrongness. Indeed, we cannot argue any moral question
+nowadays unless we argue it in social terms. If we discuss the rightness
+or wrongness of the drink habit we try to show its social consequences.
+So, too, if we discuss the rightness or wrongness of such an institution
+as polygamy we find ourselves forced to do so mainly in social terms.
+This is not denying, of course, that there are religious and
+metaphysical aspects to morality,--these are not necessarily in conflict
+with the social aspects,--but it is saying that modern ethical theory is
+coming more and more to base itself upon the study of the remote social
+consequences of conduct, and that we cannot judge what is right or wrong
+in our complex society unless we know something of the social
+consequences.
+
+Ethics must be regarded, therefore, as a normative science to which
+sociology and the other social sciences lead up. It is, indeed, very
+difficult to separate ethics from sociology. It is the business of
+sociology to furnish norms and standards to ethics, and it is the
+business of ethics as a science to take the norms and standards
+furnished by the social sciences, to develop them, and to criticize
+them. This text therefore, will not attempt to exclude ethical
+implications and judgments from sociological discussions, because that
+would be futile and childish.
+
+(F) _Relations to Education._ Among the applied sciences, sociology
+is especially closely related to education, for education is not simply
+the art of developing the powers and capacities of the individual; it is
+rather the fitting of individuals for efficient membership, for proper
+functioning, in social life. On its individual side, education should
+initiate the individual into the social life and fit him for social
+service. It should create the good citizen. On the social or public
+side, education should be the chief means of social progress. It should
+regenerate society, by fitting the individual for a higher type of
+social life than at present achieved. We must have a socialized
+education if our present complex civilization is to endure. Social
+problems touch education on every side, and, on the other hand,
+education must bear upon every social problem. It is evident, therefore,
+that sociology has a very great bearing upon the problems of education;
+and the teacher who comes to his task equipped with a knowledge of
+social conditions and of the laws and principles of social organization
+and evolution will find a significance and meaning in his work which he
+could hardly otherwise find.
+
+(G) _Relations to Philanthropy._[Footnote: This topic is more fully
+discussed in my article on "Philanthropy and Sociology" in The Survey
+for June 4, 1910.] The great science which deals directly with the
+depressed classes in society and with their uplift may be called the
+science of philanthropy. It may be regarded as an applied department of
+sociology. The science of philanthropy is especially concerned with the
+prevention, as well as with the curative treatment, of dependency,
+defectiveness, and delinquency. That part which deals with the social
+treatment of the criminal class is generally called penology, while the
+subdivision which treats of dependents and defectives is generally known
+as "charities" or "charitology."
+
+It is evident that there are very close relations between the science of
+philanthropy and sociology. The elimination of hereditary defects, the
+overcoming of the social maladjustment of individuals, and the
+correction of defective social conditions, the three great tasks of
+scientific philanthropy, all require great knowledge of human society.
+The social or philanthropic worker, therefore, requires thorough
+equipment in sociology that he may approach his tasks aright.
+
+The Relation of Sociology to Socialism.--Curiously enough sociology is
+often confused with socialism by those who pay but little attention to
+scientific matters. This comes from the fact that some of the adherents
+of socialism claim that socialism is a science. As a matter of fact,
+socialism is primarily a party program. It is the platform of a social
+and political party that has as the main tenet of its creed the
+abolition of private property in the means of production. Socialism, in
+other words, is a scheme to revolutionize the present order of society.
+It cannot claim to be a science in any sense, though it may rest upon
+theories which its adherents believe to be scientific. Sociology, on the
+other hand, is a science, and is concerned not with revolutionizing the
+social order, but with studying and understanding social conditions,
+especially the more fundamental conditions upon which social
+organization and social changes depend. As a science it aims simply at
+understanding society, at getting at the truth. It is no more related
+logically to socialism than to the platform of the Republican or the
+Democratic party.
+
+The theories upon which revolutionary socialism rest may be proved or
+disproved by scientific sociology. It is perhaps too early to say
+finally whether sociology will pronounce the theoretical assumptions of
+socialism correct or incorrect; but so far as we can see it seems
+probable that the theories of social evolution advocated by the Marxian
+socialists at least will be pronounced erroneous. In any case, there is
+no logical connection between sociology as a science and socialism as a
+program for social reconstruction.
+
+Nevertheless, there has been a close connection between sociology and
+socialism historically. It has been largely the agitations of the
+socialists and other radical social reformers which have called
+attention to the need of a scientific understanding of human society.
+The socialists and other radical reformers, in other words, have very
+largely set the problem which sociology attempts to solve. Practically,
+moreover, the indictments and charges of the socialists and anarchists
+against the present social order have made necessary some study of that
+order to see whether these charges were well founded or not. In this
+sense sociology may be said to be a scientific answer to socialism, not
+in the sense that sociology is devoted to refuting socialism, but in the
+sense that sociology has been devoted very largely to inquiring into
+many of the theoretical assumptions which revolutionary socialism makes.
+
+The further relations of sociology to socialism will be taken up later.
+Here we are only concerned to have the reader see that there is a sharp
+distinction between the sociological movement on the one hand, that is,
+the movement to obtain fuller and more accurate knowledge concerning
+human social life, and the socialist movement, the movement to
+revolutionize the present social and economic order. Moreover, it may be
+remarked that while socialism seems to be mainly an economic program, it
+involves such total and radical reconstruction of social organization
+that in the long run the claims of socialism to a scientific validity
+must be passed upon by sociology rather than by economics.
+
+The Relation of Sociology to Social Reform.--From what has been said it
+is also evident that sociology must not be confused with any particular
+social reform movement or with the movement for social reform in
+general. Sociology, as a science, cannot afford to be developed in the
+interest of any social reform. Certain social reforms, sociology may
+give its approval to; others it may designate as unwise; but this
+approval or disapproval will be simply incidental to its discovery of
+the full truth about human social relations. This is not saying, of
+course, that social theory should be divorced from social practice, or
+that the knowledge which sociology and the other social sciences offer
+concerning human society has no practical bearing upon present social
+conditions. On the contrary, while all science aims abstractly at the
+truth, all science is practical also in a deeper sense. No science would
+ever have been developed if it were not conceived that the knowledge
+which it discovers will ultimately be of benefit to man. All science
+exists, therefore, to benefit man, to enable him to master his
+environment, and the social sciences not less than the other sciences.
+The physical sciences have already enabled man to attain to a
+considerable mastery over his physical environment. When the social
+sciences have been developed it is safe to say that they will enable man
+not less to master his social environment. Therefore, while sociology
+and the special social sciences present as yet no program for action,
+aiming simply at the discovery of the abstract truth, they will
+undoubtedly in time bring about vast changes for the betterment of
+social conditions.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For Brief Reading:_
+
+WARD, _Outlines of Sociology,_ Chaps. I-VIII.
+ROSS, _The foundations of Sociology,_ Chaps. I and II.
+DEALEY, _Sociology, Its simpler Teachings and Applications,_ Chap. I.
+
+
+_For More Extended Reading:_
+
+GIDDINGS, _The Principles of Sociology,_ 3d edition.
+SMALL, _General Sociology._
+SPENCER, _The Study of Sociology._
+STUCKENBERG, _Sociology: The Science of Human Society._
+WARD, _Pure Sociology._
+_American Journal of Sociology_, many articles.
+For a fairly extensive bibliography on sociology, consult Howard's
+     General Sociology: An Analytical Reference Syllabus.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+
+THE BEARING OF THE THEORY OF EVOLUTION UPON SOCIAL PROBLEMS
+
+Since Darwin wrote his _Origin of Species_ all the sciences in any
+way connected with biology have been profoundly influenced by his theory
+of evolution. It is important that the student of sociology, therefore,
+should understand at the outset something of the bearing of Darwin's
+theory upon social problems.
+
+We may note at the beginning, however, that the word _evolution_
+has two distinct, though related, meanings. First, it usually means
+Darwin's doctrine of descent; secondly, it is used to designate
+Spencer's theory of universal evolution. Let us note somewhat in detail
+what evolution means in the first of these senses.
+
+The Darwinian Theory of Descent.--Darwin's theory of descent is the
+doctrine that all forms of life now existing or that have existed upon
+the earth have sprung from a few simple primitive types. According to
+this theory all forms of animals and plants have sprung from a few
+primitive stocks, though not necessarily one, because even in the
+beginning there may have existed a distinction at least between the
+plant and the animal types. So far as the animal world is concerned,
+then, this theory amounts to the assertion of the kinship of all life.
+From one or more simple primitive unicellular forms have arisen the
+great multitude of multicellular forms that now exist. Popularly,
+Darwin's theory is supposed to be that man sprang from the apes, but
+this, strictly speaking, is a misconception. Darwin's theory
+necessitates the belief, not that man sprang from any existing species
+of ape, but rather that the apes and man have sprung from some common
+stock. It is equally true, however, that man and many other of the lower
+animals, according to this theory, have come from a common stock. As was
+said above, the theory is not a theory of the descent of man from any
+particular animal type, but rather the theory of the kinship, the
+genetic relationship, of all animal species.
+
+It is evident that if we assume Darwin's theory of descent in sociology
+we must look for the beginnings of many peculiarly human things in the
+animal world below man. Human institutions, according to this theory,
+could not be supposed to have an independent origin, or human society in
+any of its forms to be a fact by itself, but rather all human things are
+connected with the whole world of animal life below man. Thus if we are,
+according to this theory, to look for the origin of the family, we
+should have to turn first of all to the habits of animals nearest man.
+This is only one of the many bearings which Darwin's theory has upon the
+study of social problems; but it is evident even from this that it
+revolutionizes sociology. So long as it was possible to look upon human
+society as a distinct creation, as something isolated, by itself in
+nature, it was possible to hold to intellectualistic views of the origin
+of human institutions.
+
+But some one may ask: Why should the sociologist accept Darwin's theory?
+What proofs does it rest upon? What warrant has a student of sociology
+for accepting a doctrine of such far-reaching consequences? The reply
+is, that biologists, generally, during the last fifty years, after a
+careful study of Darwin's arguments and after a careful examination of
+all other evidence, have come substantially to agree with him. There is
+no great biologist now living who does not accept the essentials of the
+doctrine of descent. Five lines of proof may be offered in support of
+Darwin's theories, and it may be well for us, as students of sociology,
+briefly to review these.
+
+(1) The homologies or similarities of structure of different animals.
+There are very striking similarities of structure between all the higher
+animals. Between the ape and man, for example, there are over one
+hundred and fifty such anatomical homologies; that is, in the ape we
+find bone for bone, and muscle for muscle, corresponding to the
+structure of the human body. Even an animal so remotely related to man
+as the cat has many more resemblances to man in anatomical structure
+than dissimilarities. Now, the meaning of these anatomical homologies,
+biologists say, is that these animals are genetically related, that is,
+they had a common ancestry at some remote period in the past.
+
+(2) The presence of vestigial organs in the higher animals supplies
+another argument for the belief in common descent. In man, for example,
+there exist over one hundred of these vestigial or rudimentary organs,
+as the vermiform appendix, the pineal gland, and the like. Many of these
+vestigal organs, which are now functionless in man, perform functions in
+lower animals, and this is held to show that at some remote period in
+the past they also functioned in man's ancestors.
+
+(3) The facts of embryology seem to point to the descent of the higher
+types of animals from the lower types. The embryo or fetus in its
+development seems to recapitulate the various stages through which the
+species has passed. Thus the human embryo at one stage of its
+development resembles the fish; at another stage, the embryo of a dog;
+and for a long time it is impossible to distinguish between the human
+embryo and that of one of the larger apes. These embryological facts,
+biologists say, indicate genetic relation between the various animal
+forms which the embryo in its different stages simulates.
+
+(4) The fossil remains of extinct species of animals are found in the
+earth's crust which are evidently ancestors of existing species. Until
+the doctrine of descent was accepted there was no way of explaining the
+presence of these fossil remains of extinct animals in the earth's
+crust. It was supposed by some that the earth had passed through a
+series of cataclysms in which all forms of life upon the earth had been
+many times destroyed and many times re-created. It is now demonstrated,
+however, that these fossils are related to existing species, and
+sometimes it is possible to trace back the evolution of existing forms
+to very primitive forms in this way. For example, it is possible to
+trace the horse, which is now an animal with a single hoof, walking on a
+single toe, back to an animal that walked upon four toes and had four
+hoofs and was not much larger than a fox. It is not so generally known
+that it is also possible to trace man back through fossil human remains
+that have been discovered in the earth's crust to the time when he is
+apparently just emerging from some apelike form. The latest discovery of
+the fossil remains of man made by Dr. Dubois in Java in 1894 shows a
+creature with about half the brain capacity of the existing civilized
+man and with many apelike characteristics. Thus we cannot except even
+man from the theory of evolution and suppose that he was especially
+created, as Alfred Russel Wallace, Darwin's contemporary and colaborer,
+and others, have supposed.
+
+(5) The last line of argument in favor of the belief that all existing
+species have descended from a few simple primitive forms is found in the
+fact of the variation of animals through artificial selection under
+domestication. For generations breeders have known that by carefully
+selecting the type of animal or plant which they have desired, it is
+possible to produce approximately that type. Thus have originated all
+the breeds or varieties of domestic plants and animals. Now, Darwin
+conceived that nature also exercises a selection by weeding out those
+individuals that are not adapted to their environment. In other words,
+nature, though unconscious, selects in a negative way the stronger and
+the better adapted. Animals vary in nature as well as under
+domestication from causes not yet well understood. The variations that
+were favorable to survival, Darwin argued, would secure the survival,
+through the passing on of these variations by heredity of the better
+adapted types of plants and animals. The natural process of weeding out
+the inferior or least adapted through early death, or through failure to
+reproduce, Darwin called "natural selection", and likened it in its
+effect upon organisms to the artificial selection which breeders
+consciously use to secure types of plants or animals that they desire.
+The only great addition to Darwin's theories which has been made since
+he wrote is that of the Dutch botanist, Hugo de Vries, who has shown
+that the variations which are fruitful for the production of new species
+are probably great or discontinuous variations, which he terms
+"mutations," instead of the small fluctuating variations which Darwin
+thought were probably most important in the production of new species.
+De Vries' theory in no way affects the doctrine of descent, nor does it
+take away from the importance of natural selection in fixing the
+variations. Darwin's theory, therefore, stands in all of its essentials
+to-day unquestioned by men of science, and it must be assumed by the
+student of sociology in any attempt to explain social evolution.
+
+Spencer's Theory of Universal Evolution.--A second meaning given to the
+word _evolution_ is that which Spencer popularized in his _First
+Principles_. This is a philosophical theory of the universe which
+asserts that not only have species of animals come to be what they are
+through a process of development, but everything whatsoever that exists,
+from molecules of matter to stars and planets. It is the view that the
+universe is in a process of development. Evolution in this wider sense
+includes all existing things whatsoever, while evolution in the sense of
+Darwin's theory is confined to the organic world. While the theory that
+all things existing have through a process of orderly change come to be
+what they are, is a very old one, yet it was undoubtedly Spencer's
+writings which popularized the theory, and to Spencer we also owe the
+attempt in his Synthetic Philosophy to trace the working of evolution in
+all the different realms of phenomena. The belief in universal evolution
+which Spencer popularized has also come to be generally accepted by
+scientific and philosophical thinkers. While Spencer's particular
+theories of evolution may not be accepted, some form of universal
+evolution is very generally believed in. The thought of evolution now
+dominates all the sciences,--physical, biological, psychological, and
+sociological. It is evident that the student of society, if he accepts
+fully the modern scientific spirit, must also assume evolution in this
+second or universal sense.
+
+The Different Phases of Universal Evolution.--It may be well, in order
+to correlate our knowledge of social evolution with knowledge in
+general, to note the different well-marked phases of universal
+evolution.
+
+(1) _Cosmic Evolution._ This is the phase the astronomer and the
+geologist are particularly interested in. It deals with the evolution of
+worlds. In this phase we are dealing merely with physical matter, and it
+is supposed that the active principle which works in this phase of
+evolution is the attraction of particles of matter for one another. This
+leads to the condensation of matter into suns and their planets, and the
+geological evolution of the earth, for example. Laplace's nebular
+hypothesis is an attempt to give an adequate statement of the cosmic
+phase of evolution. While this hypothesis has been much criticized of
+late, in its essentials it seems to stand. We are not, however, as
+students of society, concerned with this phase of evolution.
+
+(2) _Organic Evolution._ This is the phase of evolution with which
+Darwin dealt and which biology, as a science of evolution of living
+forms, deals with. The great merit of Darwin's work was that he showed
+that the active principle in this phase of evolution is natural
+selection; that is, the extermination of the unadapted through death or
+through failure to reproduce. Types unsuited to their environment thus
+die before reproduction. The stronger and better fitted survive, and
+thus the type is raised. Natural selection may be regarded, then, as
+essentially the creative force in this phase of evolution.
+
+(3) _The Evolution of Mind._ This might be included in organic
+evolution, but all organisms do not apparently have minds. It is evident
+that among animals those that would stand the best chance of surviving
+would not be simply those that have the strongest brute strength, but
+rather those that have the keenest intelligence and that could adapt
+themselves quickly to their environment, that could see approaching
+danger and escape it. Natural selection has, therefore, favored in the
+animal world the survival of those animals with the highest type of
+intelligence. It cannot be said, however, that natural selection is the
+only force which has created the mind in all its various expressions.
+
+(4) _Social Evolution._ By social evolution we mean the evolution
+of groups, or, in strict accordance with our definition of society,
+groups of psychically interconnected individuals. Groups are to be found
+throughout the animal world, and it is in the human species, as we have
+already seen, that the highest types of association are found. This is
+not an accident. Association, or living together in groups, has been one
+of the devices by which animal species have been enabled to survive. It
+is evident that not only would intelligence help an animal to survive
+more than brute strength, but that ability to cooperate with one's
+fellows would also help in the same way. Consequently we find a degree
+of combination or coöperation almost at the very beginning of life, and
+it is without doubt through coöperation that man has become the dominant
+and supreme species upon the planet. Man's social instincts, in other
+words, have been perhaps even more important for his survival than his
+intelligence. The man who lies, cheats, and steals, or who indulges in
+other unsocial conduct sets himself against his group and places his
+group at a disadvantage as compared with other groups. Now, natural
+selection is continually operating upon groups as well as upon
+individuals, and the group which can command the most loyal, most
+efficient membership, and has the best organization, is, other things
+being equal, the group which survives. Natural selection is, then,
+active in social evolution as well as in general organic evolution. But
+the distinctive principle of social evolution is coöperation. In other
+words, it is sympathetic feeling, altruism, which has made the higher
+types of social evolution possible.
+
+While the same factors are at work in the higher phases of evolution
+which are at work in the lower phases, yet it is evident that the higher
+phases have new and distinct factors. Sociology, being especially
+concerned with social evolution, has a new and distinct factor at work
+which we may call association, coöperation, or combination, and this it
+is which gives sociology its distinct place in the list of general
+sciences.
+
+Factors In Organic Evolution.--As has already been said, the factors
+which are at work in organic evolution generally are also at work in
+social evolution. We need, therefore, to note these factors carefully
+and to see how they are at work in human society as well as in the
+animal world below man. While these factors are not all of the factors
+which are at work in social evolution, still they are the primitive
+factors, and are, therefore, of fundamental importance. Let us see what
+these factors are.
+
+(1) _The Multiplication of Organisms in Some Geometric Ratio through
+Reproduction._ It is a law of life that every species must increase
+so that the number of offspring exceeds the number of parents if the
+species is to survive. If the offspring only equal in number the
+parents, some of them will die before maturity is reached or will fail
+to reproduce, and so the species will gradually become extinct. Every
+species normally increases, therefore, in some geometric ratio. Now,
+this tendency to reproduce in some geometric ratio, which characterizes
+all living organisms, means that any species, if left to itself, would
+soon reach such numbers as to occupy the whole earth. Darwin showed, for
+example, that though the elephant is the slowest breeding of all
+animals, if every elephant lived its normal length of life (one hundred
+years) and to every pair were born six offspring, then, at the end of
+seven hundred years there would be nineteen million living elephants
+descended from a single pair. This illustration shows the enormous
+possibilities of any species reproducing in geometric ratio, as all
+species in order to survive must do.
+
+That this tendency to increase in some geometric ratio applies also to
+man is evident from all of the facts which we know concerning human
+populations. It is not infrequent for a people to double its numbers
+every twenty-five years. If this were continued for any length of time,
+it is evident that a single nation could soon populate the whole earth.
+
+(2) _Heredity._ Heredity in organic evolution secures a continuity
+of the species or racial type. By heredity is meant the resemblance
+between parent and offspring. It is the law that like begets like.
+Offspring born of a species belong to that species, and usually resemble
+their parents more closely even than other members of the species.
+
+It is evident that heredity is at work also in human society as well as
+in the animal world. We do not expect that the children born of parents
+of one race, for example, will belong to another race. Racial heredity
+is one of the most significant facts of human society, and even family
+heredity counts in its influence far more than some have supposed.
+
+(3) _Variation._ This factor in organic evolution means that no two
+individuals, even though born of the same parents, are exactly like each
+other. Neither are they of a type exactly between their two parents, as
+theoretically they should be, since inheritance is equal from both
+parents. Every new individual born in the organic world, while it
+resembles its parents and belongs to its species or race, varies within
+certain limits. This variation so runs through organic nature that we
+are told that there are no two leaves on a single tree exactly alike.
+The result of this variation, the causes of which are not yet well
+understood, is that some individuals vary in favorable directions,
+others in unfavorable directions. Some are born strong, some weak; some
+inferior, some superior.
+
+It is evident that variation characterizes the human species quite as
+much as other species, and indeed the limits of variation are wider,
+probably, in the human species than in any other species. Man is the
+most variable of all animals, and human individuality and personality
+owe not a little of their distinctiveness to this fact.
+
+(4) _The Struggle for Existence._ Individuals in all species, as we
+have seen, are born in larger numbers than is necessary. The result is
+that a competition is entered into between species and individuals
+within the species for place and for existence. This competition or
+struggle results in the dying out of the inferior, that is, of those who
+are not adapted to their environment. The gradual dying out of the
+inferior or unadapted through competition results in the survival of the
+superior or better adapted, and ultimately in the survival of the
+fittest or those most adapted. Thus the type is raised, and we have
+evolution through natural selection, that is, through the elimination of
+the unfit.
+
+Some have thought that this struggle for existence which is so evident
+in the animal world does not take place in human society. This, however,
+is a mistake. The struggle for existence in human society is not an
+unmitigated one, as it seems to be very often in the animal world, but
+it is nevertheless a struggle which has the same consequences. In the
+human world the competition, except in the lower classes, is not so much
+for food, as it is for position and for supremacy. But this struggle for
+place and power results in human society in the weak and inferior going
+to the wall, and therefore ultimately in their elimination. In all
+essential respects, then, the struggle for existence goes on in human
+society as it does in the animal world. This means that in society, as
+in the animal world, progress comes primarily through the elimination of
+unfit individuals. The unfit in human society, as we shall see, are
+especially those who cannot adapt themselves to their social
+environment. Progress in society, in a certain sense, waits upon death,
+as it does in all the rest of the animal world. Death is the means by
+which the stream of life is purged from its inferior and unfit elements.
+
+(5) _Another Factor in Organic Evolution is Coöperation_, or
+altruism, as we have already called it. As Henry Drummond has said, this
+is the struggle not for one's own life but for the lives of others.
+Really, however, it is a device which enables a group of individuals to
+struggle more successfully with the adverse factors in their
+environment. Something of coöperation,--that is, a group of individuals
+carrying on a common life,--is found almost at the beginning of life,
+and, as we rise in the scale of animal creation, the amount of
+coöperation and of altruistic feelings which accompany it very greatly
+increases. Perhaps the chief source of this coöperation is to be found
+in the rearing of offspring. The family group, even in the lower
+animals, seems to be the chief source of altruism. At any rate,
+sympathetic or altruistic instincts grow up in all animals, probably
+chiefly through the necessities of reproduction.
+
+It is only in human social life that coöperation, or altruism, attains
+its full development. Human society is characterized by the protection
+it affords to its weaker members, and in human society the natural
+process of eliminating the inferior often seems reversed. As Huxley has
+pointed out, human society tries to fit as many as possible to survive,
+and we may add, not only to survive, but to live well. Altruism and its
+resulting coöperation have come especially to characterize human social
+evolution. To some extent this is due, no doubt, to the necessities of
+group survival; for only that nation, for example, can survive that can
+maintain the most loyal citizenship, the best institutions, and the
+largest spirit of self-sacrifice in its members. Human social groups,
+therefore, try to fit as many individuals as possible for the most
+efficient membership, and this necessitates caring for the temporarily
+weak, and also for the permanently incapacitated, in order that the
+sentiments of social solidarity may be strengthened to their utmost.
+
+It is evident, then, that all the factors at work in organic evolution
+are at work also in social evolution, though in some part modified and
+varying in degree. The struggle for existence in human society, for
+example, has been greatly modified from the condition in the early
+animal world, while coöperation, or altruism, is much more highly
+developed. Nevertheless, these factors of organic evolution are at work
+in social evolution and must be taken into full account by the student
+of social problems. Social evolution rests upon organic evolution.
+
+Some Effects upon Industry.--These factors in organic evolution express
+themselves more or less in the industrial phase of human society. Thus,
+the first factor, the multiplication of organisms through reproduction
+in some geometric ratio, was first studied by Malthus, an economist in
+the beginning of the nineteenth century, and exclusively with reference
+to its effect upon economic conditions. Malthus perceived the tendency
+for human beings to multiply in some geometric ratio where food supply
+was sufficiently abundant, and argued from this that if better wages,
+and so a larger food supply, were given the lower classes, they would
+multiply so much more rapidly that worse poverty would result than
+before. There is no doubt that in certain classes of human society there
+is a tendency for population to press against food supply, and it is in
+these classes that the struggle for existence takes on its most
+animal-like forms.
+
+Again, the struggle for existence is continually illustrated in the
+world of human industry. Not only do individuals lose place and power
+because they are unadapted to their environment, but also economic
+groups, such as corporations, show the natural competition or struggle
+for existence sometimes in its most intense form. The result in all
+cases is the dying out of the least adapted and the survival of the
+better adapted. Thus, through competition and the survival of the better
+adapted we secure in industry the evolution of higher types of
+industrial organization, industrial methods, and the like, just as
+higher types are secured in the same way in the animal world. Again, in
+economic matters, as in other social affairs, coöperation continually
+comes in to modify competition and to lift it to a higher plane. Just as
+the higher type of societies has been characterized by higher types of
+coöperation, so it is safe to say that the higher types of industry are
+characterized by higher types of coöperation. And while, as we shall see
+later, coöperation can never displace competition in industry any more
+than elsewhere in life, yet increasing coöperation characterizes the
+higher types of industry as well as the higher types of society.
+
+A word of caution is perhaps necessary against confusing the economic
+struggle as it exists in modern society with the natural struggle under
+primitive conditions. It is evident that in present society the economic
+struggle has been greatly changed in character from the primitive
+struggle, and therefore can no longer have the same results. Laws of
+inheritance, of taxation, and many other artificial economic conditions,
+have greatly interfered with the natural struggle. The rich and
+economically successful are therefore by no means to be confused with
+the biologically fit. On the contrary, many of the economically
+successful are such simply through artificial advantageous
+circumstances, and from the standpoint of biology and sociology they are
+often among the less fit, rather than the more fit, elements of society.
+
+A Brief Survey of Social Evolution from the Biological Standpoint.--In
+order to sum up and make clear some of the principal applications to
+social evolution of the biological principles just stated we shall
+endeavor to state in a brief way some of the salient features of social
+evolution from the biological standpoint.
+
+From the very beginning there has been no such thing as unmitigated
+individual struggle among animals. Nowhere in nature does pure
+individualism exist in the sense that the individual animal struggles
+alone, except perhaps in a few solitary species which are apparently on
+the way to extinction. The assumption of such a primitive individual
+struggle has been at the bottom of many erroneous views of human
+society. The primary conflict is between species. A secondary conflict,
+however, is always found between the members of the same species.
+Usually this conflict within the species is a competition between
+groups. The human species exactly illustrates these statements.
+Primitively its great conflict was with other species of animals. The
+supremacy of man over the rest of the animal world was won only after an
+age-long conflict between man and his animal rivals. While this conflict
+went on there was apparently but little struggle within the species
+itself. The lowest groups of which we have knowledge, while continually
+struggling against nature, are rarely at war with one another. But after
+man had won his supremacy and the population of groups came to increase
+so as to encroach seriously upon food supply, and even on territorial
+limits of space, then a conflict between human groups, which we call
+war, broke out and became almost second nature to man. It needs to be
+emphasized, however, that the most primitive groups are not warlike, but
+only those that have achieved their supremacy over nature and attained
+considerable size. In other words, the struggle between groups which we
+call war was occasioned very largely by numbers and food supply. To this
+extent at least war primitively arose from economic conditions, and it
+is remarkable how economic conditions have been instrumental in bringing
+about all the great wars of recorded human history.
+
+The conflict among human groups, which we call war, has had an immense
+effect upon human social evolution. Five chief effects must be noted.
+
+(1) Intergroup struggle gave rise to higher forms of social
+organization, because only those groups could succeed in competition
+with other groups that were well organized, and especially only those
+that had competent leadership.
+
+(2) Government, as we understand the word, was very largely an outcome
+of the necessities of this intergroup struggle, or war. As we have
+already seen, the groups that were best organized, that had the most
+competent leadership, would stand the best chance of surviving.
+Consequently the war leader or chief soon came, through habit, to be
+looked upon as the head of the group in all matters. Moreover, the
+exigencies and stresses of war frequently necessitated giving the war
+chief supreme authority in times of danger, and from this, without
+doubt, arose despotism in all of its forms. The most primitive tribes
+are republican or democratic in their form of government, but it has
+been found that despotic forms of government rapidly take the place of
+the primitive democratic type, where a people are continually at war
+with other peoples.
+
+(3) A third result of war in primitive times was the creation of social
+classes. After a certain stage was reached groups tried not so much to
+exterminate one another as to conquer and absorb one another. This was,
+of course, after agriculture had been developed and slave labor had
+reached a considerable value. Under such circumstances a conquered group
+would be incorporated by the conquerors as a slave or subject class.
+Later, this enslaved class may have become partially free as compared
+with some more recently subjugated or enslaved classes, and several
+classes in this way could emerge in a group through war or conquest.
+Moreover, the presence of these alien and subject elements in a group
+necessitated a stronger and more centralized government to keep them in
+control, and this was again one way in which war favored a development
+of despotic governments. Later, of course, economic conditions gave rise
+to classes, and to certain struggles between the classes composing a
+people.
+
+(4) Not only was social and political organization and the evolution of
+classes favored by intergroup struggle, but also the evolution of
+morality. The group that could be most efficiently organized would be,
+other things being equal, the group which had the most loyal and most
+self-sacrificing membership. The group that lacked a group spirit, that
+is, strong sentiments of solidarity and harmonious relations between its
+members, would be the group that would be apt to lose in conflict with
+other groups, and so its type would tend to be eliminated. Consequently
+in all human groups we find recognition of certain standards of conduct
+which are binding as between members of the same group. For example,
+while a savage might incur no odium through killing a member of another
+group, he was almost always certain to incur either death or exile
+through killing a member of his own group. Hence arose a group code of
+ethics founded very largely upon the conceptions of kinship or blood
+relationship, which bound all members of a primitive group to one
+another.
+
+(5) A final consequence of war among human groups has been the
+absorption of weaker groups and the growth of larger and larger
+political groups, until in modern times a few great nations dominate the
+population of the whole world. That this was not the primitive
+condition, we know from human history and from other facts which
+indicate the disappearance of a vast number of human groups in the past.
+The earth is a burial ground of tribes and natrons as well as of
+individuals. In the competition between human groups, only a few that
+have had efficient organization and government, loyal membership and
+high standards of conduct within the group, have survived. The number of
+peoples that have perished in the past is impossible to estimate. But we
+can get some inkling of the number by the fact that philologists
+estimate that for every living language there are twenty dead languages.
+When we remember that a language not infrequently stands for several
+groups with related cultures, we can guess the immense number of human
+societies that have perished in the past in this intergroup competition.
+
+Even though war passes away entirely, nations can never escape this
+competition with one another. While the competition may not be upon the
+low and brutal plane of war, it will certainly go on upon the higher
+plane of commerce and industry, and will probably be on this higher
+plane quite as decisive in the life of peoples in future as war was in
+the past.
+
+While the primary struggle within the human species has been in the
+historic period between nations and races, this is not saying, of
+course, that struggle and competition have not gone on within these
+larger groups. On the contrary, as has already been implied, a continual
+struggle has gone on between classes, first perhaps of racial origin,
+and later of economic origin. Also there is within the nation a struggle
+between parties and sects, and sometimes between "sections" and
+communities. Usually, however, the struggle within the nation is a
+peaceful one and does not come to bloodshed.
+
+Again, within each of these minor groups that we have mentioned struggle
+and competition in some modified form goes on between its members. Thus
+within a party or class there is apt to be a struggle or competition
+between factions. There is, indeed, no human group that is free from
+struggle or competition between its members, unless it be the family.
+The family seems to be so constituted that normally there is no
+competition between its members,--at least, there is good ground tor
+believing that competition between the members of a family is to be
+considered exceptional, or even abnormal.
+
+From what has been said it is evident that competition and coöperation
+are twin principles in the evolution of social groups. While competition
+characterizes in the main the relation between groups, especially
+independent political groups, and while coöperation characterizes in the
+main the relation of the members of a given group to one another, still
+competition and coöperation are correlatives in practically every phase
+of the social life. Some degree of competition, for example, has to be
+maintained by every group between its members if it is going to maintain
+high standards of efficiency or of loyalty. If there were no competition
+with respect to the matters that concern the inner life of groups, it is
+evident that the groups would soon lose efficiency in leadership and in
+membership and would sooner or later be eliminated. Consequently
+society, from certain points of view, presents itself to the student at
+the present time as a vast competition, while from other standpoints it
+presents itself as a vast coöperation.
+
+It follows from this that competition and coöperation are both equally
+important in the life of society. It has been a favorite idea that
+competition among human beings should be done away with, and that
+coöperation should be substituted to take its place entirely. It is
+evident, however, that this idea is impossible of realization. If a
+social group were to check all competition between its members, it would
+stop thereby the process of natural selection or of the elimination of
+the unfit, and, as a consequence, would soon cease to progress. If some
+scheme of artificial selection were substituted to take the place of
+natural selection, it is evident that competition would still have to be
+retained to determine who were the fittest. A society that would give
+positions of trust and responsibility to individuals without imposing
+some competitive test upon them would be like a ship built partially of
+good and partially of rotten wood,--it would soon go to pieces.
+
+This leads us to emphasize the continued necessity of selection in
+society. No doubt natural selection is often a brutal and wasteful means
+of eliminating the weak in human societies, and no doubt human reason
+might devise superior means of bringing about the selection of
+individuals which society must maintain. To some extent it has done this
+through systems of education and the like, which are, in the main,
+selective processes for picking out the most competent individuals to
+perform certain social functions. But the natural competition, or
+struggle between individuals, has not been done away with, especially in
+economic matters, and it is evidently impossible to do away with it
+until some vast scheme of artificial selection can take its place. Such
+a scheme is so far in the future that it is hardly worth talking about.
+The best that society can apparently do at the present time is to
+regulate the natural competition between individuals, and this it is
+doing increasingly.
+
+What people rightfully object to is, not competition, but unregulated or
+unfair competition. In the interest of solidarity, that is, in the
+interest of the life of the group as a whole, all forms of competition
+in human society should be so regulated that the rules governing the
+competition may be known and the competition itself public. It is
+evident that in politics and in business we are very far from this ideal
+as yet, although society is unquestionably moving toward it.
+
+A word in conclusion about the nature of moral codes and standards from
+the social point of view. It is evident that moral codes from the social
+point of view are simply formulations of standards of conduct which
+groups find it convenient or necessary to impose upon their members.
+Even morality, in an idealistic sense, seems from a sociological
+standpoint to be those forms of conduct which conduce to social harmony,
+to social efficiency, and so to the survival of the group. Groups,
+however, as we have already pointed out, cannot do as they please. They
+are always hard-pressed in competition by other groups and have to meet
+the standards of efficiency which nature imposes. Morality, therefore,
+is not anything arbitrarily designed by the group, but is a standard of
+conduct which necessities of social survival require. In other words,
+the right, from the point of view of natural science, is that which
+ultimately conduces to survival, not of the individual, but of the group
+or of the species. This is looking at morality, of course, from the
+sociological point of view, and in no way denies the religious and
+metaphysical view of morality, which may be equally valid from a
+different standpoint.
+
+Finally, we need to note that natural selection does not necessitate in
+any mechanical sense certain conduct on the part of individuals or
+groups. Rather, natural selection marks the limits of variation which
+nature permits, and within those limits of variation there is a large
+amount of freedom of choice, both to individuals and to groups. Human
+societies, therefore, may be conceivably free to take one of several
+paths of development at any particular point. But in the long run they
+must conform to the ultimate conditions of survival; and this probably
+means that the goal of their evolution is largely fixed for them. Human
+groups are free only in the sense that they may go either backward or
+forward on the path which the conditions of survival mark out for them.
+They are free to progress or to perish. But social evolution in any
+case, in the sense of social change either toward higher or toward lower
+social adaptation, is a necessity that cannot be escaped. Sociology and
+all social science is, therefore, a study not of what human groups would
+like to do, but of what they must do in order to survive, that is, how
+they can control their environment by utilizing the laws which govern
+universal evolution.
+
+From this brief and most elementary consideration of the bearings of
+evolutionary theory upon social problems it is evident that evolution,
+in the sense of what we know about the development of life and society
+in the past, must be the guidepost of the sociologist. Human social
+evolution, we repeat, rests upon and is conditioned by biological
+evolution at every point. There is, therefore, scarcely any sanity in
+sociology without the biological point of view.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+FAIRBANKS, _Introduction to Sociology,_ Chaps. XIV.-XV.
+JORDAN, _Foot-Notes to Evolution,_ Chaps. I.-III.
+ELY, _Evolution of Industrial Society._ Part II, Chaps. I.-III.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+DARWIN, _Descent of Man._
+FISKE, _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy._
+WALLACE, _Darwinism._
+
+
+_On the religious aspects of evolution:_
+
+DRUMMOND, _Ascent of Man._
+FISKE, _The Destiny of Man._
+FISKE, _Through Nature to God._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+
+THE FUNCTION OF THE FAMILY IN SOCIAL ORGANIZATION
+
+Instead of continuing the study of social evolution in general it will
+be best now, before we take up some of the problems of modern society,
+to study the evolution of some important social institution, because in
+so doing we can see more clearly the working of the biological and
+psychological forces which have brought about the evolution of human
+institutions. An institution, as has already been said, is a sanctioned
+grouping or relation in society. Now, there can be scarcely any doubt
+that the two most important institutions of human society are the family
+and property. In Western civilization these take the form of the
+monogamic family and of private property. It is upon these two
+institutions that our civilization rests. The state is a third very
+important institution in society, but it exists largely for the sake of
+protecting the family and property.
+
+Of the two institutions, the family and property, the family is without
+doubt prior in time and more fundamental,--more important in human
+association. We shall, therefore, study very briefly the origin and
+development of the family as a human institution in order to illustrate
+some of the principles of social evolution in general. But before we can
+take up the question of the origin of the family it will be well for us
+to see just what the function of this institution is in the human
+society of the present, in order to justify the assertion just made that
+it is the most important and fundamental institution of humanity.
+
+The Family the Primary Social Institution.--Let us note first of all
+that in society, as it exists at present, the family is the simplest
+group capable of maintaining itself. It is, therefore, we may say, the
+primary social structure. Because it contains both sexes and all ages it
+is capable of reproducing itself, and so of reproducing society. For the
+same reason it contains practically all social relations in miniature.
+It has therefore often been called, and rightly, "the social microcosm".
+The relations of superiority, subordination, and equality, which enter
+so largely into the structure of all social institutions, are especially
+clearly illustrated in the family in the relations of parents to
+children, of children to parents, of parents to each other, and of
+children to one another. Comte, for this reason, claimed that the family
+was the unit of social organization, not the individual. However this
+may be, it is evident that families do enter, as units, very largely
+into our social and industrial life. While the tendency may be to make
+the individual the unit of modern society, it is nevertheless true that
+the family remains the simplest social structure in society, and from
+it, in some sense, all other social relations whatsoever are evolved.
+
+_The Family Differs from All Other Social Institutions_, however,
+in two respects: First, its members have their places fixed in the
+family group by their organic natures, that is, the relations of husband
+and wife, parent and child, rest upon biological differences and
+relations, so that one may say that the family is almost as much a
+biological structure as it is a social structure. This is not, to any
+extent, true of other institutions. Secondly, the family is not a
+product, so far as we can see, of other forms of association, but rather
+it itself produces these other forms of association. The family, in
+other words, is not a result of social organization in general, but
+seems rather to antedate both historically and logically the forms of
+social life. It is not a product of society, but it itself produces
+society.
+
+THE PRIMARY FUNCTION OF THE FAMILY is continuing the life of the
+species; that is, the primary function of the family is reproduction in
+the sense of the birth and rearing of children. While other functions of
+the family have been delegated in a large measure to other social
+institutions, it is manifest that this function cannot be so delegated.
+At least we know of no human society in which the birth and rearing of
+children has not been the essential function of the family. From a
+sociological point of view the childless family is a failure. While the
+childless family may be of social utility to the individuals that form
+it, nevertheless from the point of view of society such a family has
+failed to perform its most important function and must be considered,
+therefore, socially a failure.
+
+The Function of the Family in Conserving the Social Order.--The family
+is still the chief institution in society for transmitting from one
+generation to another social possessions of all sorts. Property in the
+form of land or houses or personal property, society permits the family
+to pass along from generation to generation. Thus, also, the material
+equipment for industry, that is capital, is so transmitted. While it is
+obvious that the material goods of society are thus transmitted by the
+family from one generation to another, it is perhaps not quite so
+obvious, but equally true, that the spiritual possessions of the race
+are also thus transmitted. For example, language is very largely
+transmitted in the family, and students tell us that each family has its
+own peculiar dialect. Literature, ideas, beliefs on government, law,
+religion, moral standards, artistic tastes and appreciation--all of
+these are still largely transmitted in society from one generation to
+another through the family. While public institutions, such as
+libraries, art galleries, universities, scientific museums, and the
+like, are often adopted to conserve and transmit these spiritual
+possessions of the race, yet it is safe to say that if it were possible
+for society to depend upon these institutions to transmit knowledge,
+artistic standards, and moral ideals, there would be great discontinuity
+in social life. The family has been in the past, and is still, the great
+conserving agency in human society, preserving and transmitting from
+generation to generation both the material and spiritual possessions of
+the race.
+
+The Function of the Family in Social Progress.--While the conservative
+function of the family is very obvious, its function in furthering
+social progress is perhaps not so obvious. Nevertheless, this is one of
+the greatest functions of the family life, because the family is the
+chief or almost sole generator of altruism in human society, and it is
+upon altruism that society depends for every upward advance in
+coöperation. It is in the family that children learn to love and obey,
+to be of service, and to respect one another's rights. The amount of
+altruism in a given group has a very close relation to the quality of
+its family life. If the family fails to teach the spirit of service and
+self-sacrifice to its members, it is hardly probable that they will get
+very much of that spirit from society at large. The ideal of a human
+brotherhood has no meaning unless family affection gives it meaning. If
+the family is the chief generator of altruism in human society and if
+society depends upon altruism for each forward step in moral progress,
+then the family is the chief source of social progress.
+
+What we have said is a brief presentation of the claims of the family in
+modern society to count not only as the primary but also as the most
+important human institution. The family, it is evident, is charged by
+society with the most important task, not only of producing the new
+individuals in society, but of training each individual as he comes on
+the stage of life, adjusting him to society in all of its aspects, such
+as industry, government, and religion. If the family fails to perform
+these important functions the chances are that unsocialized individuals
+will take important places in society, and this means ultimately social
+anarchy.
+
+_The Family Life may be regarded as a School for Socializing the
+Individual._ We need not trace in detail how the family does this for
+the child. It is evident that the rudiments of morality, of government,
+of religion, and even of industry and knowledge, must be learned by the
+child in the family group. If the child fails, for example, to learn
+morality, to get moral standards and ideals from his family life, he
+stands but poor chance of getting them later in society. Again, if the
+child fails to learn what law is and to get proper ideals of the
+relation of the citizen to the state in his family life, there are good
+prospects of his being numbered among the lawless elements of society
+later. In the family, we repeat, the child first experiences all the
+essential relations of society, learns the meaning of authority,
+obedience, loyalty, and all the human virtues. Moreover, the family life
+furnishes the moral and religious concepts which human society has set
+before it as its goal. The ideal of human brotherhood, for example, is
+manifestly derived from the family life; so also the religious idea of
+the Divine Fatherhood. If a nation's family life fails to illustrate
+these concepts, it is safe to say that they will not have great
+influence in society generally. The nation whose family life decays,
+therefore, rots at the core, dries up the springs of all social and
+civic virtues.
+
+The Family and Industry.--From what has been said in general terms it is
+evident that the family has a very important relation to the industrial
+activities of society, and industry a very important bearing upon the
+family. Primitively all industry centered in the family. Modern
+industry, as has been well said, is but an enormous expansion of
+primitive housekeeping; that is, the preparation of food and clothing
+and shelter by the primitive family group for its own existence is the
+germ out of which all modern industry has developed. The very word
+_economics_ means the science or the art of the household.
+
+In primitive communities and in newly settled districts the family often
+carries on all essential industrial activities. It produces all the raw
+material, manufactures the finished products, and consumes the same. But
+with the growth of complex societies there has come a great industrial
+division of labor, and the family has delegated industrial activity
+after activity to some other institution until at the present time the
+modern family performs scarcely any industrial activities, except the
+preparation of food for immediate consumption. Even this, however, in
+modern cities seems about to be delegated to some other institution.
+
+All that need be said at present about the delegation of the industrial
+activities of the family to other industrial institutions is that the
+movement is not one which need cause any anxiety so long as it does not
+interfere with the essential function of the family, namely, the birth
+and rearing of children. Even though children can no longer learn the
+rudiments of industry in their home life, still it is possible through
+manual and industrial training in our public schools to teach all
+children this. And the removal of industries from the home, even such
+essential industries as the preparation of food, is to be regarded as a
+boon if it gives more time to the parents, especially to the mother, for
+the proper care and bringing up of their children.
+
+But the removal of industries from the family group has not always had
+the beneficent effect of simply giving more time to the parents for the
+proper care of their children. On the contrary, the removal of these
+industries has often been followed by the removal of the parents
+themselves from the home and the practical disintegration of the family.
+This has been particularly the case where married women have gone into
+factories. Under such circumstances children have often been neglected,
+allowed to grow up on the streets, and to grow up as unsocialized
+individuals in general. It would seem that the labor of married women
+outside of the home should be forbidden by the state, except in certain
+instances, with a view to assuring to the state itself a better
+citizenship. The labor of children in factories and other industrial
+institutions has sprung very largely from the same general causes. While
+child labor may have the merit of giving the child some industrial
+training, still it has been shown that it dwarfs the child in body and
+mind, produces a one-sided development, fails to prepare for citizenship
+in the higher sense, and so must be regarded as altogether an evil. Even
+the labor of the young unmarried women in factories and shops, when they
+should be preparing for the duties of wifehood and motherhood, is to
+some extent an evil in society, though not by any means of the same
+proportions as the labor of married women.
+
+_The Subordination of Industry to the Family Life_ is necessary,
+therefore, from a social point of view. Industry, as we have seen, was
+primitively an adjunct of the family life, and all modern industry, if
+rightfully developed, should be but an adjunct to the family life.
+Industrial considerations must be, therefore, subordinate to domestic
+considerations, that is, to considerations of the welfare of parents and
+their children in the family group. One trouble with modern society is
+that industry has come to dominate as an independent interest that
+oftentimes does not recognize its reasonable and socially necessary
+subordination to the higher interests of society. There can be no sane
+and stable family life until we are willing to subordinate the
+requirements of industry, that is, of wealth-getting, to the
+requirements of the family for the good birth and proper rearing of
+children.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+HENDERSON, _Social Elements_, Chap. IV.
+DEWEY AND TUFTS, _Ethics_, Chap. XXVI.
+ADLER, _Marriage and Divorce_, Lecture I.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+BOSANQUET, _The Family_.
+SALEEBY, _Parenthood and Race Culture_.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+
+THE ORIGIN OF THE FAMILY
+
+We must understand the biological roots of the family before we can
+understand the family as an institution, and especially before we can
+understand its origin. Let us note, then, briefly the chief biological
+facts connected with the family life.
+
+The Biological Foundations of the Family.--(1)_The Family rests upon
+the Great Biological Fact of Sex._ While sex does not characterize
+all animal forms, still it does characterize all except the simplest
+forms of animal life. These simplest forms multiply or reproduce by
+fission, but such asexual reproduction is almost entirely confined to
+the unicellular forms of life. It may be inferred, therefore, that the
+higher animal types could not have been evolved without sexual
+reproduction, and something of the meaning or significance of sex in the
+whole life process will, therefore, be helpful in understanding all of
+the higher forms of evolution. Biologists tell us that the meaning or
+purpose of sexual reproduction is to bring about greater organic
+variation. Now variation, as we have seen, is the raw material upon
+which natural selection acts to create the higher types. The immense
+superiority of sexual reproduction over asexual reproduction is due to
+the fact that it multiplies so greatly the elements of heredity in each
+new organism, for under sexual reproduction every new organism has two
+parents, four grandparents, and so on, each of which perhaps contributes
+something to its heredity. The biological meaning of sex, then, is that
+it is a device of nature to bring about organic variation. From the
+point of view of the social life we may note also that sex adds greatly
+to its variety, enriching it with numerous fruitful variations which
+undoubtedly further social evolution. The bareness and monotony of a
+social life without sex can readily be imagined.
+
+While the differences between the sexes have been mainly elaborated
+through the differences of reproductive function, yet these differences
+have come to be fundamental to the whole nature of the organism. In the
+higher animals, therefore, the sexes differ profoundly in many ways from
+each other. Biologists tell us that the chief difference between the
+male and female organism is a difference in metabolism, that is, in the
+rapidity of organic change which goes on within the body. In the male
+metabolism is much more rapid than in the female; hence the male
+organism is said to be more katabolic. In the female the rapidity of
+organic change is less; hence the female is said to be more anabolic.
+Put in more familiar terms, the male tends to expend energy, is more
+active, hence also stronger; the female tends more to store up energy,
+is more passive, conservative, and weaker. These fundamental differences
+between the sexes express themselves in many ways in the social life.
+The differences between man and woman, therefore, are not to be thought
+of as due simply to social customs and usages, the different social
+environment of the two sexes, but are even more due to a radical and
+fundamental difference in their whole nature. The belief that the two
+sexes would become like each other in character if given the same
+environment is, therefore, erroneous. That these differences are
+original, or inborn, and not acquired, may be readily seen by observing
+children of different sex. Even from their earliest years boys are more
+active, restless, energetic, destructive, untidy, and disobedient, while
+little girls are quieter, less restless, less destructive, neater, more
+orderly, and more obedient. These different innate qualities fit the
+sexes naturally for different functions in human society, and there is,
+therefore, a natural division of labor between them from the first.
+Indeed, the division of labor between the two sexes may be said to be
+the fundamental division of labor in human society.
+
+The causes which produce sex in the individual are not known to any
+extent and are probably beyond the control of man. In each species the
+relative number of the two sexes is fixed by nature, probably through
+some obscure working of natural selection, and in practically all of the
+higher species of animals, man included, the number of the two sexes is
+relatively equal. In human society much depends upon this relative
+numerical equality of the two sexes. Hence it can be readily seen that
+it is fortunate that man does not know how to control the sex of
+offspring, for if he did the numerical equality of the two sexes might
+be disturbed and serious social results would follow.
+
+(2) _The Influence of Parental Care._ Sex alone could never have
+produced the family in the sense of a relatively permanent group of
+parents and offspring. We do not begin to find the family until we get
+to those higher types where we find some parental care. In the lowest
+types the relation between the sexes is momentary and the survival of
+offspring is secured simply through the production of enormous numbers.
+Thus the sturgeon, a low type of fish, produces between one and two
+million of eggs at a single spawning, from which it is estimated that
+not more than a dozen individuals survive till maturity is reached. Thus
+sexual reproduction of itself necessitates no parental care and in
+itself could give rise in no way to the family; but quite low in the
+scale of life we begin to find some parental care as a device to protect
+immature offspring and secure their survival without the expenditure of
+such an enormous amount of energy in mere physiological reproduction.
+Even among the fishes we find some that watch over the eggs after they
+are spawned and care for their young by leading them to suitable feeding
+grounds. In such cases a much smaller number of young need to be
+produced in order that a few may survive until maturity is reached. In
+the mammals the mother, obviously, must care for the young for some
+time, since mammals are animals that suckle their young. But this care
+of the young by a single parent only foreshadows the family as we
+understand it. Among the mammals it is not until we reach the higher
+types that we find care of offspring by both parents,--a practice,
+however, which is common among the birds. It is evident that as soon as
+both parents are concerned in the care of the offspring they have a much
+better chance of survival. Hence, natural selection favors the growth of
+this type of group life and develops powerful instincts to keep male and
+female together till after the birth and rearing of offspring. Such we
+find to be the condition among many of the higher mammals, such as some
+of the carnivora, and especially among the monkeys and apes and man.
+
+If it is allowable at this point to generalize from the facts given, it
+must be said that the family life is essentially a device of nature for
+the preservation of offspring through a more or less prolonged infancy.
+The family group and the instincts upon which it rests were undoubtedly,
+therefore, instituted by natural selection. Summing up, we may say,
+then, the animal family group owes its existence, first, to the
+production of child or immature forms that need more or less prolonged
+care; secondly, to the prolongation of this period of immaturity in the
+higher animals, and especially in man; thirdly, to the development,
+parallel with these two causes, of parental instincts which keep male
+and female together for the care of the offspring. It is evident, then,
+that the family life rests, not upon sex attraction, but upon the fact
+of the child and the corresponding psychological fact of parental
+instinct. The family, then, has been created by the very conditions of
+life itself and is not a man-made institution.
+
+The Origin of the Family in the Human Species.--Two great theories of
+the origin of the family in the human species have in the past been more
+or less accepted, and these we must now examine and criticize. First,
+the traditional theory that the human family life was from the beginning
+a pure monogamy. Secondly, the so-called evolutionary theory that the
+human family life arose from confused if not promiscuous sex relations.
+The first of these theories, favored both by the Bible and Aristotle,
+held undisputed sway down to the middle of the nineteenth century. Then,
+after the publication of Darwin's _Origin of Species_ in 1859,
+certain social theorists began to put forward the second theory in the
+name of evolution. In order that we may see precisely what the origin of
+the human family life was, and its primitive form, we must now proceed
+to criticize these two theories, especially the last, which is known as
+the hypothesis of a primitive state of promiscuity.
+
+_The Habits of the Higher Animals_. We have already spoken of the
+origin of the family group in the animal world generally, but it must be
+admitted that there are some difficulties in arguing directly from the
+lower animals to man. Man is so separated from the lower animals through
+having passed through many higher stages of an independent evolution
+that in many respects his life is peculiar to itself. This is true
+especially of his family life. If we survey the whole range of animal
+life and then the whole range of human life, we find that there are but
+two or three striking similarities between the family life of man and
+that of the brutes, but a great many striking dissimilarities. The
+similarities may be summed up by saying that man exhibits in common with
+all the animals the phenomena of courtship, that is, of the male seeking
+to win the female, also the phenomenon of male jealousy, and we may
+perhaps add an instinctive aversion to crossing with the other species.
+These characteristics of his family life man shares with the brutes
+below him. There are, however, many things peculiar to the human family
+life that are found in no animal species below man. The most striking of
+these differences may be mentioned. (1) Man has no pairing season, as
+practically all other animals have. (2) The number of young born in the
+human species is on the whole much smaller than in any other animal
+species. (3) The dependence of offspring upon parents is far longer in
+the human species than in any other species. (4) Man has an antipathy to
+incest or close inbreeding which seems to be instinctive. This is not
+found clearly in any animal species below man. (5) There is a tendency
+among human beings to artificial adornment during the period of
+courtship, but not to natural ornament to any extent, as among many
+animal species. (6) The indorsement of society is almost invariably
+sought, both among uncivilized and civilized peoples, before the
+establishment of a new family--usually through the forms of a religious
+marriage ceremony. (7) Chastity in women, especially married women, is
+universally insisted upon, both among uncivilized and civilized peoples,
+as the basis of human family life. (8) There is a feeling of modesty or
+of shame as regards matters of sex among the human beings. (9) In
+humanity we find, besides animal lust, spiritual affection, or love, as
+a bond of union between the two sexes.
+
+None of these peculiarities of human family life are found in the family
+life of any animal species below man. It might seem, therefore, that
+man's family life must be regarded as a special creation unconnected
+with the family life of the brutes below him. But this view is hardly
+probable, rather is impossible from the standpoint of evolution. We must
+say that these peculiarities of human family life are to be explained
+through the fact that man has passed through many more stages of
+evolution, particularly of intellectual evolution, than any of the
+animals below him. If we examine these peculiarities of man's family
+life carefully, we will see that they all can be explained through
+natural selection and man's higher intellectual development. That man
+has no pairing season, has fewer offspring born, and a longer period of
+dependence of the offspring upon parents, and the like, is directly to
+be explained through natural selection; while seeking the indorsement of
+society before forming a new family, sexual modesty, tendencies to
+artificial adornment, and the like, are to be explained through man's
+self-consciousness and higher intellectual development, also through the
+fuller development of his social instincts. The gap between the human
+family life and brute family life is, therefore, not an unbridgeable
+one.
+
+That this is so, we see most clearly when we consider the family life of
+the anthropoid or manlike apes--man's nearest cousins in the animal
+world. All of these apes, of which the chief representatives are the
+gorilla, orangutan, and the chimpanzee, live in relatively permanent
+family groups, usually monogamous. These family groups are quite human
+in many of their characteristics, such as the care which the male parent
+gives to the mother and her offspring, and the seeming affection which
+exists between all members of the group. Such a group of parents and
+offspring among the higher apes is, moreover, a relatively permanent
+affair, children of different ages being frequently found along with
+their parents in such groups. So far as the evidence of animals next to
+man, therefore, goes, there is no reason for supposing that the human
+family life sprang from confused or promiscuous sex relations in which
+no permanent union between male and female parent existed. On the
+contrary, there is every reason to believe, as Westermarck says, that
+human family life is an inheritance from man's apelike progenitor.
+
+The Evidence from the Lower Human Races.--The evidence afforded by the
+lowest peoples in point of culture even more clearly, if anything,
+refutes the hypothesis of a primitive state of promiscuity. The habits
+or customs of the lowest peoples were not well known previous to the
+nineteenth century. Therefore it was possible for such a theory as the
+patriarchal theory of the primitive family to remain generally accepted,
+as we have already said, down to the middle of the nineteenth century.
+This was the theory that the oldest or most primitive type of human
+family life is that depicted in the opening pages of the Book of
+Genesis, namely, a family life in which the father or eldest male of the
+family group is the absolute ruler of the group and practically owner of
+all persons and property. The belief that this was the primitive type of
+the human family life was first attacked by a German-Swiss philologist
+by the name of Bachofen in a work entitled _Das Mutterrecht_ (The
+Matriarchate), published in 1861, in which he argued that antecedent to
+the patriarchal period was a matriarchal period, in which women were
+dominant socially and politically, and in which relationships were
+traced through mothers only. Bachofen got his evidence for this theory
+from certain ancient legends, such as that of the Amazons, and other
+remains in Greek and Roman literature, which seemed to point to a period
+antecedent to the patriarchal.
+
+In 1876 Mr. J.F. McLennan, a Scotch lawyer, put forth, independently,
+practically the same theory, basing it upon certain legal survivals
+which he found among many peoples. With Bachofen, he argued that this
+matriarchal period must have been characterized by promiscuous relations
+of the sexes. In 1877 Mr. Lewis H. Morgan, an American ethnologist and
+sociologist, put forth again, independently, practically the same
+theory, basing it upon an extensive study of the North American Indian
+tribes. Morgan had lived among the Iroquois Indians for years and had
+mastered their system of relationship, which previously had puzzled the
+whites. He found that they traced relationship through mothers only, and
+not at all along the male line. This method of reckoning relationship,
+moreover, he found also characterized practically all of the North
+American Indian tribes, and he argued that the only explanation of it
+was that originally sexual relations were of such an unstable or
+promiscuous character that they would not permit of tracing descent
+through fathers.
+
+From these theories sociological writers put forth the conclusion that
+the primitive state was one of promiscuity, or, as Sir John Lubbock
+called it in his _Origin of Civilization_, one of "communism in
+women." Post, a German student of comparative jurisprudence, for
+example, summed up the theory by saying that "monogamous marriage
+originally emerged everywhere from pure communism in women, through the
+intermediate stages of limited communism in women, polyandry, and
+polygyny." Even Herbert Spencer in his _Principles of Sociology_,
+while he avoided accepting such an extreme theory, asserted that in the
+beginning sex relations were confused and unregulated, and that all
+forms of marriage--polyandry, polygyny, monogamy, and promiscuity--
+existed alongside of one another and that monogamy survived through
+its being the superior form.
+
+Before giving a criticism in detail of this theory let us note whether
+the evidence from the lowest peoples confirms it. The lowest peoples in
+point of culture are not the North American Indians nor the African
+Negroes, but certain isolated groups that live almost in a state of
+nature, without any attempt to cultivate the soil or to control nature
+in other respects. Such are the Bushmen of South Africa, the Australian
+Aborigines, the Negritos of the Philippine Islands and of the Andaman
+Islands, the Veddahs of Ceylon, and the Fuegians of South America. Now
+all of these peoples, with a possible exception, practice monogamy and
+live in relatively stable family groups. Their monogamy, however, is not
+of the type which we find in patriarchal times or among civilized
+peoples, but is a simple pairing monogamy, husband and wife remaining
+together indefinitely if children are born, but if no children are born,
+separation may easily take place. Westermarck in his _History of Human
+Marriage_ has reviewed at length all of the evidence from these lower
+peoples and shows undoubtedly that nothing approaching promiscuity
+existed among them. Promiscuity is apt to be found at a higher stage of
+social development, and is especially apt to be found among the nature
+peoples after the white man has visited them and demoralized their
+family life. But in all these cases the existence of promiscuity is
+manifestly something exceptional and abnormal. Perhaps civilized peoples
+such as the Romans of the decadence have more nearly approximated the
+condition of promiscuity than any savage people of which we have
+knowledge. At any rate, one must conclude that the lowest existing
+savages found in the nineteenth century had definite forms of family
+life, and that the type usually found was the simple pairing monogamy
+which we have just mentioned.
+
+Objections to the Hypothesis of a Primitive State of Promiscuity.--We
+may now briefly sum up the main criticisms of this theory of a primitive
+state of promiscuity, not only as we may derive them from inductive
+study of the higher animals and the lower peoples, but also as we may
+deduce them from known psychological and biological facts or principles.
+
+(1) In the first place, then, the animals next to man, namely, the
+anthropoid apes, do not show a condition of promiscuity.
+
+(2) The evidence from the lower peoples does not show that such a
+condition exists or has ever existed among them.
+
+(3) A third argument against this hypothesis may be gained from what we
+know of primitive economic conditions. Under the most primitive
+conditions, in which man had no mastery over nature, food supply was
+relatively scarce, and as a rule only very small groups of people could
+live together. The smallness of primitive groups, on account of the
+scarcity of food supply, would prevent anything like promiscuity on a
+large scale.
+
+(4) A fourth argument of a deductive nature is that the jealousy of the
+male, which characterizes all higher animals and especially man, would
+prevent anything like the existence of sexual promiscuity. The tendency
+of man would have been to appropriate one or more women for himself and
+drive away all rivals. Long ago Darwin argued that this would prevent
+anything like the existence of a general state of promiscuity.
+
+(5) A fifth argument against this theory may be got from the general
+biological fact that sexual promiscuity tends to pathological conditions
+unfavorable to fecundity, that is, fertility, or the birth of offspring.
+ Physicians have long ago ascertained this fact, and the modern
+prostitute gives illustration of it by the fact that she has few or no
+children. Among the lower animal species, in which some degree of
+promiscuity obtains, moreover, powerful instincts keep the sexes apart
+except at the pairing season. Now, no such instincts exist in man.
+Promiscuity in man would, therefore, greatly lessen the birth rate, and
+any group that practiced it to any extent would soon be eliminated in
+competition with other groups that did not practice it.
+
+(6) We have finally the general social fact that promiscuity would lead
+to the neglect of children. Promiscuity means that the male parent does
+not remain with the female parent to care for the offspring and,
+therefore, in the human species it would mean that the care of children
+would be thrown wholly upon the mother. This means that the children
+would have less chance of surviving. Not only would promiscuity lead to
+lessening the birth rate, but it would lead to a much higher mortality
+in children born. This is found to be a striking fact wherever we find
+any degree of promiscuity among any people. Hence, promiscuity would
+soon exterminate any people that practiced it extensively in competition
+with other peoples that did not practice it.
+
+From all of these lines of argument, without going over the evidence in
+greater detail, it seems reasonable to conclude with Westermarck "that
+the hypothesis of a primitive state of promiscuity has no foundation in
+fact and is essentially unscientific." The facts put forth in support of
+the theory do not justify the conclusion, Westermarck says, that
+promiscuity has ever been a general practice among a single people and
+much less that it was the primitive state. Promiscuity is found,
+however, more or less in the form of sexual irregularities or immorality
+among all peoples; more often, however, among the civilized than among
+the uncivilized, but among no people has it ever existed unqualified by
+more enduring forms of sex relation. Moreover, because promiscuity
+breaks up the social bonds, throws the burden of the care of children
+wholly upon the mother, and lessens the birth rate, we are justified in
+concluding that promiscuity is essentially an antisocial practice. This
+agrees with the facts generally shown by criminology and sociology, that
+the elements practicing promiscuity to any great extent in modern
+societies are those most closely related with the degenerate and
+criminal elements. Those elements, in other words, in modern society
+that practice promiscuity are on the road to extinction, and if a people
+generally were to practice it there is no reason to believe that such a
+people would meet with any different fate.
+
+_The Earliest Form of the Family Life in the Human Species_,
+therefore, is probably that of the simple pairing monogamous family
+found among many of the higher animals, especially the anthropoid apes,
+and also found among the lower peoples. This primitive monogamy,
+however, as we have already seen, was not accompanied by the social,
+legal, and religious elements that the historic monogamic family has
+largely rested upon. On the contrary, this primitive monogamy rested
+solely upon an instinctive basis, and, as we have seen, unless children
+were born it was apt to be relatively unstable. Permanency in family
+relations among primitive peoples depended largely upon the birth of
+children. Thus we find confirmed our conclusion drawn some time ago that
+family life rests primarily upon the parental instinct. That it still so
+rests is shown by the fact, as we shall see later, that divorce is many
+times more common among couples that have no children than among those
+that have children.
+
+SOME GENERAL CONCLUSIONS, both of theoretical and practical bearing, may
+here be pointed out. We have seen that the biological processes of life
+have created the family, and that the family, as an institution, rests
+upon these biological conditions. Hence it is not too much to say,
+first, that the family is not a man-made institution; and, secondly,
+that it rests upon certain fundamental instincts of human nature. Now,
+both of these statements are also true to a certain extent as to human
+society in general. There is a sense in which social organization is not
+wholly man-made, and it is true that all human institutions rest to some
+extent upon human instincts. This is not saying, of course, that man has
+not modified and may not modify social organization and human
+institutions through his reason, but it is saying that the essential
+elements in human institutions and in the social order must correspond
+to the conditions of life generally and to the instincts which natural
+selection has implanted in the species. To attempt to reorganize human
+society or to reconstruct institutions regardless of the biological
+conditions of life, or regardless of human instincts, is to meet with
+certain failure.
+
+A practical conclusion which may be drawn also is that those people who
+advocate sexual promiscuity in present society, or free love, as they
+please to style it, are advocating a condition which would result in the
+elimination of any group that practiced it. Promiscuity, or even great
+instability in the family life, as we have already seen, would lead to
+the undermining of everything upon which a higher civilization rests.
+The people in modern society who advocate such theories as free love,
+therefore, are more dangerous than the worst anarchist or the most
+revolutionary socialist. In other words, the modern attack upon the
+family is more of a menace to all that is worth while in human life than
+all attacks upon government and property, although it is not usually
+resented as such; and it is one of the most serious signs of the times
+that many intellectual people have indorsed such views. We must
+reemphasize, therefore, the fact that the family is the central
+institution of human society, that industry and the state must
+subordinate themselves to its interest. Neither the state nor industry
+has had much to do with the origin of the family, and neither the state
+nor industry may safely determine its forms independent of the
+biological requirements for human survival. Moreover, it is evident that
+human society from the beginning has in more or less instinctive, and
+also in more or less conscious, ways attempted to regulate the relations
+between the sexes with a view to controlling the reproductive process.
+While material civilization is mainly a control over the food process,
+moral civilization involves a control over the reproductive process,
+that is, over the birth and rearing of children; and such control over
+the reproductive process, which has certainly been one of the aims of
+all social organization in the past, whether of savage peoples or of
+civilized peoples, evidently precludes anything like the toleration of
+promiscuity or even of free love.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+WESTERMARCK, _History of Human Marriage_, Chaps. I-VI.
+HOWARD, _History of Matrimonial Institutions_, Vol. I, Chaps. I-III
+HEINEMAN, _Physical Basis of Civilization_, Chaps. IV-VII.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+CRAWLEY, _The Mystic Rose: A Study of Primitive Marriage_.
+GEDDES AND THOMSON, _Evolution of Sex_.
+LETOURNEAU, _The Evolution of Marriage_.
+MORGAN, _Ancient Society_.
+STARCKE, _The Primitive Family_.
+SPENCER, _Principles of Sociology_, Vol. I.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+
+THE FORMS OF THE FAMILY
+
+The family as an institution has varied greatly in its forms from age to
+age and from people to people. This is what we should expect, seeing
+that all organic structures are variable. Such variations in human
+institutions are due partially to the influences of the environment,
+partially to the state of knowledge, and partially to many other causes
+as yet not well understood. The family illustrates in greater or less
+degree the working of these causes of variation and of change in human
+institutions.
+
+The Maternal and Paternal Families.--As regards the general form of the
+family we have to note first of all the two great forms which we may
+characterize respectively as "the maternal family" and "the paternal
+family." As we have already seen, Bachofen, Morgan, and others
+discovered a condition of human society in which relationship was traced
+through mothers only, and in which property or authority descended along
+the female line rather than along the male line. Further investigation
+and research have shown that up to recent times, say up to fifty years
+ago, one half of all the peoples of the world, if we reckon them by
+nations and tribes rather than by numbers, practiced this system of
+reckoning kinship through mothers only, and passed property and
+authority down along the female line. Ethnologists and sociologists have
+practically concluded, from the amount of evidence now collected, that
+this maternal or metronymic system was the primitive system of tracing
+relationships, and that it was succeeded among the European peoples by
+the paternal system so long ago that the transition from the one to the
+other has been forgotten, except as some trace of it has been preserved
+in customs, legends, and the like.
+
+Among many tribes of the North American Indians this metronymic or
+maternal system was peculiarly well-developed. Children took their
+mother's name, not their father's name; belonged to their mother's clan,
+not their father's clan; and the chief transmitted his authority, if
+hereditary, not to his own son, but to his eldest sister's son. The
+relatives on the father's side, indeed, were quite ignored. Frequently
+the maternal uncle had more legal authority over the children than their
+own father, seeing that the children belonged to his clan, that is, to
+their mother's clan.
+
+Now, Bachofen claimed not only that in this stage was kinship reckoned
+through mothers only, but that women were dominant socially and
+politically; that there existed a true matriarchy, or rule of the
+mothers. Do the facts support Bachofen's theory? Let us see. The
+Iroquois Indians, among whom Morgan lived, were a typical maternal or
+metronymic people. Among them, without any doubt, the women had a
+position of influence socially and even politically which often is not
+found among peoples of higher culture. For example, among the Iroquois
+the government of the clan was in the hands of four women councilors
+(Matrons), who were elected by all the adults in the clan. These four
+women councilors, however, elected a Peace Sachem, who carried out the
+will of the clan in all matters pertaining to peace generally. Moreover,
+the councilors of the several clans, four fifths of whom were women, met
+together to form the Tribal Council; but in this Tribal Council the
+women sat separate, not participating in the deliberations, but
+exercising only a veto power on the decisions of the men. In matters of
+war, however, government was intrusted to two war chiefs elected from
+the tribe generally, the women here only having the right to veto the
+decision of the tribe to enter upon the warpath. Thus we see that while
+the women of the Iroquois Indians had a great deal of social and
+political influence, the actual work of government was largely turned
+over by them to the men, and especially was this true of directing the
+affairs of the tribe in time of war. There is no doubt, however, that in
+the maternal stage of social evolution women had an influence in
+domestic, religious, and social matters much greater than they had at
+many later stages of social development. Among the Zuni of New Mexico,
+for example, another well-developed maternal people, marriage is always
+arranged by the bride's parents. The husband goes to live with his wife,
+and is practically a guest in his wife's house all his life long, she
+alone having the right of divorce. Indeed, among all maternal peoples
+the rule is that the husband goes to live with the wife, and not the
+wife with the husband, the children, as we have already seen, keeping
+the mother's name and belonging to her kindred or clan.
+
+Nevertheless we cannot agree with Bachofen that a true matriarchy, or
+government by women, ever existed. On the contrary, among all of these
+maternal peoples, while the women may have much influence socially and
+politically, the men, on account of their superior strength, are
+intrusted with the work not only of protecting and providing for the
+families and driving away enemies, but also largely with the work of
+maintaining the internal government and order of the people. Strictly
+speaking, therefore, there has never been a matriarchal stage of social
+evolution, but rather a maternal or metronymic stage.
+
+We have already said that this stage was probably the primitive one. How
+are we to explain, then, that primitive man reckoned kinship through
+mothers only? Was this due, as Morgan thought, to a primitive practice
+of promiscuity which prevented tracing relationships through fathers?
+The reply is, that among the many maternal peoples now well known, among
+whom relationships are traced through mothers only, we find no evidence
+of the practice of general promiscuity now or even in remote times. The
+North American Indians, for example, had quite definite forms of the
+family life and were very far removed from the practice of promiscuity,
+though they traced relationship through mothers only. It is evident that
+the causes of the maternal family and the maternal system of
+relationship are not so simple as Morgan supposed. What, then, were the
+causes of the maternal system? It is probable that man in the earliest
+times did not know the physiological connection between father and
+child. The physiological connection between mother and child, on the
+other hand, was an obvious fact which required no knowledge of
+physiology to establish; therefore, nothing was more natural than for
+primitive man to recognize that the child was of the mother's blood, but
+not of the father's blood. Therefore, the child belonged to the mother's
+people and not to the father's people. If it be asked whether it is
+possible that there could be any human beings so ignorant that they do
+not know the physiological connection between father and child, the
+reply is, that this is apparently the case among a number of very
+primitive peoples, even down to recent times. It is not infrequent among
+these peoples to find conception and childbirth attributed to the
+influence of the spirits, rather than to relations between male and
+female. While, therefore, a social connection between the father and the
+children was recognized, leading the father to provide in all ways for
+his children, as fathers do whether among civilized or uncivilized
+peoples, yet the blood relationship between the father and the child
+could not have been clear in the most primitive times.
+
+Perhaps an even more efficient cause, however, of the maternal system
+was the fact that the mother in primitive times was the stable element
+in the family life, the constant center of the family. The husband was
+frequently away from home, hunting or fighting, and oftentimes failed to
+return. Nothing was more natural, therefore, than that the child should
+be reckoned as belonging to the mother, take her name and belong to her
+kindred or clan. Moreover, after the custom of naming children from
+mothers and reckoning them as belonging to the mother's clan was
+established, it could not be displaced by the mere discovery of the
+physiological connection between the father and the child. On the
+contrary social habits, like habits in the individual, tend to persist
+until they work badly. We find, therefore, the maternal system
+persisting among peoples who for many generations had come fully to
+recognize the physiological connection of father and child. Indeed, the
+maternal system could never have been done away with if social evolution
+had not brought about new and complex conditions which caused the system
+to break down and to be replaced by the paternal system.
+
+_The Paternal or Patriarchal Family._ At a certain stage we find,
+then, that a vast revolution took place in human society, especially in
+the family life, and the family and society generally came to be
+organized more definitely in regard to the male element. At a certain
+period, indeed, we find that the authority of the husband and father in
+the family has become supreme, and that he is practically owner of all
+persons and property of the family group, the wife and children being
+reduced, if not to the position of property, at least to the position of
+subject persons. This is the patriarchal family, classical pictures of
+which we find set forth in the pages of the Old Testament. How, then,
+did the transition take place from the maternal system, in which the
+mother was so important in the family, to the paternal system, in which
+the father was so all-important? What were the causes which brought
+about the breakdown of the maternal system and the gradual development
+of the patriarchal family? Some of these causes we can clearly make out
+from the study of social history.
+
+(1) War was unquestionably a cause of the breakdown of the maternal
+system through the fact that women were captured in war, held as slaves,
+and made wives or concubines by their captors. These captured wives were
+regarded as the property of the captor. Any children born to them were,
+therefore, also regarded as the property of the captor. Furthermore,
+these captured wives were separated from their kindred, and their
+children could not possibly belong to any clan except their husband's.
+Manifestly this cause could not have worked in the earliest times, when
+slave captives were not valuable; but as soon as slavery became
+instituted in any form, then women slaves were particularly valued, not
+only for their labor, but because they might be either concubines or
+wives. It is evident, then, that war and slavery would thus indirectly
+tend to undermine the maternal system.
+
+(2) Wife purchase would operate in the same way. Among peoples that had
+developed a commercial life as well as slavery it early became the
+practice to purchase wives. It is evident that these purchased wives
+would be regarded as a sort of property, and the husband would naturally
+claim the children as belonging to him. Among certain North American
+Indians we find exactly this state of affairs. If a man married a wife
+without paying the purchase price for her, then her children took her
+name and belonged to her clan; but if he had purchased her, say with a
+number of blankets, then the children took his name and belonged to his
+clan.
+
+(3) The decisive cause, however, of the breakdown of the maternal system
+was the development of the pastoral stage of industry. Now, the grazing
+of flocks and herds requires considerable territory and necessitates
+small and compact groups widely separated from one another. Hence, in
+the pastoral stage the wife must go with the husband and be far removed
+from the influence and authority of her own kindred. This gave the
+husband greater power over his wife. Moreover, the care of flocks and
+herds accentuated the value of the male laborer, while primitively woman
+had been the chief laborer. In the pastoral stage the man had the main
+burden of caring for the flocks and herds. Under such circumstances
+nothing was more natural than that the authority of the owner of the
+family property should gradually become supreme in all matters, and we
+find, therefore, among all pastoral peoples that the family is itself a
+little political unit, the children taking the father's name, property
+and authority passing down along the male line, while the eldest living
+male is usually the ruler of the whole group.
+
+(4) After all these causes came another factor--ancestor worship. While
+ancestor worship exists to some extent among maternal peoples, it is
+usually not well-developed for some reason or other until the paternal
+stage is reached. Ancestor worship, being the worship of the departed
+ancestors as heroes, seems to develop more readily where the line of
+ancestors are males. It may be suggested that the male ancestor is apt
+to be a more heroic figure than the female ancestor. At any rate, when
+ancestor worship became fully developed it powerfully tended to
+reenforce the authority of the patriarch, because he was, as the eldest
+living ancestor, the representative of the gods upon earth, therefore
+his power became almost divine. Religion thus finally came in to place
+the patriarchal family upon a very firm basis.
+
+Thus we see how each of these two great forms, the maternal family and
+the paternal family, arose out of natural conditions, and therefore they
+may be said to represent two great stages in the social evolution of
+man. It is hardly necessary to point out that civilized societies are
+now apparently entering upon a third stage, in which there will be
+relative equality given to the male and the female elements that go to
+make up the family.
+
+Polyandry.--We must notice now the various forms of marriage by which
+the family has been constituted among different peoples and in different
+ages. Marriage, like the family itself, is variable, and an indefinite
+number of forms may be found among various peoples. We shall notice,
+however, only the three leading forms,--polyandry, polygyny, and
+monogamy,--and attempt to show the natural conditions which favor each.
+It is evident that if we assume that the primitive form of the family
+was that of a simple pairing monogamy, the burden is laid upon us to
+show how such different types as polyandry and polygyny arose.
+
+Polyandry, or the union of one woman with several men, is a relatively
+rare form of marriage and the family, found only in certain isolated
+regions of the world. It is particularly found in Tibet, a barren and
+inhospitable plateau north of India and forming a part of the Chinese
+Empire. It is also found in certain other isolated mountainous regions
+in India, and down to recent times also in Arabia. In none of these
+places does it exist exclusively, but rather alongside of monogamy and
+perhaps other forms of the family. Thus in Tibet the upper classes
+practice polygyny and monogamy, while among the lower classes we find
+polyandry and monogamy. In all these regions where polyandry occurs,
+moreover, it is to be noted that the conditions of life are harsh and
+severe. Tibet is an exceptionally inhospitable region, with a climate of
+arctic rigor, the people living mainly by grazing. Under such
+circumstances it is conceivably difficult for one man to support and
+protect a family. At any rate, the form of polyandry which we find in
+Tibet suggests that such economic conditions may have been the main
+cause of its existence. Ordinarily in Tibet a polyandrous family is
+formed by an older brother taking a wife, and then admitting his younger
+brothers into partnership with him. The older brother is frequently
+absent from home, looking after the flocks, and in his absence one of
+the younger brothers assumes the headship of the family. Under such
+circumstances we can see how the natural human instincts which would
+oppose polyandry under ordinary circumstances, namely, the jealousy of
+the male, might become greatly modified, or cease to act altogether.
+Certain other conditions besides economic ones might also favor the
+existence of polyandry, such as the scarcity of women. Summing up, we
+can say, then, that this rare form of the family seems to have as its
+causes: (1) In barren and inhospitable countries the labor of one man is
+sometimes found not sufficient to support a family. (2) Also there
+probably exists in such regions an excess of males. This might be due to
+one of two causes: First, the practice of exposing female infants might
+lead to a scarcity of women; secondly, in such regions it is found that
+from causes not well understood a larger number of males are born. It
+may be noted as a general fact that when the conditions of life are hard
+in human society, owing to famine, war, or barrenness of the soil, a
+larger number of male births take place. We may therefore infer that
+this would disturb the numerical proportion of the sexes in such
+regions. (3) A third cause may be suggested as having something to do
+with the matter, namely, that habits of close inbreeding, or
+intermarriage, might perhaps tend to overcome the natural repugnance to
+such a relation. Moreover, close inbreeding also, as the experiments of
+stock-breeders show, would tend to produce a surplus of male births, and
+so would act finally in the same way as the second cause.
+
+POLYGYNY, [Footnote: The word "polygamy" is too broad in its meaning to
+use as a scientific term for this form of the family. "Polygamy" comes
+from two Greek words meaning "much married;" hence it includes
+"polyandry" (having several husbands) and "polygyny" (having several
+wives).] or the union of one man with several women, is a much more
+common form of marriage. It is, in fact, to be found sporadically among
+all peoples and in all ages. It has perhaps existed at least
+sporadically from the most primitive times, because we find that at
+least one of the anthropoid apes, namely, the gorilla, practices it to
+some extent. It is manifest, however, that it could not have existed to
+any extent among primitive men, except where food supply was
+exceptionally abundant. In the main, polygyny is a later development,
+then, which comes in when some degree of wealth has been accumulated,
+that is, sufficient food supply to make it possible for one man to
+support several families. Polygyny came in especially after women came
+to be captured in war and kept as slaves or wives. The practice of wife
+capture, indeed, and the honor attached to the custom, had much to do in
+making the practice of polygyny common among certain peoples. Wherever
+slavery has existed, we may also note, polygyny, either in its legal
+form or in its illegal form of concubinage, has flourished. Polygyny,
+indeed, is closely related with the institution of slavery and is
+practically coextensive with it. In the ancient world it existed among
+the Hebrews and among practically all of the peoples of the Orient, and
+also sporadically among our own Teutonic ancestors. In modern times
+polygyny still exists among all the Mohammedan peoples and to a greater
+or less degree among all semicivilized peoples. It exists in China in
+the form of concubinage. It even exists in the United States, for all
+the evidence seems to show that the Utah Mormons still practice polygyny
+to some extent, although it may be doubted whether polygynous unions are
+being formed among them at the present time.
+
+Two facts always need to be borne in mind regarding polygyny: First,
+that wherever it is practiced it is relatively confined to the upper and
+wealthy classes, for the reason that the support of more than one family
+is something which only the wealthy classes in a given society could
+assume. Secondly, it follows that under ordinary circumstances only a
+small minority of a given population practice polygyny, even in
+countries in which it is sanctioned. In Mohammedan countries like Turkey
+and Egypt, for example, it is estimated that not more than five per cent
+of the families are polygynous, while in other regions the percentage
+seems to be still smaller. The reason for this is not only the economic
+one just mentioned, but that everywhere the sexes are relatively equal
+in numbers, and therefore it is impossible for polygyny to become a
+widespread general custom. If some men have more than one wife it is
+evident that other men will probably have to forego marriage entirely.
+This is not saying that under certain circumstances, namely, the
+importation of large numbers of women, a higher per cent of polygynous
+families may not exist. It is said that among the negroes on the west
+coast of Africa the number of polygynous families reaches as high as
+fifty per cent, owing to the fact that female slaves are largely
+imported into that district, and that they serve not only as wives, but
+do the bulk of the agricultural labor, the male negro preferring female
+slaves, who can do his work and be wives at the same time, to male
+slaves. But such cases as these are altogether exceptional and
+manifestly could not become general.
+
+Summing up, we may say that the causes of polygyny are, then:
+
+(1) First of all, the brutal lust of man. No doubt man's animal
+propensities have had much to do with the existence of this form of the
+family. Nevertheless, while male sensuality is at the basis of polygyny,
+it would be a mistake to think that sensuality is an adequate
+explanation in all cases. On the contrary, we find many other causes,
+chiefly, perhaps, economic, operating also to favor the development of
+polygyny.
+
+(2) One of these is wife capture, as we have already seen. The captured
+women in war were held as trophies and slaves, and later became wives or
+concubines. Among all peoples at a certain stage the honor of wife
+capture has alone been a prolific cause of polygyny.
+
+(3) Another cause, after slavery became developed, was the high value
+set on women as laborers. Among many barbarous peoples the women do the
+main part of the work. They are more tractable as slaves, and
+consequently a high value is set upon their labor. As we have already
+seen, these female slaves usually serve at the same time as concubines,
+if not legal wives of their masters.
+
+(4) Another cause which we can perhaps hardly appreciate at the present
+time is the high valuation set on children. We see this cause operating
+particularly in the case of the patriarchs of the Old Testament. Under
+the patriarchal family great value was set upon children as necessary to
+continue the family line. Where the device of adoption was not resorted
+to, therefore, in case of barrenness or the birth exclusively of female
+children, nothing was more natural than that polygyny should be resorted
+to in order to insure the family succession. In the patriarchal family
+also a high valuation was necessarily set upon children, because the
+larger the family grew the stronger it was.
+
+(5) Finally, religion came to sanction polygyny. The religious sanction
+of polygyny cannot be looked upon as one of its original causes, but
+when once established it reacted powerfully to reenforce and maintain
+the institution. How the religious sanction came about we can readily
+see when we remember that very commonly religions confuse the practice
+of the nobility with what is noble or commendable morally. The
+polygynous practices of the nobility, therefore, under certain
+conditions came to receive the sanction of religion. When this took
+place polygyny became firmly established as a social institution, very
+difficult to uproot, as all the experience of Christian missionaries
+among peoples practicing polygyny goes to show. We may note also the
+general truth, that while religion does not originate human institutions
+or the forms of human association, it is preeminently that which gives
+fixity and stability to institutions through the supernatural sanction
+that it accords them.
+
+Some judgment of the social value of polygyny may not be out of place in
+connection with this subject. Admitting, as all students of social
+history must, that in certain times and places the polygynous form of
+family has been advantageous, has served the interests of social
+survival and even of civilization, yet viewed from the standpoint of
+present society it seems that our judgment of polygyny must be wholly
+unfavorable. In the first place, as we have already seen, polygyny is
+essentially an institution of barbarism. It arose largely through the
+practice of wife capture and the keeping of female slaves. While often
+adjusted to the requirements of barbarous societies, it seems in no way
+adjusted to a high civilization. Polygyny, indeed, must necessarily rest
+upon the subjection and degradation of women. Necessarily the practice
+of polygyny must disregard the feelings of women, for women are jealous
+creatures as well as men. No high regard for the feelings of women,
+therefore, would be consistent with the practice of polygyny. Finally,
+all the evidence that we have goes to show that under polygyny children
+are neglected, and, at least from the standpoint of a high civilization,
+inadequately socialized. This must necessarily be so, because in the
+polygynous family the care of the children rests almost entirely with
+the mother. While we have no statistics of infant mortality from
+polygynous countries, it seems probable that infant mortality is high,
+and we know from experience with polygynous families in our own state of
+Utah, according to the testimony of those who have worked among them,
+that delinquent children are especially found in such households.
+Fatherhood, in the full sense of the word, can hardly be said to exist
+under polygyny.
+
+Those philosophers, like Schopenhauer, who advocate the legalizing of
+polygyny in civilized countries, are hardly worth replying to. It is
+safe to say that any widespread practice of polygyny in civilized
+communities would lead to a reversion to the moral standards of
+barbarism in many if not in all matters. That polygyny is still a
+burning question in the United States of the twentieth century is merely
+good evidence that we are not very far removed yet from barbarism.
+
+MONOGAMY, as we have already seen, has been the prevalent form of
+marriage in all ages and in all countries. Wherever other forms have
+existed monogamy has existed alongside of them as the dominant, even
+though perhaps not the socially honored, form. All other forms of the
+family must be regarded as sporadic variations, on the whole unsuited to
+long survival, because essentially inconsistent with the nature of human
+society. In civilized Europe monogamy has been the only form of the
+family sanctioned for ages by law, custom, and religion. The leading
+peoples of the world, therefore, practice monogamy, and it is safe to
+say that the connection between monogamy and progressive forms of
+civilization is not an accident.
+
+What, then, are the social advantages of monogamy which favor the
+development of a higher type of culture? These advantages are numerous,
+but perhaps the most important of them can be grouped under six heads.
+
+(1) The number of the two sexes, as we have already seen, is everywhere
+approximately equal. This means that monogamy is in harmony with the
+biological conditions that exist in the human species. The equal number
+of the two sexes has probably been brought about through natural
+selection. Why nature should favor this proportion of the sexes can
+perhaps be in part understood when we reflect that with such proportion
+there can be the largest number of family groups, and hence the best
+possible conditions for the rearing of offspring.
+
+(2) Monogamy secures the superior care of children in at least two
+respects. First, it very greatly decreases mortality in children,
+because under monogamy both husband and wife unite in their care. Again,
+monogamy secures the superior upbringing and, therefore, the superior
+socialization of the child. In the monogamous family much greater
+attention can be given to the training of children by both parents. In
+other forms of the family not only is the death rate higher among
+children, but from the point of view of modern civilization, at least,
+they are inferiorly socialized.
+
+(3) The monogamic family alone produces affections and emotions of the
+higher type. It is only in the monogamic family that the highest type of
+altruistic affection can be cultivated. It is difficult to understand,
+for example, how anything like unselfish affection between husband and
+wife can exist under polygyny. Under monogamy, husband and wife are
+called upon to sacrifice selfish desires in the mutual care of children.
+Monogamy is, therefore, fitted as a form of the family to foster
+altruism in the highest degree, and, as we have seen, the higher the
+type of altruism produced by the family life, the higher the type of the
+social life generally, other things being equal. It is especially to the
+credit of monogamy that it has created fatherhood in the fullest sense
+of the term, and therefore taught the male element in human society the
+value of service and self-sacrifice. Under polygynous conditions the
+father cannot devote himself to any extent to his children or to any one
+wife, since he is really the head of several households, and therefore,
+as we have already noted, fatherhood in the fullest sense scarcely
+exists under polygyny.
+
+(4) Under monogamy, moreover, all family relationships are more definite
+and strong, and thus family bonds, and ultimately social bonds, are
+stronger. In the polygynous household the children of the different
+wives are half brothers and half sisters, hence family affection has
+little chance to develop among them, and as a matter of fact between
+children of different wives there is constant pulling and hauling.
+Moreover, because the children in a polygynous family are only half
+brothers this immensely complicates relationships, and even the line of
+ancestors. Legal relations and all blood relationships are, therefore,
+more entangled. It is no inconsiderable social merit of monogamy that it
+makes blood relationships simple and usually perfectly definite. All of
+this has an effect upon society at large, because the cohesive power of
+blood relationship, even in modern societies, is something still worth
+taking into account. But of course the main influence of all this is to
+be found in the family group itself, because it is only under such
+simple and definite relations as we find in the monogamous family that
+there is ample stimulus to develop the higher family affections.
+
+(5) From all this it follows that monogamy favors the development of
+high types of religion and morals, family affection being an
+indispensable root of any high type of ethical religion. That form of
+the family which favors the development of the highest type of this
+affection will, therefore, favor the development of the highest type of
+religion. We see this even more plainly, perhaps, in ancient times than
+in the present time, because it was monogamy that favored the
+development of ancestor worship through making the line of ancestors
+clear and definite, and thus monogamy helped to develop this type of
+religion, which became the basis of still higher types.
+
+(6) Monogamy not only favors the preservation of the lives of the
+children, but also favors the preservation of the lives of the parents,
+because it is only under monogamy that we find aged parents cared for by
+their children to any extent. Under polygyny the wife who has grown old
+is discarded for a young wife, and usually ends her days in bitterness.
+The father, too, under polygyny is rarely cared for by the children,
+because the polygynous household has never given the opportunity for
+close affections between parents and children. That monogamy, therefore,
+helps to lengthen life through favoring care of parents by children in
+old age is an element in its favor, for it adds not a little to the
+happiness of life, and so to the strength of social bonds, that people
+do not have to look forward to a cheerless and friendless old age.
+
+In brief, the monogamic family presents such superior unity and harmony
+from every point of view that it is much more fitted to produce a higher
+type of culture. From whatever point of view we may look at it,
+therefore, there are many reasons why civilized societies cannot afford
+to sanction any other form of the family than that of monogamy.
+
+The Relation of the Form of the Family to the Form of Industry.--As we
+have already seen, the form of the family is undoubtedly greatly
+influenced by the form of industry. This is so markedly the case that
+some sociologists and economists have claimed that the form of the
+family life is but a reflection of the form of the industrial life; that
+the family in its changes and variations slavishly follows the changes
+in economic conditions. That such an extreme view as this is a mistake
+can readily be seen from a brief review of the causes which have
+produced certain types of family life in certain periods. Thus, the
+maternal type of the family cannot be said by any means to have been
+determined by economic conditions. On the contrary, primarily the
+maternal family, as we have seen, was determined by certain intellectual
+conceptions, namely, the absence of knowledge of the physiological
+connection between father and child, though the economic conditions of
+primitive life tended powerfully to continue the maternal family long
+after intellectual conditions had changed. Again, it has been said that
+the patriarchal family owed its existence entirely to a form of
+industry, namely, pastoral industry, but, as we have seen, other factors
+also operated to produce the patriarchal type of the family, such as
+war, religion, and perhaps man's inherent desire to dominate. Moreover,
+religion continued the patriarchal family in many cases long after
+pastoral industry had ceased to be the chief economic form.
+
+So too with the forms of marriage. While polygyny has been claimed to be
+due entirely to economic causes, we have seen that these so-called
+economic causes have only been the opportunities for the polygynous
+instincts of man to assert themselves. These polygynous instincts of man
+have asserted themselves more or less under all conditions of society,
+but under certain conditions, when there was an accumulation of wealth,
+and especially with the institution of slavery, they had greater
+opportunity to assert themselves than elsewhere. Thus the basic cause of
+polygyny is not economic, but psychological; and given certain moral and
+economic conditions of society, these polygynous tendencies assert
+themselves. Monogamy, on the other hand, has in no sense been determined
+by economic conditions but is fundamentally determined by the biological
+fact of the numerical equality of the sexes. This is doubtless the main
+reason why monogamy has been the prevalent form of the family
+everywhere. Certain moral and psychological factors which go along with
+the development of higher types of culture have, however, powerfully
+reenforced monogamy. It is doubtful if economic conditions can to any
+extent be shown to have equally reenforced the monogamic life.
+
+Our conclusion must be, then, that while the form of the family and the
+form of industry are closely related, so closely that the form of
+industry continually affects more or less the family life, yet there is
+no reason for concluding that the form of the family is wholly or even
+chiefly determined by the form of industry.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+WESTERMARCK, _History of Human Marriage_, Chaps. XX-XXII.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+MCLENNAN, _The Patriarchal Theory._
+MORGAN, _Ancient Society._
+PARSONS, _The Family._
+WAKE, _The Development of Marriage and Kinship._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+
+THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE FAMILY
+
+While we cannot enter into the historical evolution of the family as an
+institution among the different civilized peoples, still it will be
+profitable for us to consider the history of the family among some
+single representative people in order that we may see the forces which
+have made and unmade the family life, and incidentally also to a great
+degree, the general social life of that people. We shall select the
+ancient Romans as the people among whom we can thus best study in
+outline the development of the family. While the family life of the
+ancient Hebrews is of particular interest to us because of the close
+connection of our religion and ethics with that of the Hebrews, yet in
+the family life of the ancient Romans constructive and destructive
+factors are more clearly marked and, therefore, the study of ancient
+Roman family life is best fitted to bring out those factors. The ancient
+Romans were among the earliest civilized of the Aryan peoples, and their
+institutions are, therefore, of peculiar interest to us as representing
+approximately the early Aryan type. What we shall say concerning Roman
+family life, moreover, will apply, with some modifications and
+qualifications, to the family life of other Aryan peoples, especially
+the Greeks. The Greeks and the Romans, indeed, were so closely related
+in their early culture that for the purpose of institutional history
+they may be considered practically one people. Without any attempt,
+then, to sketch the history of the family as an institution in general,
+let us note some of the salient features of the family life of the
+ancient Romans.
+
+The Early Roman Family.--(1) _Ancestor Worship as the Basis of the
+Early Roman Family._ What we have said thus far indicates a close
+connection between the family life and religion among all peoples. This
+was especially true of the early Romans. It may be said, indeed, that
+ancestor worship was the constitutive principle of their family life.
+Among them the family seemed to have lost in part its character as a
+purely social institution and to have become specialized into a
+religious institution. At any rate, the early Roman family existed very
+largely for the sake of perpetuating the worship of ancestors. Of
+course, ancestor worship could have had nothing to do with the origin of
+the family life among the Romans. The type of their family life was
+patriarchal, and we have already noticed the causes which brought about
+the existence of the patriarchal family. But while ancestor worship had
+nothing to do with the origin of the family, once it was thoroughly
+established it became the basis of the family life and transformed the
+family as an institution.
+
+The early Romans shared certain superstitions with many primitive
+peoples, which, if not the basis of ancestor worship, powerfully
+reinforced it. They believed, for example, that the soul continued in
+existence after death, and that persons would be unhappy unless buried
+in tombs with suitable offerings, and that if left unburied, or without
+suitable offerings, the souls of these persons would return to torment
+the living, Inasmuch as in the patriarchal family only sons could
+perform religious rites, that is, could make offerings to the departed
+spirits, these superstitions acted as a powerful stimulus to preserve
+the family in order that offerings might continue to be made at the
+graves of ancestors.
+
+Thus, as we have already said, among the early Romans the family was
+practically a religious institution with ancestor worship as its
+constitutive principle. It is supposed by de Coulanges that in the
+earliest times the dead ancestors were buried beneath the hearth. At any
+rate, the hearth was the place where offerings were made to the departed
+ancestors, and the flame on the hearth was believed to represent the
+spirit of the departed. The house under such circumstances became a
+temple and the whole atmosphere of the family life was necessarily a
+religious one.
+
+(2) _The Authority in the Early Roman Family_ was vested, as in all
+patriarchal families, in the father or eldest living male of the family
+group. Under ancestor worship he became the living representative of the
+departed ancestors, the link between the living and the dead. Here we
+may note that the family was not considered as constituted simply of its
+living members, but that it included also all of its dead members.
+Inasmuch as the dead were more numerous and were thought to be more
+powerful than the living, they were by far the more important element in
+the life of the family. The position of the house father, as
+representative of the departed ancestors, and as the link between the
+living and the dead, naturally made his authority almost divine. Hence,
+the house father was himself, then, almost a deity, having absolute
+power over all persons within the group, even to the extent of life and
+death. This absolute power, which was known in the early Roman family as
+the "patria potestas," could not, however, be exercised arbitrarily. The
+house father, as representative of the departed ancestors, was
+necessarily controlled by religious scruples and traditions. It was
+impossible for him to act other than for what he believed to be the will
+of the ancestors. Disobedience to him was, therefore, disobedience to
+the divine ancestors, and hence was sacrilegious.
+
+(3) _Relationship in the Early Roman Family_ was determined by
+community of worship, inasmuch as only descendants upon the male side
+could perform religious rites, and inasmuch as married women worshiped
+the household gods of their husbands' ancestors; therefore, only
+descendants on the male side could worship the same ancestors and were
+relatives in the full religious and legal sense. These were known as
+"agnates." Later, some relationship on the mother's side came to be
+recognized, but relatives on the mother's side were known as a
+"cognates," and for a long time property could not pass to them. Indeed,
+in the earliest times the property of the family, as we have already
+implied, was kept as a unit, held in trust by the eldest living member
+of the family group for the good of all the family. In other words, the
+house father in earliest times did not possess the right to make a will
+but the property of the family passed intact from him to his eldest male
+heir.
+
+(4) _The Marriage Ceremony among the Early Romans_ was necessarily
+of a religious character. It was constituted essentially of the
+induction of the bride into the worship of her husband's ancestors. But
+before this could be done the bride's father had first to free her from
+the worship of her household gods, in later times a certificate of
+manumission being given not unlike the manumission of the slave. After
+the bride had been released from the worship of her father's ancestors,
+the bridegroom and his friends brought her to his father's house, where
+a ceremony of adoption was practically gone through with, adopting the
+bride into the family of her husband. The essence of this ceremony, as
+we have already said, was the induction of the bride into the worship of
+her husband's ancestors through their both making an offering on the
+family hearth and eating a sacrificial meal together. After that the
+wife worshiped at her husband's altar and had no claim upon the
+household gods of her father.
+
+Under such circumstances it is not surprising that marriage was
+practically indissoluble. A wife who was driven out of her husband's
+household or deserted was without family gods of any sort, having no
+claim upon those of her husband, and became, therefore, a social
+outcast. Under such circumstances it is not surprising that divorce was
+practically unknown. It is said, indeed, that for five hundred and
+twenty years after Rome was founded there was not a single divorce in
+Rome. While this may be an exaggeration, it is historically certain that
+divorce was so rare in early Rome as to be practically unknown.
+
+In case of a failure of sons to be born there was no taking of a second
+wife, as among the Hebrews. Polygyny was unknown in early Rome. The
+Roman device to prevent the failure of the family succession in such
+cases was adoption. Younger sons of other families were adopted if no
+sons were born, and these adopted sons, taking the family name, became
+the same legally as sons by birth. Inasmuch as the position of younger
+sons in the patriarchal household was not an enviable one there was
+never lack of candidates for the position of eldest son in some family
+group in which no sons had been born.
+
+Not only was the early Roman family life the most stable that the world
+has ever known, but it must also be considered to have been of a
+relatively pure type. Chastity was rigidly enforced among the women, but
+of course, as in all primitive peoples, was not enforced among the men.
+Still it was expected that the married men at least should remain
+relatively faithful to their wives. On the whole, therefore, the early
+Roman family life must be judged to have been of a singularly high and
+stable type. While the position of women and children in the early Roman
+family was one of subjection, the family itself was nevertheless of a
+high type. But it was inevitable that it should decay, and this decay
+began comparatively early. Inasmuch as the early Roman family was based
+upon ancestor worship, a religion which was fitted for relatively small
+isolated groups, it was inevitable that the family life should decay
+with this ancestor worship. How early the decay of ancestor worship
+began it is impossible to say. Perhaps the nature gods, Jupiter, Venus,
+and the rest, existed alongside of ancestor worship from the earliest
+times. At any rate, we find their worship growing rapidly within the
+period of authentic history and undermining the domestic worship, while
+at a still later period skeptical philosophy undermined both religions.
+Along with the decay of ancestor worship went many economic and
+political changes which marked the dissolution of the patriarchal
+family. Let us see what some of the steps in this decadence were.
+
+(5) _The Decadence,_ (a) One of the earliest steps toward the
+breaking down of the patriarchal family which we find is the limiting of
+the power of the house father. This took place very early--as soon as
+the Council of Elders, or Senate, was formed to look after matters of
+collective interest. Gradually the paternal power diminished, until it
+was confined to matters concerning the family group proper.
+
+(b) A second step was when the right to make a will was conceded. This
+right, as we have seen, did not exist in the earliest Roman times, but
+with the development of property and of a more complex economic life the
+house father was given the right to divide his property among his
+children, at first only on the male side, but later among any of his
+children, and still later to bequeath it to whom he pleased.
+
+(c) Thus women came to be given the right to hold property, a thing
+which was unknown in the earliest times; and becoming property holders,
+their other rights in many respects began to increase. Originally the
+wife had no right to divorce her husband, but in the second century B.C.
+women also gained the right of divorcing their husbands.
+
+(d) The rights of children were increased along with the rights of
+women, particularly of younger children.
+
+(e) The right of plebeians to intermarry with the noble families became
+recognized. All of these changes we should perhaps regard as good in
+themselves, but they nevertheless marked the disintegration of the
+patriarchal family. The decay of the family life did not stop with these
+changes, however, but went on to the decay of the family bonds
+themselves.
+
+Later Roman Family Life.--By the beginning of the Christian era the
+relations between the sexes had become very loose. Men not only
+frequently divorced their wives, but women frequently divorced their
+husbands. Indeed, a complete revolution passed over the Roman family.
+Marriage became a private contract, whereas, as we have seen, in the
+beginning it was a religious bond. Many loose forms of marriage were
+developed, which amounted practically to temporary marriages. In all
+cases it was easy for a husband or wife to divorce each other for very
+trivial causes. Among certain classes of Roman society the instability
+of the family became so great that we find Seneca saying that there were
+women who reckoned their years by their husbands, and Juvenal recording
+one woman as having eight husbands in five years.
+
+Women and children achieved their practical emancipation, as we would
+say. Women, especially, were free to do as they saw fit. Marriages were
+formed and dissolved at pleasure among certain classes, and among all
+classes the instability of the family life had become very great.
+
+Along with all this, of course, went a growth of vice. It is not too
+much to say that the Romans of the first and second centuries A.D.
+approached as closely to a condition of promiscuity as any civilized
+people of which we have knowledge.
+
+_Causes of the Decadence_. When we examine the causes of this great
+revolution in Roman family life from the austere morals and stable
+family of the early Romans to the laxity and promiscuity of the later
+Romans, we find that these causes can perhaps be grouped under four or
+five principal heads, (1) First among all the causes we must put the
+destruction of the domestic religion, namely, ancestor worship, through
+the growth of nature worship and skeptical philosophy. The destruction
+of the domestic religion necessarily shattered the foundations of the
+Roman family, since, as we have already seen, there was the closest
+connection between the family life of the early Romans and ancestor
+worship. But it is not probable that ancestor worship was destroyed
+merely through the growth of nature worship and of skeptical philosophy.
+As we have already seen, it was a religion which was mainly adapted to
+isolated groups. Changes in economic and political conditions,
+therefore, were to some extent prior to the decay of the domestic
+religion.
+
+(2) Changes in economic conditions, that is, in the form of industry,
+were, then, among the more important causes of the decay of the early
+Roman family. The patriarchal family, as we have already seen, belonged
+essentially to the pastoral stage of industry, and as soon as settled
+agricultural life, commerce, and manufacturing industry developed, this
+destroyed the isolated patriarchal groups, and so also in time affected
+even the religion which was their basis. Again, the increase of
+population going along with the changes in the methods in obtaining a
+living destroyed the old conditions under which the family had been the
+political unit.
+
+(3) We have therefore as a third cause the breaking up of old political
+conditions. Family groups were welded into small cities and the
+authority of the patriarch was destroyed. Legislation designed to meet
+the new social conditions often profoundly affected the whole family
+group, and weakened family bonds.
+
+(4) The growth of divorce and of vice may be put down as a fourth cause
+of the decay of the Roman family. Some may say that this was an effect
+of the decay of the Roman family rather than a cause, but it was also a
+cause as well as an effect, for it is a peculiarity of social life that
+what is at one stage an effect reacts to become a cause at a later
+stage; and this was certainly the case with the growth of divorce and
+vice in Rome, in its effect upon the Roman family. Moreover, much of
+this came from Greece through imitation. The family life had decayed in
+Greece much earlier than it had in Rome, and when Rome conquered Greece
+it annexed its vices also. While the most radical social changes do not
+usually come about merely through imitation, yet the imitation of a
+foreign people is frequently, in the history of a particular nation, one
+of the most potent causes in bringing about social changes. It was
+certainly so in the case of the growth of divorce and vice in Rome.
+
+To sum up and to generalize: we may say that the causes of the decay of
+the Roman family life were very complex, and that this is true of nearly
+all important social changes. It is impossible to reduce the causes of
+these changes to any single principle or set of causes. While we have
+seen that changes in economic conditions were undoubtedly very
+influential in bringing about the profound changes in the Roman family,
+still we have no ground for regarding the economic changes as
+determinative of all the rest. We know as yet little of the development
+of industry in antiquity. What little we do know, however, furnishes
+good ground for claiming that changes in the methods of getting a living
+are among the most influential causes of social change in general; but
+there is nothing which warrants the sweeping generalization of Karl Marx
+and his followers, "that the method of the production of the material
+life determines the social, political, and spiritual life process in
+general." On the contrary, the evolution of the Roman family clearly
+shows moral and psychological factors at work quite independent of
+economic causes. The decay of ancestor worship, for example, cannot be
+wholly attributed to the change in the method of getting a living. The
+very growth of population and accompanying changes in political
+conditions probably had quite as much to do with the undermining of
+ancestor worship. Moreover, while religion may not be an original
+determining cause of social forms, it is, nevertheless, as we have
+already seen, especially that which gives them stability and permanency,
+so much so that the life history of a culture is frequently the life
+history of a religion. The decay of religious ideas and beliefs,
+therefore, from any cause, frequently proves the important element
+working for social change in all societies. So, too, changes in
+political conditions, especially changes in law through new legislation,
+frequently prove a profound modifying influence in societies. Lastly,
+there are certain moral causes inherent in the individual, oftentimes
+involving perverted expressions of instinct, which lead to profound
+social changes. Such was the vice which Rome copied very largely from
+Greece, but which proved the final solvent in its family life.
+
+In general we may say, then, that there is no single principle which
+will explain the evolution of the family from the earliest times down to
+the present. Any attempt to reduce the evolution of the family to a
+single principle, or to show that it has been controlled by a single set
+of causes, must inevitably end in failure. The economic determinism of
+Marx and his followers, the ideological conceptions of Hegel, the
+geographical influences of Buckle and his school, and like explanations,
+are all found wanting when they are applied to the actual history of the
+family. It is not different with the theories of recent sociologists,
+who would strive to explain all social changes through a single
+principle. Professor Giddings' principle of "Consciousness of Kind" and
+Tarde's principle of "Imitation" will not go further in explaining the
+changes in the family life than some of the older principles that we
+have just mentioned. Human life is, indeed, too complex to be explained
+in terms of any single principle or any single set of causes. The family
+in particular is an organic structure which responds first to one set of
+stimuli and then to another. Now it is modified by economic conditions,
+now by religious ideas, now by legislation, now by imitation, and so on
+through the whole set of possible stimuli which may impinge upon and
+modify the activity of a living organism. So it is with all
+institutions.
+
+The Influence of Christianity upon the Family.--While we cannot study
+further the evolution of the family in any detail, still it is
+necessary, in order to avoid too great discontinuity, to notice in a few
+sentences the influence of Christianity upon the family in Western
+civilization.
+
+Early Christianity, as we have already seen, found the family life of
+the Greco-Roman world demoralized. The reconstruction of the family
+became, therefore, one of the first tasks of the new religion, and while
+other circumstances may have aided the church in this work, still on the
+whole it was mainly the influence of the early church that reconstituted
+the family life. From the first the church worked to abolish divorce,
+and fought as evil such vices as concubinage and prostitution, that came
+to flourish to such an extent in the Pagan world. Only very slowly did
+the early leaders of the church win the mass of the people to accepting
+their views as to the permanency of the marriage bond. In order to aid
+in making this bond more stable the early church recognized marriage as
+one of the sacraments, and, as implied, steadily opposed the idea of the
+later Roman Law that marriage was simply a private contract. The result
+was, eventually, that marriage came to be regarded again as a religious
+bond, and the family life took on once more the aspect of great
+stability. After the church had come fully into power in the Western
+world, legal divorce ceased to be recognized and legal separation was
+substituted in its stead. Thus the church succeeded in reconstituting
+the family life upon a stable basis, but the family after being
+reconstituted, was of a semipatriarchal type. Nothing was more natural
+than this, for the church had no model to go by except the paternal
+family of the Hebrew and Greek and Roman civilization. Nevertheless, the
+place of women and children in this semipatriarchal religious family
+established by the church was higher on the whole than in the ancient
+patriarchal family. The church put an end to the exposure of children,
+which had been common in Rome, and protected childhood in many ways. It
+also exalted the place of woman in the family, though leaving her
+subject to her husband. The veneration of the Virgin tended particularly
+to give women an honored place socially and religiously. Only by the
+advocacy and practice of ascetic doctrines may the early church be said
+to have detracted from the social valuation of the family. On the whole
+the reconstituting of the family by the church must be regarded as its
+most striking social work. But the thing for us to note particularly is
+that the type of the family life created by the church was what we might
+call a semipatriarchal type, in which the importance of husband and
+father was very much out of proportion to all the rest of the members of
+the family group. It was this semipatriarchal family which persisted
+down to the nineteenth century.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+DE COULANGES, _The Ancient City_, Chaps. I-X.
+LECKY, _History of European Morals_, Chap. V.
+SCHMIDT, _Social Results of Early Christianity_, Chap. II.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+HEARN, _The Aryan Household._
+HOWARD, _History of Matrimonial Institutions._
+GROTE, _History of Greece._
+MOMMSEN, _The History of Rome._
+
+
+_On the early Hebrew family:_
+
+MCCURDY, _History, Prophecy, and the Monuments_, Vol. II.
+ROBERTSON SMITH, _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_.
+
+
+_On the early German family:_
+
+GUMMERE, _Germanic Origins._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+
+THE PROBLEM OF THE MODERN FAMILY
+
+Passing over the changes which affected the family during the Middle
+Ages and the still more striking changes which came through the
+Reformation, we must now devote ourselves to the study of the problems
+of the family as it exists at present. The religious theory of the
+family which prevailed during the Middle Ages, but which was more or
+less undermined by the Reformation, gave away entirely in those great
+social changes which ushered in the nineteenth century. Again, the view
+that marriage was a private contract came to prevail among the mass of
+the people, and even to be embodied in a great many of the constitutions
+and laws of the nineteenth century. At the same time profound economic
+changes tended largely to individualize society, and these were
+reflected in the democratic movement toward forms of popular government,
+which have tended on the whole to make the individual the political
+unit. The nineteenth century was, then, in all respects a period of
+great social change and unrest. Moreover, the growth of wealth has
+favored, in certain classes at least, lower moral standards and
+increasing laxity in family relationships. Thus it happens that we find
+the family life at the beginning of the twentieth century in a more
+unstable condition than it has been at any time since the beginning of
+the Christian era. The instability of the modern family is, indeed, so
+great that many have thought that the family, as an institution, in its
+present form at least, of permanent monogamy, will pass away. There can
+be no doubt, at any rate, that the whole problem of the modern family
+centers in the matter of its instability, that is, in divorce. The study
+of the divorce movement, then, will throw more light upon the condition
+of the modern family than the study of anything else. The instability of
+the modern family has been most evident in the United States. Hence, it
+is particularly American conditions that will concern us, although
+undoubtedly the disintegration of the family is not a peculiarly
+American phenomenon; rather it has characterized more or less all modern
+civilization, but is especially in evidence in America because American
+society has exaggerated the industrialism and individualism which are
+characteristic of Western civilization in general.
+
+Without devoting too much time to the consideration of divorce
+statistics in their technical aspects, let us note, then, some of the
+main outlines of the modern divorce movement in this and other civilized
+countries.
+
+Statistics of Divorce in the United States and Other Civilized
+Countries.--For a long time the United States has led the world in the
+number of its divorces. Already in 1885 this country had more divorces
+than all the rest of the Christian civilized world put together. These
+statistics of the number of divorces granted in different civilized
+countries in 1885 (taken from Professor W. F. Willcox's monograph on
+_The Divorce Problem_) are of sufficient interest to cite at
+length:
+
+
+United States...................... 23,472
+France.............................  6,245
+Germany............................  6,161
+Russia.............................  1,789
+Austria............................  1,718
+Switzerland........................    920
+Denmark............................    635
+Italy..............................    556
+Great Britain and Ireland..........    508
+Roumania...........................    541
+Holland............................    339
+Belgium............................    290
+Sweden.............................    229
+Australia..........................    100
+Norway.............................     68
+Canada.............................     12
+
+
+It will be noted that in this particular year (1885), when the United
+States had 23,472 divorces, all the other countries mentioned together
+had only 20,131. For 1905, twenty years later, the following statistics
+are available:
+
+
+United States...................... 67,976
+Germany............................ 11,147
+France............................. 10,860
+Austria-Hungary....................  5,785
+Switzerland........................  1,206
+Belgium............................    901
+Holland............................    900
+Italy (1904).......................    859
+Great Britain and Ireland..........    821
+Denmark............................    549
+Sweden.............................    448
+Norway.............................    408
+Australia..........................    339
+New Zealand........................    126
+Canada.............................     33
+
+
+It is evident from the above figures that the United States has more
+than kept its lead over the rest of the world in this matter of
+dissolving family ties, for it would seem probable from these figures
+that in 1905, when the United States had nearly 68,000 divorces, all the
+rest of the Christian civilized world put together had less than 40,000.
+Moreover, the divorce rates of the different countries tell the same
+story. In 1905 in France, there was only one divorce to every thirty
+marriages; in Germany, but one to every forty-four marriages; in
+England, but one to every four hundred marriages. Even in Switzerland,
+which has the highest divorce rate of any country of Europe, there was
+only one divorce in 1905 to every twenty-two marriages. Let us compare
+these rates with that of the United States, and particularly with the
+rates of several of the states that lead in the matter of divorces. In
+1905 there was in the United States about one divorce to every twelve
+marriages, but the State of Washington had one divorce to every four
+marriages; Montana, one divorce to every five marriages; Colorado,
+Texas, Arkansas, and Indiana all had one divorce to every six marriages;
+California and Maine had one divorce to every seven marriages; New
+Hampshire, Missouri, and Kansas, one divorce to every eight marriages.
+While these rates are those of the states in which divorces are most
+numerous, yet, nevertheless, the number of states in which the divorce
+rates range from one to every six marriages to one to ten marriages are
+so numerous that they may be said to be fairly representative of
+American conditions generally. Some cities and localities have, of
+course, even higher divorce rates than any of the states that have been
+named. According to the United States Census Bulletin No. 20, there was
+in 1903 one divorce in Kansas City, Missouri, to every four marriages,
+and one divorce in the city of San Francisco to every three marriages.
+
+_Increase of Divorces in the United States._ Not only does the
+United States lead the world in the number of its divorces, but
+apparently divorces are increasing in this country much more rapidly
+than the population. In 1867, the first year for which statistics for
+the country as a whole were gathered, there were 9937 divorces in the
+United States, but by 1906, the last year for which we have statistics,
+the total number of divorces granted in this country, yearly, had
+reached 72,062. Again, from 1867 to 1886 there were 328,716 divorces
+granted in the United States, but during the next twenty years, from
+1887 to 1906, the number reached 945,625, or almost a total of 1,000,000
+divorces granted in twenty years. Again, from 1867 to 1886 the number of
+divorces increased 157 per cent, while the population increased only
+about 60 per cent; from 1887 to 1906 the number of divorces increased
+over 160 per cent, while the population increased only slightly over 50
+per cent. Thus it is evident that divorces are increasing in the United
+States three times as fast as the increase of population. It becomes,
+therefore, a matter of some curious interest to speculate upon what will
+be the end of this movement. If divorces should continue to increase as
+they have during the past forty years, it is evident that it would not
+be long before all marriages would be terminated by divorce instead of
+by death. In 1870, 3.5 per cent of all marriages were terminated by
+divorce; in 1880, 4.8 per cent were terminated by divorce, and in 1900,
+about 8 per cent. Professor Willcox has estimated that if this
+increasing divorce rate continues, by 1950 one fourth of all marriages
+in the United States will be terminated by divorce, and in 1990 one half
+of all marriages. Thus we are apparently within measurable distance of a
+time when, if present tendencies continue, the family, as a permanent
+union between husband and wife, lasting until death, shall cease to be.
+At least, it is safe to say that in a population where one half of all
+marriages will be terminated by divorce the social conditions would be
+no better than those in the Rome of the decadence. We cannot imagine
+such a state of affairs without the existence alongside of it of
+widespread promiscuity, neglect of childhood, and general social
+demoralization. Without, however, stopping at this point to discuss the
+results or the effects of the divorce movement upon society, let us now
+consider for a moment how these divorces are distributed among the
+various elements and classes of our population.
+
+_Distribution of Divorces._ It is usually thought by those who have
+observed the matter most carefully that divorce especially characterizes
+the wealthy classes and the laboring classes, but is least common among
+the middle classes. We have no statistics to bear out this belief, but
+it seems probable that it is substantially correct. The divorce
+statistics which we have, however, indicate certain striking differences
+in the distribution of divorces by classes and communities.
+
+(1) The divorce rate is higher in the cities than in their surrounding
+country districts. We have just noted, for example, that the divorce
+rate in Kansas City, Missouri, is one divorce to every four marriages,
+while in the state as a whole it is one to every eight marriages. There
+are, however, certain exceptions to this generalization.
+
+(2) A curious fact that the census statistics show is that apparently
+the divorce rate is about four times as high among childless couples as
+among couples that have children. This doubtless does not mean that
+domestic unhappiness is four times more common in families where there
+are no children than in families that have children, but it does show,
+nevertheless, that the parental instinct, is now, as in primitive times,
+a powerful force to bind husband and wife together.
+
+(3) While we have no statistics from this country telling us exactly
+what the distribution of divorces is among the various religious
+denominations, still we know that because the Roman Catholic Church is
+strongly against divorce, divorces are very rare in that denomination.
+In Switzerland, where the number of divorces among Protestants and
+Catholics has been noted, it is found that divorces are four times as
+common among Protestants as among Catholics. Some observers in this
+country have claimed that divorces are most common among those of no
+religious profession, next most common among Protestants, next among
+Jews, and least common among Roman Catholics.
+
+(4) From this we might expect, as our statistics indicate, that the
+divorce rate is much higher among the native whites in this country than
+it is among the foreign born, for many of the foreign born are Roman
+Catholics, and, in any case, they come from countries where divorce is
+less common than in the United States.
+
+(5) For the last forty years two thirds of all divorces have been
+granted on demand of the wife. This may indicate, on the one hand, that
+the increase of divorces is a movement connected with the emancipation
+of woman, and on the other hand it may indicate that it is the husband
+who usually gives the ground for divorce.
+
+(6) The census statistics show three great centers of divorce in the
+United States. One is the New England States, one the states of the
+Central West, and one the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast states. These
+three centers are also typical centers of American institutions and
+ideas. The individualism of the New England, the Central West, and the
+Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast regions has always been marked in
+comparison with some other sections of the country. But during the last
+twenty years divorce has also been increasing rapidly in the Southern
+states, and we now find such states as Texas, Arkansas, and Oklahoma
+well up toward the front among the states with a high divorce rate.
+
+This distribution of divorces among the various elements and classes of
+the country suggests something as to the causes of divorce, and this
+will come out fully later in a discussion of the causes of the increase
+of divorce.
+
+The Grounds for Granting Divorce.--There are no less than thirty-six
+distinct grounds for absolute divorce recognized by the laws of the
+several states, ranging from only one ground recognized in New York to
+fourteen grounds recognized in New Hampshire. For this reason some have
+supposed that many of the divorces in this country are granted on
+comparatively trivial grounds. Several states have, for example, what is
+known as an "Omnibus Clause," granting divorce for mere incompatibility
+and the like. But the examination of divorce statistics shows that very
+few divorces are granted on trivial grounds. On the contrary, most
+divorces seem to be granted for grave reasons, such as adultery,
+desertion, cruelty, imprisonment for crime, habitual drunkenness, and
+neglect on the part of the husband to provide for his family. These are
+usually recognized as grave reasons for the dissolution of the marriage
+tie. None of them at least could be said to be trivial. Professor
+Willcox showed that for the twenty year period, 1867 to 1886, over
+ninety-seven per cent of all divorces were granted for these six
+principal causes. Moreover, he also showed that over sixty per cent were
+granted for the two most serious causes of all,--adultery and desertion.
+Again, of the one million divorces granted from 1887 to 1906 over
+ninety-four per cent were granted for the six principal causes and over
+fifty-five per cent for adultery and desertion, while in still other
+cases adultery and desertion figured in combination with other causes (a
+total of over sixty-two per cent in all). Therefore, it seems probable
+that in nearly two thirds of the cases the marriage bond had already
+practically been dissolved before the courts stepped in to make the
+dissolution formal. We must conclude, therefore, that divorce is
+prevalent not because of the laxity of our laws, but rather because of
+the decay of our family life; that divorce is but a symptom of the
+disintegration of the modern family, particularly the American family.
+
+In other words, divorce is but a symptom of more serious evils, and
+these evils have in certain classes of American society apparently
+undermined the very virtues upon which the family life subsists. This is
+not saying that vice is more prevalent to-day than it was fifty years
+ago. We have no means of knowing whether it is or not, and there may
+well be a difference of opinion upon such a subject. It is the opinion
+of some eminent authorities that there has been no growth of vice in the
+United States along with the growth of divorce, but this would seem to
+be doubtful. The very causes for which divorce is granted suggest a
+demoralization of certain classes. While there may not have been,
+therefore, any general growth of vice in the United States along with
+the growth of divorce, it is conceivable that it may have increased
+greatly in certain classes of American society. Be this as it may, it is
+not necessary to assume that there has been any growth of vice in the
+American population, for if actual moral practices are no higher than
+they were fifty years ago that alone would be a sufficient reason to
+explain considerable disintegration of our family life. It is an
+important truth in sociology that the morality which suffices for a
+relatively simple social life, largely rural, such as existed in this
+country fifty years ago, is not sufficient for a more complex society
+which is largely urban, such as exists at the present time. Moreover,
+recognized moral standards within the past fifty years have largely been
+raised through the growth of general intelligence. It follows that
+immoral acts, which were condoned fifty years ago and which produced but
+slight social effect, to-day meet with great reprobation and have far
+greater social consequences than a generation ago. This is particularly
+true of the standards which the wife imposes upon the husband. For
+centuries, as we have already seen, the husband has secured divorce for
+adultery of the wife, but for centuries no divorce was given to the wife
+for the adultery of the husband; and this is even true to-day in modern
+England, unless the adultery of the husband be accompanied by other
+flagrant violations of morality. Conduct on the part of the husband,
+which the wife overlooked, therefore, a generation ago, is to-day
+sufficient to disrupt the family bonds and become a ground for the
+granting of a divorce. Even if vice, then, has not increased in our
+population, if moral practices are no higher to-day than fifty years
+ago, we should expect that this alone would have far different
+consequences now than then. The growth of intelligence and of higher and
+more complex forms of social organization necessitates realization of
+higher standards of conduct if the institutions of society are to retain
+their stability.
+
+But there are grave reasons for believing that there has been in certain
+classes of society a decay of the very virtues upon which the family
+rests, for the family life requires not only chastity, but even more the
+virtues of self-sacrifice, loyalty, obedience, and self-subordination.
+Now there is abundant evidence to show that these particular virtues
+which belong to a self-subordinating life are those which have suffered
+most in the changes and new adjustments of modern society. We have
+replaced these virtues largely by those of self-interest,
+self-direction, and self-assertiveness.
+
+Causes of the Increase of Divorce in the United States.--Let us note
+somewhat more in detail the causes of the increased instability of the
+American family during the past four or five decades. We have already in
+a rough way indicated some of these causes in studying the distribution
+of divorce and the grounds upon which it is granted. But the causes of
+the instability of the family so affect our whole social life and all of
+our institutions that they are well worth somewhat more detailed study.
+
+(1) As the first of these causes of the increase of divorce in the
+United States we should put the decay of religion, particularly of the
+religious theory of marriage and the family. As we have already seen, no
+stable family life has existed anywhere in history without a religious
+basis, but within the last few decades religious sentiments, beliefs,
+and ideals have become largely dissociated from marriage and the family,
+and the result is that many people regard the institutions of marriage
+and the family as a matter of personal convenience. This decay of the
+religious view of the marriage bond has, however, had other antecedent
+causes, partially in the moral and intellectual spirit of our
+civilization, partially in our industrial conditions.
+
+(2) We should put, therefore, as a second cause of the increase of
+divorces in this country the growing spirit of individualism. By
+individualism we mean here the spirit of self-assertion and
+self-interest, the spirit which leads a man to find his law in his own
+wishes, or even in his whims and caprices. Now, this growing spirit of
+individualism is undoubtedly more destructive of the social life than
+anything else. It makes unstable all institutions, and especially the
+family, because the family must rest upon very opposite characteristics.
+ Our democratic government, the development of our industry, and our
+education have all been responsible to some extent for making the
+individual take his own interests and wishes as his law.
+
+(3) Moreover, this individualism has spread within the last fifty years
+especially among the women of the population, and a great movement has
+sprung up which is known as the "Woman's Rights Movement," or simply the
+"Woman's Movement." Now this woman's movement has accompanied and in
+part effected the emancipation of women legally, mentally, and
+economically. The result is that women, as a class, have become as much
+individualized as the men, and oftentimes are as great practical
+individualists.
+
+No one would claim that the emancipation of woman, in the sense of
+freeing her from those things which have prevented the highest and best
+development of her personality, is not desirable. But this emancipation
+of woman has brought with it certain opportunities for going down as
+well as for going up. Woman's emancipation has not, in other words,
+meant to all classes of women, woman's elevation. On the contrary, it
+has been to some, if not an opportunity for license, at least an
+opportunity for self-assertion and selfishness not consistent with the
+welfare of society and particularly with the stability of the family. We
+may remind ourselves once more that the Roman women achieved complete
+emancipation, but they did not thereby better their social position. On
+the contrary, the emancipation of woman in Rome meant woman's
+degradation, and ultimately the demoralization of Roman family life.
+While this is not necessarily an accompaniment of woman's emancipation,
+still it is a real danger which threatens, and of which we can already
+see many evidences in modern society. As in all other emancipatory
+movements, the dangers of freedom are found for some individuals at
+least to be quite as great as the dangers of subjection.
+
+That the woman's movement has had much to do with the growth of divorce
+in this country gains substantiation from the fact that many of the
+leaders of that movement, like Miss Susan B. Anthony and Mrs. Elizabeth
+Cady Stanton, advocated free divorce, and their inculcation of this
+doctrine certainly could not have been without some effect.
+
+But the woman's movement would have perhaps failed to develop, or at
+least failed of widespread support, if it had not been for the economic
+emancipation of woman through the opening to her of many new industrial
+callings and the securing for her a certain measure of economic
+independence. This, again, while perhaps a good thing in itself, has,
+nevertheless, facilitated the growing tendency to form unstable family
+relations. But this economic independence of woman, we need hardly
+remark, is the necessary and, indeed, inevitable outcome of modern
+industrial development.
+
+(4) The growth of modern industrialism must, then, be regarded as one of
+the fundamental factors which has brought about the increase of divorce
+in the United States. By industrialism we mean manufacturing industry.
+As we have already noticed, the growth of manufacturing industry has
+opened a large number of new economic callings to woman and has rendered
+her largely economically independent of family relations. Moreover, the
+labor of women in factories has tended to disrupt the home, particularly
+in the case of married women, as we have already seen. For the laboring
+classes it has tended to make the home only a lodging place, with little
+or no development of a true family life. Again, such labor has set the
+sexes in competition with each other, has tended to reduce their sexual
+differences and to stimulate immensely their individualism. Finally,
+inasmuch as modern industrialism has tended to destroy the home, the
+result has been the production of unsocialized children, and especially
+of those that had no tradition of a family life. Girls, for example,
+through industrialism, have failed to learn the domestic arts, failed to
+have any training in homemaking, and therefore when they came to the
+position of wife and mother, they were frequently not fitted for such a
+life, and through their lack of adjustment rendered the homes which they
+formed unstable.
+
+(5) Closely connected with the growth of modern industrialism is the
+growth of modern cities, and, as we have already seen, divorce is
+usually much more common in the cities than in the rural districts. The
+growth of the cities, in other words, has been a cause of the increase
+of divorce. City populations, on account of the economic conditions
+under which they live, are peculiarly homeless. A normal home can
+scarcely exist in the slums and in some of the tenement districts of our
+cities. Again, in the city there is perhaps more vice and other
+immorality, less control of the individual by public opinion, and more
+opportunity, on account of close living together and high standards of
+living, for friction, both within and without the domestic circle.
+
+(6) The higher standards of living and comfort which have come with the
+growth of our industrial civilization, especially of our cities, must
+also be set down as a cause of increasing instability of the family.
+High standards of living are, of course, desirable if they can be
+realized, that is, if they are reasonable. But many elements of our
+population have standards of living and comfort which they find are
+practically impossible to realize with the income which they have. Many
+classes, in other words, are unable to meet the social demands which
+they suppose they must meet in order to maintain a home. To found and
+maintain a home, therefore, with these rising standards of living, and
+also within the last decade or two with the rising cost of living,
+requires such a large income that an increasingly smaller proportion of
+the population are able to do this satisfactorily. From this cause,
+undoubtedly, a great deal of domestic misery and unhappiness results,
+which finally shows itself in desertion or in the divorce court.
+
+It is evident that higher standards of taste and higher standards of
+morality may also operate under certain circumstances to render the
+family life unstable in a similar way.
+
+(7) Directly connected with these last mentioned causes is another
+cause,--the higher age of marriage. Some have thought that a low age of
+marriage was more prolific in divorces than a relatively high age of
+marriage. But a low age of marriage cannot be a cause of the increase of
+divorce in the United States, because the proportion of immature
+marriages in this country is steadily lessening, that is, the age of
+marriage is steadily increasing, and all must admit that along with the
+higher age of marriage has gone increasing divorce; and there may
+possibly be some connection between the two facts. As we have already
+seen, the higher standards of living make later marriage necessary. Men
+in the professions do not think of marriage nowadays until thirty, or
+until they have an independent income. Now, how may the higher age of
+marriage possibly increase the instability of the family? It may do so
+in this way. After thirty, psychologists tell us, one's habits are
+relatively fixed and hard to change. People who marry after thirty,
+therefore, usually find greater difficulty in adjusting themselves to
+each other than people who marry somewhat younger; and every marriage
+necessarily involves an adjustment of individuals to each other. This
+being so, we can readily understand that late marriages are more apt to
+result in faulty adjustments in the family relation than marriages that
+take place in early maturity.
+
+(8) Another cause of the increase of divorce in the United States that
+has been given is the popularization of law which has accompanied the
+growth of democratic institutions. Law was once the prerogative of
+special classes, and courts were rarely appealed to except by the noble
+or wealthy classes; but with the growth of democratic institutions there
+has been a great spread of legal education, especially through the
+modern newspaper, and consequently a greater participation in the
+remedies offered by the courts for all sorts of wrongs, real or
+imagined. Many people, for example, who would not have thought of
+divorce a generation ago, now know how divorce may be secured and are
+ready to secure it. However, it would seem as though this cause of the
+increase of divorce might have operated to a greater extent twenty-five
+or thirty years ago than it has during the last two decades, for it
+cannot be said that since the nineties there has been much increase of
+legal education among the masses, or much greater popularization of the
+law.
+
+(9) Increasing laxity of the laws regarding divorce and increasing
+laxity in the administration of the laws has certainly been a cause of
+increasing divorce in the United States, though back of these causes
+doubtless lie all the other causes just mentioned, and also increasing
+laxity in public opinion regarding marriage and divorce. To assume that
+laxity of the laws and of legal administration has no influence upon the
+increase of divorce in a population is to go contrary to all human
+experience. The people of Canada and of England, for example, are not
+very different from ourselves in culture and in institutions, yet there
+is almost no divorce in England and in Canada as compared with the
+United States. Canada has a few dozen divorces annually, while we have
+over seventy thousand. Unquestionably the main cause of this great
+difference between Canada and the United States is to be found in the
+difference of their laws. This is not saying, however, that instability
+of the family does not characterize Canada and England as well as the
+United States, even though such instability does not express itself in
+the divorce courts.
+
+Interesting statistics have been collected in numerous places in the
+country to show the laxity of the administration of the divorce laws. In
+many of the divorce courts of our large cities, for example, it has
+repeatedly been shown that the average time occupied by the court in
+granting a divorce is not more than fifteen minutes. In other words,
+divorce cases are frequently rushed through our divorce courts without
+solemnity, without adequate investigation, with every opportunity for
+collusion between the parties, so as to favor a very free granting of
+divorces. On the other hand, about one fourth of all the applications
+for divorce which come to trial are refused by the courts, showing that
+the courts are not so lax in all cases as they are sometimes pictured to
+be.
+
+Moreover, the divorce courts have two excuses for their laxity. First,
+the divorce courts are always greatly overburdened with the number of
+cases before them; and, secondly, public opinion, which the courts as
+well as other phases of our government largely reflect, favors this
+laxity. This is shown by the fact that public opinion stands back of the
+lax divorce statutes of many states, all efforts to radically change
+these statutes having failed of recent years.
+
+(10) Our study of the family has accustomed us to the thought that the
+family is an institution which, like all other human institutions,
+undergoes constant changes. Now at periods of change in any institution,
+periods of transition from one type to another, there is apt to be a
+period of confusion. The old type of institution is never replaced at
+once by a new type of institution ready-made and adjusted to the social
+life, but only gradually does the new institution emerge from the
+elements of the old. In the meantime, however, there may be a
+considerable period of confusion and anarchy. This social principle, we
+may note, rests upon a deeper psychological principle, that old habits
+are usually not replaced by new habits without an intervening period of
+confusion and uncertainty. In other words, in the transition from the
+old habit to the new habit there is much opportunity for disorganization
+and disintegration. It is exactly so in human society, because social
+institutions are but expressions of habit.
+
+Now, the old semipatriarchal type of the family, which prevailed down to
+the beginning of the nineteenth century, the type of the family which we
+might perhaps properly call the monarchical type, has been disappearing
+for the past one hundred years,--is in fact already practically extinct,
+at least in America, but we have not yet built up a new type of the
+family to take its place. The old semipatriarchal family of our
+forefathers has gone, but no new type of the family has yet become
+general. A democratic type of the family in harmony with our democratic
+civilization must be evolved. But such a democratic type of the family
+can be stable only upon the condition that its stability is within
+itself and not without. Authority in various coercive forms made the old
+type of the family stable, but a stable basis for a new type of the
+family has not yet been found, or rather it has not been found by large
+elements of our population. Unquestionably a democratic ethical type of
+the family in which the rights of every one are respected and all
+members are bound together, not through fear or through force of
+authority, but through love and affection, is being evolved in certain
+classes of our society. The problem before our civilization is whether
+such a democratic ethical type of the family can become generalized and
+offer a stable family life to our whole population. It is evident that
+in order to do this there must be a considerable development, not only
+of the spirit of equality, but even more, a considerable development of
+social intelligence and ethical character in the minds of the people. To
+construct a stable family life of this character, however, which is
+apparently the only type which will meet the demands of modern
+civilization,--is not an impossibility, but is a delicate and difficult
+task which will require all the resources of the state, the school, and
+the church. There is, however, no ground as yet for pessimism regarding
+the future of our family life; rather all its instability and
+demoralization of the present are simply incident, we must believe, to
+the achievement of a higher type of the family than the world has yet
+seen. Such a higher type, however, will not come about without effort
+and forethought on the part of society's leaders.
+
+Remedies for the Divorce Evil.--That the instability of the family and
+divorce, so far as it is an expression of that instability, is an evil
+in society is implied in all that has thus far been said concerning the
+origin, development, and functions of the family as an institution. We
+shall not stop, therefore, to argue this point since all preceding
+chapters amount to an argument upon this question. It may be added,
+however, that in so far as observations have been made of the results of
+divorce upon children, that the argument has been substantiated, for
+apparently the children of separated or divorced parents are much more
+apt to drift into poverty, vice, or crime, that is, into the
+unsocialized classes, than children who do not come from such disrupted
+homes. Assuming, then, without further argument that divorce, or rather
+the instability of the family, is an evil in modern society, the
+question arises, how can it be remedied?
+
+If, as has already been implied, the real evil is not so much divorce as
+the decay of the family life, then it at once becomes evident that
+legislation can do little to correct the real evil. That it can do
+nothing, and that an attitude of _laissez-faire_ is justified upon
+this question, is, of course, not implied. As we have already noted, the
+difference between the few divorces of the Dominion of Canada and the
+many divorces of the United States is largely due to a difference of
+laws; nevertheless, we cannot assume from this that there is a like
+difference in the state of the family life of the two countries.
+Unquestionably, however, legislation can do something even in the way of
+setting moral ideals before a people. Divorce laws should not be too lax
+if we do not wish a state to set low moral standards for its citizens.
+It is not too much to say, therefore, that the lax divorce laws of many
+of our states are a crime against civilization, even though making these
+laws much stricter might not of itself greatly check the decay of the
+family. Again, reasonable restrictions upon the remarriage of divorced
+parties might very well be insisted upon by law for the sake of public
+decency if nothing more. Present laws in many states permit the
+remarriage of divorced parties immediately upon granting of divorce. It
+would seem that a law requiring the innocent party to wait at least six
+months, and the guilty party to wait from two to five years and then
+give evidence of good conduct before being permitted to remarry, would
+work a hardship upon no one. Again, a uniform federal divorce and
+marriage law might have some good effects upon the family life of the
+nation. Divorce and marriage are of such general importance that they
+should be controlled by federal statutes rather than by state laws. If
+such an amendment to our present federal constitution were enacted, it
+might not result in greatly decreasing the number of divorces in this
+country, but it would result in bringing about uniformity in the
+different states in the matter of marriage as well as in the matter of
+divorce, which, from many points of view, is desirable. Moreover, if
+divorce were under federal control this would throw all divorce cases
+into the federal courts, and would, perhaps, secure a stricter
+administration of divorce laws.
+
+But it is evident that the main reliance in combating the evils which
+have given rise to the present instability of our family life must be
+placed upon education rather than upon legislation. Legislation, we may
+here note, has many shortcomings as an instrument of social
+reconstruction or reform. Legislation is necessarily external and
+coercive. It fails oftentimes to change the habits of individuals, and
+very generally fails to change their opinion. Education, on the other
+hand, alters human nature directly, changing both the opinions and
+habits of the individual. Neither education nor legislation can be
+neglected in social reconstruction. Both are necessary, but supplement
+each other. But from the time of Plato down all social thinkers have
+perceived the fact that education is a surer and safer means of
+reorganizing society than legislation. While, therefore, I would not
+oppose education to legislation, I would say that emphasis in all social
+reform should be laid upon education rather than coercive legislative
+action, and especially in this case of relaying the foundations for a
+stable family life in our country. The main reliance, then, in this
+matter must be placed upon the education which the school, the church,
+and the home can give to the rising generation. Until children are
+taught to look upon the family as a socially necessary and therefore
+sacred institution, until they are taught to look upon marriage as
+something other than an act to suit their own convenience and pleasure,
+we must expect that our family life will be unstable. The
+reconstruction of our family life, indeed, practically involves the
+reconstruction of our whole social life. Things in industry, in
+business, in politics, in the conventions and ideals and general spirit
+of our people, that are opposed to stability in family relations, must
+be remedied before we can strike at the root of the evil. All of this
+may be taken for granted; but it would seem that the moral education of
+the young is the key to the situation in any event. The importance of a
+pure and wholesome family life in society should, therefore, be
+emphasized by our whole system of public education, while the
+responsibility which rests upon the church in this connection is
+especially obvious; but the home itself must, it may be admitted, be the
+chief means of inculcating in the young the sacredness of the family.
+Inasmuch as this cannot be done in homes that are already demoralized,
+the main hope must be that such education will be given to children in
+homes that are as yet relatively pure and stable. Movements toward such
+education already exist in society, and, as we have already said, there
+is no reason for pessimism, if we take a long view of the situation. But
+it is nevertheless evident that the instability of the family must be
+regarded as the greatest of our social problems to-day.
+
+Summary Regarding the Influence of Industrial Conditions upon the
+Present Instability of the Family.--As we have already seen, the
+development of modern industry is one of the chief causes of the decay
+of modern family life. Certain aspects of our industrialism, such as the
+labor of women and children in factories, the growth of cities, and the
+loss of the home through the slum and the tenement, the higher standards
+of living and comfort, and the resulting higher age of marriage,--all of
+these have had, to a certain extent at least, a disastrous effect upon
+the family. Some of these things, like the growth of cities, seem
+inseparable from modern industrial development. The problem must be,
+therefore, how to overcome the evil effect of these tendencies in
+industry upon the home. There is no reason for believing that such evil
+effects cannot be overcome, although the problem is a difficult one. Our
+aim should be, not to stop industrial development, but to guide it and
+control it in the interest of the higher development of the family. That
+this is entirely feasible may already be seen from what has been
+accomplished in the way of regulating the labor of women and children
+and in the way of providing better conditions in the homes of the
+working population.
+
+There is, however, nothing in evidence in the causes of increasing
+divorce in the United States which warrants the belief that American
+industrial development is alone responsible for the increasing
+instability of our family life. The industrial development of America is
+less peculiar in many ways than its political and social development.
+Divorce and instability of the family, as we have seen, characterize the
+American people more than any other civilized population. This fact,
+then, cannot be explained entirely in terms of American industrial
+development, but we must look also, as has already been emphasized, to
+certain peculiarities in American character, American institutions, and
+American ideas and ideals. The divorce movement in the United States
+affords no proof of the theory of economic determinism.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+WILLCOX, _The Divorce Problem: A Study in Statistics._
+ADLER, _Marriage and Divorce_, Lecture II.
+Special Report on _Marriage and Divorce_, 1867-1906, Bureau of the Census.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+HOWARD, _History of Matrimonial Institutions._
+LICHTENBERGER, _Divorce: A Study in Social Causation._
+WOLSEY, _Divorce and Divorce Legislation._
+WRIGHT, _First Special Report of United States Commissioner of Labor:
+     Marriage and Divorce_, 1891.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+
+THE GROWTH OF POPULATION
+
+Mass is a factor in the survival of a social group. Other things being
+equal, that society will stand the best chance of surviving which has
+the largest population. Moreover, the larger the mass of a given group
+the greater can be the industrial and cultural division of labor in that
+group. Hence, other things being equal, a large population favors the
+growth not only of a higher type of industry, but also of a higher type
+of culture or civilization in a given society. The questions which
+center around the growth of population, therefore, are among the most
+important questions which sociology has to deal with.
+
+The growth of population is, of course, more or less indirectly
+connected with the family life, since the growth of population in the
+world as a whole is dependent upon the surplus of births over deaths.
+But population has so long been looked at as a national question that
+perhaps it will be best to study it from the standpoint of the national
+group. The population of modern national groups, the influences which
+augment and deter the growth of the population of these groups, and the
+laws of population in general, will be what will concern us in this
+chapter.
+
+Population Statistics of Some Modern Nations.--The following table of
+statistics will show the status of the populations of the largest
+nations of Europe and America in the nineteenth century:
+
+
+                       Population,    Population,     Increase per
+                          1801.          1901.       Year, per cent.
+
+Russia (in Europe) ... 40,000,000     106,159,000         1.36
+Germany .............. 24,000,000      56,367,000         1.39
+France ............... 26,800,000      38,961,000         0.12
+Great Britain and
+Ireland .............. 16,300,000      41,605,000         1.21
+Austria .............. 25,000,000      45,310,000         0.91
+Italy ................ 17,500,000      32,449,000         0.73
+Spain ................ 10,500,000      18,000,000         0.32
+United States ........  5,308,000      76,303,000         2.09
+
+
+This table shows, that while the population of nearly all of these
+nations has increased rapidly within the nineteenth century, that the
+increase is relatively unequal in some cases. If we project Russia's
+increase of population to the year 2000 A.D., we shall find that its
+probable population will be in the neighborhood of 300,000,000;
+Germany's probable population, say 167,000,000; Great Britain and
+Ireland's probable population, 135,000,000; while France's probable
+population in the year two thousand, if it continues to increase only at
+its present slow rate, will be but 45,000,000. While these forecasts of
+population cannot be considered certain in any sense, still they are
+sufficient to show that the growth of modern nations in population is
+relatively unequal. Inasmuch as the mere element of numbers is one of
+the greatest factors for the future greatness of any nation, this is a
+highly important matter. A nation of only 40,000,000 a century hence, it
+is safe to say, will be no more important than Holland and Belgium are
+now. On the other hand, it is very probable that a century hence the
+civilized nations that lead in population will also lead in industrial
+and cultural development. Many other factors, of course, enter into the
+situation, but the factor of mere numbers should not be neglected, as
+all practical statesmen recognize.
+
+A century hence it is probable that the population of continental United
+States will be about 300,000,000. It would be considerably more than
+this if the present annual rate of increase were to continue, but
+inasmuch as that is not likely, an estimate of 300,000,000 is
+sufficiently high. [Footnote: The official estimate by the Census Bureau
+is 200,000,000; but this for many reasons seems too low.] We have
+already seen that it is probable that Russia's population may equal
+300,000,000 by the year 2000. It seems probable, therefore, that the
+United States and Russia may be the two great world powers a century
+hence, particularly if Russia emerges from its present social and
+political troubles and takes on fully Western civilization, while the
+other nations may tend to ally themselves with the one or the other of
+these great world powers. Of course, China is the _X_--the unknown
+quantity--in the world's future. Should its immense population become
+civilized and absorb Western ideas, this would certainly bring into the
+theater of the world's political evolution a new and important factor.
+
+The population and vital statistics of the various civilized countries
+show:--
+
+(1) The population of all civilized countries, with one or two
+exceptions, has been increasing rapidly since the beginning of the
+nineteenth century. Previous to that time we have no statistics that are
+reliable, but it seems probable that the population of Europe stood
+practically stationary during the Middle Ages and increased only slowly
+down to the nineteenth century; but during the nineteenth century the
+population of the leading industrial nations has increased very rapidly.
+This is due primarily, without doubt, to improved economic conditions,
+which has made it possible for a larger population to subsist within a
+given area. Back of these improved economic conditions, however, has
+been increased scientific knowledge in ways of mastering physical
+nature, and accompanying them has been a very greatly decreased death
+rate, due in part at least to the advance of medical science.
+
+(2) This increase in population has been due, not to an increase in
+birth rate, but to a decreased death rate. During the nineteenth century
+the death rate decreased markedly in practically all civilized
+countries. As we have already noted, this is due primarily to improved
+living conditions, particularly in the food, clothing, and shelter for
+the masses, but it has also been due in no small part to the advance in
+medical science, and especially that branch of it which we know as
+"public sanitation." Because the death rate decreases with improved
+material, and probably also with improved moral conditions, it is a
+relatively good measure, at least of the material civilization or
+progress of a people. We may note that the death rate is measured by the
+number of deaths that occur annually per thousand in a given population.
+The death rate of the countries most advanced in sanitary science and in
+industrial improvement apparently tends to go down to about fifteen or
+sixteen per thousand annually.
+
+(3) The birth rate of civilized countries has also fallen markedly
+during the nineteenth century, especially during the latter half. On the
+whole, this is a good thing. The birth rate should decrease with the
+death rate. This leaves more energy to be used in other things; but when
+the birth rate falls more rapidly than the death rate or falls beyond a
+certain point, it is evident that the normal growth of a nation is
+hindered, and even its extinction may be threatened. While an
+excessively high birth rate is a sign of low culture on the whole, on
+the other hand an excessively low birth rate is a sign of physical and
+probably moral degeneracy in the population. When the birth rate is
+lower than the death rate in a given population, it is evident that the
+population is on the way to extinction. In order that a birth rate be
+normal, therefore, it must be sufficiently above the death rate to
+provide for the normal growth of the population. On the whole, it seems
+safe to conclude that we have no better index of the vitality of a
+people, that is, of their capacity to survive, than the surplus of
+births over deaths. Such a surplus of births over deaths is also a
+fairly trustworthy index of the living conditions of a population,
+because if the living conditions are poor, no matter how high the birth
+rate may be, the death rate will be correspondingly high, and the
+surplus of births over deaths, therefore, relatively low.
+
+Vital statistics are, therefore, an indication of more than the mere
+health or even the material condition of a given population. Probably
+there are no social facts from which we may gather a clearer insight
+into the social conditions of a given population than vital statistics.
+
+Without going into the vital statistics of modern nations in any detail,
+the following table of birth rates and death rates will serve to
+illustrate the decrease in the death rates and the birth rates of the
+three leading European nations, the birth rate being computed the same
+as the death rate, that is, the number of births per thousand annually
+of the population:
+
+
+                                        DEATH RATE
+
+                             1871-1890   1893-1902   1904
+
+England ...................     20.3       17.6      16.2
+Germany ...................     26.0       21.5      19.6
+France ....................     22.8       20.8      19.4
+
+
+
+                                        BIRTH RATE
+
+                             1871-1890   1893-1902   1904
+
+England ...................     34.0       29.3      28.0
+Germany ...................     38.1       35.9      35.2
+France ....................     24.6       22.8      20.9
+
+
+From the above table it is evident that while birth rates and death
+rates have been declining in all civilized peoples, the decline has been
+unequal in different peoples. Both England and Germany in the above
+table show still a good surplus of births over deaths; in the case of
+England in 1904 this surplus being 11.8 per thousand of the population
+annually, while in the case of Germany it was 15.6. In the case of
+France, however, the surplus of births over deaths for a number of years
+has been very insignificant, and in the year 1907 there were actually
+about 20,000 more deaths than births in all France (773,969 births
+against 793,889 deaths). France's population has, therefore, been
+practically stationary for a number of years, while within the last year
+or two it seems to be actually declining.
+
+The causes of the stationary population of France are probably mainly
+economic, although all the factors which influence the family life in
+any degree must also influence birth rate. For a number of years the
+economic conditions of France have not been favorable to the growth of a
+large population, and at the same time the law necessitating the equal
+division of the family's property among children has tended to encourage
+small families. Unquestionably, however, other factors of a more general
+social or moral nature are also at work in France as well as in all
+other populations that are decreasing in numbers.
+
+_The Decrease in the Native White Stock in the United States._
+Certain classes in the United States also show a very slight surplus of
+births over deaths and in some cases absolutely declining numbers. In
+general the United States Census statistics seem to indicate that the
+native white stock in the Northern states is not keeping up its numbers.
+This is suggested by the decreasing size of the average family in the
+United States. The average size of the family in the United States in
+1850 was 5.6 persons; in 1860, 5.3; in 1870, 5.1; in 1880, 5.0; in 1890,
+4.9; and in 1900, 4.7. Moreover, if we include only private families in
+1900, the average size of the family was only 4.6. Thus, between 1850
+and 1900 the size of the average family in the United States decreased
+by nearly one full person. This decrease is most evident in the North
+Atlantic and North Central states. In Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire,
+for example, the average size of the family in 1900 was 4.1 persons.
+
+Moreover, the vital statistics kept by the state of Massachusetts for a
+number of years show conclusively that the native white stock in that
+state is tending to die out. In 1896, for example, in Massachusetts the
+native born had a birth rate of only 16.58, while the foreign born had a
+birth rate of 50.40. Again, the following table of birth rates and death
+rates for 1890 in the city of Boston [Footnote: Taken from Bushee's
+_Ethnic Factors in the Population of Boston_, Publications American
+Economic Association, Vol. IV., No, 2, 1903.] for the native born and
+sections of the foreign born shows conclusively that the native-born
+element is not keeping up its numbers:
+
+
+                                  Birth Rate     Death Rate
+
+Native born .....................    16.40         17.20
+Irish ...........................    45.60         25.20
+Germans .........................    48.00         15.00
+Russian Jews ....................    94.60         15.90
+Italians ........................   104.60         25.30
+
+
+It is evident from this table that the foreign born are increasing in
+Boston very rapidly in numbers through birth, while the native born are
+apparently not even holding their own. The high birth rate of the
+foreign born is, of course, in part to be explained through the fact
+that the foreign-born population is made up for the most part of
+individuals in the prime of life, that is, in the reproductive age.
+Nevertheless, while this explains the excessively high birth rate of
+some of these foreign elements, it does not explain the great
+discrepancy between their birth rate and that of the native born. If the
+present tendencies continue, it is apparently not difficult to foresee a
+time in the not very distant future when the old Puritan New England
+families will be replaced in the population of Boston entirely by the
+descendants of recent immigrants.
+
+Moreover, so far as vital statistics concerning different classes can be
+gathered in the northern tier of the states, practically everywhere the
+same tendencies are manifest, that is, everywhere we find the
+native-born white population failing to hold its own alongside of the
+more recent immigrants. Apparently, therefore, we must conclude that the
+birth rate in the native whites in the United States is declining to
+such an extent that that element in our population threatens to become
+extinct if present tendencies continue. Only the Southern whites present
+an exception to this generalization. The Southern white people, from
+various causes not well understood,--partially, perhaps, from family
+pride, partially, perhaps, from racial instinct, but even more probably
+on account of certain economic conditions,--keep up their numbers,
+increasing more rapidly even than the negro population which exists
+alongside of them.
+
+_Causes of the Decrease in Birth Rate in the Native White Stock in the
+United States._ What, then, are the causes of this decrease in the
+birth rate of the native white stock in the United States? It is worth
+our while to inquire briefly into these causes, for they illustrate the
+factors which are at work in favoring or deterring the growth of
+population.
+
+(1) Economic conditions are without doubt mainly at the bottom of the
+decreasing birth rate in the native white American population. Certain
+unfavorable economic conditions have developed in this country of recent
+years for this particular element; especially have higher standards of
+living increased among the native white population in the United States
+more rapidly than their income. This has led to later marriages and
+smaller families. Again, more intense competition along all lines has
+forced certain elements of the native stock into occupations where wages
+are low in comparison with the standard of living. This has, perhaps,
+especially come about through the increased competition which the
+foreign born have offered to the native white element. The foreign born
+have taken rapidly all the places which might be filled by unskilled
+labor and many of the places filled by skilled labor. The native born
+have shrunk from this competition and have retired for the most part to
+the more socially honorable occupations, such as clerkships in business,
+the professions, and the like. In many of these occupations, however, as
+we have already said, the wages are low as compared with the standards
+of living maintained by that particular occupational class; hence, as we
+have already said, later marriages and fewer children. Rising standards
+of living and rising costs of living have, therefore, impinged more
+heavily upon the native born than upon the foreign born. It is difficult
+to suggest a remedy for this condition of affairs. No legislator can
+devise means of encouraging a class to have large families when by so
+doing that class would necessarily have to sacrifice some of its
+standards of living. However, it may be that the native born can be
+protected to some extent from the competition of the foreign born
+through reasonable restrictions upon immigration, and it may also be
+that unreasonable advances in standards of living may be checked, but
+both of these propositions seem to be of somewhat doubtful nature.
+
+(2) No doubt the pressure of economic conditions is not responsible for
+small families in some elements of the native white population in the
+United States, for oftentimes the smallest families are found among the
+wealthy, among whom there could be no danger of a large family lowering
+the standards of living or pressing upon other economic needs. We must
+accept as a second factor in the situation, therefore, the inherent
+selfishness in human nature which is not willing to be burdened with the
+care of children. In other countries, and apparently in all ages, the
+wealthy have been characterized by smaller families than the poor. The
+following table from Bertillon, [Footnote: Quoted by Newsholme, Vital
+Statistics, p. 75.] showing the number of births per thousand women
+between fifteen and fifty years of age in Paris, Berlin, and London
+among the various economic classes, shows conclusively that it is not
+altogether the pressure of economic wants which leads to the limiting of
+a population:
+
+
+         BIRTHS PER THOUSAND WOMEN PER ANNUM
+
+                   Paris    Berlin    London.
+
+Very poor .......   108       157       147
+Poor ............    95       129       140
+Comfortable .....    72       114       107
+Rich ............    53        63        87
+Very rich .......    34        47        63
+
+
+(3) Besides economic conditions and individual selfishness we must
+unfortunately add another cause of decreasing birth rate in our
+population which has been definitely ascertained, and that is vice. Vice
+cuts the birth rate chiefly through the diseases which accompany it.
+About 20 per cent of American marriages are childless, and medical
+authorities state that in one half of these childless marriages the
+barrenness is due to venereal diseases. According to Dr. Prince A.
+Morrow, in his _Social Diseases and Marriage_, 75 per cent of the
+young men in the United States become impure before marriage. This
+serves to disseminate venereal diseases among the general population,
+especially among innocent women and children. The consequence is, on the
+one hand, a considerable number of sterile marriages and on the other
+hand a high infant mortality. It need not be assumed, as we have already
+said, that vice is more prevalent to-day than in previous generations,
+but on account of the conditions of our social life diseases which
+accompany vice are now more widely disseminated than they have been at
+any time in our previous history; therefore, even the physical results
+of vice are different to-day than they were a generation or more ago.
+
+(4) Education has been alleged as a cause of decreasing birth rate in
+the native white American stock. This, however, is true only in a very
+qualified sense. While it is a fact, as collected statistics have shown,
+that if Harvard and other universities depended on children of their
+alumni for students their attendance would actually decrease in numbers,
+it is not true that college graduates have had a lower birth rate than
+the economic and social classes to which they belong. So far as
+statistics have been collected, indeed, they seem to indicate that the
+wealthy uneducated are producing fewer children than the educated
+classes who associate with them. The influence decreasing the birth rate
+among the educated is, therefore, not education itself, but the high
+standards of living and the luxury of the classes with whom they
+associate.
+
+On the other hand, the higher education of women seems to be, down to
+the present time, operating as a distinct influence to lessen the birth
+rate among the educated classes for the reason that apparently a
+majority of educated women do not marry. The higher education has not
+yet gone far enough, however, to give us any definite facts with which
+to judge what the ultimate effect of woman's higher education will be.
+If the higher education of woman is going to lead to a large per cent of
+the best and most intellectual women in society leading lives of
+celibacy, then, of course, ultimately the higher education of woman will
+be disastrous to the race. But probably the relative infrequency of
+marriage among women who are college graduates is a transitory
+phenomenon due to the fact that neither women nor men are as yet
+adjusted to the higher education of women.
+
+(5) Some phases of the "woman's movement" have without doubt tended to
+lessen the birth rate in certain sections of American society. Some of
+the leaders of the woman's movement have advocated, for example, that
+women should choose a single life, while others have advocated that
+families should not have more than two children. Mrs. Ida Husted Harper,
+indeed, has gone so far as to claim that if families would have but two
+children this would be a cure-all for many social troubles. Indeed, this
+ideal of two children in the family has been so widely disseminated in
+this country that it is often spoken of as the "American Idea." Of
+course, such teachings could not be without some effect. Without
+attempting to reply to the advocates of this theory of but two children
+to a family, it will be sufficient to remark that for a population
+simply to remain stationary three children at least must be born to each
+family on the average; otherwise, if only two children are born, as one
+of the children is apt to die or fail to marry, the population will
+actually decrease in numbers. Under the best modern conditions one out
+of three children now born either fails to live to maturity or fails to
+reproduce. There must be, therefore, more than three children born to
+the average family for a population to grow. From the sociological point
+of view the ideal family would seem to be one in which from three to six
+children are born.
+
+(6) Finally, not all of the childless and small families in the native
+American stock are due by any means to voluntary causes, or even
+involuntary causes of the kind that we have mentioned. There are also
+certain other obscure physiological causes at work producing sterility
+in American women. The sterility of American women is greater than that
+of any other civilized population, even apart from the causes which have
+just been mentioned. Some say this is due to physical deterioration in
+the native white American stock, and there are other things which seem
+to point in that direction. It may be, however, that this deterioration
+is in no sense racial, but only individual, affecting certain
+individuals who lead a relatively unnatural life. Our American
+civilization puts a great strain upon certain elements of our
+population, and this strain in many cases falls even more upon the women
+than upon the men. The social life of the American people, in other
+words, is oftentimes such as to produce exhaustion and physical
+degeneracy, and this shows itself in the women of a population first of
+all in sterility. It is evident that the remedy for this cause is a more
+natural and more simple life on the part of all, if it is possible to
+bring this about.
+
+Thus, the causes which influence birth rate are evidently very complex.
+In the main they are doubtless economic causes among all peoples, but
+there is no reason to believe that these economic causes act alone in
+determining birth rate, nor is there any reason to believe that the
+other psychological and biological causes may be in any way derived from
+the economic. So far as we can see, then, industrial conditions are
+mainly responsible for the lessened birth rate in the native white
+American stock. But mingled with these industrial conditions, operating
+as causes, are certain psychological (or moral) and biological factors
+that have to be considered as in the main independent. It is furthermore
+evident that the causes which lead to the decline and extinction of any
+population, whether civilized or uncivilized, are complex. All efforts
+to explain the extinction of peoples of antiquity, or modern nature
+peoples, such as the North American Indians and the Polynesians, through
+any single set of causes, must be looked at as unscientific. It can
+readily be shown that in all these cases the causes of the decline of
+the birth rate and the ultimate extinction of the stock are numerous and
+are not reducible to any single set of causes.
+
+_Causes which Influence the Death Rate._ Before we can fully
+understand the causes of the growth of a population, that is, of the
+surplus of births over deaths, we must understand something also about
+the things which influence the death rate as well as the things which
+influence the birth rate, because, let it be borne in mind, the growth
+of a given population (excluding immigration always) is due to the
+combined working of these two factors.
+
+Within certain limits the death rate is more easily controlled than the
+birth rate. It is very difficult for society deliberately to set about
+to increase the birth rate, but it is comparatively easy for it to take
+deliberate measures to decrease the death rate, because all individuals
+have a selfish interest in decreasing the death rate; but the increase
+of the birth rate does not appeal to the self-interest of individuals.
+Modern medical science, as we have seen, has done much to decrease the
+death rate in civilized countries, and it promises to do even more.
+Fifty years ago a death rate of fifty or sixty per thousand population
+in urban centers was not unusual, but now a death rate of thirty to
+forty in a thousand in the same communities is considered an intolerable
+disgrace, and the time will shortly come, no doubt, when even a death
+rate of twenty per thousand of the population will be considered
+disgraceful to any community. As we have already seen, the normal death
+rate of the most enlightened European and American communities tends to
+establish itself around fifteen or sixteen.
+
+Of course the sanitary and hygienic conditions which influence the death
+rate are so numerous that we cannot enter into and discuss them. We can
+only mention some of the more general social influences which are often
+overlooked and are of particular interest to the sociologist.
+
+(1) The effect of war upon the death rate, particularly of the
+victorious, is not so great as many people suppose. Considerable wars
+are apparently often waged without very greatly increasing the number of
+deaths in a given population. This is, however, only true, as has
+already been said, of the victorious side. With the defeated it is far
+different. The death rate among the defeated in a modern war is
+oftentimes very greatly raised, but this is due not so much to the large
+number killed in battle as to the fact that the defeated have their
+territory invaded, their industries disturbed, and their general
+industrial and living conditions depressed. The vital statistics of
+France and Germany in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 illustrate
+this point. In Germany the death rate in 1869, the year before the war,
+was 28.5; in 1870, the first year of the war, 29; and in 1871, the
+culminating year of the war, 31. These figures include the armies in the
+field. For France, however, the defeated party, the figures were far
+different. In 1869 the death rate in France was 23.4; in 1870, 28.3; in
+1871, 34.8. Thus, while Germany had its death rate increased by the
+Franco-Prussian War merely 2.5 per thousand of the population, France
+had its death rate increased 11.4. From this it is plain that it is the
+economic disturbances which accompany war, and particularly those which
+are manifest among the defeated, which cause a very large part of the
+higher death rate.
+
+(2) As already implied, then, economic depression exercises a very
+considerable influence upon death rate, particularly when economic
+depression causes very high prices for the necessities of life and even
+widespread scarcity of food. This cause produces far more deaths in
+modern nations than war. The doubling of the price of bread in any
+civilized country would be a far greater calamity than a great war.
+While modern civilized peoples fear famine but little, there are many
+classes in the great industrial nations that live upon such a narrow
+margin of existence that the slightest increase in the cost of the
+necessities of life means practically the same as a famine to these
+classes. Statistics, therefore, of all modern countries, and
+particularly of all great cities, show an enormous increase in sickness
+and death among the poorer classes in times of economic depression.
+
+(3) Climate and season are rather constant factors in the death rate of
+all communities. The rule here is that in northern countries the death
+rate is higher in winter, while in southern countries and in great
+cities the death rate is higher in summer. Taking 100 as an arbitrary
+standard, in Sweden in February deaths rise to 113, in August they go
+down to 79; while in Italy in February deaths are at 106 as compared
+with the standard, and in August at 111,--the period of minimum death
+rate in Italy being in the spring and autumn. In a great city like
+Berlin, if 100 be taken as the standard, deaths are 88 in February and
+144 in August, owing very largely to the higher death rate of children
+in the summer months in great cities.
+
+(4) The biological fact of sex also influences death rate. Males in
+general are shorter-lived than females. This is in part due to the fact
+that in human populations men are more exposed to the dangers of
+industry in earning a livelihood, while women are more secluded in the
+home. But this does not explain entirely the discrepancy in the death
+rate of the two sexes, for boy babies under the same conditions die more
+frequently than girl babies. As we have already seen, the female
+organism is the more stable, biologically, and hence females, while
+having less physical strength, have more vitality than males. In Great
+Britain the death rate (1872-1880) for the males was 22.7 per thousand
+of the male population annually, while the death rate for the females
+was 20.2 per thousand of their population annually.
+
+(5) Conjugal condition is also a factor which affects death rate. The
+differences between the death rates of the married and unmarried have
+long been noted. The following table of the death rates of males and
+females of different conjugal classes between the ages of forty and
+fifty years (in Germany, 1876-1880), taken from Professor Mayo-Smith's
+_Statistics and Sociology_, illustrates this:
+
+
+Single males ....................... 26.5 per thousand
+Married males ...................... 14.2  "     "
+Widowed males ...................... 29.9  "     "
+
+Single females ..................... 15.4  "     "
+Married females .................... 11.4  "     "
+Widows ............................. 13.4  "     "
+
+
+It will be seen from these figures that the death rate among the single
+is in all the more advanced years of life higher than among the married.
+The probable explanation of this, however, is not that the married state
+is better physiologically, as has been so often claimed, but that it is
+better socially. These figures are a testimony, in other words, to the
+social advantages of the home. Single persons, particularly in the more
+advanced years of life, who are without homes, are more liable to fall
+sick, and when sick are less liable to receive proper care. That these
+figures show the great social advantage of the home in preserving life
+is evident from the fact that among the widowed males, whose homes have
+been broken up, the death rate is higher even than among the single
+males. Moreover, in interpreting such statistics we must bear in mind
+that the unmarried in the higher ages of life are made up very often of
+those who are relatively abnormal, either physically or mentally, that
+is, of the biologically unfit. Inasmuch as the single persons include
+many of this class, and also lack the comforts of home, it is not
+surprising that the death rate is much higher among them.
+
+(6) Infantile mortality is one of the most interesting phases of vital
+statistics. We have already said that the death rate is a good rough
+measure of a people's civilization. Even more can we say that the death
+rate among children, particularly those under one year of age, is an
+index to a people's sanitary and moral condition. Taking the world as a
+whole, it is still estimated that one half of all who are born die
+before the age of five years. This represents an enormous waste of
+energy. Even in many of the most civilized countries the death rate
+among children, and especially among infants under one year of age, is
+still comparatively high. Most of this death rate is unnecessary, could
+be avoided, and, as we have already said, represents a waste of life.
+Dr. Newman [Footnote: In his work on _Infant Mortality_.] gives the
+following statistics for different civilized countries for the ten-year
+period of 1894-1903. These statistics, we may note, are based on the
+percentage of deaths among children under one year of age and not upon
+the one thousand of their population. In Russia, 27 per cent of all
+children born during the ten-year period of 1894-1903 died the first
+year; in Germany, 19.5 per cent; in Italy, 17 per cent; in France, 15.5
+per cent; in England, 15 per cent; in Ireland, 10 per cent; in Norway,
+9.4 per cent; in New Zealand, 9.7 per cent; while in the United States
+in 1900, according to the census, 16.2 per cent of all children born in
+the registration area died the first year.
+
+The Laws of the Growth of Population.--Can the growth of population be
+reduced to any principle or law? This is a problem which has puzzled
+social thinkers for a long time. Many have thought that the growth of
+population can be reduced to one or more relatively simple laws, but we
+have seen from analyzing the statistics of birth rate and death rate
+that this is hardly probable. A formula that would cover the growth of
+population would have to cover all of the variable causes influencing
+birth rate and death rate and so entering into the surplus of births
+over deaths. It is evident that these causes are too complex to be
+reduced to any such formula among modern civilized peoples. In the
+animal world and among uncivilized peoples, however, conditions are
+quite different, and the growth of population is regulated by certain
+very simple principles or laws. Thus it is probable that for centuries
+before the whites came, the Indians of North America were stationary in
+their population, for the reason that under their stationary condition
+of culture a given area could support only so many people. In conditions
+of savagery, and even of barbarism, therefore, we can lay down the
+principle that population will increase up to the limit of food supply,
+will stop there and remain stationary until food supply increases. This
+is the condition which governs the growth of the population of all
+animal species, and, as we have already said, of the savages and
+barbarians among the human species. But among civilized men who have
+attempted the control of physical nature, and to some extent even the
+control of human nature, many other factors enter in to influence both
+birth rate and death rate, and so the growth of the population.
+
+Nevertheless, many social thinkers of the past have conceived, as has
+already been said, that the growth of population might be reduced to
+very simple and definite laws. Among the first who proposed laws
+governing population was an English economist, Thomas Robert Malthus,
+whose active career coincides with the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century. In 1798 Malthus put forth a little book which he entitled _An
+Essay on the Principle of Population as it affects the future
+improvement of society_. This essay went through numerous editions
+and revisions, and in it Malthus elaborated his famous economic theory
+of the growth of population. Inasmuch as this theory of Malthus has been
+the storm center of sociological and economic writers for the past one
+hundred years, it is worth our while to note very briefly what Malthus's
+theory was, and why it is inadequate as a scientific statement of the
+laws governing the growth of population.
+
+_Malthus's Theory of Population._ In the first edition of his essay
+Malthus contended that population tends to increase in geometric ratio,
+while food at best will increase only in arithmetical ratio; and that
+this means that constant discrepancies between population and food
+supply would appear, with the result that population would have to be
+cut down to food supply. Later Malthus saw how crude this statement of
+his theory was and abandoned any attempt at mathematical statement,
+presenting substantially the following theory: (1) Population is
+necessarily limited by food; (2) Population always increases where food
+increases and tends to increase faster than food; (3) The checks that
+keep population down to food supply may be classified as positive and
+preventive. Positive checks are those which increase the death rate,
+such as famine, poverty, vice, disease, and the like. Preventive checks
+are those that decrease the birth rate, such as late marriage and
+prudence in the birth of children. Inasmuch as Malthus believed that the
+positive checks must always operate where the preventive checks did not,
+he advocated the use of the preventive checks as the best means to
+remedy human misery. The inherent tendency of population to outstrip
+food supply, Malthus believed to be the main source of human misery in
+all of its forms.
+
+_Criticisms of Malthus's Theory._ (1) It is evident that Malthus's
+theory applies only to a stationary society, that is, a non-progressive
+society, because in a progressive society human invention and,
+therefore, food supply, may far outstrip any increase of population.
+This has been the case in practically all civilized countries during the
+nineteenth century, where improvements in machinery and agriculture have
+greatly increased the food supply. If it be replied that this increase
+of food is but temporary, and that sooner or later Malthus's theory must
+operate, then it may be said, on the other hand, that as yet we see no
+limit of man's mastery over nature, and that apparently we are just
+entering upon the stage of material progress. Moreover, so far as any
+given country is concerned, wealth is potential food supply, and in the
+United States during the last fifty years wealth has increased four
+times as fast as the population. Malthus, of course, did not foresee the
+inventions and agricultural progress of the nineteenth century. Still,
+it is evident that his theory is a static one and cannot be made to
+apply to any progressive society.
+
+(2) Similarly, the theory makes no allowance for the increased
+efficiency which may come with increased population, because increase of
+population makes possible better coöperation. As we have already seen,
+coöperation and division of labor in a society depend upon the size of
+the group to a certain extent, that is, the larger the group there is
+for organization the better can be the organization and division of
+labor in that group. Every increase of population, therefore, opens up
+new and superior ways of applying labor; and coöperation and the
+division of labor make it possible for men to do more as a group than
+they could possibly accomplish working as individuals. Improved means of
+coöperation, therefore, operate very much the same way in human society
+in controlling nature as new inventions.
+
+(3) The theory of Malthus makes no allowance for the general law of
+animal fertility, which is that as the rate of individual evolution
+increases the rate of reproduction decreases. Of course, Malthus's
+theory antedates this law of animal fertility, which was first stated by
+Herbert Spencer. Some scientists declare that this law does not apply
+within the human species, and it must be admitted that it is not yet
+certain that it does. As we have already seen, however, the lower and
+less individualized classes in human society reproduce much more rapidly
+than the upper or more individualized classes. Increase of food supply,
+of wealth, and so on, does not necessarily mean increase of population,
+and the fatal error in Malthus's theory is that he assumes that wherever
+food increases population always increases also.
+
+(4) The overpopulation which Malthus feared, so far from being an evil,
+has been shown by the labors of Darwin to be the condition essential to
+the working of the process of natural selection in the human species.
+Overpopulation, at least until artificial selection arrives, is not an
+evil, but a good in human society. Without it there would not be
+sufficient elimination of the unfit in human society to prevent
+wholesale social degeneration. Even with artificial selection, however,
+some overpopulation would be necessary for the working of any scheme of
+selection. We must conclude, then, that Malthus's theory, either as an
+explanation of the growth of modern populations or as an implied
+practical ethical doctrine, is of no value whatever.
+
+This is not saying, of course, that Malthus's theory may not have some
+elements of truth in it. Undoubtedly Malthus's theory does apply to
+stationary, non-progressive peoples, like savages and barbarians in
+certain stages of culture, and also perhaps to certain classes in modern
+society who fail to participate in modern social progress. But these
+lower classes or elements in human society are constantly decreasing,
+especially in America, where the tendency to individual improvement is
+so marked. Again, Malthus's theory, so far as it depends upon the
+economic law of diminishing returns in agriculture, has also certain
+elements of truth in it, and in so far as it merely asserts that the
+struggle for existence in human society is, in the last analysis, a
+struggle for food. Finally, Malthus meant his theory chiefly as a
+criticism of socialistic and communistic schemes, which would equalize
+wealth and do away with competition in society. Unquestionably any such
+scheme to equalize wealth and do away with competition in society would
+result in the enormous increase of the lower and more brutal element of
+society--those that have not yet participated in modern culture.
+Malthus's theory as a criticism of socialistic schemes that would do
+away with competition (this, however, does not apply to modern
+scientific socialism) is unquestionably as good to-day as when it was
+written.
+
+Most modern economists and sociologists recognize the failure of Malthus
+to formulate a successful theory of population, and so many have
+attempted to form theories independent of Malthus; but it must be said
+regarding most of these attempts that they have succeeded no better than
+Malthus. For example, a French economist and sociologist, Arsène Dumont,
+has formulated the theory that society is like a sponge so far as
+population is concerned,--that it will take up just as many new
+individuals as it has industrial room for, and that population will in
+all cases expand to meet these increased economic opportunities.
+Dumont's theory is that population will increase so far as what he calls
+the power of social capilarity extends. The law of population is, then,
+the capilarity of society. Where there are new economic opportunities
+population will increase; where there are no new economic opportunities
+there will be no increase. France has no new economic opportunities, so
+the population will not increase. The same is true of certain classes in
+the United States. This theory tries to make population depend even more
+entirely upon economic conditions than Malthus's theory. At first it
+appears more plausible than Malthus's theory, but this is probably
+because it is more vague. Economic influences are powerful influences,
+as we have already seen, in determining the growth of a population, but
+they are not the only ones. The factors which make up the surplus of
+births over deaths are so complex that they cannot possibly be lumped
+together and called collectively economic conditions. Dumont's theory of
+the growth of population has no more scientific value than Malthus's
+theory.
+
+In conclusion, we may say that we are unable to formulate any laws of
+population which are worthy of the name of laws as yet, and it seems
+probable that, while we may understand clearly enough the factors which
+enter into the growth of population, we shall never be able to reduce
+these factors to a single formula or law. Social phenomena are too
+complex, we may here note, to reduce to simple formulas or laws as
+physical phenomena are reduced. Indeed, it is doubtful whether laws
+exist among social phenomena in the same sense in which they exist among
+physical phenomena, that is, as fixed relations among variable forces.
+Human society has in it another element than mechanical causation or
+physical necessity, namely, the psychic factor, and this so increases
+the complexity of social phenomena that it is doubtful if we can
+formulate any such hard and fixed laws of social phenomena as of
+physical phenomena. This is not saying, however, that social phenomena
+cannot be understood and that there are not principles which are at work
+with relative uniformity among them. It is only saying that the social
+sciences, even in their most biological or physical aspects, cannot be
+reduced to the same exactness as the physical sciences, though the
+knowledge which they offer may be in practice just as trustworthy.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+MAYO-SMITH, _Statistics and Sociology_, Chaps. IV-VIII.
+BAILEY, _Modern Social Conditions_, Chaps. III-VI.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+BONAR, _Malthus and his Work._
+BOWLEY, _Elements of Statistics._
+MALTHUS, _Essay on the Principle of Population._
+NEWSHOLME, _Vital Statistics._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+
+THE IMMIGRATION PROBLEM
+
+In new countries population may increase by immigration as well as by
+the surplus of births over deaths. Immigration is, therefore, a
+secondary means of increasing the population of a country, and in new
+countries is often of great importance.
+
+Immigration, or the migration of a people into a country, along with its
+correlative emigration, or the migration of a people out of a country,
+constitutes a most important social phenomenon. All peoples seem more or
+less migratory in their habits. Man has been a wanderer upon the face of
+the earth since the earliest times. According to modern anthropology the
+human species probably evolved in a relatively narrow area and peopled
+the earth by successive migrations to distant lands. In all ages,
+therefore, we find more or less migratory movements of populations. But
+the movements in modern times, particularly in the nineteenth century,
+probably exceed, in the number of individuals concerned, any other
+migratory movements of which we have knowledge in history. Ancient
+migrations were, moreover, somewhat different from modern immigration
+and emigration. Ancient migrations were largely those of peoples or
+tribes, while in modern times migration is more of an individual matter.
+The Huns, for example, came into Europe as a nation, but the immigration
+into the United States at the present time is wholly an individual
+movement. The causes of migration are more or less universal, but
+corresponding to the difference in ancient and modern migrations we find
+the causes varying somewhat in ancient and modern times. The causes of
+ancient migrations and the primary causes of all migrations seem to be:
+(1) lack of food; (2) lack of territory for an expanding population; (3)
+war. In modern times we find other causes operating, like, (4) the labor
+market; men now migrate chiefly to get better economic opportunities;
+(5) government; in modern times the oppression of unjust governments has
+often caused extensive migration; (6) religion; religious persecution
+and intolerance have in modern times been important among the causes of
+migration.
+
+History of Immigration into the United States.--The great economic
+opportunities offered by the settlement of the vast territory of the
+United States, together with a combination of causes in Europe, partly
+political, partly religious, and partly economic, have caused, during
+the last century, a flood of immigrants from practically all European
+countries, to invade the United States, greater in number of individuals
+than any recorded migration in history. Between 1820, the first year for
+which we have immigration statistics, and 1907, 25,318,000 immigrants
+sought homes, temporarily or permanently, in this country,--more than
+one half of them coming since 1880. Before 1820 it is improbable that
+immigration into the United States assumed any large proportions. Even
+up to 1840 the number of immigrants was comparatively insignificant.
+Thus in 1839 the number was only 68,000, and not until 1842 did the
+number of immigrants first cross the 100,000 mark. Owing to the potato
+famine in Ireland in the forties, however, and to the unsuccessful
+revolution in Germany in 1848, the number of immigrants from Europe
+began greatly to increase. From 1851 to 1860 inclusive no less than
+2,598,000 immigrants sought homes in this country. The number fell off
+greatly during the Civil War, and did not reach the same proportions
+again until the eighties, when from 1881 to 1890 the volume of
+immigration rose to 5,246,000. The number of immigrants again declined
+during the nineties, owing largely to the financial depression in the
+United States, to 3,800,000; but during the decade, 1901-1910, it
+surpassed all former records, and amounted to nearly 9,000,000.
+
+It is curious to note how the maximum periods of immigration have
+hitherto been about ten or twenty years apart. Thus the first noteworthy
+maximum of 427,000, in 1854, was not surpassed again until 1873, when
+another maximum of 459,000 was recorded; in 1882 another maximum was
+reached of 788,000, and in 1903 another maximum of 857,000. After 1903,
+however, immigration went on increasing until 1907. These fluctuations
+in immigration correspond to the economic prosperity of the country,
+and, as Professor Commons has shown, are almost identical with the
+fluctuations in foreign imports. This shows very conclusively the
+prevailing economic character of modern migration.
+
+During 1905, 1906, and 1907, indeed, the United States received more
+immigrants than its total population at the time of the Declaration of
+Independence. In 1905 the number was 1,027,000; in 1906, 1,100,000; in
+1907, 1,285,000. It seems probable, however, that about twenty-five per
+cent will have to be deducted from these immigration statistics in
+prosperous years to allow for emigrants returning to their home
+countries. In a year of economic depression like 1908 when only 782,000
+immigrants entered the country, the number of emigrants returning was
+over one half of the total number who entered.
+
+Previous to 1890, nearly all of the immigrants who came to us came from
+the countries of Northern Europe. It has been claimed that as high as
+ninety per cent came from Teutonic and Celtic countries, and were,
+accordingly, almost of the same blood as the early settlers; but since
+1890 the character of our immigration has changed so that since that
+time nearly seventy per cent have come from non-Teutonic countries, such
+as Russia, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Greece. The period of maximum
+immigration for the Irish to this country was the forties and fifties;
+the period of maximum immigration for the Germans was the fifties and
+eighties; and for the English, the seventies and eighties. But the
+period of maximum immigration for the Italians can scarcely as yet be
+reckoned by decades at all. The Italians first began coming in numbers
+exceeding 100,000 only in 1900, but in 1906, 273,000 of our immigrants
+were Italians, and in 1907, 285,000. This latter number is larger than
+any single European nationality ever sent to us in a single year, unless
+we except the 338,000 people of various nationalities sent to us by
+Austria-Hungary in the same year. The immigration from Austria-Hungary,
+also, to the United States did not exceed 100,000 until the year 1900,
+but by 1905 it had reached 275,000, and, as has been said, in 1907
+reached 338,000. The immigration from Russia, consisting largely of
+Russian Jews and Poles began to be considerable, if we include Poland in
+Russia, by 1892, when it reached 122,000. In 1903, after falling off, it
+reached 136,000; in 1906, 215,000; and in 1907, 258,000.
+
+_Present Sources of our Immigration_. These statistics have been
+cited to show the change in the sources from which we are receiving
+immigrants. This can be brought out still more clearly by contrasting a
+typical year previous to 1890 with one of the latest years. The year
+1882 was the year, previous to 1890, of maximum immigration into this
+country. During that year we received 788,000 immigrants. Nearly all, as
+the table which we are about to give will show, came from countries of
+Northern Europe. In order to contrast the sources of our immigration a
+quarter of a century ago with the present sources, we will compare the
+year 1882 with the year 1907, which thus far has been the year of
+maximum immigration into the United States,--the total number of
+immigrants for 1907 being 1,285,000:
+
+
+                    IMMIGRATION, 1882.
+                                                        Per cent.
+
+Great Britain and Ireland .................   179,423     22.8
+Germany ...................................   250,630     31.7
+Scandinavia ...............................   105,326     13.3
+Netherlands, France, Switzerland, etc. ....    27,795      3.5
+
+Total Western Europe ......................               71.3
+
+Italy .....................................    32,159      4.1
+Austria-Hungary ...........................    29,150      3.7
+Russia, etc. ..............................    22,010      2.7
+
+Total Southern and Eastern Europe .........               10.5
+
+All other countries .......................               18.2
+[Footnote: 1. Of the immigration from
+"other countries" 98,295 was from British
+North America, or 12.4 per cent of the
+total. This,added to the 71.3 per cent from
+Western Europe, makes a total of 83.7 of
+the immigrants in 1882 of West European
+stock.]
+
+                                                         100.0
+
+
+
+                    IMMIGRATION, 1907.
+                                                        Per cent.
+
+Great Britain and Ireland .................   113,567      8.8
+Scandinavia ...............................    49,965      3.9
+Germany ...................................    37,807      2.9
+Netherlands, France, Switzerland, etc. ....    26,512      2.1
+
+Total Western Europe ......................               17.7
+
+Austria-Hungary ...........................   338,452     26.3
+Italy .....................................   285,731     22.2
+Russia ....................................   258,943     20.1
+Greece, Servia, Roumania, etc. ............    88,482      6.9
+
+Total Southern and Eastern Europe .........               75.5
+
+All other countries .......................                6.8
+
+                                                         100.0
+
+
+It will be noted that while in 1882, 71.3 per cent of our immigrants
+came from the countries of Western Europe, only 10.5 per cent came from
+the countries of Southern and Eastern Europe. In 1907 the situation was
+very nearly reversed. In 1907 Great Britain and Ireland, and
+Scandinavia, Germany, The Netherlands, Belgium, France, and
+Switzerland--the countries which had furnished 71.3 per cent of our
+immigrants in 1882--furnished only 17.7 per cent, while Austria-Hungary,
+Italy, Russia, Greece, Servia, Roumania, and Turkey in Europe--the
+countries which had furnished but 10.5 per cent in 1882--furnished 75.5
+per cent. This matter of changed sources from which we receive our
+immigrants evidently is one of first importance in any consideration of
+the present immigration problem of the United States.
+
+_The Distribution of Immigrants._ If immigrants would distribute
+themselves evenly over the United States, the immigration problem would
+be quite different from what it is. Instead of this, there is a massing
+of immigrants in some states and communities, and very little evidence
+to show that these immigrants ever distribute themselves normally over
+the whole country. In 1906, for example, the Commissioner of Immigration
+reported that 68.3 per cent of the 1,100,000 immigrants who came that
+year went to the North Atlantic states; 22.1 per cent to the North
+Central states; 4.4 per cent to the Western states; and 4.2 per cent to
+the Southern states. If these figures are at all trustworthy, they
+indicate a congestion of our recent immigrants in the North Atlantic
+states and in certain states of the Central West. So far as the census
+is concerned, it tends to confirm these statistics of the Commissioner
+of Immigration. Our last census returns, being for 1900, can show
+little, of course, of the distribution of the great number of recent
+immigrants that have come from Southern and Eastern Europe. Still the
+1900 census contains some interesting facts regarding the distribution
+of foreign born, or immigrants, that have been received previous to
+1900. According to the census of 1900 the number of foreign born in the
+United States was 10,460,000, or 13.7 per cent of the total population.
+But these foreign born were confined almost entirely to the Northern
+states, that is, the North Atlantic states and North Central states. In
+1900 the Southern states (South Atlantic and South Central) contained
+but 4.6 per cent of the total foreign born of the country. The reason
+why so few of our immigrants have thus far settled in the South is
+perhaps chiefly because of the competition which the cheap negro labor
+of the South would offer to them, and also because the South is still
+largely agricultural, offering few opportunities for the industrial
+employments, into which a majority of our immigrants go. In the North
+Atlantic states in 1900 nearly one fourth of the population was foreign
+born, and 20.7 per cent in the Western states. The following statistics
+will show the percentage of foreign born in typical states: North
+Dakota, 35.4 per cent; Rhode Island, 31.4 per cent; Massachusetts, 30
+per cent; Minnesota, 28.9 per cent; New York, 26 per cent; Wisconsin,
+24.9 per cent; California, 24.7 per cent; Montana, 27.6 per cent;
+Indiana, 8.5 per cent; Maryland, 7.9 per cent; Missouri, 7 per cent;
+North Carolina, 0.2 per cent; and Mississippi, 0.5 per cent. The
+influence of the foreign born in a community, however, is better shown,
+perhaps, if we consider the number of those of foreign parentage, that
+is, the foreign born and their children, than if we consider the number
+of foreign born alone. In a large number of states more than one half of
+the population is of foreign parentage. Thus North Dakota had in 1900,
+77.5 per cent of its population of foreign parentage; Minnesota, 74.9
+per cent; Wisconsin, 71.2 per cent; Rhode Island, 64.2 per cent;
+Massachusetts, 62.3 per cent; South Dakota, 61.1 per cent; Utah, 61.2
+per cent; New York, 59.4 per cent. Connecticut, New Jersey, Illinois,
+Michigan, Montana, Nevada, and California all also had more than one
+half of their population of foreign parentage in 1900. For the United
+States as a whole the number of foreign parentage in 1900 amounted to
+34.3 per cent, or 26,000,000 out of a total population of 76,000,000.
+Many of our large cities also have a high percentage of foreign born and
+of foreign parentage in their population. The percentage of foreign born
+in some of our largest cities in 1900 was as follows:
+
+
+                                                    Per cent.
+
+New York...........................................   37
+Chicago............................................   34.6
+Philadelphia.......................................   22.8
+Saint Louis........................................   19.4
+Boston.............................................   35.1
+Baltimore..........................................   13.5
+San Francisco......................................   34.1
+Cleveland..........................................   32.6
+
+
+These same cities had the following percentage of foreign parentage in
+their population:
+
+
+                                                    Per cent.
+
+New York...........................................   76.9
+Chicago............................................   77.4
+Philadelphia.......................................   54.9
+St. Louis..........................................   61.0
+Boston.............................................   72.2
+Baltimore..........................................   38.2
+San Francisco......................................   75.2
+Cleveland..........................................   75.6
+
+
+These figures show the tendency of our immigrants to mass together in
+certain states and also in our great cities; so that it has come about
+that it is said that New York is the largest German city in the world
+except Berlin; the largest Italian city except Rome; the largest Polish
+city except Warsaw, and by far the largest Jewish city in the world.
+
+Only one nationality distributes itself relatively evenly over the
+country, and that is the British. All other nationalities have certain
+favorite sections in which they settle. Thus, the Irish settle mainly in
+the North Atlantic states; the Germans have two favorite settlements in
+the United States, one of them consisting of New York and Pennsylvania,
+and the other of Wisconsin and Illinois, though Michigan, Iowa, and
+Missouri also contain a large number of Germans. The Scandinavians
+locate chiefly in the Northwest, especially in Minnesota, North and
+South Dakota; and the large number of foreign parentage in those states
+is due to Scandinavian immigration. All these nationalities, however,
+readily assimilate with our population, as they have very largely the
+same social and political standards and ideals. But this is not true
+regarding some of the more recent immigrants from Southern and Eastern
+Europe, whose massing in large communities of their own must be regarded
+as a more serious matter. The census does not help us to find out how
+far these recent immigrants have massed in certain localities, but the
+Commissioner of Immigration has kept statistics of the destination of
+these recent immigrants, and they show the following results: In 1907,
+of the 294,000 Italian speaking immigrants who came to us in that year,
+120,000 settled in the state of New York; 53,000 in Pennsylvania; 19,000
+in Massachusetts; and 17,000 in New Jersey. Three fourths of the Italian
+immigrants, in other words, apparently go to these four states. Of the
+138,000 Poles who came in 1907, 33,000 were bound to Pennsylvania,
+31,000 to New York, 12,000 to New Jersey, and 17,000 to Illinois. These
+four states seem to constitute the favorite places of settlement for the
+Slavs. Of the 149,000 Russian and Polish Hebrews who came in 1907,
+93,000 settled in New York state, 15,000 in Pennsylvania, and 9000 in
+Massachusetts, these three states being the favorite places of
+settlement for recent Jewish immigrants.
+
+It seems clear from these figures that the congestion of recent
+immigrants is serious, and it is a question whether with such congestion
+it will be possible to assimilate these recent comers, so unlike
+ourselves in social traditions and ideals, to the American type. It is
+claimed by some that there is no serious congestion of immigrants in
+this country, and that the immigrants distribute themselves through the
+operation of normal economic influences in the places where they are
+most needed, and that we need not, therefore, be concerned about the
+congestion of foreign born in certain communities. This view, however,
+that economic laws or forces will sufficiently attend to this matter of
+the distribution of our immigrants, is not borne out by the facts of
+ordinary observation and experience.
+
+_The Distribution of Immigrants in Industry_. It is probably safe
+to say that four fifths of our recent immigrants belong to the unskilled
+class of laborers, though the percentage of unskilled fluctuates greatly
+from year to year and from nationality to nationality. Out of the total
+of 1,285,000 immigrants in 1907 only 12,600 were recorded by the
+Commissioner of Immigration as belonging to the professional classes;
+190,000, or about 15 per cent, were skilled laborers, including all who
+had any trade; while 760,000 were unskilled laborers, including farm and
+day laborers, 304,000 being persons of no occupation, including women
+and children. When we consider the matter by races, the contrast is even
+more striking. Of the 242,000 South Italian immigrants in 1907 only 701
+were professional men; 26,000, or 11 per cent, were skilled laborers;
+while the number of unskilled amounted to 161,000, or 66 per cent. Of
+the 138,000 Poles who came in 1907, only 273 were professional men;
+8000, or 6 per cent, were skilled laborers; and 107,000, or 77 per cent,
+were unskilled. In the case of the Hebrews, however, there is a much
+higher percentage of skilled laborers and professional men. It is
+claimed by those who favor the policy of unrestricted immigration that
+what this country needs at present is a large supply of unskilled
+laborers, and so the fact that the mass of immigrants belong to the
+unskilled class of laborers, it is said, is no objection to them.
+
+Again, the census of 1900 shows a very uneven distribution of the
+foreign born among the different classes of occupations. Thus, while the
+foreign born constituted about one seventh of the population, over one
+third of those engaged in manufacturing were foreign born; one half of
+those engaged in mining were foreign born; one fourth of those engaged
+in transportation were foreign born; one fourth of those engaged in
+domestic service were also foreign born, while only one eighth of those
+engaged in agriculture were foreign born. This shows that the tendency
+of the foreign born is to mass in such industries as mining,
+manufacturing, and transportation. It is undoubtedly in these industries
+that there is the greatest demand for cheap labor, and the presence of a
+large number of unskilled foreign laborers has made it possible for the
+American capitalists to develop these industries under such conditions
+probably faster than they would otherwise have been developed. At the
+same time, however, all of this has been a hardship to the native-born
+American laborer, and the tendency has been to eliminate the native born
+from these occupations to which the immigrants have flocked.
+
+Some Other Social Effects of Immigration.--(1) The influence on the
+proportion of the sexes of immigration into this country has without
+doubt been considerable. In 1907, out of a total of 1,285,349
+immigrants, 929,976 were males and 355,373 were females. For a long
+period of years about two thirds of all the immigrants into the United
+States have been males. This has considerably affected the proportion of
+the sexes in the United States, making the males about 1,000,000 in
+excess in our population. The influence of such a discrepancy in the
+proportion of the sexes is difficult to state, but it is obvious, from
+all that has previously been said about the importance of the numerical
+equality of the sexes in society, that the influence must be a
+considerable one, and that not for good.
+
+(2) The following table shows how far the increase of population in the
+United States in the decennial periods since 1800 has been due to
+immigration and to reproduction. Until 1840 the increase by immigration
+was so small as to be hardly noticeable, and therefore no account of it
+is taken.
+
+
+          Total Increase     By Immigration     By Birth
+Year        Per cent.          Per cent.        Per cent.
+
+1800         35.70
+1810         36.38
+1820         34.07
+1830         33.55
+1840         32.67                4.66           28.01
+1850         35.87               10.04           25.83
+1860         35.58               11.12           24.46
+1870         22.63                7.25           15.38
+1880         30.08                7.29           22.79
+1890         24.86               10.40           15.40
+1900         20.73                5.86           14.87
+
+
+This table shows that it is not certain that immigration has increased
+the total population of the United States, as a decrease of the natural
+birth rate seems to have accompanied increasing immigration. For this
+reason Professor Francis A. Walker held that it was doubtful that
+immigration had added anything to the population of the United States.
+At any rate, the population of the country was increasing just as
+rapidly before the large volume of immigration was received as it
+increased at any later time. Again, the Southern states, which have
+received practically no immigrants since the Civil War, have increased
+their population as rapidly as the Northern states, that is, the
+increase of population among the Southern whites has been equal to that
+of the Northern assisted by immigration. These two facts suggest that
+the immigrants have simply displaced an equal number of native born who
+would have been furnished by birth rate if the immigrants had never
+come.
+
+(3) Immigration has very largely aided in maintaining a considerable
+amount of illiteracy in the United States in spite of the effects of the
+propaganda for popular education which has been carried on now for the
+last fifty years or more. In 1900 there were still 6,246,000 illiterates
+above the age of ten years in the United States, which was 10.7 per cent
+of the population above that age. Of these, about 3,200,000 were whites,
+and of this number, again, 1,293,000 were foreign born. Nearly all of
+the native white illiterates in the United States are found in the
+Southern states, the white illiteracy in the Northern states being
+practically confined to the foreign born. Thus, in the state of New York
+5.5 per cent are illiterate, but of the native whites only 1.2 per cent
+are illiterate, while 14 per cent of the foreign population can neither
+read nor write. Again, in Massachusetts 5 per cent of the population are
+illiterate, but of the native whites only 0.8 per cent are illiterate,
+while 14.6 per cent of the foreign born are illiterate. Statistics of
+illiteracy for our cities show the same results. Thus, in the city of
+New York 6.8 per cent of the population are illiterate, but only 0.4 per
+cent of the native whites are illiterate, while 13.9 per cent of the
+foreign born are illiterate. Boston has 5.1 per cent of its total
+population illiterate, but only 0.2 per cent of its native white
+population are illiterate, while 11.3 per cent of its foreign-born
+population are illiterate. Of the total immigration in 1907, 30 per cent
+were illiterate. The number of illiterates from different countries
+varies greatly. In 1907, 53 per cent of the immigrants from Southern
+Italy were illiterate. In the same year 40 per cent of the Poles were
+illiterate, 25 per cent of the Slovaks from Austria, 56 per cent of the
+Ruthenians from Austria, 29 per cent of the Russian Jews, and 54 per
+cent of the Syrians. The bulk of our immigration is now made up of these
+people from Southern and Eastern Europe, among whom the illiteracy is
+high. It is interesting to contrast the condition of these people with
+the immigrants from Northern and Western Europe, whence our immigration
+was mainly received a few years ago. The percentage of illiteracy among
+the immigrants from Western Europe is very low. Thus, in 1907 among the
+French it was only 4 per cent; among the Germans, 4 per cent; Irish, 3
+per cent; English, 2 per cent; and Scandinavians, less than 1 per cent.
+Connected more or less with this fact of illiteracy is the number in our
+population who cannot speak English. In 1900 the number of persons in
+the United States above the age of ten years who could not speak English
+was reported by the census to be 1,463,000, but it is probable, owing to
+the recent large immigration, that the number is at least twice that at
+the present time.
+
+(4) Crime and Poverty. It is said that crime is apt to accompany
+migration. However, down to 1904 our immigrants have not shown any
+exaggerated tendency to crime. The special prison census of 1904 showed
+that 23.7 per cent of the male white prisoners were foreign born, while
+23 per cent of the general male white population above the age of
+fifteen years were foreign born. This shows a tendency to crime among
+the foreign born not greatly out of proportion to their numbers in the
+population. The same census, however, showed that 29.8 per cent of all
+white male prisoners committed during 1904 were born of foreign parents,
+while this element constituted only 18.8 per cent of the general white
+male population. Thus, among the children of the foreign born there
+appears to be an exaggerated tendency to crime, while not among the
+foreign born themselves. The probable explanation of this is that the
+children of the foreign born are often reared in our large cities, and
+particularly in the slum districts of those cities. Thus the high
+criminality of the children of the foreign born is perhaps largely a
+product of urban life, but it may be suggested also that the children of
+the foreign born lack adequate parental control in their new American
+environment. Certain elements among our immigrants, however, seem
+strongly predisposed to crime. This is especially true of the Southern
+Italian. For example, the census of 1904 showed that 6.1 per cent of the
+foreign-born prisoners committed during 1904 were Italian, while
+Italians constituted but 4.7 per cent of the total foreign-born
+population. Moreover, if we consider simply serious offenses, the
+evidence of the criminality of the Italian immigrant is even still more
+striking, for 14.4 per cent of the foreign-born major offenders
+committed during 1904 were Italians, while, as was just said, Italians
+constituted only 4.7 per cent of the total foreign-born population.
+
+In the matter of poverty and dependence the foreign born make a more
+unfavorable showing. In the special census report on paupers for 1904
+the proportion of foreign born among almshouse paupers was about twice
+as great as among the native born. Again, in a special investigation
+conducted by the Commissioner of Immigration in the year 1907-1908, out
+of 288,395 inmates of charitable institutions there were 60,025 who were
+foreign born, or about 21 per cent, and out of 172,185 inmates of insane
+hospitals, 50,734, or about 29 per cent, were foreign born. Inasmuch as
+the foreign born probably did not constitute in 1907-1908 more than 15
+or 16 per cent of the total population of both sexes, it is seen that
+the foreign born contribute out of their proportion both to inmates of
+charitable institutions and to the number of the insane. The experience
+of Charity Organization Societies in our large cities, especially New
+York, confirms these findings. It is not surprising, indeed, that many
+of our immigrants should soon need assistance after landing in this
+country, inasmuch as a very large proportion of them come to the United
+States bringing little or no money with them. Thus, for a number of
+years the amount of money brought by immigrants from Russia has varied
+from nine to fifteen dollars per head. On account of the difficulties of
+economic adjustment in a new country it is not surprising, then, that
+many of the immigrants become more or less dependent, some temporarily
+and some permanently.
+
+Immigration into Other Countries.--It has been suggested that with the
+opening up of other new countries the immigration problem of the United
+States would solve itself, and that so many emigrants from Europe will
+soon be going to South America, South Africa, and Australia that this
+country will be in no danger of receiving more than its share. Down to
+recent years, however, there have been little or no signs of such a
+diversion of the stream of immigration from Europe into those countries.
+The principal countries which receive immigrants other than the United
+States are Brazil, Argentina, Canada, and Australia. While Brazil has
+received between 1855 and 1904 a total of 2,096,000 immigrants, the
+present number of immigrants into Brazil seems to be comparatively
+small, for in 1904 it was only 12,400. Argentina, next to the United
+States, receives the most considerable immigration from Europe. From
+1857 to 1906 Argentina received 3,639,000 immigrants. In 1906 the number
+was 252,000, of whom 127,000 were Italian, 17,000 Russian Hebrews, and
+the remainder from various European nationalities. The foreign
+immigration into other South American countries is comparatively
+insignificant. In 1906 Australia received 148,000 immigrants, most of
+whom were British, but the emigration from Australia almost equaled the
+immigration into Australia in that year. Again, in 1906 the Dominion of
+Canada received 189,000 immigrants, chiefly from Great Britain and the
+United States. An unknown number, however, of Canadians migrated across
+the border into the United States,--no record being kept of Canadian
+immigration into the United States since 1885, except of those who come
+by way of seaports. Thus it is certain that the United States receives
+more immigration at the present time than all the other countries of the
+world combined, and, as we have said, there is as yet little or no
+evidence that the stream of European emigration will be diverted for
+some years to come to these other countries. The problem of immigration
+in the United States is not, therefore, a problem of the past, but is
+still a problem of the future. Therefore, the question of reasonable
+restrictions upon immigration into this country and of the improvement
+of the immigrants that we admit is still a pressing problem of the day.
+
+Proposed Immigration Restrictions.--There are no good moral or political
+grounds to exclude all immigrants from this country. The question is not
+one of the prohibition of immigration, but one of reasonable
+restrictions upon immigration, or, as Professor Commons has said, of the
+_improvement_ of immigration.
+
+There can be no question as to the moral right of the United States to
+restrict immigration. If it is our duty to develop our institutions and
+our national life in such a way that they will make the largest possible
+contribution to the good of humanity, then it is manifestly our duty to
+exclude from membership in American society elements which might prevent
+our institutions from reaching their highest and best development. All
+restrictions to immigration, it must be admitted, must be based, not
+upon national selfishness, but upon the principle of the good of
+humanity; and there can be no doubt that the good of humanity demands
+that every nation protect its people and its institutions from elements
+which may seriously threaten their stability and survival. The arguments
+in favor of further restrictions upon the immigration into this country
+may be summed up along four lines:
+
+(1) _The Industrial Argument_. Many of the immigrants work for low
+wages, and, as we have already seen, offer such competition that the
+native born, in certain lines of industry, are almost entirely
+eliminated. This has been, no doubt, a hardship to the native-born
+American workingman. While we have been zealous to protect the American
+workingman from the unfair competition of European labor by high
+protective tariffs, yet inconsistently we have permitted great numbers
+of European laborers to compete with the American workingman upon his
+own soil. On the other hand, this large supply of cheap labor, as we
+have already seen, has enabled American capitalists to develop American
+industries very rapidly, to dominate in many cases the markets of the
+world, and to add greatly to the wealth of the country. It has been
+chiefly the large employers of labor in the United States, together with
+the steamship companies, who have opposed any considerable restrictions
+upon immigration, and thus far their power with Congress has
+successfully prevented the passing of stringent immigration laws. On the
+whole, it is probably true that if industrial arguments alone are to be
+taken into consideration upon the immigration problem, the weight of the
+argument would be on the side of unrestricted immigration. But
+industrial arguments are not the only ones to be taken into
+consideration in considering the immigration problem, and this has been
+hitherto one of the great mistakes of many in discussing the problem.
+
+(2) _The Social Argument._ Many of our recent immigrants are at
+least very difficult of social assimilation. They are clannish, tend to
+form colonies of their own race in which their language, customs, and
+ideals are preserved. This is especially true of the illiterate
+immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. As we have already seen,
+the rate of illiteracy among certain of our recent immigrants is so high
+that they can scarcely be expected to participate in our social life.
+Just the social effect of such colonies of different peoples and
+nationalities upon our own social life and institutions cannot well be
+foreseen, but it can scarcely be a good effect. The public school, it is
+true, does much to assimilate to American ideals and standards the
+children of even the most unassimilable immigrants. The public school is
+not as yet, however, a perfect agency of socialization, and even when
+attended by the children of these immigrants they fail to receive from
+it, in many cases, the higher elements of our culture and still continue
+to remain essentially foreign in their thought and actions.
+
+(3) _The Political Argument._ Many of these immigrants are,
+therefore, incapable of understanding and appreciating our free
+institutions. They are not fit to vote intelligently, but are
+nevertheless quickly naturalized and form a very large per cent of our
+voting population, especially in our large cities. As a rule, they do
+not sell their votes, but their votes are often under the control of a
+few leaders, and thus they are able to hold, oftentimes, the balance of
+power between parties and factions. It is questionable whether free
+institutions can work successfully under such conditions.
+
+(4) _The Racial or Biological Argument._ Undoubtedly the strongest
+arguments in favor of further restriction upon immigration into the
+United States are of a biological nature. The peoples that are coming to
+us at present belong to a different race from ours. They belong to the
+Slavic and Mediterranean subraces of the white race. Now, the Slavic and
+Mediterranean races have never shown the capacity for self-government
+and free institutions which the peoples of Northern and Western Europe
+have shown. It is doubtful if they have the same capacity for
+self-government. Moreover, the whole history of the social life and
+social ideals of these people shows them to have been in their past
+development very different from ourselves. Of course, if heredity counts
+for nothing it will only be a few generations before the descendants of
+these people will be as good Americans as any. But this is the question,
+Does heredity count for nothing? or does blood tell? Are habits of
+acting and, therefore, social and institutional life, dependent, more or
+less, on the biological heredity of peoples, or are they entirely
+independent of such biological influence? There is much diversity of
+opinion upon this question, but perhaps the most trustworthy opinion
+inclines to the view that racial heredity, even between subraces of the
+white race, is a factor of great moment and must be taken into account.
+It is scarcely probable that a people of so different racial heredity
+from ourselves as the Southern Italians, for example, will develop our
+institutions and social life exactly as those of the same blood as
+ourselves. It is impossible to think that the Latin temperament would
+express itself socially in the same ways as the Teutonic temperament.
+Certainly the coming to us of the vast numbers of peoples from Southern
+and Eastern Europe is destined to change our physical type, and it seems
+also probable that if permitted to go on it will change our mental and
+social type also. Whether this is desirable or not must be left for each
+individual to decide for himself.
+
+Another phase of this biological argument is the necessity of selection,
+if we are to avoid introducing into our national blood the degenerate
+strains of the oppressed peoples of Southern and Eastern Europe. If
+selection counts in the life of a people, as practically all biologists
+agree, then the American people certainly have a great opportunity to
+exercise selection on a large scale to determine who shall be the
+parents of the future Americans. While it is undesirable, perhaps, to
+discriminate among immigrants on the ground of race, it would certainly
+be desirable to select from all peoples those elements that we could
+most advantageously incorporate into our own life. The biological
+argument alone, therefore, seems to necessitate the admission of the
+importance of rigid selection in the matter of whom we shall admit into
+this country. At present, however, almost nothing is being accomplished
+in the way of insuring such a selection of the most fit. All that is
+attempted at the present time is to eliminate the very least fit, and
+the elimination amounts to only about one per cent of all who come to
+us.
+
+Our present immigration laws debar a number of classes, chiefly,
+however, persons suffering from loathsome or dangerous diseases, persons
+who are paupers or likely to become public charges, and contract
+laborers, besides Chinese laborers. Practically all who are debarred at
+the present time come under these heads. Other classes who are debarred,
+however, are idiots, imbeciles, epileptics, insane, criminals, assisted
+immigrants, polygamists, anarchists, prostitutes, and procurers. Only an
+insignificant number, however, of immigrants are debarred upon these
+latter grounds. In 1907, with a total immigration of 1,285,000, only
+13,064 were debarred as coming under these excluded classes, or a trifle
+over one per cent. For a number of years, indeed, since we have had any
+restriction laws at all, the number debarred has been a trifle over one
+per cent. Of course, this constitutes no adequate selection of
+immigrants which would satisfy biological or even high social
+requirements. It would seem, therefore, that our immigration laws, from
+a biological and sociological standpoint, are extremely deficient and
+that some means of more adequate selection among immigrants should
+speedily be found.
+
+It has been suggested that a better selection of immigrants may be
+secured by imposing an illiteracy test upon all male immigrants between
+the ages of sixteen and fifty years coming to us, excluding those male
+immigrants between these ages who cannot read or write in some language.
+It is not proposed that this test should take the place of the present
+restrictions, but should be in addition to the present restrictions. It
+is argued by those who favor this test: (1) that it would exclude those
+elements that we desire to exclude, namely, the illiterates from
+Southern and Eastern Europe; (2) that it is easy to apply this test; (3)
+that immigrants would know before leaving European ports whether they
+would be admitted or not; (4) that such a test would have a favorable
+educational and, therefore, social effect upon the countries from which
+we now draw our largest proportion of illiterate immigrants.
+
+It would seem, however, that the more important tests should be certain
+tests as to biological, social, and economic fitness. It would be no
+hardship upon any one for this country to require that all immigrants
+come up to a certain biological standard and that this standard should
+be a very strict one, say, the same as that required for admission to
+the United States army; and that furthermore they should possess enough
+money to insure the probability of their economic adjustment in this
+country. Such tests, moreover, might be enforced by our government
+practically without cost, as the burden of making such tests could be
+placed entirely upon the steamship companies that bring immigrants to
+the United States. It has been shown that a heavy fine of from one
+hundred to five hundred dollars for every person that is brought to the
+United States that does not conform to the requirements of our
+immigration laws is sufficient to make the steamship companies exercise
+a very stringent selection upon all whom they bring to us as immigrants.
+
+Finally, something may probably be done to secure a better distribution
+of our immigrants through the coöperation of the federal government with
+state immigration societies, and with various private employment and
+philanthropic agencies. In any case the requirement that the immigrant
+shall possess beyond his ticket a certain amount of money, say $25.00,
+would help to secure a wider distribution of our immigrants.
+
+Asiatic Immigration.--What has been said regarding there being no good
+social or political argument for the prohibition of immigrants does not
+apply to Asiatic immigration. Here the importance of the racial factor
+becomes so pronounced that it may well be doubted if a policy of
+exclusion toward Asiatic immigration would not be the wisest in the long
+run for the people of this country.
+
+It is true that but few Asiatic immigrants have as yet come to this
+country, but there are grave reasons for believing that if the policy of
+exclusion had not been adopted a quarter of a century ago, Asiatic
+immigration would now constitute a very considerable proportion of our
+total immigration. It is chiefly the Chinese who are the main element in
+Asiatic immigration, and between 1851 and 1900 the Chinese sent us a
+total of only 310,000 immigrants; but in 1882, the year before the first
+Chinese Exclusion Law was put into effect, 39,000 Chinese immigrants
+entered the United States, and if their rate of increase had been kept
+up the Chinese would now be sending us from 100,000 to 300,000
+immigrants annually. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, reenacted and
+strengthened again in 1892 and in 1902, excluded all Chinese laborers
+from the United States. Consequently in 1890 the census showed only a
+total of 107,000 Chinese in this country, and in 1900 only 93,283,
+exclusive of Hawaii. In Hawaii, however, there were 25,767 Chinese in
+1900, most of whom were residents of the islands previous to the
+annexation. The Chinese in continental United States were, moreover,
+massed in 1900 chiefly in the Pacific Coast states, there being 67,729
+Chinese in the Rocky Mountain and Pacific Coast states, of which number
+45,753 were in California alone.
+
+In judging this question of Asiatic immigration we should accept to a
+certain extent the opinion of the people of the Pacific Coast regarding
+the problems which these Asiatic immigrants create. At any rate, the
+opinion of any group of people who are closest to a social problem
+should not be disregarded, as there are probabilities of error on the
+part of the distant observer of conditions as well as on the part of
+those who stand very close to a social problem. Just as we should accept
+the opinion of the Southern people in regard to the negro problem as
+worth something, so we should accept the judgment of the people of our
+Western states in regard to the Chinese and Japanese also as worth
+something. Now, as regards the Chinese, the people of the Pacific Coast
+say they would rather have the negro among them than the Chinese. They
+have numerous objections to the Chinese, similar to the various lines of
+argument which have already been given in favor of the restriction of
+immigration. They say, namely, (1) that the Chinese work for wages below
+the minimum necessary to maintain life for the white man, and so reduce
+the standard of living and crowd out the white working-man. There can
+scarcely be any question that the white laboring man is not able to
+compete economically with the Chinese laborer.
+
+(2) Again, they claim that the Chinese make no contribution to the
+welfare of the country; that they come here to remain several years, to
+attain a competence, and then return to China.
+
+(3) It is claimed that the Chinese are grossly immoral, that they are
+addicted to the opium habit and other vices, and that so few women come
+among the Chinese immigrants that Chinese men menace the virtue of white
+women.
+
+(4) The Chinese do not readily assimilate. They keep their language,
+religion, and customs. They live largely by themselves, and are even
+more completely isolated from American social life than the negro. In
+comparison with them, indeed, one is struck with the fact that the negro
+has our customs, our religion, our language, and, in so far as he has
+been able to attain them, our moral standards, but this is not the case
+with the Chinese. It is, moreover, impossible for the Chinese to assume
+the white man's standards without losing his own social position among
+members of his own race.
+
+(5) The last and strongest argument in favor of the general exclusion of
+Chinese laborers from this country, however, is the racial argument. The
+Chinese are just as different in race from us as the negro, and if
+racial heredity counts for anything it is fatuous to hope to assimilate
+them to the social type of the whites. Moreover, if we should open our
+doors to the mass of Chinese laborers China would be able to swamp us
+with Chinese immigrants. With its hundreds of millions of population
+China could spare to us several hundred thousand immigrants each year
+without feeling the loss. If we wish to keep the western third of our
+country, therefore, a white man's country it would be well not to open
+the doors to Chinese immigrants. It is certain that if we open our doors
+to the mass of Chinese immigrants we shall have another racial problem
+in the West such as we now have in the South with the negro. Those who
+claim upon the basis of sentiment or humanity that we should open our
+doors and attempt to civilize and christianize the flood of Chinese who
+would come to us, probably do not appreciate fully the social status of
+the Chinese or the social status of the American people. The truth is we
+are not yet ourselves enough civilized to undertake the work of
+civilizing and christianizing a very considerable number of people alien
+to ourselves in race, religion and social ideals. Again, those who
+advocate the free admission of the Chinese probably do not appreciate
+the importance of the element of racial heredity in social problems. The
+negro problem should have taught us by this time that this factor of
+racial heredity is not to be discounted altogether.
+
+All that has been said regarding Chinese immigration applies to Asiatic
+immigration in general. It is not surprising, therefore, that since the
+Japanese laborers have begun to come to us in large numbers the people
+of the Pacific Coast should demand the exclusion of the Japanese
+immigrants. While Japan has not the immense population of China and
+while the Japanese are perhaps a more adaptable people than the Chinese,
+still it would seem that in the main the people of the Pacific Coast are
+justified in their fears of the results of a large Japanese immigration.
+For the peace of both countries and of the world, therefore, it is to be
+hoped that the flow of Japanese laborers into the Western states will be
+checked without any disruption of the friendship of the United States
+and Japan. The same thing can be said regarding the Hindoo immigrants
+who are just beginning to come to us. It would appear that the wisest
+policy, therefore, regarding, all Asiatic immigration is the exclusion
+of Asiatic laborers, and as these would constitute over nine tenths of
+all Asiatic immigrants who might come to us, this would assure a
+practical solution of the problem.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+COMMONS, _Races and Immigrants in America_.
+HALL, _Immigration and Its Effect upon the United States_.
+MAYO-SMITH, _Emigration and Immigration_.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+GROSE, _The Incoming Millions_.
+STEINER, _On the Trail of the Immigrant_.
+WHELPLEY, _The Problem of the Immigrant_.
+Reports of the United States Commissioner-General of Immigration.
+
+
+_On Chinese Immigration:_
+
+COOLIDGE, _Chinese Immigration_.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+
+THE NEGRO PROBLEM
+
+Already we have been brought in our study of the immigration problem to
+race problems--problems of the relations of races to one another and of
+their mutual adjustment. The negro problem is one of many race problems
+which the United States has, but because it is the most pressing of all
+of our race problems it is frequently spoken of as _the race
+problem_. An unsolved factor in all race problems is the biological
+influence of racial heredity, and this factor we must seek to understand
+and estimate at the very outset of any scientific study of the negro
+problem.
+
+Racial Heredity as a Factor in Social Evolution.--We have already seen
+that racial heredity is the most important and at the same time the
+least known factor in the problem of immigration. While there is still
+much disagreement among scientific men as to the importance of racial
+heredity in social problems, it can be said that the weight of opinion
+inclines to the view that racial heredity is a very real factor, and one
+which cannot be left altogether out of account in studying social
+problems. The view of Buckle that racial heredity counted for nothing in
+explaining the social life of various peoples is not upheld by modern
+biologists. On the contrary the biological view would emphasize the
+importance of species and racial heredity in all problems connected with
+life; thus no one denies that between different species of animals
+heredity counts for everything in explaining their life activities, and,
+as between the different breeds or races of a single species, no other
+position is possible from the biological point of view. Nevertheless it
+may be admitted that man no longer lives a purely animal life and that
+racial heredity as a factor in his social life may be easily
+exaggerated. On the whole, it is a safe rule to follow that racial
+heredity should not be invoked to explain the social condition of a
+people until practically all other factors have been exhausted.
+Nevertheless as between the different races or great varieties of
+mankind there must be a great difference in racial heredity. It could
+not, indeed, be otherwise, since these different races were developed in
+different geographical environments or "areas of characterization."
+Natural selection has developed in each race of mankind an innate
+character fitted to cope with the environment in which it was evolved.
+This is clearly perceptible in regard to their bodily traits, and all
+modern research seems to show that their native reactions to different
+stimuli also vary greatly, that is, heredity affects their thoughts,
+feelings and mode of conduct as well as the color of skin, texture of
+hair, and shape of head. In other words, the instincts or native
+reactions of the different races of man vary considerably in degree if
+not in quality, and from this it follows that their feelings, ideas, and
+modes of conduct must also vary considerably.
+
+It may be noted, however, that taking racial heredity into full account
+by no means leads to an attitude of fatalism as regards racial problems.
+On the contrary modern biology clearly teaches that racial heredity is
+modifiable both in the individual and in the race. It is modifiable in
+the individual through education or training; it is modifiable in the
+race through selection. Therefore racial heredity does not foredoom any
+people to remain in a low status of culture; only it must be taken into
+account in explaining the cultural conditions of all peoples, and
+especially in planning for a people's social amelioration.
+
+The Racial Heredity of the Negro.--It is generally agreed by
+anthropologists and biologists that mankind constitutes but a single
+species, developed from a single pre-human anthropoid stock. The various
+races of mankind have had, therefore, a common origin, but having
+developed in different geographical areas they each present certain
+peculiar racial traits adapting each to the environment in which it was
+developed. Now, the negro race is that part of mankind which was
+developed in the tropics. In all the negro's physical and mental make-up
+he shows complete adaptation to a tropical environment. The dark color
+of his skin, for example, was developed by natural selection to exclude
+the injurious actinic rays of the sun. The various ways in which the
+negro's tropical environment influenced the development of his mind,
+particularly of his instincts, cannot be here entered into in detail.
+Suffice to say that the African environment of the ancestors of the
+present negroes in the United States deeply stamped itself upon the
+mental traits and tendencies of the race. For example, the tropical
+environment is generally unfavorable to severe bodily labor. Persons who
+work hard in the tropics are, in other words, apt to be eliminated by
+natural selection. On the other hand, nature furnishes a bountiful
+supply of food without much labor. Hence, the tropical environment of
+the negro failed to develop in him any instinct to work, but favored the
+survival of those naturally shiftless and lazy. Again, the extremely
+high death rate in Africa necessitated a correspondingly high birth rate
+in order that any race living there might survive; hence, nature fixed
+in the negro strong sexual propensities in order to secure such a high
+birth rate.
+
+It is not claimed that the shiftlessness and sensuality of the masses of
+the American negroes to-day can be wholly attributed to hereditary
+influences, but it would be a great mistake to suppose that the African
+environment did not have something to do with these two dominant
+characteristics of the present American negro. So we might go through
+the whole list of the conspicuous traits and tendencies of the American
+negro, and in practically every case we would find good reason for
+believing that these racial traits and tendencies are at least in part
+instinctive, that is, due to the influence of racial heredity.
+
+The question is frequently raised whether the negro is inferior by
+nature to the white man or not. It is obvious from what has been said
+that the negro may, on the side of his instinctive or hereditary
+equipment, be inferior to the white man in his natural adaptiveness to a
+complex civilization existing under very different climatic conditions
+from those in which he was evolved. This does not mean, however, that
+the negro is in any sense a degenerate. On the contrary, from the point
+of view of a tropical environment, as we have already made plain, the
+negro may be regarded as the white man's superior. It is only in
+countries out of his own natural environment, under strange conditions
+of life to which he has not yet become biologically adapted, that the
+negro is inferior to the white man. In Africa he is the white man's
+superior if we adopt survival as the test of superiority.
+
+Influence of Slavery on the Negro.--There is no longer any doubt that
+the influence of slavery on the negro, as a form of industry, was both
+beneficent and maleficent. The negroes brought to America by the slave
+traders were subject to a very severe artificial selection, which,
+perhaps, secured a better type of negro physically on the whole, and a
+more docile type mentally; but the chief beneficent influence of slavery
+on the negro was that it taught him to work, to some extent at least.
+Moreover, it gave the negro the Anglo-Saxon tongue and the rudiments of
+our morality, religion, and civilization.
+
+On the other hand, slavery did not fit the individual or the race for a
+life of freedom, and did not raise moral standards much above those of
+Africa. The monogamic form of the family was, to be sure, enforced upon
+the slaves, but the family life was often broken up; for even when the
+owner of the slaves was kind-hearted and humane, on his death his
+property would be sold and the families of his slaves scattered. Under
+such conditions it is not surprising that the negro learned little of
+family morality. Again, being property himself, the negro could not be
+taught properly to appreciate the rights of property. Finally slavery
+failed to develop in the slave that self-mastery and self-control which
+are necessary for free social life. Admirable as slavery was in some
+ways as a school for an uncultivated people, it failed utterly in other
+ways; and it surely should not be difficult to devise methods of
+training at the present time which are superior to anything that slavery
+as a school for the industrial training of the negro could possibly have
+accomplished.
+
+Statistics of the Negro Problem in the United States. The following
+table will show the percentage of negroes in the population of the
+United States at different decades (Negro, in census terminology,
+includes all persons of negro descent):
+
+
+                                        Per cent.
+
+1790 ................................... 19.37
+1800 ................................... 18.88
+1810 ................................... 19.03
+1830 ................................... 18.10
+1840 ................................... 16.84
+1850 ................................... 15.69
+1860 ................................... 14.13
+1870 ................................... 12.60
+1880 ................................... 13.12
+1890 ................................... 11.93
+1900 ................................... 11.63
+
+
+In 1860 the total number of negroes in the population of the United
+States was 4,441,000. Forty years later, in 1900, the number had just
+doubled, having reached 8,840,000. Nevertheless, it will be seen from
+the above table that the percentage of negroes in the total population
+has steadily diminished, although the negro population doubled between
+1860 and 1900. Between 1890 and 1900 the comparative rates of increase
+for the whites and negroes were: whites, 21.49 Per cent; negroes, 18.10
+per cent.
+
+Geographical Distribution of the Negroes. The negro problem would not be
+so acute in certain sections of the country if negroes were distributed
+evenly over the country instead of being massed as they are in certain
+sections. Ninety per cent of the total number of negroes in the country
+live in the South Atlantic and South Central states. Moreover, over
+eighty per cent live in the so-called "Black Belt" states,--the "Black
+Belt" being a chain of counties stretching from Virginia to Texas in
+which over half of the population are negroes. The following table shows
+the percentage of negro population in these states of the "Black Belt":
+
+
+                                                   Per cent.
+
+Alabama............................................. 45.2
+Arkansas............................................ 28.0
+Florida............................................. 43.6
+Georgia............................................. 46.7
+Louisiana........................................... 47.1
+Mississippi......................................... 58.5
+North Carolina...................................... 33.0
+South Carolina...................................... 58.4
+Tennessee........................................... 23.8
+Texas............................................... 20.4
+Virginia............................................ 35.7
+
+
+While in only two of these states there is an absolute preponderance of
+negroes, yet these statistics give no idea of the massing of negroes in
+certain localities. In Washington County, Mississippi, for example, the
+negroes number 44,143, the whites 5002; in Beaufort County, South
+Carolina, the negroes number 32,137, the whites 3349. In many counties
+in the "Black Belt" more than three fourths of the population are
+negroes. It is in these states that the negro population is rapidly
+increasing.
+
+_Increase of Negro in States since 1860_. The following table will
+show the percentage of negroes in the population in former slave-holding
+states in 1860 and in 1900:
+
+
+States                        1860           1900
+                            Per cent       Per cent
+
+Alabama ..................    45.4           45.2
+Arkansas .................    25.6           28
+Florida ..................    44.6           43.6
+Georgia ..................    44             40.7
+Kentucky .................    20.4           13.3
+Louisiana ................    49.5           47.1
+Maryland .................    24.9           19.8
+Mississippi ..............    55.3           58.5
+Missouri .................    10              5.2
+North Carolina ...........    30.4           33
+South Carolina ...........    58.6           58.4
+Tennessee ................    25.5           23.8
+Texas ....................    30.3           20.4
+Virginia .................    42             35.7
+
+
+It will be noted that the states whose relative negro population has
+increased since the war are Arkansas, Mississippi, and Georgia, while in
+South Carolina and Alabama, the relative proportion of negroes has stood
+stationary.
+
+In the decade from 1890 to 1900, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and
+Arkansas of the above states showed a more rapid increase of their negro
+population than of their white population. In other Southern states,
+however, the white population increased more rapidly than the negro
+population, although in Georgia both races increased about equally.
+
+In certain Northern states the census of 1900 shows the negro population
+to be increasing much more rapidly than the white population. In New
+York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, and Massachusetts, for example,
+the negro population increased about twice as fast as the white
+population, but the number of negroes in these states was still in 1900
+comparatively small, New York having 99,000; Pennsylvania, 156,000,
+Illinois, 85,000, Indiana, 57,000; and Massachusetts, 31,000. This
+increase of negro population in certain Northern states is, of course,
+due to the immigration of the negro into those states, and may be
+regarded on the whole as a fortunate movement, serving to distribute the
+negro population more evenly over the whole country, were it not that
+the negro death rate in these Northern states is so very high that the
+negroes who go to these states do not as a rule maintain their numbers.
+
+_The Urban Negro Population._--Seventeen per cent of the total
+negro population in 1900 lived in cities of over 8000 population while
+the remainder lived in small towns and country districts. The following
+great cities had a high percentage of negroes:
+
+
+                                        Per cent.
+
+Memphis ...............................   48.8
+Washington ............................   31.1
+New Orleans ...........................   27.1
+Louisville ............................   19.1
+St. Louis .............................    6.2
+Philadelphia ..........................    4.8
+Baltimore .............................   15.6
+
+
+Some smaller Southern cities have, of course, a much higher percentage
+of negroes in their population, such as Jacksonville, Florida, 57.1 per
+cent; Charleston, South Carolina, 56.5 per cent; Savannah, Georgia, 51.8
+per cent. On the whole, however, it will be seen that the mass of the
+negroes in the United States still live in rural districts, although
+directly after the Civil War and again within recent years there has
+been a considerable movement of the negroes to the cities. This is
+extremely significant for the social conditions of the race, because the
+negro, while not adapted in general to the environment of civilization,
+is still less adapted to the environment which the modern city affords
+him.
+
+The Social Condition of the Negroes in the United States.--(1)
+_Intermixture of Races._ Ever since the negro came to this country
+he has been having his racial characteristics modified by the infusion
+of white blood. The census of 1890 attempted to make an estimate of the
+number of negroes of mixed blood in the United States. The number
+returned as being of mixed blood was 1,132,000, but all authorities
+agree that this number understates the actual number. The census
+officials themselves repudiated these figures as being entirely
+misleading. Experts in ethnology have estimated that from one third to
+one half of the negroes in the United States show traces of white
+intermixture. The lower estimate, that one third of the negroes of the
+United States have more or less white blood, is quite generally accepted
+by those who have carefully investigated the matter. Of course the
+proportion of negroes of mixed blood varies greatly in different
+localities. In communities in the border states frequently more than one
+half of the negroes show marked traces of white intermixture. But in the
+isolated rural regions of the South, where the negroes predominate, the
+full-blood negro is by far the more common type.
+
+This infusion of white blood into a portion of the negro population is
+significant sociologically. It is the negroes of mixed blood who are
+ambitious socially and who present some of the most acute phases of the
+negro problem. It is from the mixed bloods that the leaders of the race
+in this country have come. The pure negro without intermixture has
+hitherto seemed incapable of leadership. Such men as Booker T.
+Washington, Professor Du Bois, and most other negro leaders have a
+considerable mixture of white blood. A list of 2200 negro authors was
+once compiled by the Librarian of Congress, and investigation showed
+that with very few exceptions these negro authors came from the mixed
+stock. Indeed, practically all of the negroes who have been eminent in
+literature, science, art, or statesmanship have come from this class of
+mixed bloods.
+
+But the infusion of white blood has also in some ways been a detriment
+to the negro. The illegitimate offspring resulting from the unions of
+white fathers and negro mothers are frequently the product of conditions
+of vice. The consequence is that the child of mixed origin frequently
+has a degenerate heredity and, coming into the world as a bastard, is
+more or less in disfavor with both races; hence the social environment
+of the mulatto as well as his heredity is oftentimes peculiarly
+unfavorable. It is not surprising, therefore, to find among the
+mulattoes a great amount of constitutional diseases and a great tendency
+to crime and immorality. Again mulatto women are more frequently
+debauched by white men than the pure blood negro women, and for this
+reason negro women of mixed blood are more apt to be immoral. So we see
+that while the mixed bloods have furnished the leaders of their race,
+they have also furnished an undue proportion of its vice and crime. This
+is exactly what we should expect when we understand the social
+conditions existing between the races and the origin and social
+environment of the mulatto.
+
+The crime and vice and constitutional diseases of the mulatto do not
+prove that degeneracy results from the intermixture of the two races, as
+was once supposed. On the contrary, as we have already seen, all of
+these things result from the fact that the crossing of the races takes
+place under socially abnormal conditions, that is, under conditions of
+vice. This is not, however, true in all cases and particularly it was
+not true of all intermixture that took place under the regime of
+slavery. Rather intermixture under such circumstances approached not
+vice, as we understand the word, but polygyny. Consequently some of the
+best blood of the South runs in the veins of some of the mulattoes.
+Again, we have examples from other countries of the crossing of the two
+races, negro and white, without physical degeneracy. In the West Indies
+and in Brazil this crossing is frequently taking place, and many of the
+best families of those countries have a slight amount of negro blood in
+their veins. From instances like this, gathered from all over the world,
+it has generally been concluded by anthropologists that no evil
+physiological results necessarily follow the intermixture of races, even
+the most diverse, but that all supposed physiological evils coming from
+the intermixture of races really come from social rather than from
+physiological causes.
+
+From the point of view of the white race and from the point of view of
+the negro race such racial intermixture, outside of the bounds of law,
+may be for many reasons undesirable. But we are here concerned with
+noting only the social effect of the intermixture that has gone on in
+the past; and we see that on the one hand it has resulted in creating a
+class of so-called negroes in whom white blood and the ambitions and
+energy of the white race predominate, and on the other hand it has also
+resulted in creating a degenerate mixed stock who furnish the majority
+of criminals and vicious persons belonging to the so-called negro race.
+
+(2) _Criminality of the Negro._ One of the most important features
+of the negro problem in the United States is the strong tendency among
+the negroes toward crime; and this, as we have just seen, is especially
+manifest in those of mixed origin. Professor Willcox has shown that in
+1890 there were in the South six white prisoners to every ten thousand
+whites, but twenty-nine negro prisoners to every ten thousand negroes,
+while in the North there were twelve white prisoners to every ten
+thousand whites, but sixty-nine negro prisoners to every ten thousand
+negroes. These statistics show that the negro is everywhere more
+criminal than the white, and that his tendency toward crime increases as
+we go North, doubtless largely because in the North he is in a strange
+and more complex environment and finds greater difficulty in making
+social adjustments. Moreover, negro crime is increasing. From 1880 to
+1890 the negro prisoners of the United States increased 29 per cent,
+while the white prisoners only increased 8 per cent. Later statistics
+show the same result. As yet there has been no check to the steady
+increase of negro crime in this country since the Civil War. In some
+Northern cities, like Chicago, in some years the number of arrests of
+negroes has equaled one third of the total negro population of those
+cities. The criminality of the negro is doubtless in part a matter of
+social environment, because we see that negro crime increases in cities
+and in the more complex Northern communities; but it is also to some
+extent a matter of the negro's heredity.
+
+Of course vice accompanies crime among the American negroes. The
+statistics of illegitimacy in Washington cited by Hoffman in his _Race
+Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro_ show that in fifteen
+years in Washington, from 1879 to 1894, the percentage of illegitimate
+births among the whites was 2.9 per cent, while the percentage among the
+negroes was 22.5. In other words, from one fifth to one fourth of all
+the negro births in Washington during that fifteen-year period were
+illegitimate. Statistics collected in other cities show approximately
+the same result. Of course statistics of illegitimacy are not exactly
+the same thing as statistics of vice, but they, at any rate, throw a
+light upon the moral condition of the negro in this regard, and
+particularly show the demoralization of his family life.
+
+(3) _Negro Pauperism._ We have no good statistics on negro
+pauperism, but such as we have seem to indicate that the state of
+dependence of the negro is very great. In the city of Washington, where
+30 per cent of the population is made up of negroes, 84 per cent of the
+pauper burials are those of negroes; and in Charleston, where 57 per
+cent of the population are negroes, 96.7 per cent of the pauper burials
+are those of negroes. In nearly all communities where organized
+charities exist the negroes contribute to the dependent population far
+out of proportion to their numbers. It is safe to say that from 50 to 75
+per cent of the total negro population of the United States live in
+poverty as distinguished from pauperism, that is, live under such
+conditions that physical and mental efficiency cannot be maintained.
+
+(4) _Negro Vital Statistics_. The negro death and birth rates are
+both very high. No definite statistics of negro death and birth rates
+have been kept except in cities and in a few rural districts. In Alabama
+in a few registered districts the negro birth rate has been found to be
+equal to about twice the death rate. On the other hand it is a curious
+fact that in the North the negro fails to reproduce sufficiently to keep
+up his numbers, consequently the negro population in Northern states
+would die out if it were not for immigration. In Massachusetts in 1888,
+for example, there were 511 negro births and 579 negro deaths.
+Statistics from other Northern communities tell the same story.
+
+The vital statistics of Southern cities show that the negro death rate
+is very much higher than the white death rate. In ten Southern cities,
+for example, Hoffman gives the average death rate for the whites as 20
+per thousand for the white population, and for the negroes as 32.6 per
+thousand of the negro population. These same cities in 1901-1905 showed
+an annual average death rate for the whites of 17.5 and for the negroes
+of 28.4. In several cities the negro death rate is nearly twice that of
+the whites. When these mortality statistics are analyzed, moreover,
+while they show that negro mortality at all ages is greater than white
+mortality, it is greatest among negro children under fifteen years of
+age. This is of course largely because of the ignorant manner in which
+negroes care for their children, but it also indicates that natural
+selection is at work among the American negroes rapidly eliminating the
+biologically unfit.
+
+_Conclusions from Negro Vital Statistics._ Three important
+conclusions may be drawn from the negro vital and population statistics
+which are well worth emphasizing. (1) The negro population is not
+increasing so fast as the white, owing largely to its high death rate,
+yet it is increasing, and there is no indication as yet that the negro
+population will decrease. It is probable, indeed, that at the end of the
+twentieth century the negro population of the United States will be
+between twenty and thirty millions. The view of some students of the
+negro problem that the negro is destined to an early extinction in this
+country is merely a speculative hypothesis, and as yet is not
+substantiated by any statistical facts.
+
+(2) While the negro is destined to be with us always, so far as we can
+see, yet owing to the fact of intermixture of races he will be less and
+less a pure negro, so that at the end of the twentieth century the
+negroes in the United States will be much nearer the white type than at
+the present time.
+
+(3) The high death rate among the negroes indicates that a rapid process
+of natural selection is going on among them. Now, natural selection
+means the elimination of the unfit,--the dying out of those who cannot
+adapt themselves to their environment. This selective process will tend
+toward the survival of the more fit elements among the negroes, and,
+therefore, towards bringing the negro up to the standard of the whites.
+The misery and vice which we see among the present American negroes are
+simply in a large degree the expression of the working of a process of
+natural selection among them. It would be preferable, however, if the
+white race could by education and other means substitute to some degree
+at least artificial selection for the miseries and brutality of the
+natural process of eliminating the unfit. This the superior race should
+do to protect itself as well as to raise the negro.
+
+Industrial Conditions Among the Negroes.--Recently a committee of the
+American Economic Association estimated that all of the taxable property
+in the United States owned by negroes amounted to $300,000,000, or about
+$33.00 per head,--this estimate being based upon the 1900 census
+returns. Thirty-three dollars per head of the negro population seems of
+course very small when compared to the $1,000.00 per capita owned by the
+whites; but we must remember that the negro at his emancipation was in
+no way equipped to acquire property, and, with the exception of a few
+freedmen, the negro at the close of the war had no property whatsoever.
+In a few cases their old masters set up the emancipated negroes with
+small farms. In 1900 there were 746,715 farms occupied by negroes either
+as tenants or owners. Twenty-five per cent of these farms were owned by
+negroes and about ten per cent were owned unencumbered.
+
+There are, of course, two ways of looking at these statistics. They are
+discouraging if we care to look at them in that way, but on the other
+hand, if we consider the disadvantageous position in which the negro was
+placed at the close of the Civil War, the statistics may be taken as
+showing a marked advance.
+
+It must be said here that, as Booker Washington has urged, the negro
+problem is largely of an industrial nature. It is the unsatisfactoriness
+of the negro as a worker, as a producing agent, that gives rise largely
+to the friction between the two races. The negro has not yet become
+adapted to a system of free contract and is frequently unreliable as a
+laborer. This breeds continued antagonism between the races. It is only
+necessary here to remark that when the negro becomes an efficient
+producer and a property owner the negro problem will be practically
+solved.
+
+Educational Progress Among the Negroes.--The educational progress among
+the negroes has been more satisfactory than their industrial progress.
+At the time of the emancipation 95 per cent of all the negroes in the
+United States were illiterate, since nearly all the slave states had
+laws forbidding the education of negroes. Since the emancipation there
+has been a rapid decrease of illiteracy. In 1880 seventy per cent of the
+negroes above the age of ten years were still reported as illiterate. In
+1890, 56.8 per cent; and in 1900, 44.6 per cent. The number of
+illiterate negro voters in the United States in 1900 was 47.3 per cent
+of the total number of negro males above the age of twenty-one. The per
+cent of illiterate negro voters ranged all the way in former
+slave-holding states from 61.3 per cent in Louisiana to 31.9 per cent in
+Missouri, while in Massachusetts the percentage of negro illiteracy was
+only 10 per cent.
+
+In the school year 1907-08, in the sixteen Southern states there were
+1,665,000 negro children enrolled in the public schools, this number
+being 54.36 per cent of the negro population of the school age (five to
+eighteen). The number of white children enrolled was 4,692,000, or 70.34
+per cent of the white population of school age. But these statistics
+fail to indicate the utter inadequacy of many provisions for the
+education of the negro children. In many districts of the South the
+negro schools are open only from three to five months in a year,--the
+equipment of the school being very inadequate and the teacher poorly
+trained. Nevertheless the sixteen Southern states have spent, since the
+emancipation, over $175,000,000 to maintain separate schools for
+negroes, a much larger sum than all that has been given by Northern
+philanthropy. In addition to the common schools for negroes there were
+in 1907-08 one hundred and thirty-five institutions for the higher
+education of the negro with an annual income of over $2,800,000. In
+these there were 4185 negro students receiving collegiate or
+professional training, 17,279 were receiving a high school course, and
+23,160 industrial training. The latter figure is important because it
+indicates that in 1907-08 a little more than one per cent of the total
+number of negro children in school were receiving industrial training.
+The percentage is increasing, through the fact that industrial training
+is being introduced into a number of the city schools for negroes, both
+North and South; but at present not much over one per cent of the negro
+children are receiving industrial training.
+
+Political Conditions.--Not much need be said concerning the political
+condition of the negro. The movement to disfranchise the negro by legal
+means came in 1890 when the new Mississippi constitution adopted in that
+year provided that every voter should be able to read or interpret a
+clause in the constitution of the United States. Since then a majority
+of the Southern states and practically all of the states of the "Black
+Belt" have embodied either in their constitutions or laws provisions for
+disfranchising the negro voter. Louisiana made the provision that a
+person must be able to read and write or be a lineal descendant of some
+person who voted prior to 1860. This is the famous "Grandfather Clause,"
+which has since proved popular in a number of Southern states. While
+these laws and constitutional provisions have evidently been designed to
+disfranchise the negro voter, the Federal Supreme Court has upheld them
+in spite of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution.
+
+Regarding all of this legislation it may be said that it has had perhaps
+both good and bad effects. In so far as it has tended to eliminate the
+negro from politics this has been a good effect, but it has oftentimes
+rather succeeded in keeping the negro question in politics; and the
+evident injustice and inequality of some of the laws must, it would
+seem, react to lower the whole tone of political morality in the South.
+Again, the very provision of these laws to insure the disfranchisement
+of the illiterate negro has tended in some instances, at least, to
+discourage negro education, because the promoters of these laws in most
+cases did not aim to exclude simply the illiterate negro vote, but
+practically the entire negro vote. It is evident that a party designing
+to disfranchise the negro through this means would not be very zealous
+for the negro's education.
+
+Proposed Solutions of the Negro Problem.--Among the various solutions
+proposed from time to time for the negro problem, more or less
+seriously, are: (1) admission at once of the negroes to full social
+equality with the whites; (2) deportation to Africa or South America;
+(3) colonization in some state or in territory adjacent to the United
+States; (4) extinction by natural selection; (5) popular education.
+Regarding all these solutions it must be said at once that they are
+either impossible or fatuous. They may be dismissed, then, without
+further discussion. Mr. Booker T. Washington has said that the negro is
+bound to become adjusted to our civilization because he is surrounded by
+the white man's civilization on every hand. This optimistic view, which
+seems to dismiss the negro problem as requiring no solution, is,
+however, not well supported by many facts, as we have just seen.
+Everywhere we have evidence that the negro when left to himself, reverts
+to a condition approximating his African barbarism, and the statistics
+of increasing vice and crime which we have just given show quite
+conclusively that the negro is not becoming adjusted to the white man's
+civilization in many cases in spite of considerable efforts which are
+being put forth in his behalf. While we are very far from taking a
+pessimistic view toward this or any other social problem, we believe
+that most of the solutions that have thus far been tried or urged are
+failures, and that more radical methods need to be adopted if the negro
+becomes a useful social and industrial element in our society.
+
+As we have already seen, the negro is still essentially unadjusted to
+our civilization, and it would not be too much to say that the masses of
+negroes in this country are still not far removed from barbarism, though
+living in the midst of civilization. Slavery failed, as we have already
+seen, to render the mass of negroes capable of participating in our
+culture, and all that has been done for the negro since emancipation has
+likewise failed to adjust the mass of the race to the social conditions
+in which they find themselves. We may say, then, roughly, without any
+injustice to the negro, that the negro masses of this country are still
+essentially an uncultivated or a "nature" people living in the midst of
+civilization. The negro problem, in other words, is not greatly
+different from what it would be if the present negroes were descendants
+of savage aborigines that had peopled this country before the white man
+came. The problem of the negro and of the Indian, and of all the
+uncivilized races, is essentially the same. The problem is, how a
+relatively large mass of people, inferior in culture and perhaps also
+inferior in nature, can be adjusted relatively to the civilization of a
+people much their superior in culture; how the industrially inefficient
+nature man can be made over into the industrially efficient civilized
+man.
+
+Undoubtedly the primary adjustment to be made by the American negro is
+the adjustment on the economic side. Only when the negro becomes
+adjusted to the economic side of his life will there be a solid
+foundation for the development of something higher. People must be
+taught how to be efficient, self-sustaining, productive members of
+society economically before they can be taught to be good citizens. The
+American negro in other words must be taught to be "good for something"
+as well as to be good. The failure of common-school education with the
+negro has been largely for the reason that it has failed to help him in
+any efficient way to adjust himself industrially. Oftentimes indeed it
+has had the contrary effect and the slightly educated negro has been the
+one who has been least valuable as a producer. The common-school
+education has not been such a failure with the white child, for the
+reason that the white child has been taught industry and morality at
+home, but these the negro frequently fails to get in his home life.
+Moreover, the common-school education of the white child has usually
+been simply the foundation upon which after school days he, as a
+citizen, has built up a wider culture. But the negro, on account of his
+environment, if not naturally, has proved incapable of going on with his
+education and building on it after getting out of school. Moreover, as
+we have already noted, under the present complex conditions of our
+social life the common school is no longer an efficient socializing
+agent, even for the white children. The present school system is a
+failure, not only for the negro race, but also, though not in the same
+degree, for the white race. Popular education on the old lines can never
+do very much to solve the negro problem.
+
+This does not lead, however, to the conclusion that all training and
+education for the negro race is foredoomed to failure. On the contrary
+all the experiments of missionaries in dealing with uncivilized races
+has led to the conclusion that an all-round education in which
+industrial and moral training are made prominent can relatively adjust
+to our civilization even the most backward of human races. Wherever the
+missionaries have introduced industrial education and adjusted their
+converts to what is perhaps the fundamental side of our civilization,
+the economic, they have met with the largest degree of success. This
+success of missionary endeavors along this line has led to the
+establishment of similar industrial training schools for the negro in
+this country, and it must be said regarding such schools for the negro
+as Hampton and Tuskegee that they have proved an even more unqualified
+success than their predecessors originated by the missionaries. But
+these schools are as yet very far from solving the negro problem in this
+country, for the reason, as we have already seen, that they affect such
+a relatively small proportion of the negro population. Only about one
+per cent of negro children at the present time are probably receiving
+industrial training.
+
+It should be remarked that this industrial training in no way precludes
+an all-round education. It is not meant that industrial education shall
+replace all other forms of education, but rather that it shall be added
+to literary education in order to enrich the educational process; and it
+may be remarked also that industrial training, while of itself having a
+strong uplifting moral influence, is not sufficient to socialize without
+explicit moral teaching being also added thereto. Schools that attempted
+to give such an all-round education to negro children would, of course,
+in no way cut off the possibility of higher and professional education
+for the small number who are especially fitted, and who should be
+encouraged to go on with such studies.
+
+Accepting, then, without qualification the now widespread view that
+industrial training coupled with an all-round education is the best
+possible solution of the negro problem, let us look into the practical
+difficulties which confront any attempt to apply such a solution at the
+present time. These difficulties may be summed up under three heads: (1)
+The difficulty of securing adequately equipped schools to give such
+training; (2) the difficulty of obtaining teachers who are qualified to
+give this training, and who have the right spirit; (3) the present lack
+of intelligent coöperation by the members of both races.
+
+As regards the first of these difficulties, it must be said that it is
+under our present system of school administration practically
+insuperable. Adequately equipped schools for industrial education will
+cost a great deal of money,--money which the whites of the South will
+probably not be willing to give for many years to come, and which we
+think they should not be asked to give. As we have already seen, there
+are more illiterate native whites in the South than in any other section
+of the Union. This is due in part to the effects of the war which left a
+majority of the Southern communities poverty-stricken, and in many
+communities there is still not yet sufficient money to maintain proper
+school facilities, even on the old lines; much less can it be expected
+that such communities can start at once industrial schools for the
+training of negro children.
+
+As regards the difficulty of obtaining properly trained teachers with a
+proper spirit to do this work, it must be said that as yet these
+teachers could not be found, and certainly they could not within the
+negro race. The mass of negro teachers are still so far below even the
+low standards of the white schools that not one half of them would be
+licensed to teach if the same standards were applied to them as to the
+whites. Moreover, through the increase of race friction white teachers
+have gradually, since the Civil War, been excluded from negro schools.
+This has been brought about largely also by the negroes demanding these
+positions for themselves. But it is an old adage that "if the blind lead
+the blind both will fall into the ditch," and it would seem that a
+majority of negro teachers are unqualified for their task of civilizing
+and socializing their race; hence one reason for the failure of the
+negro common school. It would seem also that, while competent negro
+teachers should be encouraged in every way, white teachers should not be
+absolutely excluded from negro schools; and particularly that white
+teachers would be necessary if industrial and moral training were to be
+emphasized in the education of the negro. This brings us to the third
+difficulty,--the lack of intelligent coöperation by the members of both
+races. Unfortunately the negroes do not care for the newer education,
+the education which emphasizes industrial training. Most of them, misled
+by unwise leaders, prefer the education of the older type and think that
+industrial training will only fit them to be "hewers of wood and drawers
+of water" to the whites. On the other hand, the masses of uneducated
+Southern people also do not wish the new education for the negro,
+because they believe that it will give him superior advantages over the
+white children. They fail to see that anything that is done for a
+depressed element in society, like the negro, will ultimately benefit
+all society. They are, therefore, not willing to tax themselves to bring
+about, even gradually, the new education for the negro. While educated
+Southern people have supported Booker T. Washington in his propaganda
+for the industrial training of the negro, it is notorious that
+Washington's ideas have met with as much opposition from the uneducated
+whites as from the negroes themselves.
+
+On the whole, however, while the situation is a difficult one, it is
+not, as we have already seen, one which justifies pessimism. Time is the
+great element in the solution of all problems, and it must be especially
+an element in the solution of this negro problem. A beginning has been
+made toward the training and the education of the negro in the right
+way, and it may be hoped that from centers like Hampton and Tuskegee the
+influence will gradually radiate which will in time bring about the
+popularization of industrial education. What is needed, perhaps, most of
+all is sufficient funds to carry on wider and wider experiments along
+these lines. The Southern states should not be expected to furnish these
+funds. They have already done their full share in attempting to educate
+the negro. The negro problem is a national problem, and as a national
+problem it should be dealt with by the Federal Government. The burden of
+educating the negro for citizenship should rest primarily upon the whole
+nation and not upon any section or community, since the whole nation is
+responsible for the negro's present condition. The trouble is, however,
+again, that the mass of the Southern people would at the present time
+undoubtedly resent any attempt on the part of the Federal Government to
+aid in the education of the negro. The question, therefore, ultimately
+becomes a question of educating the whites and forming a proper public
+sentiment regarding the education of the negro. When the leaders of both
+races once become united on a plan of training the negro for efficient
+citizenship, undoubtedly the funds will be forthcoming. While the negro
+question is, therefore, from one point of view primarily a question of
+the industrial training and adjustment of the negro, from another point
+of view it is a moral question which can never be solved until the
+superior race comes to take a right attitude toward the inferior race,
+namely, the attitude of service.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+HOFFMAN, _Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro,_ Vol.
+     XI of Pub. of Am. Economic Ass'n.
+STONE, _Studies in the American Race Problem._
+BAKER, _Following the Color Line._
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+DOWD, _The Negro Races._
+DU BOIS, _The Negroes of Philadelphia._
+DU BOIS, editor, _The Atlanta University Publications._
+KEANE, _Ethnology._
+KEANE, _Man, Past and Present._
+MERRIAM, _The Negro and the Nation._
+PAGE, _The Negro: the Southerner's Problem._
+SMITH, _The Color Line._
+TILLINGHAST, _The Negro in Africa and America,_ Pub. Am. Economic
+     Ass'n, 3d series, Vol. III.
+WASHINGTON, _The Future of the American Negro._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+
+THE PROBLEM OF THE CITY
+
+Professor J.S. McKenzie says "The growth of large cities constitutes
+perhaps the greatest of all the problems of modern civilization." While
+the city is a problem in itself, creating certain biological and
+psychological conditions which are new to the race, the city is perhaps
+even more an intensification of all our other social problems, such as
+crime, vice, poverty, and degeneracy.
+
+The city is in a certain sense a relatively modern problem, due to
+modern industrial development. While great cities were known in ancient
+times, the number was so few that the total population affected by city
+living conditions was comparatively small. Moreover, the populations of
+ancient cities have often been exaggerated. Probably at the height of
+its power, the population of Athens did not exceed 100,000; Carthage,
+700,000; Rome, 500,000; Alexandria, 500,000; Nineveh and Babylon,
+1,000,000. All the great cities of the ancient world practically
+disappeared with the fall of Rome. After Rome's fall, Constantinople was
+the only large city with over 100,000 population in all Europe for
+centuries. Down to 1600 A.D., indeed, there were only fourteen cities in
+all Europe with a population of over 100,000; and even in 1800, at the
+beginning of the nineteenth century, there were only twenty-two such
+cities. But at the end of the nineteenth century, in 1900, there were
+one hundred and thirty-six such cities in Europe, representing twelve
+per cent of the entire population. Moreover, while in 1800 less than
+three per cent of the total population of Europe lived in cities, in
+1900 the total urban population was twenty-five per cent. Again, all of
+the great European capitals developed their present enormous population
+almost wholly within the nineteenth century. Thus, the population of
+London in 1800 was 864,000, while in 1901 it had reached 4,536,000, or
+in the total area policed, 6,581,000; the population of Paris in 1800
+was 547,000, in 1901 it was 2,714,000; the population of Berlin in 1800
+was only 172,000, in 1901 it was 1,888,000; the population of Vienna in
+1800 was 232,000, in 1901 it was 1,674,000. These figures are cited to
+show that from four fifths to nine tenths of the growth of the greatest
+cities of the world has taken place within the nineteenth century.
+
+Dr. Weber in his _Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century_
+illustrates the striking difference between the urban development of the
+nineteenth century and that of the eighteenth century by comparing the
+population of Australia in 1890 with the population of the United States
+in 1790. Australia in 1890, out of a population of 3,809,000 had
+1,264,000, or 33.2 per cent, living in cities of 10,000 or over; while
+the United States in 1790, out of a population of 3,929,000 had only
+123,000, or 3.14 per cent living in cities. Both countries, it will be
+noticed, had about the same total population at the two periods and the
+same area, but Australia in 1890 represented in its population the
+industrial development of the nineteenth century with its tendency
+toward urbanization, while the United States in 1790 represented the
+civilization of the eighteenth century with its predominating rural
+life.
+
+The Growth of Cities in the United States.--A word about census
+terminology will be helpful before discussing the growth of cities in
+the United States. According to the United States census, a city is a
+place with a population of 8000 or over; a _small_ city is a place
+with a population of 8000 to 25,000; a _large_ city is a place with
+a population of from 25,000 to 100,000, and a _great_ city is a
+place with a population above 100,000. These distinctions are necessary
+in discussing the problems of the city, because the problems of cities
+change rapidly when the population goes above 100,000. It is mainly the
+problem of the great city which we shall discuss in this chapter.
+
+In 1800 there were only six cities in the United States with over 8000
+population. Philadelphia was the largest of these, with 69,000, and New
+York second with 60,000. These cities contained a fraction less than
+four per cent of the population of the United States. In 1900, on the
+other hand, there were 546 cities in the United States with a population
+of over 8000. Moreover, over thirty-three per cent of the total
+population of the United States lived in cities of 8000 and over, while
+nearly one fifth of the total population lived in the thirty-eight great
+cities. Between 1890 and 1900 the gain in the urban population of the
+country was sixty per cent, while the gain in the rural population was
+only fifteen per cent. During that decade, in other words, the cities
+grew four times as fast as the country districts in population.
+Moreover, for that particular decade, the great cities grew faster than
+the smaller ones, but since 1900 certain state census statistics seem to
+show that the cities from 25,000 to 100,000 population are growing
+faster than those above 100,000.
+
+_Distribution of the Urban Population of the United States._ If the
+urban population of the United States were distributed relatively
+uniformly among the several States, perhaps the problem of the city
+would not be so pressing as it is, but the urban population is largely
+concentrated in a very few states. Over fifty per cent of the urban
+population is found in the North Atlantic states alone. The five states
+of New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Illinois, and Ohio contain
+also more than half of the urban population of the whole country. If we
+add to these five states New Jersey and Missouri, then these seven
+states contain nearly two thirds of the urban population of the United
+States.
+
+It will be noticed that these states with a large urban population are
+the great manufacturing states of the Union. The proportion of urban to
+rural population indeed is a good index to industrial progress. The
+states with over half their population urban in 1900 were, Rhode Island,
+81 per cent; Massachusetts, 76 per cent; New York, 68.5 per cent; New
+Jersey, 61.2 per cent; Connecticut, 53.2 per cent. States with more than
+one fourth of their population urban were, Illinois, 47.1 per cent;
+Maryland, 46.9 per cent; Pennsylvania, 45.5 per cent; California, 43.7
+per cent; Delaware, 41.4 per cent; New Hampshire, 38.6 per cent; Ohio,
+38.5 per cent; Colorado, 38.1 per cent; Washington, 31.9 per cent;
+Michigan, 30.9 per cent; Missouri, 30.8 per cent; Wisconsin, 30.7 per
+cent; Louisiana, 29.3 per cent; Montana, 27 per cent; Minnesota, 26.8
+per cent; Utah, 25.2 per cent. It will be noticed that only one of these
+states with the population more than one fourth urban is distinctively
+southern, namely, Louisiana. This is due to the fact that heretofore the
+South has been largely agricultural in its industries, consequently only
+a few of the great cities of the country are found within its borders.
+
+There are but few countries in Europe that come up with the most urban
+of our American states. Certain countries of Western Europe, however,
+equal the most urban of our states, and the following countries have at
+least one quarter of their population urban: England and Wales,
+Scotland, Belgium, Saxony, Holland, Prussia, and France. The most urban
+of our states, however, such as Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New
+York, surpass all European countries in the number of their population
+living in cities, with the exception of England and Wales. This again is
+due to the fact that certain of our states have specialized in
+manufacturing industries more than any European country, with the
+exception of England and Wales.
+
+Before leaving the statistics of the growth of cities, it is worth our
+while to note that certain great urban centers are developing in this
+country which promise to show, even in the near future, the most
+extensive urbanization of population known to the world; for example, a
+line of cities and suburban communities is now developing which will in
+the near future connect New York and Boston on the one hand and New
+York, Philadelphia, and Washington on the other hand. Thus in a few
+years, stretching from Washington to Boston, a distance of five hundred
+miles, there promises to be a continuous chain of urban communities with
+practically no rural districts between them. In a sense, this will
+constitute one great city with a population of twenty millions or
+upwards. Other urban centers, though not so extensive, are also
+developing at other points in the United States. At the end of the
+twentieth century it is safe to say that this country will have at least
+a dozen cities with a population of over one million. Moreover, so far
+as we can see at the present time, there is no end in the near future to
+this growth of the urbanization of our population; for the causes of
+this great growth of cities seem inherent in our civilization. Let us
+see what these causes are.
+
+Causes of the Growth of Great Cities.--There may be distinguished two
+classes of causes of the growth of cities: (1) general or social causes,
+and (2) minor or individual causes. It is the social causes, the causes
+inherent in our civilization, which are of particular interest to us.
+Among these social causes we shall place:
+
+1. _The Diminishing Importance of Agriculture in the Life of Man._
+Once agriculture was the all-embracing occupation. Practically all goods
+were produced upon the farm. Now, however, man's wants have so greatly
+increased that the primitive industries of the farm can no longer
+satisfy these wants, and in order to satisfy them men have developed
+large manufacturing industries. Moreover, fewer men are needed on the
+farms to produce the same amount of raw material as was produced
+formerly by the labor of many. This has come about mostly through
+labor-saving machines. The invention and application of labor-saving
+machines to the industries of the farm has made it possible to dispense
+with a great number of men. It is estimated that fifty men with modern
+farm machinery can do the work of five hundred European peasants without
+such machinery. Consequently, the four hundred and fifty who have been
+displaced by farm machinery must find other work, and they find it
+mainly in manufacturing industries. Again, the scientific and
+capitalistic agriculture of the present has much the same effect as
+labor-saving machines. They have greatly increased agricultural
+production and at the same time lessened the amount of labor. The
+opening up also of new and fertile regions which were very productive in
+the nineteenth century had a similar effect.
+
+Every improvement in agricultural industry instead of keeping men on the
+farm has tended to drive them from it. Scientific agriculture carried on
+with modern machinery necessarily lessens the need of a great proportion
+of the population being employed to produce the foodstuff and other raw
+materials which the world needs. Hence it has tended to free men from
+the soil and to make it possible for a larger and larger number to go to
+the city. Therefore the relatively diminishing importance of agriculture
+has been one of the prime causes of the growth of the cities in the
+nineteenth century; and so far as we can see this cause will continue to
+operate for some time to come.
+
+2. _The Growth and Centralization of Manufacturing Industries._
+This is perhaps the most vital cause of the growth of cities. The great
+city, as we have already said, is very largely the product of modern
+industrialism. Improved machinery, improved transportation, and enlarged
+markets, together with the increased wants of men, not only have made
+possible a great growth of manufacturing industries, but also these same
+factors have tended to centralize manufacturing industries in the
+cities. Let us note briefly why it is that manufacturing industries are
+grouped together in great cities rather than scattered throughout the
+rural communities. In centralizing manufacturing plants in cities,
+certain industrial economies are secured, such as: (1) economy in motor
+power, whether it be water or coal; (2) economy in machinery--it is not
+necessary to duplicate machines; (3) economy in wages--one
+superintendent, for example, can oversee a large plant; (4) utilization
+of by-products--when many factories are grouped together by-products,
+which are sometimes more valuable than the main products, can be better
+utilized. (5) There is economy in buying raw material and in selling
+finished products when many factories are grouped together. For all
+these reasons, along with the further reason that those who labor in
+factories must live close to them, manufacturing has been a prime cause
+of the modern city, and, so far as we can see, will continue to further
+urbanize our population in the future.
+
+3. _The Increase of Trade and Commerce._ Between different
+communities there developed during the nineteenth century, upon the
+growth of better transportation, a great increase of trade and commerce,
+for along with the better transportation went a specialization in
+industry, on the part of both communities and classes. The modern city
+is often largely a product of modern transportation. We find all the
+great cities located at natural breaks in transportation. The cities of
+the Middle Ages were largely centers of trade and commerce where goods
+were distributed to various minor centers. The modern city has not lost
+this characteristic through developing into an industrial center. On the
+contrary, the status of the city in trade and commerce makes it at the
+same time a valuable center for the development of manufacturing
+industries. The break between land and water transportation is
+particularly favorable to the development of large cities. Thus, we find
+New York located where goods shipped to Europe must be transferred from
+land to water transportation; Chicago, located at the head of the water
+transportation of the Great Lakes; St. Louis, at the head of the
+navigation of the Mississippi River. Only Denver and Indianapolis among
+the great cities of the United States in 1910 are not located on a river
+or some other navigable water.
+
+_Minor Causes._ These are the chief social causes of the growth of
+cities, and, as we have seen, they are wholly industrial in their
+nature. Undoubtedly the modern city is a product of modern industry.
+Certain non-economic factors may also enter into the growth of cities,
+but these are of but slight importance; such are the greater
+intellectual and educational advantages which the city offers, the great
+opportunities for pleasure and amusement in the city and the like. Such
+minor and individual causes have had but little part in the growth of
+the great cities of the present.
+
+Social And Moral Conditions Of City Life.--Certain social conditions in
+our cities are worthy of attention in order that we may understand the
+effect of the city upon social and racial evolution.
+
+1. _City Populations have a Larger per Cent of Females than Rural
+Populations._ All of our fifteen largest cities, except three,
+contain a larger per cent of females than the states in which they are
+located. Thus New York state has 50.37 per cent of its population
+female; New York city, 50.56 per cent; Pennsylvania, 49.29 per cent of
+its population female; Philadelphia, 51.18 per cent; Missouri, 48.38 per
+cent of its population female; St. Louis, 49.51 per cent. In towns of
+the United States of more than 2500 population the per cent of females
+is 50.03, while the rural districts of the United States have only 48.08
+per cent of their population female. The cause of this is perhaps to be
+found in the fact that in cities there is always a larger infantile
+mortality among males than among females, and that in towns there is a
+larger proportion of female children born than in the rural districts.
+
+2. _People in the Active Period of Life, from Fifteen to Sixty-five
+Years of Age, predominate in the City_. According to Dr. Weber, out
+of every 1000 individuals in the United States as a whole there are 355
+under fifteen years of age, 603 between fifteen and sixty-five, and 29
+above sixty-five years of age. But in the great cities there are only
+299 under fifteen years of age, and only 29 above sixty-five years of
+age, while 668 are of the age between fifteen and sixty-five years. (In
+both cases the age of three in a thousand was unknown.) The cause of the
+predominance of those in the active period of life is undoubtedly due to
+the immigration into the cities from the country districts. This makes
+the life of cities more energetic and active, more strenuous than it
+would otherwise be.
+
+3. _The Great Cities in the United States have over twice as many
+Foreign-born in their Population as the United States as a whole_.
+This has been sufficiently discussed under the head of immigration.
+
+4. _The Birth Rate is higher in the Cities than in the Rural
+Districts._ This is primarily due to there being more women of
+child-bearing age in the cities. In the United States it is also due to
+the presence of so many foreign-born in the cities. The marriage rate is
+also higher in the cities than in the rural districts. The following
+statistics based on a thousand population show the relative difference
+between the cities and the rural districts of the New England States in
+marriage rate, birth rate, and death rate for 1894-95:
+
+
+                             Marriage Rate    Birth Rate   Death Rate
+
+Boston........................   23.10          31.24        23.23
+Cities over 50,000............   18.89          29.72        19.49
+Rural Districts...............   13.77          21.76        17.38
+
+
+5. _The Death Rate in Cities is also higher than in the Rural
+Districts_, as the above table has just shown. This is undoubtedly
+due to the poor sanitary and living conditions of large cities.
+
+6. _The Physical Condition of City Populations_. Measurements by
+Dr. Beddoe and others show that the stature and other measurements of
+men of the great cities of Great Britain are far below those of the
+rural population. The latest English commission to investigate the
+conditions of city life also reports that the population of the British
+cities at least shows marked signs of physical deterioration.
+
+7. _Mental and Moral Degeneracy in our Cities_. (1) A larger number
+of insane are found in our cities than in the rural districts. In the
+United States as a whole there were in 1890 seventeen hundred insane per
+million of population, while in the cities of over 50,000 there were
+2429 insane per million.
+
+(2) The suicide rate is much higher in the cities than in other
+districts. In general the suicide rate in the United States seems to be
+two or three times as high in our large cities as in the rest of the
+country.
+
+(3) Poverty and pauperism are much more common in our cities than in
+rural districts. About one third of the population of great cities may
+safely be said to live below the poverty line, while in such cities as
+New York and Boston from ten to twenty per cent of the population
+require more or less charitable assistance during the year.
+
+(4) The amount of crime in the cities is about twice as great as in the
+rural districts.
+
+(5) Illegitimacy in the cities is from two to three times as great as in
+rural districts, and it is well known that vice centers very largely in
+our cities.
+
+All these facts show that mental and moral degeneracy is much more
+common in our urban population than in our rural populations, and that
+the biological and moral aspects of our city life present pressing
+problems.
+
+8. _Educational and Religious Conditions in Cities._ We have
+already seen that illiteracy for the native white population is much
+less in our cities than in the rural districts. This is undoubtedly due
+in the main to the better facilities for education in our cities, and it
+is here chiefly that we find the bright side of city life; for the
+cities are not only centers of the evil tendencies of our civilization
+but are also the centers of all that is best and uplifting. The urban
+schools in general are open much longer than the rural school, the
+attendance in them is better, and the teaching is much more efficient.
+In 1890 the urban schools held 190 days in the year, while the rural
+schools held only 115 days. The attendance in the urban schools was
+seventy per cent of the enrollment, while in the rural schools it was
+only sixty-two per cent. Besides the schools, of course, must be
+mentioned many other educational facilities to be found in our cities,
+such as in connection with social settlements, lecture and concert
+halls, theaters, libraries, art galleries, and museums,--all of which
+the city has practically exclusively.
+
+The census of 1890 included a religious census, and it seemed to show
+that on the whole religious conditions were better in our cities than in
+the country districts. In cities above 25,000 the church membership was
+37.9 per cent of the population, while it was only 32.85 per cent of the
+total population. Again, in cities above 100,000 it was 39.1 per cent of
+their total population, although in the four largest cities--New York,
+Chicago, Philadelphia, and St. Louis--it was only 35.6 per cent of the
+total population. [Footnote: The special religious census of 1906, the
+results of which are not yet fully published, shows an even greater
+preponderance of church membership in cities.] Some recent studies,
+however, while not extensive enough to justify a conclusion, seem to
+indicate that in some of the largest cities the church is losing its
+hold, and that more and more the population of our largest urban centers
+is becoming churchless, if not without religion. Even if this is so,
+however, it also remains a fact that the various religious denominations
+put forth their best efforts in these largest urban centers, and that
+more is being done for the people religiously and morally in these
+centers than perhaps for any other portion of the world's population.
+
+Proposed Remedies for the Evils of City Life.--The proposed remedies for
+the evils of city life are well worth attention, not only that we may
+understand the problem of the city better, but also that we may
+understand social conditions in general better. Of the remedies which we
+shall discuss it may be said that four are foolish and two are wise. The
+foolish ones are those that try to check the growth of the cities; the
+wise ones are those that recognize that the cities are here to stay and
+must be dealt with as permanent and even increasingly important factors
+in our civilization.
+
+(1) The first remedy is to make agriculture more attractive and
+remunerative. This is a good thing in itself, but, as we have seen, it
+will not check the growth of the cities; rather, every improvement in
+the conditions of agriculture in the way of making it more productive
+and remunerative will drive more to the cities.
+
+(2) A second remedy, akin to the first, is to make village life more
+attractive. Like the first remedy, this is good in itself, but it is
+hardly probable that it will stop the growth of cities; rather, it might
+be urged that village improvement will give people a taste of the higher
+comforts and conveniences to be found in cities and will tend to send
+them to the city.
+
+(3) The third proposed remedy is to colonize the poor of the cities in
+the country. This has been especially advocated by General Booth and
+other leaders of the Salvation Army. This plan, however, cannot do much
+toward helping solve the problem of the city. It is a difficult thing to
+get the poor in the city adjusted again to rural life, and the
+probability is that in many cases they would be worse off in the country
+than in the city. Moreover, the vacant places they left would soon be
+filled by others, and in general the whole plan seems to be against
+man's instincts as well as against the social forces of the time.
+
+(4) Administrative decentralization may be mentioned as a plan adopted
+by some state legislatures to prevent the growth of cities, that is, to
+scatter the state institutions through the rural sections of the state
+instead of locating them in the cities. On the whole, this is a foolish
+plan. The cities will not be checked in their growth by this, while on
+the other hand it is the cities which most need the presence of the
+state institutions.
+
+(5) The most important remedy for the cure of the evils of the cities,
+and one which meets these evils on their own ground, is what has been
+called "improved municipal housekeeping"; that is, the supervision and
+control by the city of all those things which are used in common by the
+people. The idea is that the city is not in its social conditions
+comparable to the rural community; rather it is more like one big
+household, and it is necessary, therefore, that there be collective
+housekeeping, so to speak, in order to keep those things which the
+people use in common at least in good order. This has also been called
+"municipal socialism." It is not socialism, however, in the strict
+sense, for it does not advocate the ownership in common of all capital,
+but rather municipal control of public utilities. We cannot enter into
+this large subject, upon which many books have been written; to a few of
+these the student will find references at the end of this chapter. Here
+it is only necessary to say that all of this civic improvement implies
+that the city must own or control adequately its sewer system, its water
+supply, its streets; that it must control the housing of the people, the
+disposal of garbage, the smoke nuisance, general sanitary and living
+conditions; that it must provide adequate protection against fire, an
+adequate park system, an adequate free school system, with public
+playgrounds for children, free libraries, free art galleries and
+museums, municipal theaters, public baths, and gymnasiums.
+
+All of this is of course a species of socialism in the sense that it is
+collective control of the conditions of living together. It advocates,
+however, that the city should take over only those things that are used
+in common. The trouble with this so-called municipal socialism is that
+it presupposes a pretty high degree of intelligence on the part of
+people. Whether or not a municipality shall own and operate its own
+street railways, electric light and gas plants, is largely a question of
+the development of the social consciousness and intelligence in that
+particular community. In some communities such municipal undertakings
+have been made a success; in others they have failed. But it is evident
+that with a large mass of people living together the common conditions
+of living must be subject to intelligent collective control if human
+life and character are to have a proper environment in which to develop.
+
+(6) The last remedy proposed for the evils of the city is the
+development of the suburbs through rapid transit. This is already being
+rapidly accomplished in many of our larger cities. The solution of the
+mechanical problem of rapid transit will probably, in other words, tend
+greatly to relieve automatically the present congestion which we find in
+many of our large cities. Probably the best form of such rapid transit
+is underground electric roads, or subways. Transportation upon these
+roads must be made cheap enough to enable workingmen to live at a
+distance from their labor. With the solution of the problem of rapid
+transit it should be possible to scatter a city's population anywhere
+within a radius of thirty miles. But it would be a mistake to think that
+rapid transit alone will solve the problems of city communities.
+Stringent regulation by law of sanitary and housing conditions and, as
+has just been said, of all the things used in common, is necessary to
+put order and healthfulness into that vast household which we call a
+modern great city.
+
+In conclusion we would emphasize again that the era of the city is just
+beginning; that a larger and larger proportion of our population must
+come to live in the cities, and that, therefore, the city will dominate
+the society of the future. Hence, humanity must solve the problem of the
+city if social progress is to continue. And the problem is by no means
+insoluble. Man is not yet adjusted to city life. The city is so new even
+to civilized man that he has carried into it the habits which he
+practiced in isolated rural communities. These are the sources of
+trouble in our cities, and, as we have already seen, new adjustments
+have to be made by individuals in order to secure harmonious social
+relationships under the crowded conditions of the city. The city
+requires, therefore, a higher degree of intelligence on the part of the
+individual than the rural social life, and a great part of the solution
+of the problem of the city must come through the development of such
+higher intelligence and morality by means of education. At any rate, it
+is foolish to decry the city or to attempt to stop its growth. That is
+impossible and, we think, undesirable. The ideal social life of man has
+never been the isolated life of the rural community. The city has always
+been in a sense man's ideal, as is shown by the fact that nearly all
+attempts to depict a perfect human society have been pictures of cities.
+Man's ideal, as Dr. Weber says, is not the city or the country, but the
+city and the country blended, and this is what the city of the future
+should become. No doubt the time will come when present cities will be
+looked back upon with horror, as we look back on eighteenth-century
+cities. The city of the future need not present any of the hideous,
+disagreeable, and unwholesome aspects of our present cities. The city
+can be made, through science and morality, a place in which human beings
+may find their ideal society.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+WEBER, _Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century_.
+WILCOX, _The American City_.
+ZUEBLIN, _American Municipal Progress_.
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+FAIRLIE, _Municipal Administration_.
+HOWE, _The City: the Hope of Democracy_.
+PARSONS, _The City for the People_.
+ROWE, _Problems of City Government_.
+STRONG, _The Challenge of the City_.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+
+POVERTY AND PAUPERISM
+
+While the many social problems arising from the presence in society of
+abnormal or socially unadjusted classes, namely, the dependent,
+defective, and delinquent classes, cannot be discussed in this book
+adequately, yet they must be briefly noticed in order to correlate them
+with other social problems, and even more in order to call the attention
+of the student to the vast literature which exists concerning these
+problems.
+
+Definitions of Poverty and Pauperism.--Poverty is a relative term,
+difficult to define, but as generally employed in sociological writings
+at the present it means that economic and social state in which persons
+have not sufficient income to maintain health and physical efficiency.
+All who do not receive a sufficient income to maintain the minimum
+standard of living necessary for efficiency are known as the "poor," or
+are said to live below the poverty line.
+
+Pauperism, on the other hand, is the state of legal dependence in which
+a person who is unable or unwilling to support himself receives relief
+from public sources. This is, however, legal pauperism. The word as
+popularly used has come to mean a degraded state of willing dependence.
+A pauper in this popular sense is a person unwilling to support himself
+and who becomes a social parasite.
+
+Poverty is closely related to dependence or pauperism, because it is
+frequently the anteroom, so to speak, to pauperism, although only a
+small proportion of those who live in poverty actually become dependent
+in any one year.
+
+The Extent of Poverty and Pauperism in the United States.--The census
+reports showed that in the year 1904 there were about 500,000 dependents
+in institutions in the United States. While the number who received
+relief outside of institutions from public and private sources is not
+known, it is certain that it is many times the total of those in
+institutions. It is generally estimated that about five per cent of our
+population are recipients of some sort of charitable relief in a single
+year. In our large cities the number who receive relief from public and
+private sources, even in average years, is very much higher. In New
+York apparently the number who receive relief in an average year reaches
+fourteen per cent, while in Boston the number who receive relief has
+reached as high as twenty per cent in a single year. It seems probable,
+therefore, that taking the country as a whole nearly five per cent of
+our population have to have some sort of help every year. That would
+make the number who received relief in 1904 about 4,000,000, and
+probably this is not an excessive estimate. Upon the basis of these and
+other known facts Mr. Robert Hunter has estimated that the number of
+people in the United States living below the poverty line is about
+10,000,000 in years of average prosperity. If negroes are included in
+this estimate of those below the poverty line, it is certainly not
+excessive. Probably 10,000,000, or fourteen per cent of our population,
+understates rather than overstates the number of persons in the United
+States who live upon such a low standard that they fail to maintain
+physical and mental efficiency.
+
+Moreover, investigations in the countries of Europe show that the
+estimate of fourteen per cent of our population living in poverty is far
+from excessive. Mr. Charles Booth, in his _Life and Labor of the
+People of London_, says that about thirty per cent of the population
+of London live below the poverty line, and Mr. B.S. Rowntree found in
+the English City of York about the same proportion. While poverty is
+more prevalent in the old world than in the United States, it would seem
+that in view of our large negro population it is evidently not excessive
+to estimate the proportion of our people living in poverty at about
+fifteen per cent.
+
+Moreover, when we extend our view in history we find that poverty has
+been oftentimes in the past even much more prevalent than it is at
+present. This question of poverty is, in other words, a world-old
+question and is intimately bound up with the question of material
+civilization--that is, man's conquest of nature--and with social
+organization,--the relations of men to one another. At certain times in
+history certain institutions like slavery have either obviated or
+concealed poverty, and particularly its extreme expressions, in
+dependence and legal pauperism. Nevertheless we can regard these
+questions of poverty and pauperism as practically existing in all
+civilizations and in all ages. This is not saying, however, that modern
+poverty and pauperism may not have certain peculiar foundations in
+modern social and industrial conditions. It is only saying that it is
+useless to search wholly for the causes of poverty in conditions that
+are peculiar to the modern world, because poverty and pauperism are not
+peculiarly modern problems.
+
+The Genesis of the Depressed Classes.--So complex a problem, it might be
+said at once, cannot manifestly have a simple explanation, yet this has
+been the mistake of many social thinkers of the past. They have sought
+some single simple explanation of human misery, and particularly in its
+form of economic distress or poverty. Malthus, as we have already seen,
+attributed all human misery to the fact that population tends to
+increase more rapidly than food supply, and that it is the pressure of
+population upon food which sufficiently explains poverty in human
+society. Karl Marx offered an equally sweeping explanation when he
+attributed all poverty to the fact that labor is not paid a sufficient
+wage; that the capitalist appropriates an unjust share of the product of
+labor, leaving to the laborer just enough to maintain existence and
+reproduce. Henry George in the same spirit, in his _Progress and
+Poverty_, attributed all poverty to one cause,--the landlord's
+appropriation of the unearned increment in land values. There is, of
+course, some truth in all of these sweeping generalizations, but it must
+be said that there is not sufficient in any of them to stand the test of
+concrete investigation; rather these men have made the mistake of
+attempting to explain a very complex social phenomenon in terms of a
+single set of causes, which, as we have already seen, has been the bane
+of social science in the past. Even the theory of evolution itself
+fails to explain, as ordinarily stated, the genesis of the depressed
+classes in human society. It may explain it in part, however. As we
+have already seen, biological variations are always found in
+individuals, making some naturally superior, some naturally inferior,
+and in the struggle for existence we know that the inferior are more
+liable to go down; they are less apt to maintain a place in society, and
+hence more readily fall into the depressed classes. Many well-endowed
+persons, however, also fall into the dependent classes through accidents
+and causes inherent in our social organization but in no way natural.
+Thus, owing to our industrial system and to our laws of property,
+inheritance, and the like, it often happens that a superior person
+through sickness or other accident gets caught in a mesh of causes which
+bring him down to the dependent classes, and on the other hand inferior
+individuals, through inheritance or "social pull," oftentimes enjoy a
+very large economic surplus all their lives. It may be admitted,
+however, that slight defects in personal character or ability enter into
+practically all cases of dependence. This is more apt to be the case
+also in a progressive society like our own, where rising standards of
+efficiency make the economic struggle more severe all the time.
+Formerly, for example, any employee could drink and retain his position,
+but now the drinker quickly loses his position in many industries and
+gives place to the sober man. Oftentimes, however, such defects that
+give rise to dependence are not inherent but are produced by social
+conditions themselves, like faulty education, bad surroundings, and the
+like. Through the improvement of social conditions, therefore, there is
+no doubt that much of the present poverty of the civilized world can be
+wiped out. This is not saying, however, that poverty and dependence will
+ever be wholly eliminated. Probably, no matter how ideal social
+conditions might be, even under the most just social organization, there
+would be some accidents and variations in individuals which would
+produce a condition of dependence. Moreover, the elimination of poverty
+and pauperism is not so simple as some suppose. It is not wholly a
+question of the improvement of social conditions; it also involves the
+control of physical heredity, because many of the principal defects that
+give rise to dependence are inherent in heredity. But man can control to
+some extent even the birth of the inferior or unfit classes. This may
+seem, however, so far in the future that it is idle to discuss it,
+although, as we shall see, society is undoubtedly taking steps to
+prevent the propagation of the unfit. In the meantime, however, so long
+as humanity progresses through natural selection we shall have poverty,
+to some extent at least, no matter how much industrial and social
+conditions may be improved. Yet without the control of physical heredity
+or the substitution of artificial for natural selection, poverty can be
+undoubtedly greatly lessened, and it is the rational aim of applied
+social science to discover how this may be done. It would seem that the
+existence of 10,000,000 persons in the United States living below the
+poverty line cannot be justified upon either moral or economic grounds;
+that it represents a great waste of human life and human resources, and
+that much of the social maladjustment which this poverty is an
+expression of might easily yield to wisely instituted remedial measures.
+If the social maladjustment which is undoubtedly the cause of the bulk
+of modern poverty were done away with, it is safe to say that it would
+be reduced to less than one third of its present dimensions.
+
+The Concrete Causes of Poverty.--It is necessary to inquire somewhat
+more minutely into the concrete conditions, social and individual, which
+give rise to poverty and dependence. Manifestly the poor do not
+constitute any single class in society. All classes, in a sense, are
+represented among the poor, and the causes of poverty which are manifest
+will depend very greatly upon the class of the poor that is studied.
+If, for example, we should study the causes of dependence among
+defective classes, naturally personal defects of various sorts would be
+emphasized. Again, if we should study almshouse paupers, we should
+expect to find the causes of their dependence different from the causes
+of the temporary dependence of those who are dealt with outside of
+institutions and largely by private societies, especially the charity
+organization societies of large cities. It is especially, however, this
+latter class of temporary dependents that we are most interested in,
+because they show most clearly the forces operating to produce the
+various classes of permanent dependents.
+
+There are two great classes of causes of poverty: objective causes, or
+causes outside of the individual, that is, in the environment; and
+subjective causes, or causes within the individual. We shall take up
+first the objective causes.
+
+_The Objective Causes of Poverty_. The objective causes of poverty
+may be again divided into causes in the physical environment and causes
+in the social environment. The causes in the physical environment
+should not be overlooked, even though to a great extent they may not be
+amenable to social control. Much poverty in certain regions is caused
+simply by the unpropitious physical environment, such as unproductive
+soil, bad climate, and the like. Added to these unpropitious factors in
+the environment we have also great natural calamities, such as
+tornadoes, floods, earthquakes, and volcanic eruptions. Every one is
+familiar with the great amount of misery which is caused, temporarily at
+least, by such calamities. Again, certain things in the organic
+environment, particularly in the way of disease-producing bacteria, are
+also productive of much poverty. Certain bacteria exist, we now know,
+plentifully in nature, such as the malaria germ, to which rightfully has
+been ascribed the physical degeneracy of people living in certain
+sections of the earth.
+
+But the most important objective causes of poverty are undoubtedly those
+found in the social environment,--those which spring from certain social
+conditions or faults in social organization. Among these we may mention:
+
+(1) _Economic Causes_. Defective industrial organization and
+economic evils of various sorts are thought by many persons to be the
+main productive causes of poverty and dependence in modern society, and
+there can be no doubt that a very large per cent of poverty may be
+traced directly to economic evils. This is shown by the fact that in the
+schedules of all charity organization societies "lack of employment"
+figures as the first or second most conspicuous cause of distress in the
+cases with which such societies deal. It is usually estimated that from
+twenty to forty per cent of all such cases of dependence may be
+attributed to lack of employment, not due to the employee. It is well
+known that in periods of industrial depression the number of applicants
+for aid in our large cities increases enormously, and local strikes and
+lockouts frequently have the same effect. Again, changes in methods of
+production through the introduction of new machinery frequently displace
+large numbers of workingmen, who, on account of age or other reasons,
+fail to get employment along new lines. Changes in trade brought about
+through changes in fashions have to some extent at least a similar
+effect. Again, fluctuations in the value of money may undoubtedly
+depress a debtor class to the point of dependence. Unwise methods of
+taxation, such as levying heavy taxes on the necessaries of life,
+produce a great deal of poverty and economic distress. Systems of land
+tenure such as prevail in England and even to some extent in the United
+States, may also be another economic cause of poverty. The free land
+which has up to the present time existed in this country has been a
+great aid against poverty. The employment of women and children in
+factories is another cause of poverty which needs to be mentioned under
+this head. As we have already seen, this breaks up the home, and in the
+case of the employment of children stops the development of the child.
+Still another economic cause of poverty is unhealthful and dangerous
+occupations. The disease-begetting occupations in modern industry are
+very numerous, such as hat making, glass blowing, the grinding of tools,
+and the like--any work in which there is a great deal of dust. Among
+dangerous occupations must also be included those in which there are
+numerous accidents, such as mining and railway occupations. The
+accidents in mines and on railways in the United States each year cause
+as many deaths and serious injuries as have often resulted in many a
+petty war. Thus, on the railways of the United States in 1904 there was
+a total of 10,046 persons killed and 84,155 injured, about three fourths
+of those injured being employees,--one employee being killed in every
+three hundred and fifty-seven and one injured in every seventeen. While
+it is improbable that our great industries can be carried on without
+some sacrifice of health and life, it seems reasonable to believe that
+the number of those who are sacrificed at present is far greater than is
+necessary, and that reasonable precautions in industry might greatly
+increase the healthfulness of the occupations and diminish the number of
+accidents to employees.
+
+On the whole, it is probable that these economic causes of poverty
+figure in from 50 to 80 per cent of all cases, not operating alone, to
+be sure, but often in connection with faults of character or physical or
+mental defects in the individual; for it is always to be remembered in
+discussing the causes of poverty that one never finds a case which can
+be fairly attributed to a single cause. The complexity of causes
+operating in the case of a single dependent family frequently makes it
+impossible for any one to say with certainty what is the chief and what
+are the contributing causes. Oftentimes what appears to be the chief
+cause, such as lack of employment, has back of it defects in individual
+character which are not apparent to the investigator. Researches along
+this line have shown that the number of cases of distress which may be
+attributed to lack of employment, for example, may be very greatly
+reduced when all individual defects are taken into consideration. This,
+however, is not an argument for regarding the economic causes of poverty
+as any less important than has been indicated.
+
+(2) Unsanitary conditions of living are frequent causes of poverty.
+Among these unsanitary conditions may be mentioned especially the
+housing of the poor. The housing of the poor in badly ventilated, poorly
+lighted, and unsanitary dwellings greatly increases sickness and death
+and undoubtedly contributes greatly to their economic depression. Thus
+in New York city in the first ward, where there is only one house on
+each lot, the death rate is 29 per 1000 of the population, but where
+rear tenements have been erected it is 62 per 1000 of the population.
+The importance of public sanitation, and especially of the prevention of
+overcrowding and the securing of properly lighted and ventilated
+dwellings for the people, is so great that we need not enlarge upon it.
+
+(3) Defects in our educational system are certainly productive of
+poverty. Ignorant and illiterate persons are much more liable to become
+dependent. In particular the lack of industrial training in our public
+schools is a prolific cause of dependence in our complex industrial
+civilization.
+
+(4) Defects in government, permitting corruption on the one hand, or
+failing to check economic or sanitary evils on the other hand, are
+manifest causes of poverty. Indeed, inasmuch as government exists to
+regulate the whole social order, wherever it fails to perform this work
+properly some economic distress must ensue.
+
+(5) Corruption in social institutions and customs is certainly a cause
+of poverty: such, for example, is the custom of social drinking, and
+such also the unwise and indiscriminate charity which has so often
+existed in the past.
+
+(6) Unrestricted immigration, especially in our Eastern states and
+cities, is, as we have already seen, a prolific cause of dependence.
+
+_The Subjective Causes of Poverty_ are the causes within the
+individual. Among these must be enumerated: (1) Physical and mental
+defects of all sorts, especially those arising from sickness and
+accidents. Sickness causing temporary or permanent disability figures in
+from 25 to 40 per cent of all cases applying for relief in our large
+cities. Probably it is the most common and most important single cause
+of poverty with which charity workers have to deal. Back of sickness,
+however, are often remote causes in the environment or in personal
+character. We have already spoken of accident as a cause of poverty in
+connection with dangerous occupations. It is only necessary to add that
+good authorities estimate that there are over 1,000,000 serious
+accidents in the United States every year, in order to see that
+disabilities resulting from accident are prolific as causes of poverty,
+especially in our large industrial centers. The physical and mental
+defects which manifest themselves in the defective classes proper, such
+as the feeble-minded, the insane, the epileptics, the deaf-mutes, and
+the blind, do not need to be dwelt upon as causes of dependence.
+
+(2) Next after sickness in the list of subjective causes of poverty
+comes intemperance. While the effect of intemperance in producing
+poverty has often been exaggerated, there can be no doubt that
+intemperance is one of the most important causes with which we have to
+deal. Back of intemperance, of course, may often be again causes in the
+social environment, or other remote causes, but these do not detract
+from the fact that practically one fourth of all the cases of distress
+with which charity organization societies have to deal are attributable,
+more or less, to intemperance. The Committee of Fifty who investigated
+this subject found that, in thirty-three cities, out of thirty thousand
+cases dependence was due to personal intemperance in 18.46 per cent, and
+due to the intemperance of others in 9.36 per cent, making a total of
+27.82 per cent of cases in which intemperance can be traced as a cause
+of poverty. Other investigations conducted in American cities give
+substantially the same results, although certain other investigations in
+English cities give higher percentages. It is noteworthy also that in
+an investigation conducted by the Massachusetts Bureau of Labor 39 per
+cent of the cases of poverty were attributed directly or indirectly to
+drink. Again the Committee of Fifty found that in the case of
+alms-house paupers a considerably higher per cent owed their condition
+to the influence of drink either directly or indirectly, the percentage
+being 41.55.
+
+(3) Sexual vice is undoubtedly a prolific cause of poverty, although it
+is very hard to trace concretely in the study of specific cases. Dr.
+Dugdale, however, in his study of the Jukes family places sexual vice
+even ahead of intemperance as a cause of their degradation, and other
+similar studies of similar families have reached substantially the same
+results.
+
+(4) Shiftlessness and laziness are frequently found in the lists of
+causes of dependence used by charity organization societies, from 10 to
+15 per cent of the cases of distress being attributed more or less to
+these causes. It is now generally agreed, however, that in most cases
+these causes may be resolved into more remote causes, laziness being
+oftentimes attributable to a degenerate or at least undervitalized
+physical condition.
+
+(5) Old age, which has not been rendered destitute by vice, drink, or
+other faults of character, is frequently in itself a cause of
+dependence. Old age seems to figure more largely as a cause of
+dependence in the European statistics than in American; nevertheless,
+even in America we frequently find old persons who have worked hard all
+their lives and yet come to poverty in their old age through no fault of
+their own. It is for this reason that many are urging old-age pensions
+as a means of preventing dependence among the aged.
+
+(6) Neglect and desertion by relatives, or the disregard of family ties,
+in America at least, may be put down as one of the important causes of
+dependence. From five to ten per cent of all the cases of distress, for
+example, which charity organization societies in our large cities deal
+with are those of deserted wives. Again, it is particularly common in
+America for children to fail to support aged parents and even the
+desertion of children by parents is of frequent occurrence.
+
+(7) Death of main support must also be mentioned as an important cause
+of dependence. Widows and their children always figure largely among
+those helped by charitable societies and institutions. Probably from 10
+to 20 per cent of all cases dealt with by societies for relieving
+temporary distress are cases in which the death of the breadwinner has
+temporarily rendered the family dependent.
+
+(8) Crime, dishonesty, ignorance, and the like are manifest frequent
+causes of dependence, and as such need no discussion.
+
+We have enumerated in detail some of the more important objective and
+subjective causes of poverty and dependence in order that the student
+may see that such causes are very complex, and, as we have already said,
+there rarely exists a dependent family in which three or more of these
+causes are not found to be active. Certain questions arise from such a
+brief presentation as this which we may mention but cannot hope
+adequately to deal with. Such, for example, is the question whether the
+subjective causes of poverty can all be reduced to objective causes. In
+our opinion this cannot be done, because the subjective causes have
+their roots in biological and psychological conditions, which cannot be
+attributed directly to causes in the environment. No doubt, however,
+many of the subjective causes of poverty are characteristics which have
+been acquired by individuals from the influence of their environment.
+When we attribute a certain per cent of poverty to intemperance, for
+example, it is probable that that particular personal defect may be
+ascribed almost wholly to the environment. On the other hand, there are
+other personal defects, such as sickness, vice, and mental deficiency,
+that cannot always with certainty be traced to environmental factors. It
+is safest to conclude that while personality is built up largely out of
+social influences, society is, on the other hand, also rooted in human
+nature, so that both objective and subjective causes combine to produce
+practically all social phenomena, and especially the phenomena of
+poverty and dependence. It is unscientific, therefore, to disregard
+either the subjective or the objective causes of poverty.
+
+Another question which is frequently raised in connection with poverty
+or dependence is, whether it is due to misconduct or misfortune. This
+question really has not much meaning in it when it is analyzed. As we
+have already seen in practically every case of poverty, personal defects
+and bad environment combine. Only a few of these personal defects,
+however, can by any proper use of language be regarded as misconduct.
+The great mass of poverty, therefore, seems attributable to misfortune
+rather than to misconduct,--using these words in their popular sense.
+But such a conclusion as this necessarily rests upon a somewhat
+superficial examination of the causes of distress which does not enter
+into the remote springs of personal character and development. On the
+whole, it seems unwise to attempt to divide the poor into the "worthy"
+and "unworthy" poor, as has often been done, for no one can say who is
+the worthy and who is the unworthy in a moral sense. The only sense in
+which these words may be used scientifically in charitable work is to
+mean "needy" and "not needy."
+
+_Pauperism and Degeneracy._ In order to see more clearly the
+biological roots of dependence we must notice briefly the relation of
+habitual pauperism to degeneracy. Studies like that made by Dr. Dugdale
+of the Jukes family show that unquestionably there is in many instances
+a close relation between habitual pauperism of various types and
+degeneracy. Out of 709 in the Jukes family studied by Dugdale 500 had
+been aided. Pauperism was 7 1_2 times as common among the Jukes as in
+the ordinary population. Along with the pauperism of the Jukes went
+prostitution, illegitimacy, crime, and physical disease and defects.
+Many other studies have shown the same intimate relation between
+physical degeneracy and habitual dependence or pauperism. There can be
+no doubt, therefore, that general physical degeneracy, or biological
+unfitness, is, as we have already asserted in the beginning, a
+conspicuous factor in the worst cases of chronic pauperism.
+
+_The Influence of Heredity upon Pauperism_. Similar studies to
+those already mentioned have shown that dependence is often times
+hereditary in families from generation to generation. This is doubtless
+based upon the inheritance of physical and mental defects. Indirectly,
+therefore, there is such a thing as hereditary pauperism. Now we know
+from the labors of Weismann that acquired characteristics are not
+inherited, but only congenital, or inborn characteristics. It is not
+the characteristics, in other words, which are acquired from the
+influence of environment that are transmitted to offspring, but the
+characteristics that arise through variations in the germ, caused by
+forces which are not yet well understood. Defects that are acquired by
+the individual in his lifetime, in other words, will not be transmitted;
+but the defects that arise through accident or other means in the germ
+are transmitted. This being so, it follows that acquired pauperism or
+dependence is not transmitted but only the pauperism which rests upon
+congenital defects. This is illustrated by the case of the deaf.
+Deaf-mutes are of two sorts: persons who are born deaf, or the
+congenital deaf-mutes, and persons who become deaf-mutes through
+diseases affecting the ear in early childhood. These latter are styled
+adventitious deaf-mutes. Now when congenital deaf-mutes marry, they show
+a strong tendency to transmit their defect to offspring, but the
+children of adventitious deaf-mutes are always normal. Dr. Fay, in his
+investigations into the marriages of the deaf in the United States shows
+that only 0.3 per cent of the children born from the marriages of
+persons adventitiously deaf and having no deaf relatives are born deaf;
+while on the other hand, 30.3 per cent of the children born from the
+marriages of persons congenitally deaf, both parents having deaf
+relatives, are born deaf. In other words, the number of deaf-mutes born
+where both parents are congenitally deaf and have deaf relatives is one
+hundred times greater than where both parents are adventitiously deaf
+and have no deaf relatives. This is pretty conclusive proof that it is
+only the congenital defects which are transmissible, but these are so
+highly transmissible that they may express themselves in pauperism from
+generation to generation.
+
+The marriage of all persons in whom there is an hereditary taint of
+feeble-mindedness, insanity, epilepsy, and the like ought, therefore, to
+be forbidden by law. But unless these defective classes were segregated
+in institutions, the only result of this might be to increase
+illegitimacy; therefore, any step in eradicating degeneracy and
+pauperism must look to the isolation and custodial care through life of
+the hopelessly defective classes. All this gives point to our conclusion
+that poverty and pauperism have roots which are quite independent of
+defects in economic conditions, and that, until heredity itself can be
+controlled, we cannot expect to eliminate poverty entirely.
+
+Proposed Remedies for Poverty and Pauperism.--The scientific remedies
+for poverty and pauperism, that is, the scientific methods of dealing
+with the various dependent classes and of preventing their existence,
+now form the subject-matter of a great independent science, the science
+of philanthropy, which, as we have already seen, may be considered a
+branch of applied sociology. We have not room in this book to discuss
+adequately these remedies, but we may call the attention of the student
+again to the vast literature existing upon the subject, and may point
+out the trend of modern scientific philanthropy in developing scientific
+methods for removing the causes of dependence and of preventing the
+existence of the various dependent classes.
+
+As we have already seen, poverty is an economic expression of biological
+or psychological defects of the individual on the one hand, and of a
+faulty social and industrial organization on the other hand. This
+implies that the remedies must be along the lines of the biological and
+psychological adjustment of the individual and of the correction of the
+faults in social organization.
+
+Where biological defects of the individual are the cause of dependence,
+we have just implied that, unless these defects are relatively
+superficial, the scientific policy for treating these classes of
+defective individuals would be that of segregation in institutions. The
+feeble-minded, the chronic insane, the chronic epileptic, and other
+hopelessly defective persons, in other words, should be permanently kept
+in institutions where tender and humane care should be provided, but in
+such a way that they will not reproduce their kind and burden future
+generations. The policy of segregating the hopelessly defective is one
+of the most scientifically approved policies of modern philanthropy. In
+this way, to a certain extent, the reproduction of unfit elements in
+society might be lessened, and the spread of degeneracy checked. In the
+case of slightly defective adults, such as the congenitally deaf and the
+congenitally blind, it is difficult to say exactly what the policy
+should be. It would seem that many of these persons may be relatively
+adjusted to free social life, although if they marry and have offspring
+we know, if their defect is congenital, that a certain proportion of the
+offspring, according to Mendel's law, will inherit the defect.
+
+In the case of those individuals whose dependence is due to
+psychological defects, or defective character, it is evident that we
+have a different problem. Here, in general, the wise policy would seem
+to be, not to segregate, but to overcome the defective character.
+Psychological defects, we know, are much more frequently acquired than
+biological defects and much more easily remedied. The work of scientific
+philanthropy in dealing with this class of individuals must be,
+therefore, a work of remedying defects in individual character. This is,
+perhaps, best done through personal relations between the dependent
+person and those who may help him. Defective character is, on the whole,
+therefore, best remedied by such means as education, religious
+influences, friendly visiting, and the like. The class of dependents
+whose condition is due to defective character may be on the whole,
+therefore, best treated outside of institutions, and probably better
+through voluntary private charity than through public relief systems.
+
+There remains another class of dependents whose condition is not due
+either to biological nor to psychological defects in themselves, but to
+faulty social and industrial conditions. For these, the best method of
+treatment consists in remedying the faulty conditions or in removing
+them, if possible, from them. This means that, in many cases, society
+must provide pensions, insurance against accident and sickness,
+legislation to check social abuses, and, above all, proper facilities
+for education. Here comes in the need of child-labor legislation, of
+better housing, of industrial insurance, of industrial education, and
+the like.
+
+In the light of these principles, let us review very briefly the
+different methods of dealing with dependent classes at the present time.
+
+_Public and Private Outdoor Relief_. By outdoor relief we mean
+relief given to the poor outside of an institution. Usually, outdoor
+relief refers simply to the public relief of dependents outside of
+institutions, but we shall use the phrase to cover both public and
+private relief. It is evident from what has already been said that the
+class of persons to whom this form of relief is appropriate are those in
+temporary distress, whose condition of dependence is not a permanent one
+and, therefore, usually those whose condition is due either to defective
+personal character or to faulty social organization. If the temporary
+dependence is due to defective personal character, it is evident that
+the aid may be so given, if given wisely, as to stimulate the overcoming
+of the moral defect. Hence the need of carefully planned measures of
+relief in all such cases. Hence, also, the need of the friendly
+visitor, who by personal contact with such a family will help them to
+become socially adjusted. If, on the other hand, the temporarily
+dependent person is simply a victim of circumstances, there is, then,
+also, the need of wise charity in order to overcome those adverse
+circumstances without impairing the character of the individual who is
+helped by destroying his self-respect and the like.
+
+It is evident that the task of relieving temporarily dependent persons
+outside of institutions is a delicate and difficult one, and requires
+carefully trained workers to do it successfully. For this reason, many
+have argued that outdoor relief should not be undertaken by the state in
+any of its branches, such as the city or county. In general, it must be
+admitted that the private society is, in many cases, naturally better
+fitted to accomplish this delicate and difficult task of restoring the
+temporarily dependent person. But, on the other hand, it must be said
+that the whole matter is simply a question of administration. Private
+societies may be quite as lax and unscientific in their charity as the
+state, and it is conceivable that the state can develop a system of
+outdoor relief which will be administered by experts quite as carefully
+as any private organization could administer it. Indeed, this is what
+has been practically done in Germany under the _Elberfeldt System_,
+which is a state system for dispensing outdoor relief to the temporarily
+indigent. In the United States, however, this work of relieving the
+temporarily dependent in their own homes has been, in our large cities,
+undertaken with great success by the charity organization societies,
+which, in general, do the work with such thoroughness as to obviate the
+necessity for public outdoor relief in our large cities.
+
+_State Charitable Institutions._ Indoor relief, or relief within
+institutions, for the permanently dependent classes is probably best
+undertaken by the state. Originally, the only institution of this sort
+was the almshouse or the poor house; but with the development of our
+complex civilization many of the permanently dependent have been
+provided for in other institutions than the almshouse, and it would seem
+that ultimately all the permanently dependent would be cared for in
+specialized state institutions. Thus, the permanently dependent,
+through various sorts of defects, such as the feeble-minded, chronic
+epileptic, chronic insane, and the like, are properly cared for in
+institutions especially provided for the purpose by the state and manned
+by experts. Into the details of public care of the unfit and defective
+of various types it is not necessary to go further than to say that such
+public care should be of the most scientific character, and with the
+double aim of reclaiming all those that can be reclaimed, and of
+providing permanently tender and humane care for those who cannot be
+fitted for free social life. State institutions then, should be manned
+by experts, and their activities should be coördinated by some central
+board. In accordance with this principle, it would seem that the best
+state policy would be to provide expert commissions for the care of
+different classes, such as the insane, and the like, and a supervisory
+board to watch over the work of these commissions and the institutions.
+
+_Dependent Children_. The care of dependent children is manifestly
+one of the most important forms of remedial philanthropic work, for it
+is manifest that the dependent child will make a dependent adult unless
+proper measures are taken to secure his adjustment to the social life.
+The dependent child is rarely biologically defective. The problem is,
+usually, in his case, the development of character under proper social
+conditions. For this reason, both the state and private societies have
+claimed the field of care of dependent children. While private
+societies have accomplished in this respect some of the most notable
+work, it would seem, however, that the work is one which properly
+belongs to the state in its capacity of legal guardian of all dependent
+children. The state, through a properly organized system of child
+helping, could conceivably guarantee that every neglected and dependent
+child should have normal opportunities to become adjusted to the social
+life. The system in the state of Michigan, with its Public School for
+Dependent Children at Coldwater, and its plan of placing these children,
+after a few months, in good homes, is a system which cannot receive too
+high commendation. In general, it is practically agreed by experts that
+the dependent child cannot be well adjusted to the social life by being
+reared in an institution, but that the better plan is to find suitable
+homes in which these children can be placed and reared under state
+supervision. In this way, practically every dependent child can be
+guaranteed a good chance in life. In the United States, private
+societies called "Childrens' Home Societies" are also doing this work
+with great success.
+
+_Public and Private Charity._ As has already been indicated, the
+ordinary line to be observed between private charity and public relief
+is that to private charity should be given the more delicate and
+difficult tasks, such as readjusting the temporarily dependent persons,
+the care of, in some cases, dependent children and the like, while to
+public charity should be given the cases which need permanent relief in
+institutions. This is only a conventional line, however, between private
+charity and public relief. As has already been pointed out, the state
+can conceivably, also, undertake the more delicate and difficult tasks
+of charitable aid, and probably it should do so as rapidly as it
+demonstrates its fitness to undertake this work, as the state, when once
+it has achieved certain standards, is a more certain and reliable agency
+than private institutions or societies. But there is in philanthropic
+work, a large place for the private society or institution. There will
+probably always be debatable cases which may better be looked after by
+private agencies than by public. There is, therefore, in every
+well-developed community, room for both public and private agencies,
+although there should be close coöperation where both exist one with the
+other. The church, through all its history, has undertaken philanthropic
+work with notable success, and it would be regrettable if the
+philanthropic activities of the church were to cease at this time, when
+they are needed as never before, in spite of the large development of
+public philanthropy. Church charity should, however, be made as
+scientific as any other form of charity, and should be carefully
+coördinated with the work of the state and other secular agencies. Among
+the secular agencies we have already mentioned the charity organization
+society as typifying in many ways the highest type of philanthropic
+activity of the present. It would seem that this society, organizing as
+it does all the philanthropic forces and agencies of the community,
+could scarcely be displaced by state activity; and that there would
+remain to this society, as well as many other private philanthropic
+societies, a very large field of activity in the future. State activity
+in the field of charity is, therefore, to be encouraged, but it must not
+be supposed that such activity can take the place of private charity.
+
+_Preventive Agencies_. A very large task for both private societies
+and the state is to be found in the field of prevention. This field is
+so broad, however, that we cannot attempt to even mention the many
+different movements alone which characterize our present social
+development. Such are the movements for better housing, for better
+sanitation, for purer food, for juster economic conditions, for the
+prevention of disease, and the like. The main thing to be said with
+respect to these movements is that they need to be guided by the larger
+social view, they need synthesis in order that they may work toward a
+common goal, and in harmony, also, with the activities of the state. In
+the field of prevention the state has much to do, especially in
+forwarding education along lines of social need and in creating juster
+economic conditions.
+
+We may, perhaps, sum up this chapter by saying that it is evident that
+the cure of poverty is not to be sought merely in certain economic
+rearrangements, but in scientific control of the whole life process of
+human society. This means that, in order to get rid of poverty, the
+defects in education, in government, in religion and morality, in
+philanthropy, and even in physical heredity, must be got rid of. Of
+course, this can only be done when there is a scientific understanding
+of the conditions necessary for normal human social life. What some of
+these requirements for a normal life are will be seen in a subsequent
+chapter, and it is only necessary to say in conclusion that the wisest
+measures for removing pauperism will be directed toward the prevention
+of its causes rather than toward the reclaiming of those who have
+already been caught in its meshes.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+WARNER, _American Charities,_ Revised Edition.
+DEVINE, _Misery and Its Causes._
+HUNTER, _Poverty._
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+DUGDALE, _The Jukes._
+DEVINE, _Principles of Relief._
+HENDERSON, _Dependent, Defective and Delinquent Classes._
+RUS, _How the Other Half Lives._
+ROWNTREE, _Poverty: a Study of Town Life._
+_Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction._
+_The Survey_ (formerly _Charities and the Commons_).
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+
+CRIME
+
+The problem of crime is one of the great problems of social pathology.
+There have been developed, in order to deal with this problem
+scientifically, a number of subsidiary sciences, especially Criminology
+and Penology, which are sciences dealing with the causes, nature, and
+treatment of crime. We cannot therefore deal with this problem
+adequately in this chapter, but again must refer the student to the
+literature on the subject.
+
+The Definition of Crime.--The best definition of crime and the simplest
+is that it is a violation of law. It is evident from this definition
+that crime is primarily a legal matter; and as laws vary from age to age
+and from country to country, so too the definition of crime varies.
+Nevertheless, because crime is a variable quantity that does not make it
+impossible of scientific treatment; for law itself is only one aspect or
+phase of the social life, namely, that which has to do with the control
+of conduct through organized social authority. Therefore, while crime is
+primarily a legal matter, it is also a social matter and has at the same
+time psychological and biological implications. While crime is an
+expression of social maladjustment defined by the law differently under
+different circumstances, it nevertheless has psychological and
+biological roots; and these we must take into account in a scientific
+study of crime.
+
+The simplest and best definition of the criminal accordingly is a
+violator of the law. However, because the criminal lacks social
+adjustment the causes of this lack of adjustment are very often in
+certain psychological and biological conditions of the individual. While
+the criminal is defined by the law differently from age to age, he is
+nevertheless under all circumstances the socially peculiar and sometimes
+the psychologically and biologically peculiar person. Under all
+circumstances he is a variation from his group; and whether the causes
+of his variation are psychological or biological is the problem that
+concerns us.
+
+But in the group of socially maladjusted persons whom we call criminals
+are many classes and it is necessary to note the chief of these classes
+before we can understand the many causes of crime.
+
+_The classification of criminals_. The legal classification of
+criminals according to the nature of their crime is manifestly of no use
+for scientific purposes. What we need is a classification of criminals
+according to their own peculiar nature. Inasmuch as the nature and
+conduct of a criminal person is largely a matter of his psychology the
+most scientific classification of criminals must be upon a psychological
+basis; and a simple psychological classification can be made upon the
+basis of habit, that is, as to whether the habit of crime is inborn,
+acquired, or not yet formed. According to this classification then there
+are three main classes of criminals: (i) The instinctive or born
+criminal. This is a person in whom the tendency to crime is inborn, and
+this inborn tendency is always due to some congenital defect. The most
+common type of the instinctive or born criminal is the moral imbecile, a
+person only slightly mentally defective who cannot distinguish right
+from wrong. It is evident that in the instinctive or born criminal
+biological causes of crime predominate. This class is however relatively
+small among the general criminal class, and it is estimated by experts
+that it constitutes not more than from 10 per cent to 15 per cent of our
+prison population. (2) The habitual criminal. The habitual criminal is a
+normal person who has acquired the tendency to crime from his
+environment. The most marked type of the habitual criminal is the
+professional criminal, who is frequently a person above the average in
+ability and who deliberately chooses a career of crime, taking the risks
+of his calling. It is evident that the professional criminal class is
+the most dangerous class of criminals with whom society has to deal. A
+more common type of habitual criminal, however, is the occasional
+habitual criminal, a weak person who drifts into crime through
+temptation and who has not strength of character enough to throw off the
+habit. It is estimated that habitual criminals of both types mentioned
+constitute from 40 per cent to 50 per cent of our prison population. (3)
+The single offender. The single offender is a normal person who commits
+only a single crime through some sudden stress or temptation, but lives
+ever after a law-abiding life. The two types of the single offender are
+the criminal by passion and the accidental criminal. The criminal by
+passion is a moral, and oftentimes a conscientious, person who commits a
+crime through some sudden stress of passion, under great provocation.
+The accidental criminal, on the other hand, is the weak type of moral
+person who yields once through some sudden temptation, but who regrets
+it ever afterward. It is estimated that single offenders constitute from
+40 per cent to 50 per cent of our prison population. Strictly speaking,
+they are only legal criminals, and not criminals in the sociological
+sense, being relatively moral and law-abiding citizens whose variation
+from the normal is confined to some single offense. Nevertheless, single
+offenders constitute, as we have already seen, a very considerable
+proportion of our prison population.
+
+If this classification of criminals is correct, it is evident that it is
+very important both in studying the causes of crime and in devising
+practical measures for dealing with the criminal class; for the
+instinctive criminal, the habitual criminal, and the single offender
+manifestly need very different methods of treatment. One of the gravest
+faults of the criminal law and of penal institutions hitherto is that
+they have not provided for the different treatment of different classes
+of criminals.
+
+The Extent of Crime in the United States.--According to the United
+States census there were in prisons on June 30, 1904, a total of 81,772
+prisoners above the age of five years serving sentences. Of this number
+77,269 were males and 4503 were females; again, 55,111 were whites, and
+26,661 were colored. Classified according to the prisons in which they
+were found, 53,292 were in state penitentiaries, 7261 were in state
+reformatories, 18,544 were in county jails, and 2675 were in city
+prisons. These were only the persons serving prison sentences. An
+unknown number were in county and city jails awaiting trial and serving
+out fines. Again, it must be remembered that this was simply the prison
+population on a single day, June 30, 1904. During 1904 there were,
+according to the census, 149,691 persons committed to prisons to serve
+sentences. To all of the above we must add also the 23,034 juvenile
+delinquents who were found, on June 30, 1904, in the juvenile
+reformatories of the United States.
+
+Unfortunately we have no figures from previous censuses with which we
+can compare the above, as the census of 1890 and previous censuses
+included prisoners awaiting trial. In 1890, however, there were,
+deducting the 15,526 awaiting trial and serving out fines, 66,803
+persons above the age of five years serving sentences.
+
+These prison statistics, however, give us little idea of the actual
+amount of crime in the United States, because they include only the
+persons committed to prison to serve sentences, and do not include the
+vast number who escape the meshes of the law or who simply receive
+fines, or whose sentences are suspended. It is estimated by competent
+authorities, basing their estimate upon the number of known convictions
+of crime in certain large cities, that there are not less than 1,000,000
+convictions for crime, annually, in the United States--including, of
+course, convictions for both felonies and misdemeanors. That this is not
+an excessive estimate may be indicated by the fact that in the state of
+New York alone in 1900, a year before the custom of suspending sentence
+on probation came so largely into vogue, there were nearly 100,000
+commitments to prison.
+
+All these figures, however, fail to give us any very correct idea of the
+amount of serious crime in the United States--the prison statistics,
+because they understate the matter, the statistics of convictions,
+because they overstate. A peculiarity about serious crime in the United
+States, it must be remembered, is that so many persons escape through
+the meshes of the law, and this is particularly true in the case of the
+characteristic American crime of homicide. An enterprising newspaper,
+_The Chicago Tribune_, has for years, with the help of the
+Associated Press, collected statistics of homicide and suicide in the
+United States. While these statistics seem relatively incomplete and
+inaccurate for the earlier years, since 1892 they present every
+appearance of great accuracy, and have not been seriously impugned.
+According to these statistics the United States has had for the last
+dozen years from six to ten thousand cases of homicide annually,
+including all cases where one person has killed another. In 1896 the
+number was 10,652, in 1899, 6225; in 1900, 8275; in 1904, 8482; in 1906,
+9350; in 1908, 8592. The census of 1904 showed only 2444 persons
+committed to prison for homicide in that year, but these figures are not
+in conflict with those of _The Chicago Tribune_, because the census
+statistics omit the vast number of persons who committed homicide but
+who escaped, were not convicted, were killed, or for some other reason
+failed to show up in the statistics of commitment. Accepting _The
+Chicago Tribune's_ figures as relatively accurate, it may be remarked
+at this point that the number of homicides is far greater in the United
+States than in other civilized countries, with the exception of Italy,
+Spain, and some other countries of the Mediterranean region. England,
+for example, has only between three and four hundred cases of homicide
+annually as compared with our six to ten thousand, although England's
+population is about 30,000,000 as against over 80,000,000 for the United
+States. The greatest number of these homicides take place in the
+Southern and Western states, Texas leading, according to the statistics,
+with about one thousand homicides annually. This suggests that to some
+extent our high homicide rate is due to the survival of frontier
+conditions in a large number of the states, although it is probably even
+more due to American individualism and lawlessness, the tendency of
+every man to take the law into his own hands.
+
+There can be no doubt that the amount of serious crime in the United
+States is relatively high, although there is no reason to believe that
+the serious crimes against property are proportionate to the serious
+crimes against persons.
+
+_The Cost of Crime in the United States_. The Hon. Eugene Smith, a
+lawyer of New York city, in a paper read before the National Prison
+Association in 1900, estimated that the criminal population of the
+United States costs not less than $600,000,000 annually. He based his
+estimate upon the cost of crime in New York city and other large cities
+of the country. He found that the probable expenses of government in the
+United States attributable to crime, that is, the cost of police,
+criminal courts, prisons, and other institutions connected with the
+prevention and repression of crime, amounted to about $200,000,000 per
+year. This is the amount paid by the taxpayers for the repression and
+extirpation of crime annually. In addition there is the cost of the
+criminal class through the destruction of property, their plunder, and
+the like. Mr. Smith estimated that there were no less than 250,000
+dangerous criminals in the United States and that each such criminal
+cost the people of the United States, on the average $1600 annually.
+Accordingly, the 250,000 criminals would cost a total of $400,000,000
+annually, which, added to the $200,000,000 paid out in taxes for the
+repression of the criminal class and protection against crime, makes a
+total of $600,000,000 paid out every year by the people of the United
+States as the cost of supporting the criminal class. While this figure
+seems enormous, careful students of the matter consider that it is an
+underestimate rather than an overestimate of the total cost of crime. We
+may compare the amount with certain other figures. The cost of public
+education in the United States is about $350,000,000 annually; the
+annual value of our wheat crop is about $600,000,000, and of our cotton
+crop about the same. It is evident that the problem of crime is worthy
+of serious study even from a financial standpoint alone.
+
+_Is Crime Increasing?_ How we answer this question will, of course,
+depend upon the length of time considered. We have no statistics going
+back further than fifty years in this country. Moreover, it is entirely
+possible to hold that while crime has decreased during the historic era
+among civilized peoples, it has increased during the last twenty-five or
+fifty years. All statistics of crime in the United States seem to show
+that it has increased. In 1850 for example, the number of prisoners was
+6737 which was one prisoner to every 3442 of the population. But the
+census of 1850 was seriously defective, and we would better take the
+census of 1860 as the basis of our comparison. In 1860 the census showed
+a total prison population of 19,086, which was one prisoner to every
+1647 of the population. In 1890 the census showed 82,329 prisoners in
+the total population, which was one in every 757. In other words,
+between 1860 and 1890 the total population of the country just doubled,
+while the number of prisoners quadrupled. Inasmuch as the census of 1904
+was taken upon an entirely different basis, we cannot bring the
+comparison down to that year.
+
+The value of these statistics has often been questioned, but it has been
+questioned chiefly by people who have not taken other corroborative
+evidence into account. The chief corroborating evidence is to be found
+in the statistics of prisoners in our state prisons from 1880 to 1904.
+Now only those are sent to state prisons who are guilty of felonies, and
+the length of term of sentence in our state prisons has steadily
+shortened during the last twenty-five years, while within the last few
+years the practice of suspending sentence on probation for first felons
+has been largely introduced. We should expect, therefore, a decrease in
+the state prison population in proportion to the general population. But
+we find that the number in state prisons rose from 30,659 in 1880, to
+45,233 in 1890, an increase of 47.5 per cent, while the general
+population increased only 24.86 per cent. Again the number rose in 1904
+to 60,553, an increase of 33 per cent, while the general population
+increased about 30 per cent. Apparently, therefore, the amount of
+serious crime in the United States is increasing more rapidly than the
+population. Corroborating evidence is also found from Massachusetts
+statistics, which indicate that between 1850 and 1880 the prison
+population increased twice as rapidly as the general population. Other
+evidence could be cited, but the statistics of our state penitentiaries
+may be considered conclusive when all facts are taken into
+consideration. There is apparently no escape from the conclusion that
+serious crime between 1880 and 1904 increased more rapidly than the
+population.
+
+The amount of minor offenses, every one admits, has increased. The
+statistics of all European countries show this, and there is no reason
+to suppose that the United States is an exception in this regard.
+England is the only country of the civilized world in which there has
+been apparently a decrease in proportion to population of both serious
+crimes and minor offenses. This decrease of crime in England may be
+attributed largely to England's excellent prison system, and also to the
+swiftness and certainty of English courts of justice.
+
+The Causes of Crime.--The causes of crime may be classified best, as we
+classified the causes of poverty, into objective and subjective.
+Objective causes are those outside of the individual, in the
+environment; subjective causes are causes in the individual, whether in
+his bodily make-up or his mental peculiarities.
+
+_The Objective Causes of Crime_. The objective causes of crime may
+be divided into causes in the physical environment and causes in the
+social environment. The causes in the physical environment are
+relatively unimportant, but are worthy of note as showing how many
+various factors enter into this social phenomenon of crime. Climate and
+season seem to be the two chief physical factors that influence crime;
+and in connection with these we have two general rules, abundantly
+verified by statistics; namely, crimes against the person are more
+numerous in southern climates than crimes against property; and again
+crimes against the person are more numerous in summer than in winter,
+while crimes against property are more numerous in winter than in
+summer. All this is of course simply an outcome of the effect of climate
+and season upon general living conditions.
+
+The causes of crime in the social environment are of course much the
+most important objective causes of crime, and, many students think,
+altogether the most important causes of crime in general. Let us briefly
+note some of the more important social conditions that give rise to
+crime.
+
+(1) Conditions connected with the family life have a great influence on
+crime; indeed, inasmuch as the family is the chief agency in society for
+socializing the young, perhaps domestic conditions are more important in
+the production of crime than any other set of causes. We cannot enter
+into the discussion of the matter fully, but we have already seen in
+former chapters that demoralized homes contribute an undue proportion of
+criminals. It is estimated by those in charge of reform schools for
+delinquent children that from 85 to 90 per cent of the children in those
+institutions come from more or less demoralized or disrupted families.
+Illegitimate children notoriously drift into the criminal classes, while
+dependent children who grow up in charitable institutions are prone also
+to take the same course. Domestic conditions have of course an influence
+on the criminality or non-criminality of adults. This is best shown
+perhaps by the fact that the great proportion of criminals in our
+prisons are unmarried persons. Thus the United States prison census of
+1904 showed that 64 per cent of all prisoners were single persons.
+Statistics from other countries are practically the same. This means
+that, on the one hand, the family life is a preventive of crime, and on
+the other that the socially abnormal classes who drift into crime are
+not apt to marry.
+
+(2) Industrial conditions also have a profound influence upon criminal
+statistics. Economic crises, hard times, strikes, lockouts, are all
+productive of crime. Quetelet, the Belgian statistician, thought that
+the general rule could be laid down that, as the price of food
+increases, crimes against property increase, while crimes against
+persons decrease. At any rate, increase in the cost of the necessities
+of life is very apt to increase crimes of certain sorts.
+
+The various industrial classes show a different ratio of criminality. In
+general among industrial classes the least crime is committed by the
+agricultural classes, while the most crime is committed by the
+unemployed or those with no occupation. The census of 1904 showed that
+50 per cent of all prisoners that year were non-agricultural laborers or
+servants.
+
+(3) The demographical conditions, conditions concerning the distribution
+and density of the population, have an influence upon crime. In general
+there is more crime in the cities than in the country districts. The
+statistics of all civilized countries seem to show about twice as great
+a percentage of crime in their large cities as in the rural districts.
+
+(4) The influence of race and nationality seems to be marked in criminal
+statistics. We have already noted that the ratio of criminality among
+the negroes in the United States is from four to five times higher than
+among the whites. We have also seen that among our recent immigrants the
+Southern Italians have a pronounced tendency to crime, especially
+serious crime. Among our older immigrants the Irish on the other hand,
+owing largely to their love of liquor, have a pronounced tendency toward
+minor offenses. Even in 1904, 36.2 per cent of the foreign-born
+prisoners were Irish, while the Irish constituted but 15.6 per cent of
+the total foreign-born population.
+
+(5) Defects in government and law are among the most potent causes of
+crime. These are so numerous that we cannot attempt even to mention all.
+It is obvious that such things as too great leniency on the part of our
+judges and shortness of sentence if convicted; difficulty or uncertainty
+in securing justice in criminal courts; costliness of obtaining justice
+in our civil courts; bad prison systems in which first offenders and
+hardened criminals mingle; lack of police surveillance of habitual
+criminals; corrupt methods of appointing the police; partisanship in the
+administration of government, and the like, all conduce to crime. And
+many of these things, we may add, have been especially in evidence in
+America.
+
+(6) Educational conditions have undoubtedly a great influence upon
+crime. While education in the sense of school education could never in
+itself stamp out crime, still defective educational conditions greatly
+increase crime. This is shown sufficiently by the fact that illiterates
+are much more liable to commit crime than those who have a fair
+education. The prison census of 1904 showed that 12.6 per cent of the
+prisoners were illiterate, while only 10.7 per cent of the general
+population were illiterate; and of the major offenders not less than 20
+per cent were illiterate.
+
+The defects in our educational conditions which especially favor the
+development of crime in certain classes are chiefly: lack of facilities
+for industrial education, lack of physical education, and lack of
+specific moral instruction. The need of these three things in a
+socialized school system need not here be more than emphasized.
+
+The influence of the press as a popular educator must here be mentioned
+as one of the important stimuli to crime under modern conditions. The
+excessive exploitation of crimes in the modern sensational press no
+doubt conduces to increase criminality in certain classes, for it has
+been demonstrated that crime is often a matter of suggestion or
+imitation. When 75 per cent of the space in our daily newspapers is
+taken up with reports of crime and immorality, as it is in some cases,
+it is not to be wondered at that the contagion of crime is sown
+broadcast in society.
+
+(7) The influence of certain social institutions in producing crime must
+be mentioned. Here comes in especially the lack of opportunity for
+wholesome social amusements among our poorer classes, particularly in
+our large cities. Lacking these, the masses resort to the saloon,
+gambling-houses, cheap music and dance halls, and vulgar theatrical
+entertainments. The influence of all of these institutions is
+undoubtedly to spread the contagion of vice and crime among their
+patrons.
+
+(8) The influence of manners and customs upon crime cannot be
+overlooked. The custom in certain communities, for example, of carrying
+concealed weapons undoubtedly has much to do with the swollen homicide
+statistics of the United States. Vicious and corrupting customs, such as
+compulsory social drinking, and the like, undoubtedly greatly influence
+crime. Even the luxury and extravagance of the rich might easily be
+shown to have a demoralizing effect, both upon the upper and the lower
+classes of society.
+
+The list of causes of crime in the social environment might be
+indefinitely extended until the student would perhaps think that
+practically everything was a cause of crime in one way or another; and
+it is true that everything that depresses men in society is a cause of
+crime. However, if the student has gained an impression of the great
+complexity of the causes of crime, that is the main thing.
+
+A question may here be raised whether it is possible to reduce all the
+causes of crime to causes in the social environment--that is, all
+subjective causes to objective. Many writers have contended that this is
+possible, but we shall see that there are causes in heredity and causes
+in psychological conditions, to say nothing of some possible free will
+in individuals, which cannot be derived from social conditions and which
+would produce crime quite independent of objective social conditions,
+unless these subjective factors were also controlled. There is no reason
+to believe that a perfectly just social organization which did not
+attempt to control heredity and the moral character of individuals would
+succeed in eliminating crime. On the contrary, biological variation
+alone arising from influences independent of the environment would
+produce a certain amount of crime. Crime, in other words, is, to a
+certain extent, like pauperism, an expression of the elimination of the
+inferior variants in society, and will continue to exist as long as we
+allow the process of evolution by natural selection to go on.
+
+Nevertheless, it is true in a certain sense, as Lacassagne says, that
+"every society has the criminals it deserves;" that is, every society
+could, by taking proper means, practically eliminate crime and the
+criminal class. This would have to be done, however, by something more
+radical than a mere reorganization of human society in an industrial
+way. Three things are necessary for society practically to eliminate
+crime: first, the correction of defects in social conditions,
+particularly of economic evils in society; second, the proper control of
+physical heredity by a rational system of eugenics; third, the proper
+education and training of every child for social life from infancy up.
+
+_The Subjective Causes of Crime._ In order to see all that is
+involved in the above program let us study somewhat the subjective
+causes of crime. These may be divided into biological and psychological.
+Among the biological causes of crime, and one which certainly cannot be
+reduced to the environment, is sex. As we have already seen, crime is a
+social phenomenon which is chiefly confined to the male sex. In 1904,
+for example, 94.5 per cent of the prison population in the United States
+were males, and in the statistics of convictions it is estimated that
+ninety-one men are convicted for every nine women. The statistics for
+all civilized countries show practically the same conditions, although
+in most European countries the proportion of female prisoners is
+somewhat higher, owing, undoubtedly, to certain influences in the social
+environment.
+
+Another subjective factor in crime, which again cannot be reduced to
+environment, is age. Practically all crime falls in the active period of
+life, and the bulk of it between the ages of twenty-one and forty years.
+The average of men in our state penitentiaries is frequently not above
+twenty-seven or twenty-eight years.
+
+Other subjective biological conditions that cause crime may be summed up
+under the word "degeneracy." These abnormal conditions, however, we
+shall examine later.
+
+Among the psychological conditions of the individual that give rise to
+crime the most common are habits, aims, and ideals. Of peculiar interest
+among personal habits that have an influence upon crime is intemperance,
+and this is such an important cause of crime that we must stop to
+examine it in some detail. It is often said that 95 per cent of the
+crime of our country results from this cause alone. The Committee of
+Fifty, however, investigated the cases of 13,402 convicts with reference
+to this matter, and found that intemperance was a cause of crime in the
+cases of 49.95 per cent. It was a chief cause of crime, however, only in
+the cases of 31.18 per cent. In the remaining cases the intemperance was
+that of ancestors or associates. Other investigators have found that
+intemperance figures as a cause of crime in from 60 to 80 per cent of
+the cases, but these investigations were not so full as that of the
+Committee of Fifty, and it is safer to conclude, for the present at
+least, that intemperance figures as a cause in about fifty per cent in
+the cases of serious crime. The wonder is that any one cause could
+figure in so many cases when there are so many varied influences in
+society depressing men. Of course intemperance can, as has already been
+said, in large part be ascribed to the influence of external stimuli in
+the environment, but it has also causes in the biological and
+psychological make-up of certain individuals that cannot be easily
+reduced to environmental factors.
+
+_Influence of Physical Degeneracy upon Crime_. By degeneracy we
+mean, to use Morel's definition, "a morbid deviation from the normal
+type." That is, degeneracy is such an alteration of organic structures
+and functions that the organism becomes incapable of adapting itself to
+more or less complex conditions. Ordinary forms of degeneracy that are
+well recognized are feeble-mindedness, chronic insanity, chronic
+epilepsy, congenital deaf-mutism, habitual pauperism, and the like. Now
+there can be no doubt that criminality in some of its forms is related
+to these functional forms of degeneracy. Even ordinary people have
+noticed its similarity to insanity, while Lombroso has traced an
+elaborate parallel between criminality and epilepsy. Without accepting
+extreme views, it may be claimed that criminality is, in some cases, a
+form of biological degeneracy for the following reasons:
+
+(1) The investigations of criminal anthropologists have established the
+fact that criminals as a class present a much larger number of
+structural and functional abnormalities than does the average man. The
+prisoners in our state prisons, for example, with few exceptions, could
+not measure up to the requirements laid down by the United States Army
+authorities for the enlistment of soldiers.
+
+(2) Investigations, like that of the Jukes family by Dr. Dugdale, have
+established the fact that criminals, paupers, imbeciles, drunkards,
+prostitutes, and other degenerates frequently spring from the same
+family stock. A very large percentage of the prisoners in our prisons
+have come from more or less degenerate family stocks.
+
+(3) Criminals more often show other forms of degeneracy than criminality
+than does the average population; that is, criminals often belong to one
+of the well-recognized degenerate classes, such as imbeciles,
+epileptics, and insane.
+
+These three arguments may be considered to be conclusive proof that
+criminality is in some cases a manifestation of physiological
+degeneracy; but they do not show that the bulk of criminals come from
+physiologically degenerate stocks. On the contrary it is highly probable
+that the marks of physiological degeneracy are not to be seen in from
+more than 25 to 30 per cent of our criminal class. These marks of
+degeneracy are of course especially common among the instinctive or born
+criminals, and to some extent they are found among the habitual
+criminals also.
+
+_The Influence of Heredity on Crime_. A word must be said about the
+influence of heredity on crime. The student will remember that,
+according to the modern theory of heredity, acquired characters, or
+characteristics, are not transmissible. Accordingly, when we find crime
+running in a family for generations, as in the Jukes or Zero families,
+we must assume either that the criminal tendency is transmitted by the
+social environment or that it is due to some congenital variation in
+some ancestor. In other words, if a person is a criminal by hereditary
+defect, if the criminal tendency is born in him, as it is in the
+instinctive criminal, he will transmit the tendency toward crime to his
+offspring; but if a normal person becomes a criminal by acquired habit
+he will transmit no tendency toward crime to his children, although his
+children may of course acquire the tendency from their social
+environment.
+
+This is not saying, however, that in such cases as habitual drunkenness
+and habitual vice an impaired constitution may not be transmitted to
+offspring. But this, strictly speaking, is not the transmission of any
+specific acquired characteristic, but only a general transmission of
+impaired vitality which may show itself in crime and in various forms of
+degeneracy. The germ cells are of course a part of the body, and
+anything that profoundly impairs the nutrition of the body generally,
+such as alcoholism and constitutional diseases, would also impair the
+nutrition of the germ cells, and result in a weakened constitution in
+offspring.
+
+_Lombroso's Theory of Crime_. Lombroso, and the Italian school of
+criminologists generally, attribute crime chiefly to atavism, that is,
+reversion to primitive types. They claim that the criminal in modern
+society is merely a biological reversion to the savage type of man; that
+the criminal constitutes therefore a distinct "anthropological variety";
+and that there is a marked "criminal type" which can be made out even
+before a person has committed a crime. They say further that the
+criminal type is marked physically by having five or more of the
+stigmata of degeneration, and that it is marked mentally by having the
+characteristics of the savage or nature man. We cannot stop to criticize
+in full this completely biological theory of crime which is offered by
+Lombroso and his followers. Undoubtedly crime has biological roots, and
+these we have attempted to point out in discussing the influence of
+degeneracy upon crime. But to claim that the criminal constitutes a
+well-marked "anthropological variety" of the human species, as Lombroso
+argues, is to set up a claim for which there is no foundation. What
+Lombroso thinks are the marks of the criminal are simply the marks
+belonging to the degenerate classes in general. That is, they are found
+among the insane and feeble-minded, for example, as well as in some
+classes of criminals. There is then no criminal type which clearly
+separates the criminal from other classes of degenerates, and which will
+mark a man out as belonging to the criminal class even before he has
+committed a crime. Lombroso and some of his school have altogether
+overemphasized the physical and anatomical side of the study of the
+criminal, and slighted the sociological side of such study. Moreover,
+Lombroso's statements, which he makes in very general terms, apply, if
+they apply at all, not to criminals as a class, but only to instinctive
+criminals, as indeed he himself has acknowledged.
+
+Remedies for Crime.--The remedies for crime are dealt with by the
+subsidiary science of penology, which may be regarded as a branch of
+scientific philanthropy. We can only direct the student's attention here
+to the vast literature on the subject and remark that the cure for crime
+consists not in some social panacea or in social revolution, but in
+dealing with the causes of crime so as to prevent the existence of the
+criminal class. In a general way, we have already indicated in
+discussing the remedies for poverty and pauperism what the steps must be
+to eradicate crime. In order practically to wipe out crime in society,
+as we have already said, three things are necessary. First, every
+individual must have a good birth; that is, heredity must be controlled
+so that only those who are physically and mentally sound are allowed to
+marry and reproduce. The difficulties of doing this we have already
+noted. Second, every individual must have a good training, both at home
+and at school, so as to adjust him properly to the social life. His
+education must fit him to take his place among other men, make him able
+to take care of himself, and to help others; and make him, in every
+possible way, acquainted with the social inheritance of the race. Last
+but not least, just social conditions must be provided. Everything in
+the social environment must be carefully looked after in order to insure
+the best development of the individual and to prevent his environment
+from being in any way a drawback to him.
+
+These things, if it were possible to bring them about, would wipe out
+crime, or, at least, minimize it to the lowest terms. Of course, this
+cannot be done in a generation, perhaps not in many generations, but it
+is evident that the problem of crime is in no way an insoluble problem
+in human society. With time and care and scientific knowledge, crime, as
+well as poverty and pauperism, could be wiped out.
+
+But curative measures are important, also, in dealing with the criminal,
+and each distinct class must be dealt with differently. We noted in the
+beginning of the chapter the three great character types in the criminal
+class: the instinctive criminal, in whom the tendency toward a life of
+crime is inborn; the habitual criminal, who acquires the habit of crime
+from his surroundings; and the single offender, who, while committing a
+single offense, never becomes a criminal in the strictest sense. These
+three distinct classes of criminals, whom we might style the
+degenerates, the derelicts, and the accidental offenders, need to be
+recognized in our criminal law and to be dealt with differently by our
+criminal courts and correctional institutions. The instinctive criminal
+can scarcely be adjusted to normal social life. He is, as we have
+already seen, essentially a defective, usually more or less
+feeble-minded. Reformation in the fullest sense of the word is almost
+out of the question in his case. The proper policy for society with
+reference to the instinctive criminal class, which constitutes but a
+small portion of our total criminal population, would be segregation for
+life. Practically, of course, this may have its difficulties until we
+perfect our means of discovering slight mental defects in individuals
+which make them incapable of social adjustment, but practically, also,
+we have found means of recognizing this type by such marks as
+incorrigibility, recidivism, and the stigmata of degeneracy.
+
+The habitual criminal, who originally was a normal person, can be, at
+least in the early part of his career, fully reformed. Children and
+adolescents, even though habitual offenders, are easily susceptible of
+reformation, but this is difficult with the adult habitual offender past
+thirty years of age who has a long criminal record behind him. Like the
+instinctive criminal, he is scarcely capable of reformation. Hardened
+habitual offenders, and especially professional criminals, should,
+therefore, be sentenced upon indeterminate sentences, terminable only
+when adequate evidence of their reformation has been secured. This can
+best be accomplished by what is known as the "habitual criminal act,"
+providing that persons guilty of three or four felonies shall be sent to
+prison for life, to be released only upon satisfactory evidence of
+reformation.
+
+The single offender, who is usually a reputable citizen who commits
+crime through passion or through great temptation, can usually best be
+dealt with outside of prison walls. The young single offender, if not
+properly handled, may be easily transformed into an habitual criminal.
+On the whole, a young single offender who has had no criminal record is,
+perhaps, best dealt with by the system of probation which we will note
+later. On the other hand, certain single offenders past thirty years of
+age, such as bribe-givers and bribe-takers, society may have to punish
+in order to make an example of. Exemplary punishment is, undoubtedly,
+still necessary in some cases, and in the main it should be reserved for
+this class of mature offenders in society who have otherwise lived
+reputable lives. Just how far exemplary punishment should be used in
+society as a deterrent to crime is a disputed question among
+penologists. Whether, as in cases of homicide, it should ever go to the
+extent of capital punishment or not depends very much upon the
+civilization of the group. In a civilization like ours, where blood
+vengeance is so often demanded by mobs, it is probably unwise, for the
+present at least, to seek the abolition of capital punishment for murder
+in the first degree.
+
+_The Prison System._ Every state should have at least six distinct
+sets of institutions to deal with the criminal class.
+
+1. County and city jails for the detention of offenders awaiting trial.
+
+2. Reform schools for delinquent children under sixteen years of age who
+require institutional treatment.
+
+3. Industrial reformatories for adult first offenders between sixteen
+and thirty years of age who require institutional treatment.
+
+4. Special reformatories for vagrants, inebriates, and prostitutes.
+
+5. A hospital prison for the criminal insane.
+
+6. County and state penitentiaries for incorrigible, hardened criminals.
+
+If any one of these sets of institutions is lacking in a state, it is
+impossible for the state to deal properly in a remedial way with the
+problem of crime. All these institutions, of course, need to be manned
+by experts and equipped in the best possible way. The present condition
+of our jails, of our penitentiaries, and to some extent of our reform
+schools, frequently makes them schools of crime. Nothing is more
+demoralizing in any community than a bad jail where criminals of all
+classes are herded together in idleness. Again, the administration of
+some of our state penitentiaries with an eye to profit only, makes them
+places for the deformation of character rather than for its reformation.
+Again, the lack of special institutions to deal with habitual vagrants,
+drunkards, and prostitutes, is one of the great reasons why we find it
+so difficult to stamp out crime. Into the details of the organization,
+construction, and management of these institutions we cannot go in this
+book. It is sufficient to say that all these institutions should furnish
+specialized scientific treatment for the various delinquent classes with
+which they deal, and to do this they should aim to reproduce the
+conditions and discipline of free life as far as possible. These
+institutions, in other words, with the exception of the penitentiaries
+and other institutions for segregation, should aim at overcoming
+defective character in individuals. Their work is mainly, therefore, a
+work of remedying psychical defects in the individual which prevent his
+proper adjustment to society. In the case of penitentiaries, however,
+the work is one mainly of segregation, of providing humane care under
+such conditions as least to burden society, and at the same time give
+such opportunity as there may be for reformation.
+
+_Substitutes for Imprisonment._ We have already noted that some
+classes of offenders may be reformed outside of prison walls. This is
+especially true of children, of the younger misdemeanants, and of those
+who have committed their first felony. It has been found that by
+suspending sentences in such cases, giving the person liberty upon
+certain conditions, and placing him under the surveillance of an officer
+of the court who will stand in the relation of friend and quasi-guardian
+to him, that reformation can, in many cases, be easily accomplished.
+This is known as the probation system. It has been characterized as "a
+reformatory without walls." Originating in Massachusetts, it has been
+increasingly put into practice of recent years in many states with much
+success. The system, however, will not work well without trained
+probation officers to watch over those who are given conditional
+liberty. The practice of placing upon probation without probation
+officers is a questionable one and is liable to bring in disrepute the
+whole system. Probation is not mere leniency, as some suppose, but is
+rather a system of reformation in line with the most scientific approved
+methods.
+
+Coupled with probation should often go fines and restitution to injured
+parties. In such cases, when the person is placed upon probation, the
+fine or restitution may often be paid in installments, and it has been
+found to have a decidedly reformatory effect upon the character of the
+offender. Fines without probation are, however, but little more than
+retribution, or exemplary punishment.
+
+_Delinquent Children._ The treatment of delinquent children
+constitutes a special problem in itself. It has recently come to be well
+recognized that criminal tendencies nearly always appear in childhood,
+and that if we can overcome these tendencies in the delinquent child, we
+shall largely prevent the existence of an habitual criminal class.
+Strictly speaking, of course, the child is a presumptive rather than a
+real criminal. The delinquent child is socially maladjusted and is
+scarcely ever to be considered an enemy of organized society. Delinquent
+children should be dealt with, therefore, as presumptive rather than as
+genuine criminals. In general, therefore, they should not be arrested,
+should not be put in jail with older offenders, and should be tried by a
+special court in which the judge representing the state plays the role
+of a parent. For the most part, delinquent children may be dealt with,
+as we have already seen by putting them upon probation under the care of
+proper probation officers. When the home surroundings are not good, such
+children may often be placed in families and their reformation more
+easily secured than if placed in institutions. In any case, they should
+never be sent to the reform school except as a last resort. The parent
+or guardian, also, should be held responsible for the delinquency of the
+child if he is contributory thereto by his negligence or otherwise.
+
+We may sum up this chapter, then, by repeating that the problem of crime
+is in no way an insoluble problem in human society, though, perhaps, a
+certain amount of occasional and accidental crime will always exist.
+The solution of the problem, as we have seen, only demands that man
+should secure the same mastery over his social environment and over
+human nature that he has already practically achieved over physical
+nature; and the gradual development of the social sciences will
+certainly make this possible some time in the future.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+ELLIS, _The Criminal._
+WINES, _Punishment and Reformation._
+BOIES, _The Science of Penology._
+
+
+_For more extended reading:_
+
+BARROWS, _The Reformatory System in the United States._
+BARROWS, _Children's Courts in the United States._
+DRAHMS, _The Criminal._
+FERRI, _Criminal Sociology._
+MORRISON, _Crime and Its Causes._
+MORRISON, _Our Juvenile Offenders._
+PARMELEE, _Anthropology and Sociology in Relation to Criminal Procedure._
+TRAVIS, _The Young Malefactor._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+
+SOCIALISM IN THE LIGHT OF SOCIOLOGY
+
+There have been many "short-cuts" proposed to the solution of social
+problems. Among these the various schemes for reorganizing human society
+and industry, brought together under the general name of "socialism,"
+have attracted most attention and deserve most serious consideration.
+In criticizing the most conspicuous of these schemes of social
+reconstruction, the so-called "scientific socialism," it should be
+understood at the outset that there is no intention of questioning the
+general aims of the socialists. Those aims, as voiced by their best
+representatives, are in entire accord with sound science, religion, and
+ethics. That humanity should gain collective control over the conditions
+of its existence is the ultimate and highest aim of all science, all
+education, and all government. No student of sociology doubts that
+human society has steadily moved, though with interruptions, toward a
+larger control over its own processes; and no sane man doubts that such
+collective control over the conditions of existence is desirable. These
+general aims, which the socialists share with all workers for humanity,
+are not in question. What is in question are the specific means or
+methods by which the socialists propose to reconstruct human society--to
+gain collective control over the means of existence. In order to
+criticize socialism we must see a little more narrowly what socialism is
+and what it proposes to do.
+
+Socialism Defined.--As a recent socialist writer has declared,
+socialism, like Christianity, is a term which has come to have no
+definite meaning. It is used by all sorts of people to cover all sorts
+of vague and indefinite schemes to improve or revolutionize society.
+[Footnote: It has been said that the word "socialism," as currently
+used, has four distinct meanings: (1) Utopian socialism, i.e., schemes
+like More's Utopia; (2) the socialist party and its program, i.e., "the
+socialization of the instruments of production;" (3) The Marxist
+doctrine of social evolution, i.e., "the materialistic conception of
+history;" (4) a vague body of beliefs of the working classes, more or
+less derived from (2) and (3). It is of course only socialism in the
+second and third senses which is discussed in this chapter.] Such a
+vague conception would, of course, be impossible of scientific
+criticism. But fortunately the word historically has come to have a
+fairly clear and definite meaning. It has come to stand for the social
+and political program of a party, the Social-Democratic party of Germany
+and other European states. Karl Marx and his associates were the
+founders of this party, hence historical socialism is synonymous with
+Marxian socialism, and we shall so use the word. The cardinal tenet or
+principle of the socialist party is the public ownership of all capital,
+that is, of the means of production. Certain other things are, however,
+involved in this, and we may define the full program of Marxian
+socialism by saying that it proposes: (1) the common ownership of the
+means of production (abolition of private property in capital); (2)
+common management of the means of production (industry) by
+democratically selected authorities; (3) distribution of the product by
+these common authorities in accordance with some democratically approved
+principle; (4) private property in incomes (consumption goods) to be
+retained.
+
+It is evident from this outline of "orthodox" or Marxian socialism that
+it is primarily and dominantly an economic program. It is true that it
+emphasizes democratic forms of government, but this is only incidental
+to its main purpose of securing a just distribution of economic goods.
+Strictly speaking, in a correct use of scientific terms, Marxian
+socialism should be called "economic socialism."
+
+The Theoretical Basis of Marxian Socialism.--Marx's socialism is
+frequently called scientific socialism, because its followers believe
+that it rests upon a scientific theory of social evolution. This theory
+is best stated in Marx's own words, as he gives it in his _Critique of
+Political Economy_, namely, that "the method of the production of
+material life determines the social, political, and spiritual life
+process in general." We find it stated in other words, though in
+substance the same, by Engels, Marx's friend and coworker. Engels says,
+"In every historical epoch, the prevailing mode of economic production
+and exchange, and the social organization _necessarily_ following
+from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can
+be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch." In
+other words, according to Marx and his followers, the economic element
+in human society determines all other elements; if the other elements
+cannot be fully derived from the economic, their form and expression is
+at least determined by the economic. This is the so-called
+"materialistic conception of history" upon which Marxian socialists
+believe their program to have a firm scientific foundation. [Footnote:
+In several utterances of his later years Marx qualified considerably his
+"materialistic conception of history," but the more radical or
+revolutionary wing of his followers have always adhered to the extreme
+form of the theory.] The followers of Marx, indeed, declare that with
+this principle Marx explains social evolution quite as fully as Darwin
+explained organic evolution through natural selection; and they do not
+hesitate to compare Marx's work in the social sciences with Darwin's
+work in the biological sciences.
+
+It may certainly be agreed that this social philosophy which we have
+already said is best characterized as "economic determinism," is the
+logically necessary foundation of economic socialism. If the change of
+the economic or industrial order of human society is going to work such
+wonders as the socialists claim, then it must follow that the economic
+element is the fundamental and determining element in the social life.
+If what is wrong with human society is chiefly wrong economic
+conditions, then the changing of those conditions should, of course,
+change the whole social superstructure. It would seem, therefore, that
+the dominantly economic program of Marxian socialists must stand or fall
+with the economic interpretation of social organization and evolution
+which Marx proposed. If it can be shown that Marx's philosophy of human
+society is essentially unsound, then the proposition to regenerate human
+society simply by economic reorganization is also unsound. Let us see
+whether the positions of the economic socialists are tenable in the
+light of the sociological principles which have been emphasized in the
+previous chapters of this book.
+
+Criticism of Marxian Socialism.--The student has already been told that
+human society is a complex of living organisms, responding now this way,
+now that, to external stimuli in the environment. These stimuli in the
+environment we have roughly, but inaccurately, spoken of as causes,
+though they are not causes in a mechanical sense. The responses which
+are given to these stimuli by individuals and groups vary greatly
+according to heredity, instincts, and habits,--the inner nature, in
+other words, of the organisms composing society. Now, the stimuli in
+the environment which give rise to the activities of individuals and
+societies, though not in any mechanical way, may be classified into
+several great groups, such as the economic, the reproductive, the
+political, the religious, and so on. The economic stimuli would be
+those that have to do with the processes of production, distribution,
+and consumption of wealth; that is, the economic stimuli are those which
+are concerned with economic values. Now, while the student has not been
+even introduced to the psychological theory of human society, he perhaps
+knows enough of individual human nature to see that there is no reason
+in the nature of things why one's responses to economic stimuli, those
+connected with economic values, should determine his response to all
+other stimuli; and this is what scientific sociology and scientific
+psychology exactly find; namely, that there is no reason for believing
+that economic stimuli determine in any exact way or to any such extent,
+as Marx thought, responses to other stimuli. It is true that our habits
+of response to a certain class of stimuli affect to a certain extent our
+habits of response to all other classes. Thus it follows that the
+economic phase of human society affects to a very great degree all other
+phases of human society. But this is simply the doctrine of the unity of
+personality and the interdependence of all phases of the social life,
+and it is very different from Marx's theory that the economic determines
+all the other phases; for under the doctrine of social interdependence
+we can see it is quite as reasonable to state that the religious and
+political phases of the social life determine the economic as it is to
+state that the economic determines the political and religious.
+
+Let us bring the discussion down to more concrete terms. The student has
+seen that in every social problem there are a multitude of factors or
+stimuli (causes) at work, and that in no problem is the economic factor
+so all important that it may be said that the other factors are simply
+subsidiary. On the contrary, in such a problem as crime the methods of
+production and distribution of material goods, while important factors
+in the problem of crime, in no way determine that problem; and ideal
+conditions of the production and distribution of wealth would in no way
+solve the problem of crime. So, too, the negro problem is hardly touched
+by the question of the forms of industry or the economic organization of
+society. We might go on with a whole list of social problems and show
+that in every case the economic factor is no more important than many
+other factors, and that the economic reorganization of society would in
+some cases scarcely affect these problems at all. _The social problem,
+therefore,--the problem of the relations of men to one another,--is not
+simply nor fundamentally an economic problem; rather it is fundamentally
+a biological and psychological problem,_--if you please, a moral
+problem.
+
+This brings us to a second criticism of socialism, namely, that it
+proposes to reorganize human society upon an economic basis, not upon a
+biological basis. The program of the socialist looks forward to the
+satisfaction of economic needs, but it has failed to take into account
+the biological requirements for existence. It would be far more
+scientific to reorganize society upon the basis of the needs of the
+family than to reorganize it simply upon the basis of industry. The
+reproductive process which the economic socialists ignore, or leave
+unregulated almost entirely, is far more important for the continued
+existence of human society than all its economic processes,--if by the
+reproductive process we mean the rearing as well as the birth of
+offspring; and if by the economic process we mean merely the forms and
+methods of the production and distribution of material goods.
+
+In other words, the socialistic program leaves the future out of
+account, and aims simply to satisfy the present generation with a just
+distribution of material goods. If it could be shown that a just
+distribution of material goods would insure the future of the race and
+of civilization, then, of course, the socialist plea would be made good.
+ But this is just what is doubtful. On the whole, it must be said that
+the socialist program is based upon the wishes and desires of the adult,
+not upon the needs of the child or of the race.
+
+The extreme emphasis which Marxian socialism throws upon economic and
+industrial conditions in human society is, therefore, not justified by
+the scientific facts which we know about collective human life. Rather
+it must be said that this is the vital weakness of Marxian
+socialism,--that it over-emphasizes the economic element. Of course, we
+are not saying that control over economic conditions is not necessary to
+collective control over the general conditions of existence, which
+society is undoubtedly aiming at, but it is saying that conceivably
+collective control over the social life process might be upon some other
+basis than the economic. It might emphasize, for example, the health
+and continuity of the race, or individual moral character, far more than
+the distribution of economic values. Modern economic socialism proposes
+simply to carry a step further our already predominatingly economic
+social organization by frankly recognizing the economic as the basis of
+all things in the social life. Modern economic socialism is, therefore,
+rightfully judged as materialistic. It is really an expression of the
+industrial and commercial spirit of the present age. When the
+perspective of life becomes shifted again to the more important
+biological and spiritual elements in life, socialism will lose its
+prevailingly economic character, or it will cease to exist.
+
+It must be emphasized here that all the material and economic progress
+of the modern world has not added greatly to the happiness or betterment
+of man. It is true that material progress is important, yes, necessary
+for spiritual progress. But material progress alone does not lead to
+spiritual progress, and therefore mere material progress can never add
+anything to the real happiness and social betterment of the race. On
+the contrary, it is possible to conceive of a society in which every one
+has an economic surplus,--a society rolling in wealth, approximately
+equally divided, and yet one in which human misery in its worst forms of
+vice and crime, pessimism and self-destruction, prevail. It is an old
+truth that making men "better-off" does not necessarily make them
+"better," and one which cannot be too often emphasized, but one which
+the modern socialist gets angry at when it is mentioned to him. It is
+therefore a matter of comparative indifference, from the standpoint of
+the happiness and ultimate survival of the race, whether economic goods
+are distributed relatively evenly in human society or not. We say
+comparative indifference, because, of course, no one can be indifferent
+to the material needs of life, inasmuch as they are the basis of its
+higher development. But after a certain minimum is assured it is
+extremely doubtful whether a surplus will be of benefit or not, and this
+minimum necessary for the higher spiritual development of the social
+life can be secured through the reform of present society without trying
+the doubtful social revolution which the socialists advocate.
+
+This brings us to a third criticism of Marxian socialism. Traditionally
+Marxian socialism has been revolutionary socialism. The vast mass of the
+socialist party to-day look forward to some revolution which will, as
+they say, "socialize the instruments of production," that is, transfer
+capital from private ownership and management to public ownership and
+management. Probably rightly, many socialists hold that such a wholesale
+transfer from private to public ownership would be the only way in which
+a socialistic regime could be successfully inaugurated. But if this
+revolution were accomplished it is evident that it is highly uncertain
+whether its results would be permanent. For all that we have learned
+concerning human society leads us to say that social organization at any
+particular time is very largely a matter of habit. Now collective
+habits are less easily changed than individual habits, because any
+change in collective habits practically necessitates the consent of all
+the individuals who make up the social group. We know also that even in
+individual life old habits are not easily supplanted by new ones and
+that there is always a tendency to revert to the old. All historical
+evidence shows that revolutions are always followed by periods of
+reaction, and that this reaction is usually proportionate to the extent
+and suddenness of change in social organization.
+
+Some modern socialists have argued from de Vries's mutation theory in
+biology that in social evolution we must expect mutations also, and
+that, therefore, the great changes in human society are normally
+accomplished by means of revolution. But this argument rests wholly on
+analogy, and arguments from analogy in science are practically
+worthless. It may be asserted, on the other hand, that all the great
+changes in human society which have been desirable have come about only
+after prolonged preparation and after a series of gradual steps which
+led up to the final change. The Greco-Roman world, for example, was
+becoming ripe for Christianity before Christianity finally appeared and
+became triumphant. The centuries from the fourteenth to the sixteenth
+had prepared for the protestant reformation in the countries of modern
+Europe before the reformation became an established fact.
+
+Thus, radical reconstruction of the social life by means of revolution
+is scarcely possible. The instincts and habits of individual human
+nature upon which the social order rests cannot be easily changed by
+revolutionary programs in legislation or in institutions. The only
+probable result of such an attempt would be the collapse of the new
+social order, because it would have insufficient foundations in
+individual character upon which to rest. The idea of ushering in the
+social millennium through some vast social revolution is therefore
+chimerical.
+
+It is not the place in this book to take up the practical objections to
+economic socialism. These practical objections are for the most part of
+a political and economic nature, and they accordingly can be better
+dealt with in treatises on politics and economics than in one on
+sociology. It is perhaps sufficient to say that the political and
+economic objections to socialism are not less weighty than the
+sociological objections. Government, for example, exists in human
+society to regulate, and not to carry on directly, all social
+activities. If the state were in its various forms called upon to own
+and manage all productive wealth in society, it is extremely probable
+that such an experiment would break down of its own weight, since the
+state would be attempting that which, in the nature of things, as the
+chief regulative institution of society, it is not fitted to do. But it
+is not our purpose, as has just been said, to go into the political and
+economic objections to economic or Marxian socialism. To understand
+these the student must consult the leading works on economic and
+political science.
+
+Substitutes for Economic Socialism.--Certain steps sociology and all
+social sciences already indicate as necessary for larger collective
+control over the conditions of social existence. These steps, however,
+aim not at instituting a new social order, but at removing certain
+demonstrated causes of social maladjustment which exist in present
+society; and as in the solution of special social problems we have seen
+reason to reject "short-cuts" and "cure-alls," so in a scientific
+reconstruction of human society we have good reason to reject the social
+revolution which the followers of Marx advocate, and to offer as a
+substitute in its stead some social reforms which will make more nearly
+possible a normal social life.
+
+Perhaps the necessary steps for bringing about such a normal social life
+have never been better summed up than by Professor Devine in his book on
+_Misery and its Causes_. Rather than offer a program of our own we
+shall, therefore, give a brief resume of the conditions which Professor
+Devine names as essential to normal social life, believing that these
+offer a program upon which all sane social workers and reformers can
+unite. Professor Devine names ten conditions essential to a normal
+social life: (1) the securing of a sound physical heredity, that is, a
+good birth for every child, by a rational system of eugenics; (2) the
+securing of a protected childhood, which will assure the normal
+development of the child, and of a protected motherhood, which will
+assure the proper care of the child; (3) a system of education which
+shall be adapted to social needs, inspired by the ideals of rational
+living and social service; (4) the securing of freedom from preventable
+disease; (5) the elimination of professional vice and crime; (6) the
+securing of a prolonged working period for both men and women; (7) a
+general system of insurance against the ordinary contingencies of life
+which now cause poverty or dependence; (8) a liberal relief system which
+will meet the material needs of those who become accidentally dependent;
+(9) a standard of living sufficiently high to insure full nourishment,
+reasonable recreation, proper housing, and the other elementary
+necessities of life; (10) a social religion which shall make the service
+of humanity the highest aim of all individuals.
+
+It is sufficient to say, in closing this chapter, that if these ten
+essentials of a normal social life could be realized--and there is no
+reason why they cannot be--there would be no need to try the social
+revolution which Marxian socialism advocates.
+
+There can be no question that the ultimate aim of the social sciences is
+to provide society with the knowledge necessary for collective control
+over its own life processes. Sociology and the special social sciences
+are aiming, therefore, in an indirect way to accomplish the same thing
+which political socialism aims at accomplishing through economic
+revolution. There would seem to be no danger in trusting science to
+work out this problem of collective control over the conditions of
+existence. There are no risks to run by the scientific method, for it
+proceeds step by step, adequately testing theories by facts as it goes
+along. The thing to do, therefore, for those who wish to see "a
+humanity adjusted to the requirements of its existence" is to encourage
+scientific social research along all lines. With a fuller knowledge of
+human nature and human society it will be possible to indicate sane and
+safe reconstructions in the social order, so that ultimately humanity
+will control its social environment and its own human nature even more
+completely than it now controls the forces of physical nature. But the
+ultimate reliance in all such reconstruction, as we will try to show in
+the next chapter, must be, not revolution, nor even legislation, but
+education.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading:_
+
+ELY, _Socialism and Social Reform._
+SPARGO, _Socialism._ Revised edition.
+GILMAN, _Socialism and the American Spirit._
+
+
+_For more extended reading_:
+
+HUNTER, _Socialists at Work._
+KIRKUP, _History of Socialism._
+SCHAEFFLE, _Quintessence of Socialism._
+WELLS, _New Worlds for Old._
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+
+EDUCATION AND SOCIAL PROGRESS
+
+As has just been said, the ultimate reliance in all social reform or
+social reconstruction must be upon the education of the individual.
+Social organization can never be more complex or of a higher type than
+the individual character and intelligence of the members of the group
+warrants. At any given stage of society, therefore, the intelligence and
+moral character of its individual members limits social organization.
+Only by raising the intelligence and character of the individual members
+of society can a higher type of social life permanently result.
+
+Another fact to which the student needs his attention called is that all
+progress in human society, it follows, from what has just been said,
+depends upon the relation between one generation and its successor. Only
+as new life comes into society is there opportunity to improve the
+character of that life. If at any given time intelligence and character
+limit the possibilities of social organization, then it is equally
+manifest that only in the new individuals of society can that
+intelligence and character be greatly improved.
+
+There are, of course, two possible ways of bringing about such
+improvement:--first, through the selection of the hereditary elements in
+society, eliminating the unfit and preserving the more fit; but, as we
+have repeatedly pointed out, such a scheme of artificial selection is
+far in the future, and in any case its inauguration would have to depend
+upon the _second_ method of improving individual character, which
+is through education and training. As we have insisted, not only may the
+natural instincts and tendencies of individuals be greatly modified by
+training but through education the habits and hence the character of
+individuals can be controlled. Therefore the main reliance of society in
+all forward movements must be upon education, that is, upon artificial
+means of controlling the formation of character and habit in
+individuals.
+
+The finality of education in social betterment can be, perhaps, further
+illustrated by reconsidering for a moment some of the social problems
+which we have just studied. Take for example the problem of crime. There
+are only three possible means, as we have already seen, of eliminating
+crime from human society:--first, through changes in individual human
+nature, brought about by biological selection, that is, through a system
+of selective breeding, eliminating all who show any criminal tendencies.
+This method would, perhaps, eliminate certain types of criminals as we
+have already seen, namely, those in whom the hereditary tendency to
+crime is dominant. A second means of attacking the problem of crime
+would be by improving social and economic conditions by means of the
+interference of the organized authority of society in the form of the
+state. Legislation and administration directed to social ends might
+accomplish much in reducing the temptations and opportunities for crime
+in any group. The correction of evils in social and industrial
+organization would, no doubt, again greatly lessen crime but it is
+entirely conceivable, from all that we know of human nature and human
+society, that crime might still persist under a just social and
+industrial organization. Crime could be completely eliminated only
+through a third means, namely, the careful training of each new
+individual in society as he came on the stage of life, so that he would
+be moral and law-abiding, respecting the rights of others and the
+institutions of society. Moreover, neither selective breeding nor
+governmental interference in social conditions could accomplish very
+much in eliminating crime unless these were backed by a wise system of
+social education.
+
+Now what is true of crime is equally true of all social problems. They
+may be approached from either of three sides:--first, from the
+biological side, or the side of physical heredity; second, from the side
+of social organization, or the improvement of the social environment;
+third, from the side of individual character, or the psychical
+adjustment of the individual to society. As Professor Ward and many
+other sociologists have emphasized, it is this latter side which is the
+most available point of attack on all social problems; for when we have
+secured a right attitude of the individual toward society all social
+problems will be more than half solved. Thus, as we said at the
+beginning of this book, education has a bearing upon every social
+problem, and every social problem also has a bearing upon education.
+Just how important this reciprocal relationship between education and
+social life is, we can appreciate only when we have considered somewhat
+more fully the nature of social progress.
+
+The Nature of Social Progress.--Social progress has been defined in many
+ways by the social thinkers of the past. Without entering into any
+formal definition of social progress, we believe that it will be evident
+to the reader of this book that social progress consists, for one thing,
+in the more complete adaptation of society to the conditions of life. We
+regard those changes as progressive whether they be moral, intellectual,
+or material, which bring about a better adaptation of individuals to one
+another in society, and of social groups to the requirements of their
+existence. Social progress means, in other words, the adaptation of
+society to a wider and more universal environment. The ideal of human
+progress is apparently adaptation to a perfectly universal environment,
+such an adaptation as shall harmonize all factors whether internal or
+external, present or remote, in the life of humanity. Social progress
+means, therefore, greater harmony among the members of a group. It means
+also greater efficiency of those members in performing their work.
+Finally, it means greater ability on the part of the group to survive.
+Social progress includes, therefore, the ideals of social harmony,
+social efficiency, and social survival. Things which do not ultimately
+conduce to these ends can scarcely be called progressive.
+
+Now it is evident that adaptation on the part of individuals and groups
+to the requirements of life may be in part accomplished by biological
+selection, that is, by eliminating the least adapted. But selection is,
+after all, a very clumsy and imperfect instrument for securing the
+highest type of adaptation. Again, it is evident that a certain degree
+of adaptation can be secured through the constraint of government and
+law; but only a relatively low type of adaptation can be secured in such
+an external way. It is finally evident, therefore, that the highest
+type of adaptation in either individual or social life can be secured
+only by training the intelligence and moral character of individuals so
+that they will be sufficient to meet the requirements of existence.
+
+Another feature of social progress which we have not yet mentioned in
+this chapter, though we have noted it repeatedly in earlier chapters, is
+the increased complexity of social organization. This increased
+complexity is in part due to the mere increase in numbers. It is also
+due to the various processes themselves by which wider and more
+universal adaptation is brought about in society. Thus, while every
+useful mechanical invention aids man to conquer nature, it at the same
+time increases the complexity of social life. Now in a more complex
+society there is more opportunity for conflicts of habit between
+individuals, more opportunity for social maladjustment, and therefore
+more opportunity for the failure of some part or all of the group in
+achieving a social life characterized by harmony, efficiency, and
+capacity for survival. Hence, the adaptation of individuals in the
+large and complex groups of modern civilized societies becomes a greater
+and greater problem. The regulative institutions of society, such as
+government, law, religion, and education, have to grapple with this
+problem of adjusting individuals to the requirements of an increasingly
+complex social life. No doubt religion, government, and law have a great
+function to perform in increasing social regulation, but they can only
+perform it effectively after they enlist education on their side.
+
+The Social Function of Education.--We are now prepared to understand the
+meaning of educational systems in civilized society and to see what the
+true function of education is. Education exists to adapt individuals to
+their social life. It is for the purpose of fitting the individual to
+take his place in the social group and to add something to the life of
+the group. Educational systems exist not to train the individual to
+develop his powers and capacity simply as an individual unit, but rather
+to fit him effectively to carry on the social life before he actively
+participates in it. In other words, the social function of education is
+to guide and control the formation of habit and character on the part of
+the individual, as well as to develop his capacity and powers, so that
+he shall become an efficient member of society. This work is not, at
+least in complex civilizations like our own, one which we carry on
+simply in order to achieve social perfection, but it is rather something
+which is necessary for the survival of large and complex groups.
+Otherwise, as we have pointed out, the conflicts in the acquirement of
+habit and character on the part of individuals would be so great that
+there would be no possibility of their working together harmoniously in
+a common social life. Just so far as the system of education is
+defective, is insufficient to meet social needs, in so far may we expect
+the production of individuals who are socially maladjusted, as shown in
+pauperism, defectiveness, and crime.
+
+Education is, then, the great means of controlling habit and character
+in complex social groups, and as such it is the chief means to which
+society must look for all substantial social progress. It is the
+instrument by which human nature may be apparently indefinitely
+modified, and hence, also, the instrument by which society may be
+perfected. The task of social regeneration is essentially a task of
+education.
+
+Education as a Factor in Past Social Evolution.--Does past social
+history justify these large claims for education as a factor in social
+development? It must be replied that the history of human society
+undoubtedly substantiates this position, but even if it did not, we
+should still have good ground for claiming that education can be such an
+all-powerful factor in the social future. The sociological study of past
+civilizations, however, shows quite conclusively that all of them have
+depended in one way or another upon educational processes, not only for
+continuity, but largely, also, for their development. As we have already
+seen, the life history of a culture or a civilization is frequently the
+life history of a religion. But religious beliefs, together with the
+moral and social beliefs, which become attached to them, were
+effectively transmitted only through the instruction of the young. The
+religious element did scarcely more than afford a powerful sanction for
+the moral and social beliefs upon which the social organization of the
+past rested; hence, when we ascribe great importance to the religious
+factor in social evolution, we also ascribe, at the same time, great
+importance to education, because it was essentially the educational
+process, together with religious sanction, which made possible most of
+the civilizations and social progress of the past.
+
+Indeed, we have no record of any people of any very considerable culture
+that did not employ educational processes to the largest degree to
+preserve and transmit that culture from generation to generation.
+Culture has been passed down in human history, therefore, essentially by
+educational processes. These educational processes have controlled the
+formation of habits and character, of ways of thinking and ways of
+acting, in successive generations of individuals. The educational
+processes have had much more to do, therefore, with the civilizations
+and social organization of the past than industrial conditions.
+Industrial conditions have been rather relatively external factors in
+the social environment to which society has had to adapt itself more or
+less. In the same way, political authority has rested on, and been
+derived from, the social traditions rather than the reverse. It is
+therefore not too much for the sociologist to say, agreeing with Thomas
+Davidson, that education is the last and highest method of social
+evolution. The lowest method of evolution was by selection, and
+_that_, as we have already emphasized, cannot be neglected. The
+next method of social evolution apparently to develop was the method of
+adaptation by organized authority, and, as we have already seen,
+organized authority in society, or social regulation by means of
+authority, must indefinitely persist and perhaps increase, rather than
+diminish; but the latest and highest method of social evolution is not
+through biological selection nor through the exercise of despotic
+authority, but through the education of the individual, so that he shall
+become adjusted to the social life in habits and character before he
+participates in it. Human society may be modified, we now see, best
+through modifying the nature of the individual, and the most direct
+method to do this is through education.
+
+The Socialized Education of the Future.--If what has been said is
+substantially correct, then education should become conscious of its
+social mission and purpose. The educator should conserve education as
+the chief means of social progress, and education should be directed to
+producing efficient members of society. The education of the future must
+aim, in other words, not at producing lawyers, physicians, engineers,
+but at producing citizens. Education for citizenship means that there
+must be radical reconstruction in the educational processes of the
+present. The education of the nineteenth century aimed at developing
+largely power and capacity in the individual as such. Its implicit, and
+oftentimes its avowed, aim was individual success. The popularity of
+higher education in the nineteenth century especially rested upon the
+cult of individual success. It became, therefore, largely
+commercialized, and emphasized chiefly the professions and occupations
+which best assured the individual a successful career among a commercial
+and industrial people.
+
+It is needless to say that the individualistic, commercialized education
+of the latter years of the nineteenth century very often failed to
+produce the good citizen. On the contrary, with its ideal of individual
+power and success, it frequently produced the cultured freebooter, which
+our modern industry has so often afforded examples of. Education,
+instead of being a socializing agency and the chief instrument of social
+regeneration, became an individualizing agency dissolving the social
+order itself.
+
+Very slowly our educators are becoming conscious of the fact that this
+type of education is a social menace, and that our educational system
+needs reformation from bottom to top in order to become again equal to
+the social task imposed upon it by the more complex social conditions of
+the twentieth century. Hence the demand for a socialized education,
+which is proceeding, not only from sociologists and social workers, but
+from the progressive leaders of education itself. What this socialized
+education of the future shall be is not the province of this book to
+discuss, but a few of its essential characteristics may be noted. As
+has already been said, such education will aim, first of all, at
+producing the citizen before it aims at producing the lawyer, the
+engineer, the physician, or any other professional or occupational type.
+ No doubt, this means, for one thing, that all individuals shall be
+taught to be good fathers and mothers, good neighbors and members of
+communities, even more than they are taught the accomplishments of life.
+ No doubt, also, the socialized education of the future will emphasize
+the adjustment of the individual to the industrial order of society,
+because it is necessary that individuals shall be producers if they are
+to be efficient citizens. The necessity and value of industrial
+training in our system of education has already been emphasized in
+discussing other social problems. Such training has its place and that
+place, as we have already seen, is a very important and fundamental one;
+but it must not be forgotten that the relations of men to one another
+are more important than the relations of men to nature. In industrial
+training, the element which is apt to be emphasized is the relations of
+the individual to the physical facts and forces of nature; but this is
+only a beginning of the training for citizenship, because good
+citizenship consists essentially in harmonious and efficient functioning
+in the social group. Therefore, the study of the relationships of men to
+one another must be the final and crowning element in a system of social
+education. Such studies as history, government, economics, ethics, and
+sociology must occupy a larger and larger place in the education of the
+future if we are to secure a humanity adjusted to the requirements of
+its existence. Historical and sociological instruction should lead up,
+moreover, to direct ethical instruction. If the industrial element in
+the social life is important, the moral element is even more so, since
+it is, as we have already said, the ideal aspect of the social. In some
+way or another, our public schools, from the kindergarten up, must make
+a place for social and ethical instruction of a direct and explicit
+character.
+
+In the higher education, the social sciences must be especially
+emphasized, because it is those who receive higher education who become
+the leaders of society, and it is important, no matter what occupation
+or profession they may serve society in, that they understand the
+bearings of their work upon social welfare. They must know their duties
+as citizens and understand how society may best be served. In other
+words, our higher education should put to the front the ideal, not of
+individual power and success, but of social service; and this means
+that, in addition to the technical or professional education which the
+more highly educated are giving, there must be a sufficient knowledge of
+social conditions and of the laws and principles of social progress
+given them to enable them to serve society rightly. Intelligent social
+service cannot exist without social knowledge.
+
+All this implies that the older idea that education can be given
+regardless of content is, from the social point of view, a great
+mistake. Social knowledge is necessary, as we have just said, for
+efficient social service, and a socialized education can have no other
+end than social service. Therefore, sociological knowledge in the
+broadest sense should be required in the education of every citizen, and
+particularly those who are to become social leaders. Professor Ward has
+ably argued that if sufficient information of the facts, conditions, and
+laws of human society could be given to all, that alone would bring
+about in the highest degree social progress. Whether we agree or not
+that the mere giving of information will of itself lead to progressive
+or dynamic action in society, it must be admitted that right social
+information is indispensable for right social action. As Professor
+Cooley has said, "We live in a system, and to achieve right ends, or any
+rational ends whatever, we must learn to understand that system."
+Hence, the commanding place which sociology and the social sciences
+should occupy in the education of all classes, and especially in the
+training of the teacher himself.
+
+It is not unreasonable to believe that the development of the social
+sciences will show us the way to remove many, if not all, social evils;
+and it is also not unreasonable to believe that the knowledge which
+these sciences will furnish will stimulate in the vast mass of
+individuals an impetus to remove these evils. Moreover, training in the
+social sciences will check many of the most menacing tendencies of our
+present civilization. For one thing, training in the social sciences
+will lessen the practical materialism of modern civilization, for it
+will throw the emphasis on the relations of men to one another rather
+than on the relations of man to nature. The social sciences, aiming at
+the control of the social conditions and of social progress, necessarily
+emphasize the higher life of man, and they therefore set before the
+student as the goal, not material achievement or individual success, but
+the service of man. Again, training in the social sciences will check
+the exaggerated individualism, which, as we have already seen, is one of
+the most menacing tendencies of our time; for the social sciences show
+the solidarity of the society and the interdependence of its parts. They
+show that no individual lives to himself, and that his acts evidently
+affect the whole of society. Finally, training in the social sciences
+will insure the development of true moral freedom in our social life,
+for these sciences involve a searching but impersonal criticism of
+social institutions and public policies. Now the very breath of life of
+a free society is intelligent public criticism of its institutions and
+policies. Without this, there can be no change, no progress. But
+intelligent criticism implies scientific criticism, that is, criticism
+based upon adequate scientific knowledge and without personal bias. This
+means the scientific study of institutions and social organization. If
+the American people are to perfect their institutions, they must
+maintain and develop their moral freedom; and to maintain true moral
+freedom, they must encourage the scientific study of social conditions
+and institutions. To secure an unbiased attitude toward social and
+political problems, to train every citizen for social service, to
+reconstruct social organization along scientific lines, it is necessary,
+therefore, to give the social sciences an honored place in the education
+of all classes and professions.
+
+
+SELECT REFERENCES
+
+
+_For brief reading_:
+
+WARD, _Applied Sociology_, Chaps. VIII-XII.
+WARD, _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. II, Chap. XIV.
+HORNE, _The Philosophy of Education_, Chaps. IV and V.
+DEWEY, _The School and Society_.
+
+
+_For more extended reading_:
+
+DAVIDSON, _History of Education_.
+GRAVES, _History of Education_.
+MONROE, _History of Education_.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Sociology and Modern Social Problems
+by Charles A. Ellwood
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