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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1761c34 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #65822 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65822) diff --git a/old/65822-0.txt b/old/65822-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a70dc02..0000000 --- a/old/65822-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,7278 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest, by H. -M. Wormington - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest - -Author: H. M. Wormington - -Release Date: July 11, 2021 [eBook #65822] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PREHISTORIC INDIANS OF THE -SOUTHWEST *** - - - - - PREHISTORIC INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST - - - _by_ - H. M. WORMINGTON - _Curator of Archaeology_ - - [Illustration: SEAL OF COLORADO MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY · 1900 - NIL SINE NUMINE] - - APPENDIX: OUTSTANDING EXHIBIT-SITES, MODERN PUEBLOS, LOCAL MUSEUMS - By Erik K. Reed - Regional Archaeologist, National Park Service - - - THE DENVER MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY - Denver, Colorado - - Popular Series No. 7 Seventh Printing, 1966 - First Edition, 1947 - - - - - PREFACE - - -During the past 25,000 years the Southwest has been invaded many times. -Now each year comes a fresh invasion—an invasion of those who have -succumbed to its beauty and strange, inexplicable charm. There is -something infectious about the magic of the Southwest. Some are immune -to it, but there are others who have no resistance to the subtle virus -and who must spend the rest of their lives dreaming of the incredible -sweep of the desert, of great golden mesas with purple shadows, and -tremendous stars appearing at dusk from a turquoise sky. Once infected -there is nothing one can do but strive to return again and again. - -For many, a good portion of this charm lies in the intangible presence -of the “Ancient Ones”, the people who lived in these enchanted deserts -and plateaus through many centuries. One can see the places where they -lived and often one finds bits of pottery which show the immemorial -striving for beauty of some long dead craftsman. It is natural to want -to know more of these prehistoric people and how they lived and it is -the aim of this book to try to tell that story; not in technical terms -intelligible only to the professional scientist but in a way that will -make it of interest to the layman and the undergraduate student. It is -also an attempt to give at least a partial answer to the two questions -which inevitably arise when one considers the cultures of antiquity—“How -do you know these things?” and, “How old are they?” - -There is always the hope, too, that publications such as this may serve -a further purpose. If more people understand some of the complexities of -excavation and realize how much information may be obtained by a trained -investigator, perhaps there will be less of the unscientific -“pot-hunting” which leads to the looting of ancient sites and which -every year is destroying an untold amount of irreplaceable data. - -Constant references to source material, which are characteristic of -technical publications, are impractical in a book of this nature, for -they spoil the continuity of the narrative. It would be unfair, however, -not to give credit to the many fine archaeologists whose work has -provided this knowledge, and it is desirable for the reader to know -which publications to consult if he seeks more detailed information. -Numbers in fine print which appear throughout the text refer to -publications, listed under corresponding numbers in the bibliography, -from which the information under consideration was derived. - -Although every effort has been made to avoid the use of unfamiliar -terms, this has not always been possible. A glossary of technical terms -will be found in the back of the book. - -The task of writing this book has been made a pleasant one by the fine -cooperation of archaeologists and anthropologists. It is doubtful if the -members of any other profession would have given more unstintingly of -their time and have been more wholeheartedly willing to help and -cooperate in every possible way. I am deeply indebted to Dr. Harold S. -Colton, Dr. Edward T. Hall, Jr., Dr. Emil W. Haury, Dale S. King, Dr. -Erik K. Reed, Charles Steen, Dr. Walter Taylor, and Dr. Ruth Underhill -for checking and criticizing the manuscript or portions of it. Their -suggestions have been of the greatest possible value. They are not, -however, responsible in any way for any archaeological sins of -commission or omission which may follow. - -I am most grateful to Earl H. Morris for graciously furnishing hitherto -unpublished data on his excavation of Basketmaker houses and to Harold -S. Gladwin and Emil W. Haury for permitting me to use information -contained in personal letters. - -The kindness of F. H. Douglas, who put his excellent library at my -disposal, is greatly appreciated. Without his assistance, and that of -Marian Sheets who helped to assemble the necessary references, the work -could never have been completed. - -My thanks are due to the American Museum of Natural History, the Arizona -State Museum, Columbia University Press, Gila Pueblo, the Laboratory of -Anthropology, Mesa Verde National Park, the Museum of Northern Arizona, -the National Park Service, Peabody Museum of Harvard University, and the -Taylor Museum for providing needed photographs. I am also very grateful -to Gila Pueblo, the Laboratory of Anthropology, the Museum of Northern -Arizona, and the Smithsonian Institution for permission to reproduce -plates and figures from their publications. - -To Mary Chilton Gray, I wish to express my appreciation of her fine -execution of the cover design and the line drawings. The pattern used on -the cover is derived from an encircling band on a Mesa Verde bowl. The -services of Walker Van Riper, who devoted many hours to checking -spelling and punctuation in the manuscript and to proof-reading, were of -immeasurable assistance. I am also greatly indebted to Nedra McHenry, to -Harvey C. Markman and to Margaret Roush for their assistance in -proof-reading. Dr. Alfred M. Bailey and Albert C. Rogers gave valuable -aid in the preparation of photographs. - -Most especially I am grateful to my husband, George D. Volk, for his -unfailing interest and understanding and for the preparation of the maps -and the execution of the lettering on illustrations. - -My sincere thanks are due to Dr. Alfred M. Bailey, Director of the -Colorado Museum of Natural History, who made it possible for this book -to be written and published, and to Charles H. Hanington, President of -the Board of Trustees, for his constant interest in the project. - - H. M. Wormington - -Denver, Colorado - - - - - TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - PAGE - Preface 3 - Chapter I—Introduction 11 - Chapter II—The Most Ancient Cultures 20 - Sandia 20 - Folsom 20 - San Jon 22 - Yuma 22 - Gypsum Cave 22 - Cochise 22 - Tabeguache Cave 26 - Chapter III—The Anasazi Culture 27 - General Remarks 27 - The Basketmaker Period 27 - The Modified-Basketmaker Period 49 - Summary 56 - The Developmental-Pueblo Period 57 - Peripheral Areas 72 - Summary 75 - The Great Pueblo Period 76 - The Largo-Gallina Phase 102 - Athapaskan People 105 - Summary 106 - The Regressive and Historic Pueblo Periods 107 - Chapter IV—The Hohokam Culture 118 - General Remarks 118 - The Pioneer Period 120 - The Colonial Period 124 - The Sedentary Period 132 - The Classic Period 137 - The Recent Hohokam 144 - Summary 146 - Chapter V—The Mogollon Culture 148 - General Remarks 148 - Bluff Ruin 150 - The Pine Lawn Phase 151 - The Georgetown Phase 152 - The San Francisco Phase 153 - Bear Ruin 155 - The Three Circle Phase 157 - The Mimbres Phase 158 - Summary 161 - Chapter VI—The Sinagua People 163 - Chapter VII—The Patayan Culture 167 - Conclusion 169 - Glossary 170 - Bibliography 174 - Appendix by Erik K. Reed 181 - Outstanding Exhibit-Sites 181 - Modern Pueblos 185 - Local Museums 186 - Index 187 - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PAGE - 1. Diagram to illustrate chronology-building with tree-rings 15 - 2. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter II 21 - 3. Projectile points of the most ancient cultures 23 - 4. Folsom diorama 25 - 5. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter III 28 - 6. Basketmaker mummy 30 - 7. Basketmaker diorama 32 - 8. Basketmaker and Modified-Basketmaker sandals 34 - 9. Atlatl and grooved club 39 - 10. Weaving techniques 41 - 11. Basketmaker coiled baskets 42 - 12. Basketmaker carrying basket with tump strap 43 - 13. Basketmaker twined-woven bags 44 - 14. Mummies of two varieties of Basketmaker dogs 47 - 15. Modified-Basketmaker diorama 48 - 16. Modified-Basketmaker house after excavation 50 - 17. Postulated method of Modified-Basketmaker house construction 51 - 18. Modified-Basketmaker figurine and nipple-shaped object 54 - 19. Developmental-Pueblo diorama 58 - 20. Undeformed and deformed skulls 60 - 21. Interior view of a kiva 65 - 22. Corrugated pottery 66 - 23. Black-on-white pottery, Developmental-Pueblo period 67 - 24. Neck-banded vessel, Developmental-Pueblo period 68 - 25. Developmental-Pueblo and Great-Pueblo sandal 69 - 26. Rosa pit house after excavation 74 - 27. Great Pueblo Diorama 77 - 28. Types of Great-Pueblo masonry 83 - 29. Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National Monument, New Mexico 85 - 30. Chaco black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period 88 - 31. Cliff Palace, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado 92 - 32. Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period 95 - 33. Betatakin, Navajo National Monument, Arizona 98 - 34. Black-on-white pottery from the Kayenta area, Great-Pueblo - period 100 - 35. Largo surface house and artifacts 103 - 36. Cavate dwellings and talus houses at Bandelier National - Monument 109 - 37. Tyuonyi, Bandelier National Monument 111 - 38. Glazed ware from the Rio Grande area, Regressive Pueblo period 112 - 39. Biscuit ware from the Rio Grande area, Regressive Pueblo - period 113 - 40. Hopi maiden 116 - 41. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter IV 119 - 42. Hohokam figurines 123 - 43. Hohokam house and ball court, Colonial period 126 - 44. Red-on-buff Hohokam vessel, Colonial period 128 - 45. Hohokam carved stone vessel, Colonial period 130 - 46. Hohokam ornaments of carved shell 131 - 47. Red-on-buff Hohokam jars, Sedentary period 133 - 48. Hohokam stone palette, Sedentary period 134 - 49. Hohokam etched shell, Sedentary period 136 - 50. Salado polychrome ware 138 - 51. Big house built by the Salado people, Casa Grande National - Monument 141 - 52. Child’s cotton poncho from Ventana Cave, Desert Hohokam 143 - 53. Pima House in 1897 145 - 54. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter V 149 - 55. Postulated reconstructions of the dwelling units of three - Mogollon phases 154 - 56. Mimbres black-on-white pottery 160 - 57. Map showing distribution of cultures referred to in Chapters - VI and VII 164 - 58. Montezuma Castle National Monument 165 - - - - - CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION - - -Before beginning any discussion of the Southwest it is best to decide -exactly what we mean by the word, for it means many things to many -people. For the geographer it has one meaning, for the economist -another, and for those who study its ancient inhabitants still another. -It is in the latter sense that we shall interpret it. To the -archaeologist, that is, to the scientist who studies and seeks to -interpret the life and times of prehistoric man, the Southwest usually -means New Mexico, Arizona, southern Utah, and the southwestern corner of -Colorado. Interpreting the term in its broadest sense, he may include -the remainder of Utah, southeastern Nevada, southwestern Texas, and -northern Mexico. State lines and international boundaries are, of -course, recent man-made devices and we must consider this region, not in -terms of present political units, but on a cultural and geographic -basis. - -In the centuries since the Spaniards first arrived the presence of the -many imposing ruins which dot the Southwest has naturally led to much -speculation about their inhabitants, and the collecting of antiquities -has been inevitable. The collecting instinct is such that some -relationship between man and the pack rat might well be postulated if it -were not that man takes without leaving anything in place of what he has -removed. - -From the time when the ruins of the prehistoric dwellings of the -Southwest were first observed, until about 1880, there was a period of -exploration and the more obvious places of archaeological interest were -described and superficially investigated. From then, until approximately -1910, much sound work was done but there was an unfortunate tendency -toward digging up specimens for their own sake rather than for the -information which they could reveal. In the last thirty-five years or -so, however, the emphasis has come to be more on the acquiring of -information and less on the collection of examples of material culture. -This has led to the excavation of less physically spectacular ruins, -increasing cooperation with workers in related fields of science, and -more careful planning of attacks on specific problems. - -In a sense the development of archaeology in the Southwest may be -compared with the putting together of a great jig-saw puzzle. First came -the period of general examination of the pieces, then a concentration on -the larger and more highly colored pieces, and finally a carefully -planned approach to the puzzle as a whole with serious attempts to fill -in specific blank areas. After all, archaeology as a science can justify -its existence only as it serves to increase and deepen our knowledge of -that strange, and to us most fascinating mammal—man. - -Archaeologists in the Southwest have been particularly fortunate for a -number of reasons. Perhaps most important is that climatic conditions -have made possible the preservation of much material which in most -climates would have disappeared in a relatively short time. Under -sufficiently arid conditions the bacteria of decay cannot survive and -the lack of humidity in the Southwest has insured the survival of much -material which would normally be lost. Another thing for which -archaeologists may be grateful is that pottery-making came to be so well -developed in this area, for pottery fragments are almost indestructible. -Furthermore, pottery is a most sensitive medium for reflecting change. -Since it is fragile there is constant breakage which leads to the -frequent manufacture of new pieces and this accelerates the rate of -technical change. Archaeologists have learned to recognize certain -styles which are characteristic of specific areas and periods and it is -remarkable how much information ancient vessels will reveal about the -people who made them. - -In the course of the following discussion the reader will no doubt grow -weary of the word ‘pottery’. However, before he decides that the ancient -Southwesterners did nothing but sit around and make pottery or that the -writer is the victim of a pottery mania, it might be profitable for him -to cast an observant eye about the room in which he is sitting. After -the passage of five hundred or a thousand years how much would survive, -if one discounted material not available in the most ancient times such -as metal, glass, and plastics? High at the top of the list will be -dishes, ashtrays, and vases of china or porcelain—the modern -counterparts of prehistoric pottery. Also, it may readily be seen that -there are differences in style between older and more recent objects. A -vase purchased this year is likely to differ in many respects from one -acquired even as little as twenty-five or fifty years ago. - -An amazing amount of information can also be derived from the -microscopic study of pottery. Trained investigators can examine thin -sections under a microscope and identify the materials used in -manufacture and often locate their sources. With this information it is -then possible to determine whether pottery was locally made or imported. -This tells us a great deal about the cultural relationships of ancient -people, for trade implies contact between people which will affect other -phases of their culture. In prehistoric times, when people lacked rapid -means of transportation and communication, human groups were naturally -isolated as they can never be again, but even then cultural units were -affected by the activities of the inhabitants of other regions. -Accordingly, we cannot see the ancient life of the Southwest in true -perspective if we do not know something of the inter-relations of the -various cultures. - -One of the great boons to southwestern archaeology has been -dendrochronology—a system which has made it possible to establish an -absolute count of years through the pattern combinations of annual -growth rings of trees. The inevitable question which arises in -connection with anything prehistoric is “How old is it?”, and prior to -the introduction of tree-ring dating it was difficult to answer except -in relative terms, for in the Southwest we are dealing with a people who -left no written records. It is remarkable, however, how much had been -accomplished in establishing relative chronology through the use of -stratigraphic studies and the cross-checking of sites. - -It is on the principle of _stratification_ that most archaeological work -must rest. The word means the characteristic of being in layers or -strata. The usefulness of stratigraphic studies lies in the fact that in -any undisturbed deposit the lowest layer or stratum will be the oldest -since it was laid down first. This may be shown graphically by piling -books on a table, one by one. The book at the bottom of the pile must -inevitably have been put in place before the ones on top. The same -principle is applied to ancient cultures. If the remains of one people -are found underlying those of another, those on the bottom are older. - -Rarely are the remains of many cultures found lying directly over each -other in a complete series but through correlation between sites the -sequence may be established. For example, if in one place we find -remains of Culture A underlying those of Culture B and in another place -find material from Culture B underlying that of Culture C we may -postulate that C is more recent than A even though the two are not found -together. In still another place C may be found to underlie D and -eventually a long sequence will be established, although it may not be -present in its entirety in any one place. - -Objects acquired through trade are also useful in dating sites. For -example, if we know the relative or absolute date at which a certain -type of pottery was being made at one site, then find pieces of this -ware at a site which we are trying to date we may assume at least some -degree of contemporaneity. - -Stratigraphic studies, of course, do not provide us with absolute dates -and for those we must turn to dendrochronology or tree-ring dating.[23] -[121] The story of the development of this method is a strange one. It -is a tale of an astronomer and archaeologists, of buried treasure that -was only wood, of sun spots, and of purple chiffon velvet. Most -important of all was the astronomer, for it was in his keen mind that -the idea was born that was to lead to one of the most exciting -scientific discoveries of our time. - -The astronomer was Dr. A. E. Douglass, who was engaged in the study of -the effect of sun spots on climatic conditions. The available -meteorological records, of course, went back only a relatively few years -and it soon became apparent that a much longer record must be obtained -to be of any real value. In searching for information about climatic -conditions for past centuries, Dr. Douglass thought of pines, for they -may reach a great age and the presence or absence of adequate rainfall, -particularly in a climate like Arizona’s, will greatly affect the -development of a tree. Every year a new layer of wood is added to the -entire living surface of a pine. The size of these layers, which show up -as rings when the tree is cut and viewed in cross-section, varies with -the amount of food and moisture which the tree has obtained in the -course of the year. A dry year will produce a thin ring and a wet year -will produce a wide one. By cutting down old trees it was thus possible -to learn what the climatic conditions had been during the years of their -life. None of the pines which were still living, however, had existed -for more than a few hundred years, and the giant sequoias of California -which would have covered a longer span did not reflect climatic change -in the same way. - -Fortunately, through the study of living trees, Dr. Douglass had learned -that the tree-rings over a period of years formed a distinct pattern -which could be recognized when found on most conifers. Next he began to -search for trees which had been cut perhaps many years before, but which -contained a pattern which fitted some early portion of that tree whose -cutting date was known. This led him to beams made from whole logs which -have been a characteristic feature of Southwestern architecture for many -centuries. By finding old beams whose outer rings formed the same -pattern as the inner rings of living trees the known chronology was -increased. Through correlating the patterns of progressively older trees -with younger ones the pattern was finally established for the period -between 1280 and 1929. - - [Illustration: Fig. 1—Diagram to illustrate chronology-building with - tree rings. Because of space limitation the number of rings in the - overlapping specimens has been arbitrarily reduced. (After - Stallings.[121] Courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology.)] - - THE RING PATTERNS MATCH AND OVERLAP BACK INTO TIME - A THIS WAS A LIVING TREE WHEN CUT BY US - DATE OF LAST RING IS THAT OF YEAR WHEN WE CUT TREE - B THIS BEAM CAME FROM A HOUSE - THIS DATE OBTAINED BY COUNTING BACK FROM BARK OF A - C THIS BEAM CAME FROM AN OLD HOUSE - THIS DATE OBTAINED BY COUNTING BACK FROM BARK OF A THROUGH B - SPECIMENS TAKEN FROM RUINS WHEN MATCHED AND OVERLAPPED AS INDICATED - PROGRESSIVELY EXTEND THE DATING BACK INTO PREHISTORIC TIMES - -Next Dr. Douglass began to examine beams from prehistoric sites. From -these a continuous sequence of tree-ring patterns was established for a -period of 580 years. Unfortunately though, it could not be correlated -with the sequence starting in 1280. Relative dates could be obtained and -it could be determined how many years had intervened between the -occupation of different sites but there was as yet no way of correlating -these dates with the Christian calendar. The next step was to seek to -bridge the gap between the floating chronology of relative dates and -that which carried up to the present day and gave absolute dates. - -The search for the missing sequence was begun in the Hopi villages in -Arizona where one, Oraibi, has been continuously occupied since before -the coming of the first white men in 1540. The fact that many of the -logs had been cut with stone axes indicated a considerable age. The -Hopis, as might be expected, were not overly enthusiastic about the -arrival of American scientists who wanted to saw cross-sections from the -beams of their buildings and bore holes in other timbers where cutting -was not practical. Dr. Douglass did much to solve this problem by -presenting the chief with yards and yards of beautiful purple chiffon -velvet which delighted him. Dr. Douglass and his associates also did a -great deal to mollify the Indians by treating their ancient customs with -respect. In many cases, for example, they placed bits of turquoise in -holes made in extracting cores in order to “appease the spirit of -decay”. One remarkable piece of timber was found which gave an -extraordinarily clear series of rings from 1260 to 1344. What made it of -particular interest was not only that it lengthened the known chronology -but that it had been in continuous use from the time it was cut until -1906 when the section of the village in which it was found was -abandoned. - -Many beams were studied, but no others were found whose inner rings -predated 1300. The search was next begun in ruins of villages -traditionally occupied by the Hopis prior to moving to their present -location. Of particular interest was the Showlow ruin, for pottery finds -suggested that it had been the home of Hopis in pre-Spanish times and -its proximity to a great pine forest suggested that wood must have been -readily available for building purposes. It was here that one of the -most famous pieces of wood in the world was found. - -The decaying, partially burned, piece of wood to which the field number -HH39 was given was not impressive in appearance but it was a treasure, -more valuable to those who found it than any buried pirate gold for -which adventurers might dig. As it was examined the climatic conditions -of year after year were revealed, new ring combinations were established -and the chronology was carried back to 1237 A.D., the year in which this -tree had begun its life. A comparison with the ring patterns of the -floating chronology showed that its 551st ring checked with that for -1251 in Beam HH39. June 22, 1929, the date on which this beam was found, -is a red letter day in the history of American archaeology, for from -that day it became possible to date many ruins in the Southwest, not -only in a comparative sense, but in terms of the Christian calendar. -Actually, of course, the floating and the absolute chronology had -already overlapped but the evidence had been based on such small -fragments as to be unconvincing. Duplication of ring patterns may occur -if only a few rings are used. It is only if a pattern covering fifty or -more rings is available that one may be assured of correct dating. It -was not until the discovery of Beam HH39 that final proof was available. - -In the years which have elapsed since 1929 much further work has been -done by Dr. Douglass and his associates, who include many brilliant -students whom he has trained. The tree ring chronology now stretches -back to 11 A.D. - -Great as was the importance of being able to establish absolute dates -for a people who had left no written records, this was not the only -contribution made by what have been aptly called “the talkative -tree-rings”.[23] The life of man, and particularly primitive man, is -greatly influenced by climatic conditions and in an arid climate such as -that of the Southwest the difference between drought and adequate -rainfall may, quite literally, be the difference between life and death. - -It is naturally an inestimable boon to the archaeologist to know the -conditions under which the people he is studying lived and it enables -him to understand many things, such as periods marked by expansion or by -the abandonment of certain areas, which would otherwise be -unintelligible. - -Important as dendrochronology is, it is far from being the only outside -science upon which archaeologists must depend. The records left by -Spanish historians, who found the Pueblo Indians in the 16th century -still untouched by European civilization and living essentially the same -sort of life as their ancestors, have provided invaluable information. -Also of great importance has been the work of ethnologists, scientists -who analyze the culture of living primitive people. In the Southwest -archaeologists are particularly fortunate, for in many cases descendents -of the prehistoric people whom they study are still living in the same -general area and under very similar circumstances. In spite of the -outside influences to which they have been subjected there is still much -to be learned from them. The knowledge of these people garnered by the -historian and the ethnologist, added to that obtained by the -archaeologist, gives us a far better picture of the life of prehistoric -times. - -Although a study of material culture tells a great deal about a people, -there is much of their social, political and religious life which it -cannot reveal unless supplementary information is available. There are -grave dangers inherent in too great a concentration on material culture. -It has been said of the archaeologist that “sometimes he cannot see the -people for the walls”[125] and it is the people themselves, after all, -who are important. - -Two examples will show how ethnology and archaeology may complement each -other. In certain prehistoric sites are found circular underground rooms -with highly specialized characteristics. The objects found in these are -usually non-utilitarian so that, even if no further information were -available, archaeologists would consider them chambers having some -religious significance. However, thanks to the fact that similar rooms -or kivas, as they are called, are still in use in the modern Pueblo -villages, the archaeologist may not only be sure of their ceremonial -nature, but he is in a position to understand more of their significance -through studying their function in modern Pueblo society. One point -demonstrates very clearly how, through correlating ethnological and -archaeological evidence, it is possible to understand something of the -religious beliefs of people who died hundreds of years ago leaving no -written records. - -In prehistoric kivas are found small tubelike pits in the floors. If no -other information were available the archaeologist would be forced to -fall back on simply calling these holes “ceremonial”. The quip that when -archaeologists do not know what a thing is they designate it as -ceremonial is sufficiently close to the truth to be uncomfortable. In -many modern kivas, however, the same type of hole is found. It is -symbolic of the mythical place of emergence or route from the underworld -from which it is believed that the first people and animals came into -the world. Archaeologists refer to it by the Hopi name _Sipapu_. Taking -into account the conservatism and dependence on tradition of religions -in all parts of the world in all times, it is not too rash to assume -that the builders of the prehistoric kivas held some beliefs similar to -those of their present day descendents. - -Similarly, by equating what we know of the social organization of the -Pueblo Indians of today with the evidence from prehistoric times we may -postulate that an essentially democratic form of government existed in -this section of America long before the signing of the Magna Carta and -many centuries before the signers of the American Declaration of -Independence were born. It may be asked, what possible information can -be gained from ruins which would indicate a democratic way of life. In -all the ruins which have been examined all the living quarters were -essentially equal. Most anthropologists feel that had there been a -marked differentiation between classes, or if all power had been lodged -in the hands of a limited number of individuals this would have been -reflected in the dwellings. Certain leaders and priests undoubtedly had -authority, as they do among the Pueblo Indians of today, but there is no -evidence of an autocracy or a ruling class. - -This is, obviously, a greatly simplified explanation of some of the many -techniques employed by archaeologists in seeking to reconstruct the life -of ancient times. No one approach will suffice, but by utilizing many -methods numerous scattered bits of information are obtained. These are -studied and correlated and at length it is possible to produce an -account which is at least a reasonable approximation of the truth. - - - - - CHAPTER II - THE MOST ANCIENT CULTURES - - -At least 25,000 years ago there were men in New Mexico who lived in -caves and hunted animals, many of which no longer exist. Over 10,000 -years ago there were already distinct groups of people in the Southwest, -some of whom were primarily hunters and some of whom were largely -dependent on the gathering of wild foods. Since the most ancient -cultures of North America have already been covered in detail in a -previous book in this series,[130] only a very brief resume will be -given here. - - - Sandia - -The earliest culture of the Western Hemisphere, about which we have any -information, is the _Sandia_,[64] so named because the cave whose -deposits showed that it had been occupied by men about 25,000 years ago -is located in the Sandia Mountains of New Mexico. In the bottom layer of -this cave were found fairly large, crudely flaked stone spear points -with a more or less leaflike shape and a slight basal inset on one side. -With these points were found bones of prehistoric horse, bison, camel, -mastodon, and mammoth, probably the debris from meals of ancient hunters -who lived in the cave. Space does not permit a detailed consideration of -the geological studies[9] which enable us to assign a date to this early -occupation, but above the layer in which the Sandia points were found -there were other layers which included one of calcium carbonate and one -of yellow ochre. Geologists can interpret the climatic conditions under -which such deposits were formed and they have correlated them with -geologic periods when such conditions prevailed. Great humidity, such as -is indicated by the Sandia Cave deposits, is characteristic of certain -areas during glacial stages and the lowest level of Sandia Cave has been -assigned to the period preceding the last major ice advance in the -Pleistocene Period or Ice Age. This glaciation is believed to have -occurred about 25,000 years ago. - - - Folsom - -The most famous of the ancient cultures is the _Folsom_ whose name is -derived from the town of Folsom, New Mexico, near which the first -generally accepted American discovery of man-made objects associated -with the bones of extinct animals was made.[25] Prior to this find, -which was made in 1926, it had been believed that man had not reached -the New World more than a few thousand years before the beginning of the -Christian era. At the Folsom site, however, were found finely flaked -projectile points in clear association with the articulated bones of a -type of bison known to have been extinct for many thousands of years. -These were fluted or grooved points characterized by the removal of -longitudinal flakes from either face. Geological evidence from the -Lindenmeier Site in Colorado, which was a camp site of the makers of the -grooved points, indicates that the Folsom people lived between 10,000 -and 25,000 years ago.[11] This conclusion was reached by correlating the -valley bottom in which the site occurs with river terraces and moraines, -which in turn could be related to glacial stages. A number of important -discoveries of fluted points have been made in the Southwest. Two -notable sites are the one near Clovis, New Mexico, and Burnet Cave in -the Guadalupe Mountains.[65] - - [Illustration: Fig. 2—Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to - in Chapter II.] - - 1. Burnet Cave - 2. Clovis - 3. Cochise sites - 4. Folsom - 5. Gypsum Cave - 6. Lindenmeier Site - 7. Sandia Cave - 8. San Jon - 9. Tabeguache Cave - 10. Yuma - - - San Jon - -Probably contemporaneous with the Folsom people were others who made -thick, roughly flaked, square-based points with parallel sides. These -points were first found near the town of San Jon, New Mexico, and are -named after it.[114] - - - Yuma - -From a somewhat later period we have evidence of ancient hunters who -made some of the most beautifully flaked stone projectile points that -have ever been created. These points, which were first found in Yuma -County, Colorado, are known as _Yuma_ or _Parallel Flaked Points_. They -are of two types.[130] One is marked by the removal of long narrow -spalls running obliquely across the blade and the other is characterized -by the removal of shell-shaped spalls from either side which tends to -give the point a diamond shaped cross-section. - - - Gypsum Cave - -Evidence of another early hunting culture of the Southwest was found in -Gypsum Cave, Nevada.[47] Here were found lozenge-shaped projectile -points, about two inches long, with small convex stems. They were -associated with the remains of now extinct ground sloth and llamalike -camels. The time of the first occupation of Gypsum Cave may have been -several thousand years B.C. One thing which makes this find of -particular interest is that, due to the protection afforded by the cave, -some normally perishable material was preserved. Painted dart shafts and -foreshafts were found and also a piece of basketry. Lacking direct -association with Gypsum Cave type points or extinct animal remains, it -is impossible to state with certainty that the basketry belonged to this -ancient culture, but there is every reason to believe that it did, since -it was found under a stalagmitic growth and is of a type different from -that of later cultures. - - - Cochise - -While hunters roamed the plains farther north there were other people, -with a different type of economy, living in what is now southeastern -Arizona and southwestern New Mexico.[118] This culture, to which the -name _Cochise_ has been given, is believed to have begun over 10,000 -years ago and to have lasted until 500 B.C. or later. The chief -characteristic of the Cochise culture is the extensive use of grinding -stones which suggests that the people were primarily dependent on the -gathering of wild grains, nuts, roots, and similar foods. The finding of -some split and burned animal bones in the sites where they lived -indicates that they did hunt, but the lack of projectile points in the -earliest period and their scarcity until the most recent phase provides -additional evidence that the economy was based on food gathering rather -than on hunting. - - [Illustration: Fig. 3—Projectile points of the most ancient - cultures. a. Sandia, b. Folsom, c. San Jon, d. Eden Yuma, e. Oblique - Yuma, f. Gypsum Cave.] - -As may be imagined, we know comparatively little about the most ancient -inhabitants of this continent. However, when one considers the thousands -of years which have elapsed and how little of their material culture -could be preserved since they had neither pottery nor metals, it is -rather remarkable that we know as much as we do. At least we know -something of the tools and weapons which they used, the animals which -they hunted, and the conditions under which they lived. - -Apparently the earliest Americans had a rather simple culture and did -not practice agriculture nor have fixed habitations. Little is known of -their physical appearance since only two skeletons have been found in -this country which are accepted as being of relatively great antiquity -by any considerable number of competent scientists.[69][70] What -evidence we have suggests that the first men to enter the new world were -sufficiently modern in morphological type to differ very little in -appearance from many present day Indians. - -The question naturally arises: Where did the aboriginal inhabitants of -America come from? Man did not evolve on this continent; therefore he -must have come to this hemisphere from the Old World where he had -existed for many thousands of years. All evidence points to migrations -from Asia and the logical route is by way of Bering Strait where the two -continents are separated by only fifty-six miles of water broken by -three islands. Later migrants may also have arrived from Asia following -a route through the Aleutian Islands. It must be emphasized that it is -not believed that there was only one immigration. Actually there must -have been many and they apparently continued into relatively recent -times. - -From the time of the earliest cultures until the early centuries of the -Christian era we have little knowledge of prehistoric life in America. -Work is being done and reports are expected which will eventually -clarify much which is now shrouded in darkness. It is not that the -Southwest was uninhabited at this period, it is just that we know very -little about it. It may readily be seen how difficult it is to assemble -evidence for this time. There was undoubtedly only a very simple -material culture with little save stone tools which would survive. Even -though we find implements of this period, however, how are we to assign -them to their proper chronological position? With the most ancient -cultures some approximation of age may be made on the basis of -association with the remains of extinct animals, the climatic conditions -indicated by deposits containing artifacts, and other geological data. -In the case of fairly recent cultures, the invaluable tree-rings come to -our aid and through stratigraphic studies the chronological positions of -the cultures immediately preceding them can be established. For the -intermediate period only stratigraphy can help us very much and -stratigraphic evidence is hard to find. In the Cochise Culture, a -sequence lasting until about 500 B.C. has been worked out and the report -on Ventana Cave in Arizona, when it is published, will undoubtedly give -us much additional information. - - [Illustration: Fig. 4—Folsom diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde - National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)] - - - Tabeguache Cave - -In the Tabeguache drainage of southwestern Colorado have been found -caves containing stratified deposits, the lowest of which are believed -to be quite old although considerably more recent than the really -ancient cultures previously discussed.[66][67] These deposits contained -lined and unlined firepits and there were little holes, dug in the cave -floor, filled with ashes and charcoal. These are thought to have been -too small to have served any utilitarian purpose and it has been -suggested that they may have been ceremonial in nature. Also found were -grinding stones and a distinctive type of long slender projectile point -with side notches to which the name _Tabeguache Point_ has been applied. -There was no pottery. - -Obviously, a great deal of work will have to be done and probably many -years will elapse before we have any clear picture of what was happening -in various parts of the Southwest prior to the time to which we assign -the letters A.D. If only all the descendants of the first people had -stayed in the same place and placed their cultural remains neatly on top -of those of their ancestors, archaeologists would find everything more -simple, though probably rather dull. - - - - - CHAPTER III - THE ANASAZI CULTURE - - - GENERAL REMARKS - -Once we pass on to a time which is separated from our own by hundreds -instead of thousands of years we are on firmer ground. Two main _basic -cultures_ have been differentiated by archaeologists and it now seems -probable that two more may be recognized. The best known and the first -to be considered is often called the Anasazi. This is a Navajo name for -the “ancient ones” and is applied to the prehistoric inhabitants of the -plateau area of the Southwest which includes the drainages of the San -Juan, Little Colorado, Rio Grande, Upper Gila and Salt Rivers, much of -Utah and some of eastern Nevada. The term _plateau_ must not be -interpreted as referring to a plain. Actually, it is a vast expanse of -territory with a greater elevation than the surrounding areas, but with -many drainage sources which have formed gorges in the tableland. It -contains prairies, mountains, and terraced mesas. - -The Anasazi cultural sequence is a continuous one but can be divided -into successive horizons: the earlier of which are called _Basketmaker_ -and the later ones, _Pueblo_. The end of the Basketmaker era is placed -at approximately 700 A. D. in most areas, but it is as yet impossible to -give any beginning date for it. The earliest date provided by tree-rings -for wood from a Basketmaker site is 217 A.D.,[122] but the culture was -well established by that time. Some charred wood found in a primitive -Basketmaker site near Durango, Colorado, has yielded information which -is still considered tentative but which seems to indicate occupation -well before the birth of Christ.[95] - -The beginning date for the Pueblo era coincides with that given for the -end of the Basketmaker period which preceded it. No terminal date may be -given, for Pueblo Indians still live in New Mexico and Arizona. - - - THE BASKETMAKER PERIOD[1] - -The first evidence of the Basketmaker people was discovered in 1893 when -ninety bodies accompanied by a great many finely woven baskets were -found in a cave in Butler Wash in southeastern Utah. It was apparent -that these people were older than the builders of the cliff houses, and -of a different culture, and the profusion of baskets led to the term, -Basketmakers, being applied to them to differentiate them from the later -people. The name soon found its way into scientific literature and has -continued to be used. It soon became apparent, however, that all the -Basketmakers were not of the same age, and archaeologists found that -they had to have names to distinguish the different cultural periods. - - [Illustration: Fig. 5—Map of the Southwest showing sites, towns, and - areas referred to in Chapter III.] - - 1. Ackmen - 2. Alkali Ridge - 3. Allantown - 4. Aztec - 5. Betatakin - 6. Butler Wash - 7. Canyon de Chelly - 8. Canyon del Muerto - 9. Chaco Canyon - 10. Durango - 11. El Paso - 12. Flagstaff - 13. Gallina Creek - 14. Governador Wash - 15. Hopi Villages - 16. Kayenta - 17. Keet Seel - 18. Kiatuthlana - 19. Kinishba - 20. La Plata River - 21. Largo River - 22. Lowry Ruin - 23. Mesa Verde - 24. Pecos - 52. Piedra River - 26. Puye - 27. San Juan - 28. Santa Fe - 29. Taos - 30. Tyuonyi - 31. Village of the Great Kivas - 32. Zuñi - -In 1927 the leading archaeologists of the Southwest gathered at Pecos, -New Mexico, and worked out a system of terminology.[74] An early stage -characterized by a nomadic life with no knowledge of agriculture had -been postulated although no direct evidence had been found. This -hypothetical period was named _Basketmaker I_. The early -semi-agricultural, semi-hunting culture which produced fine baskets but -no pottery, and for which there was evidence, was called _Basketmaker -II_. To the third and final phase, when pottery was made, the term -_Basketmaker III_ was assigned. Clear-cut evidence for Basketmaker I has -been lacking and the term is little used although the finds in the -Tabeguache Caves may be attributed to this period. A simpler terminology -than that proposed at the Pecos Conference has since been suggested and -it will be used in this book.[110] The term _Basketmaker_ is applied to -the people formerly assigned to Basketmaker II and their immediate -successors are called _Modified Basketmakers_. - -The Basketmakers were widespread over the Southwest and remains of their -culture have been found in Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado. We -know them best from the San Juan Drainage. It is probable that they -really reached their highest development here, but we must also take -into consideration the fact that here we have ideal conditions for the -preservation of much normally perishable material, and this gives us far -more information than is available for many sections of the country. - -Many Basketmaker remains are found in caves along cliff faces. The term -cave, although widely used, however, is perhaps misleading, for it has a -connotation of darkness and of deep enclosed places. Actually the -so-called Basketmaker caves are fairly shallow rock shelters, worn in -the rock by the action of water and wind, and open to the sun. In them -are found ash and dust deposits which contain the bodies of the ancient -inhabitants and their possessions. - -Many references are found to Basketmaker “mummies”. It is quite true -that, due to the aridity of the climate and the protection offered by -the shelters, which make it difficult for the bacteria of decay to -survive, many of the bodies were “mummified” with the dehydrated flesh -still on the bones and the hair looking much as it did in life. These -must not be confused with Egyptian mummies, however, which were -preserved by artificial means and highly specialized techniques. It is -simply a happy accident that these people buried their dead in places -which permitted the preservation of their bodies. - - [Illustration: Fig. 6—Basketmaker mummy. (Courtesy Peabody Museum, - Harvard University.)] - -Probably, though, in the Southwest as in ancient Egypt, belief in a life -after death is shown by the mortuary offerings placed in the graves. -With the bodies are found baskets, food, weapons, and various personal -possessions. With almost every corpse is found a pair of new, unworn -sandals. This would suggest that they were not a possession of the -deceased but a special offering which, it is logical to assume, was -designed for use in a later life. - -We may now return to the Basketmaker culture as archaeologists have -reconstructed it from the evidence which they have painstakingly dug out -of the dust and ashes of rock shelters which had not echoed with the -sound of human activity for many centuries. The problems which these -ancient people faced stagger the imagination of modern man. They had no -metal, no pottery, no cotton or wool, no draught animals. Really all -they did have was their own ingenuity to wrest the necessities of life -from a none too favorable environment. It is remarkable how, by -utilizing wood, bone, stone, plant fibers, and even their own hair, they -not only produced all that they needed to survive, but also provided a -base from which arose the high culture which culminated in the great -communal dwellings of later times. - -Were we able to project ourselves back into the time of the Basketmakers -and watch the people of that day we should find men and women not too -different from many Indians of today. The Basketmakers were rather -short. They had coarse, black hair which, while straight, had slightly -more of a tendency to waviness than that of present day Indians. Their -skins were brown and they had little body hair. - -What clothing the Basketmakers wore, besides sandals, is not certain. -Woven bands, sometimes referred to as “gee strings,” have been found in -a number of sites but no mummy has ever been found buried with any loin -covering. Many little “aprons”, consisting of waist cords to which was -attached a fringe of strings of cedar or yucca fiber, have been found. -Some of the longer ones, usually of cedar bast, were used as menstrual -pads, but there are also a few shorter, finely woven, little aprons -which probably served as skirts for women. Their scarcity, however, -would suggest that they were not considered essential garments. Since -the country in which these people lived is cold in the winter and can -become quite chilly after nightfall even at other seasons of the year, -they undoubtedly had some covering to give them warmth. Almost every -body is found wrapped in a blanket made of fur and it is probable that -these served as wraps and blankets for the living as well as shrouds for -the dead. - -The manner in which these coverings were constructed is most ingenious. -Strings were made of yucca fibres, then narrow strips of rabbit fur were -wrapped around them. These fur covered strings were then tied together -in close parallel rows, producing a light warm blanket. Sometimes they -were ornamented with borders made of cords which had been wrapped with -strips of bird skins. Some mantles of tanned deerskin were also made and -it may be that there were some woven robes, for a few fragments of woven -cloth have been found. These fragments bear patterns similar to those -shown on the chests of individuals depicted in Basketmaker paintings on -cliff faces, and they may have been parts of shirts or ponchos. It is -also possible, however, that the designs shown in pictographs simply -indicated body painting.[38] - - [Illustration: Fig. 7—Basketmaker diorama in the Museum at Mesa - Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)] - - [Illustration: Diagram showing the method of making a fur-cloth - blanket. The upper figure shows the construction of a fur strip; the - lower shows the manner in which the strips were held together.] - -The major item in the limited Basketmaker wardrobe was sandals. Anyone -who has walked much in the canyon country of the Southwest can readily -see how vital such equipment would be, and apparently the Basketmakers -devoted much time and energy to keeping themselves shod. Sandals were -woven of cord made from the fibers of yucca and apocynum, a plant -related to the milkweed. They were double-soled, were somewhat cupped at -the heel, and had a square toe which was sometimes thickened, but was -usually ornamented with a fringe of buckskin or shredded juniper bark. -To attach them to the foot there were heel and toe loops with a cord -passing between them. These cords were often made of human hair. Hair -was also sometimes used to provide the secondary warps in the sandals -themselves. A few pairs of large coarse sandals have been found coated -with mud and it is thought that they may have served as overshoes for -wear in bad weather. - - [Illustration: Fig. 8—a. Basketmaker sandal. b. Modified-Basketmaker - sandal.] - -Whatever the Basketmakers may have lacked in clothing, they compensated -for with jewelry and ornaments. Our information is derived not only from -mortuary finds but also from pictures painted on cliff faces by the -Basketmakers themselves. Hair ornaments were widely used. Most of them -consisted of bone points tied together to form comblike objects and -topped with feathers. Feathers have also been found made into little -loops and worn as pendants. Beads of all sorts were among the favorite -means of decoration. They were used in making necklaces and as ear -pendants. Some were of stone, carefully ground and polished, some of -bone, sometimes engraved. Seeds and acorn cups were also used to make -necklaces. Shells were very widely used, and it is interesting to note -that many of them were olivella or abalone which can have come only from -the Pacific coast. - -It seems unlikely that either the Basketmakers or their contemporaries -along the coast were much given to transcontinental tours when their -only means of transportation was their own sandal-shod feet, but the -shells prove some sort of contact. Probably it was a contact by trade -carried on through the peoples who inhabited the country between the two -locales. - -This preoccupation with ornamentation might suggest some degree of -vanity, and it is probably true that Basketmaker men gave a good bit of -time and thought to their personal appearance. Basketmaker women, -however, seem to have been a practical lot, far more concerned with -material for their weaving than with their own appearance. The hair of -female mummies is hacked off to a length of two or three inches. Of -course cutting with a stone knife could hardly be expected to provide a -particularly glamorous hair-do, and the fact that strands of hair seem -to have been cut off at different times, presumably as the need for -weaving material arose, added nothing to the general effect. While -Basketmaker women would hardly furnish “pin up” material according to -our standards, they presumably seemed attractive to Basketmaker men -which, after all, was far more to the point. - -Basketmaker men usually wore their hair long and formed into three bobs -tied with a string, one on either side of the head and one in the back. -In some cases the hair was clipped away to form an exaggerated part and -tonsure, and from the hair at the top of the head was formed a queue -about the thickness of a pencil, which was wound with cord for the -entire length. The reason for this variation in hair dressing is not -known. Perhaps the rare form with the clipping and the queue had some -ceremonial significance, or was a mark of rank. Brushes made of yucca -fibers have been found, which we know were used for the hair. Human hair -is found clinging to them and they are a form still used by some modern -Indians. - -Having determined how these people looked we may now turn to the -consideration of how they lived. For a great many years lack of evidence -of house construction, coupled with the fact that most Basketmaker caves -do not contain any great amount of ash and refuse, led to an acceptance -of the belief that the Basketmakers either had no dwellings, or perhaps -erected flimsy brush shelters which had since disappeared. Recent -excavations near Durango, Colorado, however, have yielded evidence of -well developed Basketmaker houses. Dates, tentatively assigned, fall in -the early part of the fourth century. Doubtless, in other parts of the -Anasazi province there were many other Basketmaker houses which have -been destroyed by erosion, root, and frost action. Some of those found -in the Durango area were in a cave and others on a terrace which had -been made by cutting into the talus and removing the earth until a level -surface large enough to accommodate the intended dwelling was produced. - -“The house floors ranged in diameter from eight to thirty feet. They -were saucer-shaped, formed of adobe mud not too smoothly spread over the -surface of the excavation. The rim of the saucer was plastered against a -series of short horizontal foot logs, laid to conform to the arc of the -circle. These served as the foundation of the wall, the construction of -which may be characterized as wood-and-mud masonry. Sticks and small -timbers were laid around horizontally, and the interstices were crammed -full of adobe to produce a strong, tough shell. The wall leaned somewhat -inward as it rose to a convenient head height. Roofs were cribbed. Since -the roof rested directly on the wall there was no necessity for stout -vertical supporting timbers such as have been found in dwellings of the -succeeding period. - -“In no instance did a room boundary remain to a height sufficient to -reveal the position, size, or shape of the entrance. At the approximate -center of each floor was a heating pit (heating pit is used advisedly, -because fire does not seem to have been maintained in the pits). -Metates, varying from basin to trough shape, were a normal feature of -each living surface. Interior storage devices occurred with great -frequency. Some were merely slab-lined pits dug into the floor. Others -were mud domes built entirely above the floor. The most common variety -consisted of a combination of the two—a sub-floor, slab-lined basin -surmounted by a mud dome with an opening in the top.”[96] - -Even before these discoveries were made it had been known that the -Basketmakers had some knowledge of construction. In the caves or -shelters they built cists which provided storage space for corn and -which often served a secondary purpose as a final resting place for the -dead. Some were lined with grass and bark and may have been used as -temporary sleeping places. The cists were oval or circular pits, usually -dug in the cave floor. The average diameter was between three and five -feet and the average depth about two feet. There were also larger cists -which reached a diameter of over eight feet and were four feet deep. -Some were divided into bins by slab partitions. Cists were sometimes -simply pits but in other cases they were lined with stone slabs and -reinforced with adobe. Covers were usually provided. For the smaller -cists they were normally only sandstone slabs. The larger cists often -had more elaborate roofs of wood and plaster and some even had -above-ground superstructures of poles, brush, and bark, sometimes capped -by adobe. - -Clothing and shelter are, of course, subordinate to man’s main physical -need—the need for food. In the period in which we first find evidence of -the Basketmakers they were no longer solely dependant on hunting and the -gathering of wild foods but had two cultivated crops, corn and squash. -Where the Basketmakers gained their knowledge of agriculture is not -known with certainty. Everything seems to point to the first -domestication of corn far to the south in Central[126] or South America -and it Is believed that knowledge of corn and its cultivation spread to -the north by diffusion. - -Most of the corn cultivated by the Basketmakers was a tropical flint -with small ears. Agricultural implements were so primitive that a modern -farmer would be appalled at the thought of using them, even under the -most favorable climatic conditions. They consisted simply of digging -sticks of hard wood some forty-five or more inches in length. In most -cases two thirds of the stick was round and the remainder was worked -down to form a thin blade a few inches wide, with a rounded point and -one sharp edge. Others had plain flattened points instead of blades. - -The implements available, as well as climatic conditions, naturally -influenced planting techniques which remained unchanged for many -centuries. Probably several kernels were placed in a hill at a depth of -a foot or more. This type of planting gives the seeds access to the -subsurface water on which they must depend to a great extent in a -climate like the Southwest’s. Fields were usually in the flood plains of -intermittent streams, and if there was any irrigation it was of the -flood type. - -Corn was undoubtedly stored for the winter and for emergency use in case -of crop failures. Shelled corn found in skin bags and in baskets -suggests that selected seed may have been kept for the following year’s -planting. Squash plants were apparently grown not only to provide food, -but the fruit, when hollowed out, served as vessels. Other vegetable -foods were provided by nature and included roots, bulbs, grass seeds, -sun flower seeds, pinyon nuts, acorns, berries, choke cherries, and -probably yucca and cactus fruit. The suggestion, that cactus fruit -served as food, stems from a find which shows clearly the detective -methods which archaeologists employ to gather evidence from tiny clues. -No cactus fruits have been found in Basketmaker refuse, but a cactus -seed was found in the decayed molar of a skull. - -Meat was undoubtedly an important component of the diet and quantities -of animal bones are found in all sites. Many smaller animals such as -rabbits, prairie dogs, gophers, badgers, and field mice, and some birds -were snared or netted. The Basketmakers developed some remarkable snares -and nets. One particularly interesting net, found at White Dog Cave near -Kayenta, weighed twenty-eight pounds, and contained nearly four miles of -string.[38] It was two hundred and forty feet long, over three feet -wide, and somewhat resembled a tennis net. It is thought that such a net -was placed across the mouth of a narrow gorge or canyon and that animals -were driven into it and shot or clubbed. The specimen from White Dog -Cave had two sections, one nine and one six feet long, woven of a hair -and apocynum mixture which gave them a darker color. It is thought that -this may have been done to produce the effect of an opening toward which -a frightened animal would rush. Various ingenious snares, many made of -human hair, were also used. - -Larger animals, including deer, mountain sheep, and mountain lion, were -also hunted, and their bones and skins utilized as well as their flesh. -These animals were shot with darts propelled by atlatls. An atlatl is a -rather remarkable weapon which gives great propulsive force to the -missile and which produces the same effect as would lengthening the arm -of the individual throwing the dart. It consists of a throwing stick -about two feet long, two inches wide and half an inch thick, with a -prong in one end into which was fitted the hollow butt of a spear or -dart. Near the middle were two loops through which the fingers of the -thrower passed. The spear portion consisted of two parts, a feathered -shaft five to six feet long and about half an inch in diameter with a -hollow end which fitted into the prong on the atlatl and a foreshaft of -hard wood, some five or six inches long, tipped with a stone point. It -was set into a hole in the end of the main shaft. This foreshaft was -probably used to prevent the loss of the entire spear or dart while -removing it when the fore part was buried in an animal’s body. Also, if -a wounded animal ran away the shaft proper would shake loose from the -imbedded foreshaft and fall out. - -Polished stones are often found lashed to the under-sides of atlatls. It -may be that they were designed to act as weights to give proper balance -to the weapon, but another possibility, suggested by their unusual -shapes and careful finish, is that they were charms or fetishes and -served no utilitarian purpose. - - [Illustration: Fig. 9—a. Atlatl, b. Reverse side of atlatl showing - stone, c. Dart showing shaft (mid-section removed), foreshaft, and - point, d. Method of using atlatl, e. Grooved club.] - -Often found associated with atlatls are curved sticks two to three feet -long, marked by longitudinal grooves, extending from the handle to the -top and usually with one or more interruptions in the lines. These are -sometimes referred to as rabbit-sticks and it was first thought that -they represented a form of non-returning boomerang such as is used in -hunting rabbits by the Hopi Indians. Now, however, they are believed to -be “fending sticks” such as were used by the Maya for defense against -the atlatl.[95] A dart or spear thrown with an atlatl moves fairly -slowly and could be deflected by the skillful use of such a club. They -could also serve as weapons in close fighting. There is not much -evidence of violent death among the Basketmakers, but there is some and -the atlatl must have been used to kill men as well as animals. Although -the Basketmakers did not use the bow and arrow, they apparently were in -contact with people who did. In Canyon del Muerto in Arizona evidence of -a massacre of Basketmakers was found. Among the bodies which had been -allowed to decay before burial was that of an old woman with an arrow -foreshaft between the ribs and skin of her left side.[92] - -Once the Basketmakers had acquired their food, there naturally arose the -question of cooking it. Meat presented no real problem, for it could be -baked or roasted without culinary vessels or could even be eaten raw. -Dried corn, however, which comprised so important a part of the -Basketmaker diet, was something else again. From the grinding stones -found in Basketmaker sites we know that corn was ground, as it is by -Indians even today. To grind corn only simple implements are needed. The -dry corn is placed on a flat stone, known as a _metate_. The kernels are -then pounded and rubbed with a stone, of a size which can be held -easily, called a mano. Once the corn is made into meal it can be -moistened and formed into little cakes to be baked on hot stones. - -Probably, even without having any utensils which would seem suitable for -cooking to us, it was possible for the Basketmakers to cook a variety of -foods by boiling or stewing. To speak of boiling foods when the only -available container is a basket may seem incredible but it can be done. -The Basketmakers, as their name implies, made many baskets. These were -remarkably fine and often so closely woven as to make suitable -receptacles for liquids. Even though the baskets could hold water, -however, the problem remains as to how they could be heated, since the -baskets obviously could not be subjected to fire. The technique employed -by other people faced with the same problem has been to drop hot stones -into the liquid, replacing them with other hot stones as they cool, -until the necessary temperature is achieved. Skin receptacles can also -be used in the same way. In Basketmaker sites are found scooplike wooden -objects, charred, and with worn edges. They are excellent digging -implements and were probably used in digging cists, but the charring -suggests that they may have been used in pairs to lift hot rocks from -the fire and drop them into baskets or skin bags in which food was being -stewed. - -The most distinctive feature of the Basketmaker culture, as is implied -by the name, was the making of basketry. Most baskets were made by the -coiled technique in which a basket is built up from the base by a -growing spiral coil. As the basket progresses, each coil is sewed to the -one below with a thin splint. The coil itself consists of two rods, -usually willow, and a bundle of fibrous material. In sewing the coils -together a bone awl is used to pass the splint through the fiber bundle. - - [Illustration: Fig. 10—Weaving techniques. a. coiling, b. twining, - c. twilling.] - -The most common basket forms were shallow trays anywhere from three -inches to three feet in diameter. Smaller baskets tended to be deeper -than the larger models. There were also bowl forms, with steeply flaring -sides and flat bottoms, which may have been used for cooking. Small -baskets with restricted openings, which are called trinket baskets, were -probably used to store seeds and small objects. Two distinctive forms -are carrying and water baskets. Both are large, with flaring sides and -pointed bottoms. Water baskets had smaller constricted openings, -presumably to keep the water from splashing out. They were lined with -pitch made of pinyon gum. Some of the other baskets are so tightly woven -as to hold water, but these specialized forms were specially treated, -possibly because water was kept in them for a sufficiently long time -that, without the protection of the pitch, they would have become -water-logged and lost their usefulness. - -Both the carrying and water baskets are so shaped as to fit against the -shoulders and it is believed that they were carried on the back, -probably with a tump strap running from the basket over the forehead of -the bearer. This type of woven strap, which is commonly found in -Basketmaker sites, is a device which helps to support and keep in place -a burden carried on the back while leaving the hands free. It would be -particularly useful in cases where there were cliffs to be negotiated -and it was essential to be able to utilize hand holes pecked in the rock -faces. Some of the water baskets are nearly two feet high and could have -held some two or three gallons of water. Since all the water used in the -caves would have to be carried up from streams below, or brought down -from mesa tops where rain water had accumulated in natural basins or -depressions, supplying the needs of a household would be no light chore, -and the Basketmakers must have needed all the help which their tump -straps provided. - - [Illustration: Fig. 11—Basketmaker coiled baskets. (Courtesy Peabody - Museum, Harvard University.)] - -Although baskets and carrying straps were utilitarian objects, their -decorative possibilities were not overlooked. Many of the baskets had -red and black designs formed by dyeing the sewing splints. - -Another technique which was employed, primarily for the production of -bags and to a limited extent in the making of baskets, was twining. In -twining, splints or threads are intertwined around a foundation of -radiating rods or threads. Twined bags are very characteristic of the -Basketmaker culture. These are soft, seamless sacks which vary in size -from a few inches to two or more feet in length. They are egg-shaped -with slightly pointed bottoms and somewhat constricted necks. Usually -they were made of the fiber of apocynum, but some yucca fiber was also -used. Most of the bag was of the warm yellowish brown of the undyed -fiber but decoration was provided by dyeing some of the threads red or -black and weaving in designs in horizontal bands. There was no -introduction of specially dyed elements. When a change in color was -desired, weft threads were simply rubbed with color. Possibly the -finished article was treated in some way to fix the dye. Burden or tump -straps and narrow sashes were also twined-woven and similarly decorated. - - [Illustration: Fig. 12—Basketmaker carrying basket, with tump strap. - (Courtesy Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)] - -A few examples have been found in which the designs were painted on -finished bags. These painted designs were placed on the bag interior as -well as on the exterior and ingenious markers were woven into the fabric -to serve as guides for duplicating the pattern on the reverse side.[37] -The smaller bags have been empty when found. Medium sized ones have been -found containing corn meal and something resembling dried fruit. The -largest ones were often split and used for mortuary wrappings, -particularly for children. Other bags were woven of cedar bast. They had -a large mesh and could have contained only large objects. - -Another type of bag represented in Basketmaker sites is made of skin. -Most of these were formed from the skins of two small animals, usually -prairie dogs. The animals were skinned forward from the back legs to the -nose. The two skins were then sewed together with the neck of the bag -formed by the two heads. They are usually found to contain oddly-shaped -stones or other objects thought to have some ceremonial significance. - - [Illustration: Fig. 13—Basketmaker twined-woven bags. (Courtesy - Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)] - -Although the Basketmakers did not have true pottery, they did have some -sun-dried clay dishes. These usually contained a vegetable temper or -binding material, such as cedar bark, to prevent cracking, and were -molded in baskets. It is not known whether the idea of pottery, but not -the technique for producing it through firing, had reached the -Basketmakers from some other people, or if the idea of making the -sun-dried dishes was one which they developed themselves. Most -archaeologists believe that the whole concept of clay containers came -from other people, but it is not impossible that the idea developed from -the practice of putting clay in baskets while constructing cists.[93] -[95] If clay were left for some time in a basket it would naturally -harden and, if the center portion had been scooped out, the hardened -residue in the basket would produce a vessel of sorts. Toward the close -of the Basketmaker period some vessels were made without molds, and sand -began to replace vegetable fibers as a tempering material. - -Most of the information we have about the Basketmakers we owe to their -burial practices and to their habit of placing extensive mortuary -offerings with their dead. There may have been some graves in the open, -but these have not been found. Those we know are from caves. Where cave -floors were covered with rocks, bodies were sometimes placed in -crevices. Usually, however, they were placed in pits or cists which had -originally been constructed for storage. There were many multiple -burials and up to nineteen bodies have been found in a single grave, -although two or three is the normal number. Usually all the bodies seem -to have been buried at the same time and, since there is rarely any -indication of violence, we may assume that epidemics must sometimes have -occurred. It is rare that the cause of death can be determined, but in -an occasional case, it is possible. The body of one young man was found -with a bladder stone, large enough to have caused death, lying in his -pelvic cavity.[37] - -The bodies were tightly flexed, with the knees drawn up almost to the -chin. This must have been done soon after death occurred and before the -body had stiffened. Bodies were usually wrapped in fur blankets, but -occasionally tanned deer skins were used. In some cases a large twined -bag split down one side provided an inner covering. A large basket was -usually inverted over the face. In addition to these and other baskets, -mortuary offerings included sandals, beads and ornaments, weapons, -digging sticks and other implements, and cone-shaped stone pipes. It is -not known what was smoked in these pipes, but some form of wild tobacco -may have been used. It is unlikely that they were smoked for pleasure. -More probably the blowing of smoke had some ceremonial significance, as -it does with many living Southwestern Indians who connect smoke clouds -with the rain clouds which play such an important part in their lives -and which are accordingly represented in their religious rites. Bodies -were sometimes incased in adobe, but this was rather rare. Usually the -pit was lined with bark, grass, or fiber, and the body covered with the -same material. - -Some quite unusual graves have been found.[37] One contained the mummy -of a man wearing leather moccasins, the only ones ever found in a -Basketmaker site. This individual had been cut in two at the waist and -then sewed together again. Another interesting burial was that of a girl -about eighteen years old and a young baby.[76] Under the shoulders of -the girl’s mummy was the entire head skin of an adult. The scalp and -facial skin had been removed in three pieces, dried or cured in some -way, then sewed back together again. The hair was carefully dressed, and -the face and tonsure part of the scalp painted with red, white, and -yellow. It had apparently been suspended around the girl’s neck and may -have been some sort of a trophy. - -There was a high mortality rate for children and infants. Their burials -were handled somewhat differently from those of adults. Young children -were sometimes buried in baskets, sometimes in large bags. Babies were -usually buried in their cradles. These were ingeniously constructed with -a stick bent to form an oval and filled with a framework of rods placed -in a criss-cross arrangement and tied. The cradles were padded with -juniper bark and covered with fur-cloth blankets, often made of the -white belly skins of rabbits. Babies were tied in the cradle with soft -fur cord. The cradle could be carried on the mother’s back, hung on a -branch, propped against a rock or tree, or laid on the ground. Diapers -were made of soft juniper bark. Pads were used to prevent umbilical -hernia. These were made of wads of corn husks or grass or a piece of -bark, wrapped in a piece of prairie dog skin and tied in position with a -fur cord. The umbilical cord was dried and tied to a corner of the outer -blanket used in the cradle. - -The only domesticated animal which the Basketmakers possessed was the -dog, and two burials have been found where dogs were interred with -people.[38] One large dog resembling a collie was buried with a man, and -a smaller black-and-white dog which looked rather like a short haired -terrier was found with a woman. Since these dogs are not related to -coyotes and other doglike animals found in America, it is believed that -they must have been domesticated in the Old World and accompanied their -masters when they came to this hemisphere. Probably the dogs were pets, -for the scarcity of their bones in refuse heaps indicates that they were -not eaten. Some dog hair was used in weaving, but not to a sufficient -extent to make it seem probable that dogs were kept entirely for the -purpose of providing material. - -The exigencies of survival cannot have left the Basketmakers too much -leisure, but all of their time cannot have been taken up by work. -Undoubtedly religious ceremonies occupied them to some extent. Rattles -made of deer hoofs and bone were probably used to set the rhythm of -ceremonial dances. These may have been worn around the waist or ankles -or mounted on handles. Whistles have been found made of hollow bird -bones. There is reason to believe that the Basketmakers were not -unfamiliar with gambling. Gaming sticks and bones, similar to those used -by modern Indians, have been found in Basketmaker sites. The sticks are -of wood, about three inches long, flat on one side and convex on the -other, and marked with incised lines. The gaming bones are lozenges -about one inch long and roughly oval in shape. Doubtless even in that -far off time the canyons sometimes echoed with the prehistoric version -of “Seven come eleven, baby needs some sandals.” - - [Illustration: Fig. 14—Mummies of two varieties of Basketmaker dogs. - (Courtesy Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)] - -On cliff faces are found pictures, sometimes incised but more usually -painted, which are attributed to the Basketmakers. These usually show -square-shouldered human figures or hand prints. The latter were normally -made by dipping the hand in paint then placing it against the surface to -be marked, but in some cases they were painted. The significance of -these and later pictographs is not known, although there are innumerable -theories. The most probable explanation seems to be that they had some -religious significance but it is also possible that they were records, -were designed to give information, or were done for amusement. - - [Illustration: Fig. 15—Modified-Basketmaker diorama in the Museum at - Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)] - - - THE MODIFIED-BASKETMAKER PERIOD[1] - -During the succeeding period, there was a continuation of the same basic -culture, but there was great development and sufficiently important -changes occurred to warrant recognition by the application of another -name. The later phase is known as the _Modified-Basketmaker period_ or -as _Basketmaker III_. Some archaeologists believe that the cultural -changes were so great that it would have been better if the term -“Basketmaker” had not been applied to both periods. - -The Modified Basketmaker period is marked by the beginning of a -sedentary life and the establishment of regular communities. The -essential continuity of the culture makes it difficult to assign -specific dates to the period. A typical Basketmaker site is readily -differentiated from a Modified Basketmaker site, but it is difficult to -give a precise year for the time when the transition from one to the -other occurred. The beginning is usually placed between 400 and 500 A. -D. The earliest date yet established by tree-rings for a -Modified-Basketmaker site is 475 A. D.[87] There is general agreement -that, in most places, the Modified-Basketmaker period ended about 700 A. -D., but some archaeologists place the terminal date as late as the ninth -century for certain areas. - -One difficulty in trying to establish fixed dates for cultural phases is -that change and development were not equal in all areas. Dates which may -be correct for the main, or nuclear, area may be entirely incorrect if -applied to peripheral regions where development was slower and fewer -changes were made. During Modified Basketmaker times the San Juan -drainage was still the nuclear area, but the culture was quite -widespread and extended north into Utah, as far west as southwestern -Nevada, and south to the Little Colorado in Arizona, and beyond Zuñi in -New Mexico. - -The Modified Basketmakers usually lived in villages made up of -irregularly grouped houses with granaries clustered about them. In some -cases there were only a few dwellings, in others there were as many as a -hundred. Houses were usually of the pit variety, sometimes built very -close together but not contiguous. The earliest structures were -circular, but later they became more oval and eventually a rectangular -form prevailed. At first houses were entered through a passageway -leading from the ground outside. Sometimes there was a small antechamber -at the outer end of the entrance passage. The pit depth varied from -three to five feet and the diameter of the structures ranged between -nine and twenty-five feet. The pit walls were sometimes plastered, but -more often they were lined with stone slabs. Occasionally a few rows of -adobe bricks were placed over the slabs. In some cases a combination of -slabs and plaster was used, in others, poles or reeds covered with mud -formed the wainscoting. - - [Illustration: Fig. 16—Modified-Basketmaker house after excavation. - (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)] - -The pit was covered by a conical or truncated superstructure with a hole -in the center, designed to permit smoke to escape from the fireplace on -the floor below. Later in the period the entrance passageways were so -reduced in size as no longer to permit the passage of a human body, and -entrance to the houses seems to have been through the hole or hatchway -in the roof in which was placed a ladder leading to the room below. The -roof surface may, in some cases, have provided extra living space since -metates, manos, and pottery, have been found overlying roof timbers. -Usually the basis of the superstructure was formed by four posts, -imbedded in the floor, and supporting a platform of horizontal timbers. -Smaller timbers or poles, set into the ground, leaned against the -platform and others were laid horizontally across it. The whole was -covered with mats or brush, then topped with a layer of plaster and -earth reinforced with twigs, grass, and bark. - - [Illustration: Fig. 17—Postulated method of Modified-Basketmaker - house construction. (After Roberts,[105] Courtesy Smithsonian - Institution.)] - -The side entrance was retained in a reduced form, apparently to provide -ventilation. An upright slab, often found standing between the fire pit -and the passage opening, is believed to have served the purpose of -keeping the inrushing air from putting out the fire, and is known as a -_deflector_. There was often a bench or shelf running around the inside -of the house. This was sometimes omitted along the south side. Some -storage bins were built against the walls of the house. - -Floors were usually of hardened clay, but in a few cases they were paved -with stone slabs. A basinlike fire pit with a raised rim lay near the -center of the floor. Extending from the south side of the pit to the -walls there were often ridges of mud. These were later replaced, in some -areas, by partitions, sometimes several feet high, made of slabs or -adobe. Metates are commonly found in the southern section, and it has -been suggested that this may have been the women’s part of the house. A -short distance on the other side of the fire pit is a small hole, known -as the Sipapu. Similarly placed holes in present day ceremonial -structures of the Pueblo Indians represent the mythical place of -emergence from the underworld from which the first people came to the -earth. The partitioning of the Modified-Basketmaker houses may have -served to segregate religious from secular activities. It is believed -that originally each house had its own shrine. In later times highly -specialized structures were built for ceremonial practices. This is -foreshadowed in the Modified-Basketmaker period for one site belonging -to this horizon has been found which contained a larger structure, -similar to the houses, but apparently not used as a dwelling place.[105] - -Toward the end of the period in some areas, particularly in Southwestern -Colorado, some surface houses were built which presaged the type of -structure found in the next period. Villages have been excavated in -which separate pit houses were still used for living quarters, but there -were also some dwellings which were above ground and had contiguous -rooms.[83][95] - -Another important development in this period was the manufacture of true -pottery. Some unfired forms were still made. Sometimes they were molded -in baskets and in other cases they were started in baskets and finished -by a coiling technique. To produce a vessel by this method, a thin rope -of clay is formed, then wound around in a circle with each row or coil -being attached to the one preceding it. Each added ring adds to the -height of the vessel wall. If a smooth surface is desired, the -depressions which mark the joining of the coils are obliterated. The -Anasazi achieved this by scraping with a thin gourd or wooden implement, -or sometimes with a piece of broken pottery. The principle of the -potter’s wheel was never discovered in the Southwest. - -At one time it was felt that pottery making might have been a local -development of the Modified Basketmakers, but this theory has been -largely abandoned although it has not really been disproven. The belief -most generally held is that knowledge of pottery manufacture, as well as -maize, originally spread from Middle America to the Southwest by -diffusion. Some archaeologists now believe that the Modified -Basketmakers may have learned about pottery from people living in -southwestern New Mexico who were making pottery at an earlier date. - -The first Modified-Basketmaker pottery was crude and limited in form -with many globular shapes somewhat reminiscent of those of gourds or -baskets. Perforated side lugs were very characteristic. The dominant -ware was a light to medium gray with a coarse granular paste tempered -with quartz. This occasionally became black from smoke carbon. Exteriors -were often marked with striations, suggesting that the vessels were -rubbed with a bunch of grass while still wet. There were some bowls with -interior decorations applied with black paint. The paint is believed to -have been made by boiling the juice of some plant, such as bee weed, -which still provides pigment for Indian potters. Brushes were probably -made by chewing the end of a yucca splint until the fibers separated and -were soft and flexible. Designs appear to have been taken, to a great -extent, from basketry. They usually consist of bands or ribbonlike -panels and the most common design elements are dots, small triangles, -rakelike appendages, and crude life forms. - -No kilns were used and pottery was probably fired with a conical pyre of -firewood placed around the vessels. When the air is kept out and there -is no excess of oxygen in the atmosphere in which pottery is fired, a -white or gray colored background, such as is found in Basketmaker wares, -results. Such pottery is said to have been fired in a _reducing -atmosphere_. When air is allowed to circulate and there is an excess of -oxygen in the atmosphere, red, brown, or yellow pottery is produced, and -the vessels are characterized as having been fired in an _oxidizing -atmosphere_.[15] - -In a few sites there has been found a highly polished red ware, -sometimes plain and occasionally with designs in black, and a pottery -with red designs on a brown or buff background.[95] These wares are much -better made than those previously described and this, coupled with their -rarity, indicates that they were foreign to the Modified-Basketmaker -culture. It has been suggested that they may have been imported from the -south and that the red pottery, which owes its red color to firing in an -oxidizing atmosphere, may be the product of the Mogollon people, of -southwestern New Mexico and southeastern Arizona, who will be discussed -in a later section. Certain Modified Basketmaker vessels were covered -with a wash of red pigment which was applied after firing and which was -impermanent. This is known as _fugitive red_. The theory has been -advanced that this may represent an attempt on the part of the -Basketmakers to produce red pottery without knowing the firing technique -which was responsible for it.[7] - - [Illustration: Fig. 18—Modified-Basketmaker figurine and - nipple-shaped object.] - -There are two other classes of articles made of clay, sometimes lightly -fired but more often unbaked. These are human figurines and -nipple-shaped objects believed to be cult objects with no utilitarian -purpose. The figurines almost invariably represent human females. Faces -are indistinct except for the nose, which, like the breasts, is clearly -marked. Arms, if shown at all, are sketchily indicated. Legs are -scarcely ever shown. Necklaces and pendants are indicated by punctures -and incised lines. The nipple or funnel-shaped objects are hollow -cornucopias, about two inches long, decorated with punctations. They are -perforated at the base, which suggests that they were once tied to -something, possibly masks or clothing. There are many theories as to the -significance of these traits. It has been suggested that they may have -come with the introduction of maize and may be connected with fertility -rites. - -Pottery did not entirely supplant basketry and many fine baskets -continued to be made. There was greater use of red and black designs -than in the previous period. Sometimes these were woven in and sometimes -they were painted. Sandals reached their highest level of development at -this time. They were finely woven of apocynum string over a yucca cord -warp. Fringing was abandoned, and the toe was marked by a -crescent-shaped scallop. The heel was puckered. Soles were double with -designs worked in colored cord in zones on the upper surface and raised -designs on the underside produced by variations in weave or by knotting. -Carrying bands continued to be very finely woven but twined bags -degenerated. - -Fur blankets were still manufactured but the use of feather cord became -progressively more common. Some blankets were made partially of fur cord -and partially of feather cord. Strips of bird skin were no longer used -exclusively in the manufacture of the latter type. Small downy feathers -were employed, as well as heavier feathers from which the stiffer part -of the quill had been removed. Much turkey plumage was utilized, and it -is believed by some archaeologists that turkeys were domesticated at -this time,[87] although others do not think that domestication took -place until later. There is no agreement as to whether turkeys were kept -to provide food. It is most generally believed that they were not eaten. - -At this time new varieties of corn were cultivated, which tended to be -somewhat larger than the earlier forms, and the people’s diet was -changed to some extent by the introduction of beans as a food crop. The -addition of beans to the daily fare may have been quite important for it -would increase the protein content of the diet. Such a crop also -indicates a more settled life, for, while corn may be planted and then -left for long periods of time, beans require almost constant attention. - -Atlatls were still the principal weapons, but late in the period the bow -and arrow came into use. This new and superior weapon may have been -brought by small groups of newcomers to the Southwest or, perhaps, -simply the idea spread to the Anasazi from neighboring people. In any -case, the bow is believed to have been introduced from some other area. -Two new implements which also appeared at this time were grooved mauls -or hammers and axes notched for hafting. Before the introduction of axes -it is believed that timbers for house construction were felled by fire. - -Much of our information about these people still comes from burials. -These were more often single interments than was the case in the -preceding period. There were no definite cemeteries in the villages, and -bodies were placed wherever it was most convenient, often in refuse -heaps where digging was easiest. In caves the dead were commonly laid in -abandoned cists or in crevices. Baskets were still the chief mortuary -offerings, but some pottery was placed with the dead, as well as a -variety of other objects including ornaments, pipes, food, gaming sets, -and flutes. The latter are of particular interest, for they indicate -some knowledge of music. In the grave of one old man, believed to have -been a priest or chief, were four finely made flutes. They could still -be played when they were excavated and had a clear, rich tone. A -characteristic offering, found in almost all graves, is a pair of new -unworn sandals. Ornaments interred with the dead show that turquoise was -now being used for beads and pendants. It was sometimes employed with -shell pieces for mosaic work set in wood. In other cases it was combined -with whole shells, as in one magnificent cuff, found on the wrist of an -old woman, which was five inches wide and consisted of hundreds of -perfectly matched olivella shells with a fine turquoise in the -center.[2] - -One of the most interesting of all interments was the famous “burial of -the hands” in Canyon del Muerto in Arizona.[92] This find consisted of a -pair of hands and forearms lying side by side, palms upward, on a bed of -grass. Wrapped around the wrists were three necklaces with abalone shell -pendants, one of which was as large as the hand itself. An ironical, yet -strangely pathetic offering, consisted of two pairs of some of the -finest sandals which have ever been found. Over the entire burial lay a -basket nearly two feet in diameter. Doubtless a fascinating story lies -behind this strange grave, but what it was we shall never know. Of all -the theories which have been advanced the one which best explains this -remarkable occurrence is that the individual may have been caught under -a rockfall and that only the hands and forearms could be released and -given suitable burial; but of course all this is pure conjecture. - - - SUMMARY - -In summarizing the Basketmaker horizon as a whole, we may say that the -culture was fully established in the San Juan drainage in the early -centuries of the Christian era, and it may have been developing for -quite some time. Later it spread to include a larger area. This part of -the Anasazi sequence ended, in most places, at the beginning of the -eighth century. - -The earliest people were dependent on both hunting and agriculture. The -only propulsive weapon used was the atlatl or dart-thrower. Squash and -corn were the only two crops produced. Houses had saucer-like floors of -adobe, wood-and-mud masonry walls with a log foundation, and cribbed -roofs. These people made beautiful baskets and sandals, produced some -exceptionally fine twined-woven bags, and made blankets of fur-covered -cord. Fired pottery was not manufactured but some unfired clay vessels -were produced. - -In the second part of the period the culture was more widespread and -developed, and was modified in various ways. Several types of corn were -grown, and beans were added to the list of cultivated foods. Pit houses -were the usual form of dwelling, and village life began. Baskets were -still widely made. Sandals reached their highest point of development, -but twined-woven bags degenerated. Cord used in the making of blankets -came to be more commonly wrapped with feathers. Fired pottery was -manufactured, and the bow and arrow came into use. This was a most -important period, for it provided the foundation for the later culture -which, some centuries later, achieved a golden age that marked one of -the high points of aboriginal development in North America. - - - THE DEVELOPMENTAL-PUEBLO PERIOD - -Following the Basketmaker era comes the Pueblo horizon, the second major -subdivision of the Anasazi culture. The name comes from that given to -the village Indians by the Spaniards. “Pueblo” is simply the Spanish -word for a community of people, but in the Southwest it has come to have -a definite connotation and is used to refer to communal houses and towns -and to the inhabitants, both prehistoric and modern. - -The Pueblo period, like the Basketmaker, is divided into various phases. -Under the classification decided on by archaeologists, meeting at the -conference at Pecos in 1927, five phases were recognized. The earliest -was called _Pueblo I_ and was defined as “the first stage during which -cranial deformation was practiced, vessel neck corrugation was -introduced, and villages composed of rectangular living-rooms of true -masonry were developed.” The next was named _Pueblo II_ and was -characterized as “the stage marked by widespread geographical extension -of life in small villages; corrugation, often of elaborate technique, -extended over the whole surface of cooking vessels.”[74] - -At the present time many archaeologists group both phases under the name -_Developmental Pueblo_.[110] This term, which is used in this book, -seems apt, for this was a period of transition which led to the classic -Pueblo era. In many ways the culture was still a generalized one, as was -the one which preceded it, but specialization, which was to become so -marked later, was already beginning. Sites belonging to this phase are -found throughout the Plateau area. - - [Illustration: Fig. 19—Developmental-Pueblo diorama in the Museum at - Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy of Mesa Verde National Park.)] - -Assigning dates to this period is rather complicated. It might be -thought that in dealing with somewhat more recent sites, where tree-ring -dates are more commonly available, it would be easy to say that a -specific period began at a definite time and ended at another. Actually, -such is not the case, for development was far from uniform in all -places. In some sections the period which we define as Developmental -Pueblo began toward the end of the seventh century; in other areas the -earliest date which can be given is in the middle of the ninth century. -Terminal dates are equally variable. In some regions this period had -ended and the next phase of development had begun by the middle of the -tenth century, and in others this change did not take place until the -twelfth century. In general, the dates 700 to 1100 A. D. may be assigned -to the Developmental Pueblo phase, but this represents a simplification -of a very complex situation. - -For many years it had been thought that the people of Basketmaker and -those of Pueblo times were of entirely different physical types. The -Basketmakers were considered dolichocephalic, or long-headed, and the -Pueblos were believed to be brachycephalic, or broad-headed. The first -appearance of the latter was thought to mark the advent of an entirely -different racial group which became dominant and caused the -disappearance of the earlier inhabitants of the region. It was not -believed that the Basketmakers were entirely exterminated, but rather -that many were assimilated and absorbed by the new group while some were -killed and others driven into peripheral areas. Some archaeologists and -anthropologists still hold this theory. - -Recently, however, a long and detailed study of fairly large groups of -crania of both people has been made.[119] The results of this -investigation suggest that, while there are some differences between the -two series, they are not of great significance and that, therefore, the -Basketmakers and the Pueblos were basically the same people. This is -confirmed by cultural evidence, for, although changes occurred, there is -a strong continuity of development from Basketmaker to early Pueblo -times. Possibly there was some coming in of new people, who introduced -new ideas which gave impetus to the cultural development; but it is now -difficult to accept the theory of a mass invasion by a racially -different group and of a radical change in physical type. In the light -of this new evidence some archaeologists feel that the term “Anasazi” -should be dropped, and the entire culture, including the Basketmaker and -Pueblo phases, should be called “Pueblo” or “Puebloan.”[7] - -One factor which tended to make the Pueblo people seem extremely -broad-headed was the habit of deforming the skull posteriorly, a -practice which became almost universal in Pueblo times. A skull markedly -flattened in back inevitably appears broader than one which is -undeformed. This effect is believed to have been produced by strapping -babies against hard cradle-boards or by using a hard head-rest. The soft -skull of the infant was flattened by pressure in the back and, as the -bones grew and hardened, this deformity became permanent. - - [Illustration: Fig. 20—a. Undeformed skull, b. Deformed skull.] - -The question naturally arises: Why did people wish to have deformed -skulls? We cannot be sure of the answer, of course, but it seems -possible that it represents nothing more than a matter of fashion and a -change in ideals of beauty. Even in our own society there are fashions -in physical appearance as well as in clothing and adornment. One need -only compare the corn-fed curves of the Floradora sextette with the -emaciated lines of “flappers” of the 1920’s to realize that we have -little eccentricities of our own which might seem incomprehensible to a -prehistoric Indian. - -Important changes which mark the transition between the Basketmaker era -and Pueblo times occurred in the realm of architecture. There are also -differences between the first half of the Developmental Pueblo period, -sometimes known as “Pueblo I,” and the second half which is sometimes -called “Pueblo II.” In a general way we can trace the evolutionary -development from pit houses, with associated granaries, to the fairly -complex surface domiciles and subterranean ceremonial chambers of the -final phase of the period.[113] Progress did not follow the same pattern -in all places, however, nor did all similar changes occur at the same -time. - -As was noted in the preceding section, a few surface houses were built -in the Modified-Basketmaker period, but this type of architecture did -not become well established until Developmental-Pueblo times. In the -beginning of the period, in most areas, pit houses were still the usual -form of dwelling. To the west and north of these houses, granaries were -built with superstructures in the form of truncated pyramids. Sometimes -stone slabs and sometimes crude masonry were used in their construction. - -Later, jacal structures as well as pit houses served as dwellings. The -name _jacal_ is applied to a type of construction in which walls are -made of poles set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe. -At first, walls sloped inward, as they had in the superstructures of the -earlier granaries from which it is believed that this type of house was -derived. Later, walls were perpendicular and the jacal construction was -sometimes combined with masonry. Still later, masonry was used almost -exclusively. As time went by, floors became progressively less -depressed. In early forms, rooms were not connected, but eventually -contiguous rooms became the rule, and, in the course of time, there -arose multiroomed structures, sometimes called _unit houses_. Associated -with these were highly specialized subterranean structures, used for -religious purposes, but apparently derived from the old domiciliary pit -house. - -It cannot be stressed too strongly that these are all general -statements, designed solely to show evolutionary trends during this -period. Actually the situation is far more complex than this would -indicate. In some sections, big pueblos were built very early in the -period.[7] In peripheral regions, pit houses continued to be used as -dwellings long after they had ceased to serve such a purpose in the main -area, and, even in the nuclear portion, the rate of progress was by no -means constant, nor was it always in the same direction. For a somewhat -clearer picture, it is best to consider some of the different places -where excavation of Developmental-Pueblo sites has been undertaken. - -At Kiatuthlana, Arizona,[107] forty miles southwest of Zuñi, pit houses -and jacal structures were contemporaneous during early Pueblo times. The -latter were flat-roofed, four-sided buildings, trapezoidal, rather than -rectangular, in outline. Some were single rooms, and others had three or -four chambers. - -In the Piedra district of southwestern Colorado[106] are found jacal -buildings in clusters of from three to fifteen. The different structures -were often close, but did not touch. A number of clusters, laid in a -crescent shape around a circular depression, comprised a village. These -depressions are thought by some to have served as reservoirs, or -possibly sometimes as plazas or dance courts. Others hold the opinion, -based on the results of more recent excavations in other areas, that -they may contain pit houses.[41] The earliest houses were pits with -sloping jacal walls. Later the floors were merely depressed, and walls -were perpendicular. This type was eventually combined with two-room -storage buildings of crude masonry. Next, the jacal construction -disappeared and the rooms made of masonry were enlarged and became -dwellings instead of storerooms. - -In the nearby region of the La Plata drainage,[95] houses in the -beginning of the period differed little from those of Basketmaker times, -except that they were somewhat more massive and more masonry was used. -There was some jacal construction, but usually a variant form was -employed in which only a few widely spaced wooden supports were used. -Sometimes the entire wall consisted of clay pressed into position with -the hands, and the posts were absent. Stones were sometimes added to the -clay, and some crude coursed masonry has been found. Stone slabs -commonly formed the wainscoting. Houses were usually grouped in a -crescentic form along the north and west sides of a depression -containing a subterranean chamber. No dance courts or plazas have been -found. - -During the latter part of Developmental-Pueblo times in the La Plata -area, jacal and slab construction were replaced by stone and adobe, and -walls became more massive. At first the adobe was considered the -important mass and only a few stones were incorporated, but, as time -went by, the ratio changed and stone predominated with mud serving only -as a mortar. Crescent-shaped room-placement changed to a rectangular -structure. - -In the Ackmen-Lowry region[82] of southwestern Colorado most early -Developmental-Pueblo sites consisted of one or two above-ground rooms -associated with a pit house which may have served as a domicile as well -as provided a place for the celebration of ceremonies. The surface -structures were of slabs topped by masonry, or were of jacal -construction. Later houses were built of coursed masonry and usually -contained from four to six rooms. The associated pit houses seem to have -been used exclusively as ceremonial chambers. Also found in this area -was a good-sized Pueblo, known as Lowry Ruin, which was occupied late in -Developmental-Pueblo times as well as during the succeeding period. -Thirty-five rooms have been uncovered, but there is evidence that the -pueblo was modified six or seven times, and it is estimated that -probably no more than fifteen or eighteen rooms were occupied at any one -time. - -At Alkali Ridge in southeastern Utah,[7] thirteen sites have been -excavated which have yielded valuable information about architectural -development. Ten of these contained Developmental-Pueblo structures. In -this area, even as early as the eighth century, pueblos with as many as -three hundred above-ground storage and living rooms were being built in -association with large and small pit houses. These pueblos consisted of -long curving rows of contiguous rooms with the larger dwelling units in -front of the small chambers used for storage. A variety of wall types -was used, often in combination. They include upright stone slabs, jacal, -and some coursed masonry. - -During the latter half of Developmental-Pueblo times in this area there -were buildings made of jacal with stones imbedded in the adobe. Those -found range in size from one to twelve rooms, and some may have been -larger. There were also structures of coursed masonry. Some of these -contained only one or two rooms but others may have been fairly large. - -In excavations near Allantown, in eastern Arizona,[112] the evolution -from simple masonry granaries to multi-roomed houses, and the -development from simple, partially subterranean houses to highly -specialized kivas, or ceremonial buildings, is clearly shown. There the -change from domiciliary pit house to unit house seems to have occurred -in the period between 814 and about 1014 A. D. This, however, was a -slower development than in other areas. In the Chaco Canyon area of New -Mexico, for example, great communal houses, with several stories and -hundreds of rooms, of which the unit-type house seems to have been the -forerunner, apparently were started by 1014. - -Unit houses, which were commonly built in the second part of -Developmental-Pueblo times and in the following period, were -above-ground structures built of stone and adobe. They were one story in -height and usually contained from six to fourteen rooms. These rooms -were sometimes placed in a long row, sometimes in a double tier, and, in -other cases, were arranged in the shape of an “L” or rectangular “U”. - -Unit houses are occasionally referred to as _clan houses_, for some -archaeologists believe that they may have been occupied by single family -groups. Present day social organization in the western pueblos is based -on clans, and it is believed that this is of long standing and probably -extends far back into prehistoric times. Descent is traced in these -pueblos in the maternal line. In such villages a clan is a group made up -of individuals descended from the same female ancestor. Houses belong to -the women, and a family group which lives together usually consists of a -woman and her daughters and their families. The husbands belong to other -clans. They live with their wives’ groups, but their religious -affiliations are with their own clans. The kivas, or ceremonial -chambers, belong to the men of the clan and serve as club rooms as well -as providing a place where secret religious rites may be performed. - -In Developmental-Pueblo times, kivas were very similar in form to those -used at the present time in the eastern pueblos. They were circular, -subterranean structures which lay to the south or southeast of houses. -Walls were of masonry, and there were encircling benches in which -pilasters were often incorporated. Roofs were normally cribbed, and -entrance was usually through the smoke-hole in the center; although, in -some unit-type sites in southwestern Colorado, stone towers are found -containing manholes which led into tunnels connecting with kivas.[83] - -It is interesting to note the apparent derivation of kivas from the old -domiciliary pit houses which had, at least in a rudimentary form, all of -the features of the later religious structures and which also lay in the -same position in relation to the surface masonry structures. It is -believed that originally each house had its own shrine. When special -structures came to be built exclusively for the performance of religious -rites, the people clung to the old form of building, although their -dwellings were developing in a different direction. There is an innate -conservatism and traditionalism in religion which is well represented in -architecture. In our own cities, where we erect medieval cathedrals and -sky scrapers, we can see a lag of from four to seven centuries between -religious and secular architecture. - -In some parts of the Southwest, kivas were not the only places available -for the performance of religious rites. At Allantown[112] was found a -great circular area, paved with adobe and enclosed on three sides by -upright stone slabs, which is believed to have been a dance court. On -the north side is a platform or dais. Probably in that long ago time -there were many days and nights when moving feet beat out the intricate -rhythms of the dance against the hard packed adobe, as the gods were -importuned to bring life-giving rain for the crops. - - [Illustration: Fig. 21—Interior view of a kiva showing distinctive - features. Note the ventilator, deflector, fire-pit, sipapu, bench, - and pilasters.] - -In addition to the houses, kivas, and dance courts, there were also -brush shelters with firepits, ovens and storage places. These probably -provided outdoor cooking facilities during the summer. - -In the field of pottery, important changes were taking place, and -specialization was increasing all through the Anasazi area. -Developmental-Pueblo pottery had a finer paste and was better made than -that of Modified-Basketmaker times. Some tempering was done with -pulverized potsherds. More different types were represented. Plain gray -ware was still made. Pottery with black designs on a white background -was very common, except in the Alkali Ridge[7] area of southeastern Utah -where early Developmental-Pueblo painted pottery had a pinkish-orange -ground color with designs in red paint. In referring to painted pottery -it is customary to mention first the color of the design and then the -color of the background, as, for example, _black-on-white_ or -_red-on-orange_ ware. Minor types of Developmental-Pueblo times included -a lustrous black-on-red ware and bowls with more or less polished black -interiors and brownish or reddish exteriors. The differentiation between -culinary and non-culinary pottery became more marked. The former came to -be characterized by corrugations in the clay, and the latter chiefly by -painted designs. - - [Illustration: Fig. 22—Corrugated Pottery. (Courtesy National Park - Service.)] - -Specialization in particular areas is best shown in the black-on-white -wares. There are two main groups—an eastern one which centered around -the Chaco Canyon area of New Mexico, and a western one which centered -around the Kayenta region of Arizona.[110] Both extended far beyond -these nuclear areas. The former was characterized by a wide use of -mineral paint. Designs stand out from the background. Possibly they were -applied after the vessel had been polished. In the western form, designs -were usually applied with a paint made from plant juices and they seem -to fade into the surface of the vessel. This may be due in part to the -application of paint before the polishing of the vessel had been -completed. - -In all sections there was a greater variety of forms and designs than in -the preceding period. Designs were no longer confined to the interiors -of bowls and ladles but were placed on all kinds of vessels. Basketry -patterns were still used, but others were taken from textiles, and still -others seem to have been developed only for the medium of pottery. -Designs show a certain lack of skill in execution, but they were -elaborate and boldly conceived. There is every evidence of people still -experimenting with a new medium. The principal elements were parallel -lines, sometimes straight and in other cases stepped or wavy; zig-zags, -triangles, checkerboards, and interlocking frets. Both curvilinear and -rectilinear designs were used. In the latter part of the period parallel -lines were scarce, and elements became broader and heavier. - - [Illustration: Fig. 23—Black-on-white pottery. Developmental-Pueblo - period.] - - [Illustration: Fig. 24—Neck-banded vessel. Developmental-Pueblo - Period. (Courtesy National Park Service.)] - -Techniques of production and finishing differed from those of -Modified-Basketmaker times. The practice of using slips developed. A -slip is a coating of very fine, almost liquid, clay which is smeared on -a finished vessel before firing to give a smooth even finish. In the -second part of the period, spiral coiling began. In the earlier forms, -short clay fillets, which made only one turn around the vessel, were -used. With the spiral technique, longer rolls of clay were used and each -made several circuits around the vessel. During the first half of the -period, vessels were either entirely smoothed or, in the case of many -culinary vessels, the bottom was smoothed while the neck portion was -characterized by flat, relatively broad, concentric clay bands. These -neck-banded jars are quite characteristic of early Developmental Pueblo. -During the second part of the period corrugated ware appeared. This is -pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions resulting from a -coiling and pinching technique of manufacture have not been obliterated. -Sometimes the corrugations were embellished by indentations produced by -pinching the clay between the fingers or by incising them with the -fingernail or some small implement. In this way simple patterns were -formed. The use of this type of pottery for cooking may stem from the -fact that this is the only type of decoration which would not soon be -obliterated by soot. Objects made of clay also included tubular pipes or -cloud-blowers. Stone and wood were also sometimes used in making these -objects. - -Baskets continued to be made, although pottery vessels were used for -many purposes for which baskets had formerly been employed. The number -of baskets made undoubtedly diminished, and the large flat trays so -characteristic of Basketmaker times seem to have almost entirely -disappeared. The great decrease in number of baskets made, however, may -be more apparent than real, for most Developmental-Pueblo sites are in -the open and little perishable material remains. Examples which have -been found indicate that the coiling technique continued and designs -became more elaborate. Twilled baskets were also manufactured. - - [Illustration: Fig. 25—a. Developmental-Pueblo sandal, b. - Great-Pueblo sandal.] - -Sandals of fine string, with coarse patterns on the under side, were -still being woven. They had rounded toes. A new material and new -techniques in weaving appeared with the introduction of cotton at this -time. Cotton was grown and used to produce thread which was woven into -fabrics with looms. Fur and feather blankets, primarily the latter, were -still being made, but light cotton blankets were probably also worn. It -is thought that kilts and breech cloths were made of the same material. -Various ornaments, including beads, pendants, and bracelets, were worn. -The former were largely of colored shales, turquoise, and alabaster. -Some bracelets were of glycymeris, a shell which must have been imported -from the Gulf of California. - -Cotton was the only addition to the list of cultivated plants, but -squash and beans continued to be grown. Corn was still the staple food. -It was ground on scoop-shaped trough metates. In one case three graded -manos, of varying degrees of roughness, were found with one metate. This -foreshadowed the later Pueblo practice of having mealing bins with -series of metates ranging in texture from relatively coarse to very -fine. Corn was first coarsely ground on the roughest metate, or with the -roughest mano, and then worked over with progressively smoother stones -until a very fine meal resulted. Crudely flaked hoes began to be used in -cultivating the crops. Some were hafted, but many were not. - -Meat continued to be included in the diet. Bear, elk, buffalo, wolf, -mountain sheep, deer, and rabbits were among the animals hunted. The bow -and arrow were almost universally used. Arrowheads were well flaked, -usually long and narrow, with long, sharp barbs. Late in the period a -new type appeared which became increasingly numerous later. These points -were short, broad, and notched at right angles. - -Dogs and turkeys were the only domesticated animals. One reason for the -belief that they were not kept to provide food is that they have been -found buried with mortuary offerings. Corn was provided for the turkeys -and bones for the dogs which were buried. There was also pottery, -sometimes miniature vessels, sometimes sherds rubbed down to form -shallow vessels. - -Axes are relatively scarce, but are found in this period. Edges were -smoothed by grinding. On the whole these were not very efficient cutting -implements, for the edges were quite dull. - -Human burials varied widely according to locality. For the most part -they are found in refuse heaps. These characteristic mounds, as the name -indicates, were formed of the refuse thrown away by the inhabitants of a -village and are composed of ashes, dirt, broken pottery, and general -debris. There was no disrespect for the dead in burying them in such a -place; it was simply that, with the primitive implements available, it -was desirable to make interments where digging was easiest. The -difficulties of excavation also led to the placing of bodies, in some -cases, in abandoned storage pits or houses. Children are often found -buried under floors near firepits, possibly because mothers felt that -the dependence of an infant extended to the soul and they wished to keep -it near. - -Bodies were inhumed in a more or less flexed position. There was no -fixed orientation, as there was in later periods. Undoubtedly there were -some mortuary offerings of a perishable nature, but these have not -survived. Pottery was placed in graves in many cases. At -Kiatuthlana[107] there was a strong degree of consistency in the -offerings. Each grave contained a culinary jar covered by a bowl with a -blackened interior, and a black-on-white bowl. Certain graves contained -more than three pieces of pottery, but they were in multiples of three, -with an equal number of each type. - -There are some very puzzling features about the disposal of the dead in -Developmental-Pueblo times. In most of the San Juan area and in the -Kiatuthlana region the number of graves found is about what would be -expected on the basis of the population indicated by habitations. In -other places, however, and particularly in the La Plata region,[95] only -a very few burials have been found and they undoubtedly represent only a -fraction of the deaths which must have occurred. What happened to the -remaining bodies is a question which has not been answered. Some -particularly baffling finds are: skulls buried without bodies, and -bodies buried without heads. In the case of skull burials it has been -suggested that warriors may have been killed some distance from home. -Bringing the entire body back would have been impracticable, and only -the heads were returned to be given suitable burial among the kinsmen of -the dead individual. This, however, does not explain the headless -skeletons which are also found, for it seems unlikely that the body of -an enemy which had been left behind, after the head had been removed, -would be given burial. - -At Alkali Ridge[7] there was the usual baffling scarcity of burials in -early Developmental-Pueblo times, and no evidence of cremation. A number -of burials were found in the later horizon, however, and they provide an -interesting example of how much we can learn of how people lived from a -study of their physical remains. Evidence of various bone diseases -indicates that the Alkali Ridge people suffered from malnutrition and -vitamin deficiencies. The fact that one individual, so badly crippled -that she could not have been a productive member of the community, lived -to be sixty years old or more, tells us that these people were willing -to care for handicapped members of their group. The communities must -have been subject to hostile attack. Two individuals appear to have died -from blows on the head. One of these men had also been shot by an arrow, -and scratches on his head indicate that he had been scalped. Evidence of -local inbreeding is provided by the finding of three people with fused -ribs, a very rare abnormality not likely to appear so frequently except -in a highly inbred group. - - - Peripheral Areas - -Outside of the central area of the Anasazi region there were other -developments during this period. In marginal areas, certain phenomena -are almost invariably present. There will be some lag in the diffusion -of new traits, and in some ways the culture of the marginal section will -be less advanced. Early elements may survive for a long time. Traits -which are chronologically distinct in the main area may arrive together -in the outlying sections. Other features may not spread or may be -rejected by the people of the peripheral area. In general, there is a -progressive fading of the basic pattern as one goes farther away from -the nucleus. Certain traits may have been acquired from other cultures, -and there is usually also a tendency to develop new traits and to modify -and adapt those which have been imported, in accordance with local -needs. - -All of these characteristics are to be found in the region north and -northwest of the Colorado River which is known as the _Northern -Periphery_ of the Southwest. During Developmental-Pueblo times a number -of early traits persisted in the Northern Periphery after they had -disappeared in the San Juan country. People continued to live in -earth-covered pit houses and lodges after these had been replaced by -surface masonry structures farther south. In some cases the side passage -still served as an entrance instead of being reduced in size for use as -a ventilator. Slab cists, identical with Basketmaker structures, were -quite common. In the south and east of the periphery some unit houses -were built during late Developmental-Pueblo times, but they were far -inferior to those of the main district. Much crude, gray pottery was -produced, and fugitive-red paint was widely used. Clay figurines and -nipple-shaped objects, characteristic of the Basketmaker culture, -continued to be widely made in the north long after they had disappeared -in the nuclear area. Gaming bones are among the most common artifacts. -Throughout, there is an amalgamation of traits which were separate -elsewhere. In some cases early pottery types are found associated with -houses of a later type; in others it is the pottery which is more -advanced than the houses. - -Certain features characteristic of the main Pueblo culture either did -not reach the Northern Periphery, or were not accepted by the -inhabitants. North of the San Juan drainage, sandals and cotton cloth -were not produced. The turkey was not domesticated. There were no -grooved axes and mauls. True kivas have not been found, although there -are some structures which are believed to have been used for ceremonial -purposes. - -Other features, which are characteristic of the Northern Periphery, are -not found farther south. Many of these are clearly shown in sites found -in the drainage of the Fremont River of Utah.[97] Here leather moccasins -replaced sandals. These were made of mountain sheep hide with the hair -left on. The portion of the hide containing the dewclaws of the sheep -was attached to the sole in such a way that the dewclaws served as -hobnails. Clay figurines, most of which depicted human females, were -quite elaborate. Also characteristic of the culture, were remarkably -fine rock paintings and pecked drawings of Katchinas or supernatural -beings. In the field of pottery, traits which characterize northern -peripheral wares include raised or appliquéd ornaments and punched -designs. Another distinguishing feature is a unique form of grinding -stone, sometimes called the _Utah-type_ metate. This is a shovel-shaped -stone with a deep trough and a platform at one end containing a -secondary depression. - -Although the culture of the Northern Periphery is basically Southwestern -in character and is largely of Modified-Basketmaker and early -Developmental-Pueblo origin, it seems probable that the Anasazi was not -the only influence and that there was some immigration and diffusion of -ideas from the east and the north. People living farther to the north -may also have affected the life of the inhabitants of the Periphery in -other ways. At approximately the end of Developmental-Pueblo times, most -of the marginal area was abandoned. Some archaeologists think that this -was due to pressure from northern nomadic tribes. Only along the -Colorado River, did northerly sites continue to be occupied during the -following period. - -Anasazi traits also penetrated to other peripheral areas. Evidence of -Anasazi influence is found in southwestern Texas sites, particularly -those of the Big Bend area, occupied after about 900 A.D. Modified -Basketmaker and Pueblo traits are also found in sites in the valleys of -the Muddy and Virgin rivers in southeastern Nevada. In the Nevada -sites[46] both pit dwellings and above-ground houses with many rooms -have been found. Most of the painted pottery is black-on-gray but some -black-on-white and black-on-red wares also occur. Culinary ware was -corrugated. As in Utah, there were no axes, and the turkey does not -appear to have been domesticated. - - [Illustration: Fig. 26—Rosa pit house after excavation. (Courtesy - Columbia University Press.)] - -One of the most interesting marginal manifestations is known as the -_Rosa Phase_.[41] Rosa sites have been found in the drainage of the -Governador Wash which lies between the towns of Aztec and Dulce in -north-central New Mexico. Between about 700 and 900 A.D. this region was -occupied by people who lived in very large pit houses. They were also -familiar with surface construction and had above-ground granaries, made -of adobe, which sometimes contained several contiguous rooms. Houses and -granaries were surrounded by stockades made of posts interlaced with -brush. Pottery was not very well made, and consisted to a great extent -of undecorated ware. Many of the vessels were started in baskets. The -small amount of decorated pottery which was produced seems to represent -imitations of other already developed types. - -The bones of a great many dogs and turkeys are found in the rubbish -heaps and it is thought that they may have been an important element in -the diet of the people. Dogs, however, probably had some significance -other than as a source of food, for some were so old and toothless that -they may have died of old age. Also, dogs were found buried in every -grave. - -Burial customs differed from those of other areas. In some cases, bodies -seem to have been exposed and allowed to decompose, at least partially, -before the bones were buried. There was no deformation of the skull in -any of burials uncovered. - - - SUMMARY - -Returning to the subject of the Developmental-Pueblo period in the -nuclear portion of the Anasazi region, we may summarize by saying that -this was a time of transition. Pit houses were first used as dwellings, -and then, becoming more highly specialized, were used as ceremonial -structures. Surface granaries gave rise to above-ground houses. Walls -were first predominantly of poles and adobe, later of masonry. Large -structures with numerous contiguous rooms became increasingly common. -Pottery improved in quality and an increasing number of wares were -represented, including corrugated cooking ware. Axes and hoes were added -to the assemblage of implements. Cotton began to be grown, and fabrics -were produced by loom weaving. These statements, however, only indicate -general trends, for there was no real uniformity of cultural -development. There were differences between various sections of the -country, and there were also variations within the same area. With the -end of Developmental-Pueblo times, however, all of the basic Pueblo -traits were established, and the stage was set for the flowering of the -high culture of the next period which has been called the “Golden Age” -of the Anasazi. - - - THE GREAT-PUEBLO PERIOD - -The phase which followed Developmental-Pueblo times is the one best -known to the general public, for it was during this time that there were -built the great communal houses, whose impressive ruins in our National -Monuments and Parks draw thousands of fascinated visitors every year. -This is the period of the Cliff Dwellers who built the remarkable -structures of Mesa Verde and then, apparently, disappeared into the -mists of time. Much of the mystery which surrounds these people in the -public mind is unnecessary, but there is still enough of the remarkable -in their achievements, and in their disappearance from their old haunts, -to intrigue the imagination. - -This period is also known as _Classic Pueblo_ or _Pueblo III_, but is -now aptly called the _Great-Pueblo_[110] period, for it marks the time -when this culture reached the pinnacle of its development. Its general -characteristics were summarized in the Pecos classification which -defined Pueblo III as: “the stage of large communities, great -development of the arts, and growth of intensive local -specialization.”[74] - -There is some disagreement as to the date which should be assigned to -the beginning of Great-Pueblo times, for cultural development was not -equal in all sections of the Plateau. In some areas, people were still -living as they had in Developmental-Pueblo times, while, in others, -Great-Pueblo traits were well established. Since specialization became -so marked that various cultural centers must be considered separately, -it is best, in most cases, to give dates for this period in terms of -specific areas. There is, however, some agreement as to the ending date. -In general it may be said that Great-Pueblo times began, in most places, -about 1050 A.D. and lasted until the end of the thirteenth century, when -the whole northern portion of the Plateau was abandoned. - -The greatest change from the preceding period was in the realm of -architecture. There were a great many unit houses, in which a fairly -large percentage of the population lived, but big “apartment houses,” up -to five stories in height and containing hundreds of rooms, were also -built. This change naturally affected not only the living conditions of -the people, but influenced their whole life, for people living together -in a closely-knit community will develop differently from the way they -would in widely scattered settlements. - - [Illustration: Fig. 27—Great-Pueblo diorama in the Museum at Mesa - Verde National Park showing Spruce Tree House. (Courtesy Mesa Verde - National Park.)] - -When a population is broken up into small independent units and -scattered over a wide area, there is not likely to be any need or desire -for overall government, and authority is usually vested in the person of -the head of the family or clan. As the size of the group increases and -life becomes increasingly complex, some centralization of power is -inevitable. Cooperation between individuals and groups of individuals -becomes not only desirable but essential. In such an undertaking as the -building of a huge structure, containing hundreds of rooms, there must -be cooperation. With the occupation of such a building, when as many as -a thousand people may be living under one roof, the need for working -together continued. With greater cooperation, leisure is likely to -increase, although sometimes this greater freedom is limited to a ruling -caste which makes great demands on the time of other individuals. This -does not appear to have been the case among the ancient Pueblo people as -they seem to have had an essentially democratic form of government. - -With added leisure, there is usually increasing development in the arts -and in religion. As more time can be devoted to religious practices, -ceremonies tend to become more elaborate and more formalized. Often a -priestly caste will arise which, as in the case of the concentration of -secular power, may result in autocracy. The Pueblos seem to have avoided -this danger too. The many kivas suggest that religion and its ceremonial -expression must have played a strong part in their daily lives, as it -does today. Undoubtedly there were priests who were figures of -importance in the community, but there is no evidence that they wielded -an autocratic power which gave them great material advantages over other -members of the group. - -Community living will have other far-reaching influences. When only a -small family group is living together, it must be almost entirely -self-sufficient and must produce practically everything which it uses. -As the group increases in size, specialization also tends to increase. -For example, a woman who makes exceptional baskets, but is not a -particularly skillful potter, may come to specialize in the making of -baskets which she can exchange for pottery made by someone who produces -a finer ware. Familiarity with the work of others will also stimulate -development, for new ideas will have a wider distribution and -competition will serve as a stimulating factor. - -There was no basic change in type of structure, for the great houses -were, in a sense, much enlarged and modified unit houses. The great -change lay in the joining together of great numbers of people. It must -not be thought, however, that all of the people lived in huge communal -dwellings such as those of Mesa Verde or Chaco Canyon. Actually many -groups continued to live in unit houses at a considerable distance from -the main centers, and many of the so-called great houses contained only -a small number of rooms. The really big houses were in the minority and -would appear to have been capable of sheltering only a small fraction of -the total population. - -There was undoubtedly a general trend toward a coalescence of the -population, however, and it is interesting to speculate on the reason -for this tendency. The fact that the great houses were admirably suited -to defense has given rise to the theory that the people began to move -together for protection against an outside enemy. There can be no doubt -that the need for defense was taken into consideration in the building -of the big structures, but this cannot be the whole answer. There is -some evidence of violence, but not a great deal. The utmost care was -taken in the construction of the great houses, and much time-consuming -work went into decoration. When danger threatens, speed becomes the -primary consideration, and the amenities of life are sacrificed. There -were many small houses in which a good portion of the population lived, -and these were not always in locations suitable for defense. Since -defense obviously was a consideration in the minds of the builders of -the great houses, and since there is some evidence of violence and -bloodshed, we cannot discount the role which warfare may have played in -architectural development, but it seems certain that this was not the -only factor which influenced this development. - -Another interesting theory has been proposed.[81] It is based on the -fact that, not only was there great building activity during this -period, but also that there was much restlessness and moving about. -Walls were torn down and rebuilt, and many buildings were abandoned and -new ones erected, without any reason that is apparent from -archaeological evidence. It has been suggested that this restlessness -and the intensity with which building activities were pursued may have -been an outlet for the repressions and inhibitions of a group which had -a cultural pattern with set rules against violence and excess. There is -great variation among the different groups which make up the Pueblo -Indians of today, but, in many cases, they have a cultural pattern that -upholds the golden mean and discourages all extremes.[4] Such a way of -life might well produce certain repressions which would result in a -general restlessness and desire for change and activity. - -The chief objection to this theory lies in the defensive character of -the great houses, which would suggest that violence was not unknown. In -times of war, desire for change and action is readily satisfied, and -socially approved reasons are provided for breaking away from many of -the established rules of society. Undoubtedly, though, the urge which -resulted in the creation of great community dwellings which were in -essence city-states, came to some extent from within the people -themselves and was not entirely the result of outside influences. Many -factors undoubtedly played a part, but the building of the big houses -must, in some measure, be regarded as an architectural vogue which, to a -great extent, stemmed from the desires as well as the needs of the -people. - -The causes which led to the abandonment of the great houses and which -resulted in the end of this phase of Pueblo development are just as -difficult to understanding as are those which led to their being -constructed in the first place. By 1300 A.D., the entire northern -section of the Plateau had been deserted. This was not the result of a -single mass migration, but rather of a wide general movement. First one -big center and then another was deserted. Even in these centers -themselves, all the inhabitants did not leave at the same time; rather -it seems that small groups drifted away, a few at a time. Eventually, -though, the entire northern frontier was deserted, and no living person -who had contributed to the growth and flowering of the culture remained. -Naturally, this strange departure has given rise to much conjecture. It -would be pleasant to be able to say that such and such a cause produced -this result. Unfortunately, anything connected with the human race is -rarely quite so simple. - -The invaluable tree-rings have not only provided us with dates for -various events, but have given us information about climatic conditions -which undoubtedly had a tremendous effect on the movements of the people -with whom we are concerned. From tree-ring records we know that during -the centuries when the hopes and fears of the prehistoric Pueblo Indians -were centered on their crops there were bad years as well as good ones. -We know of periods when rainfall was below normal, and of others when -there were real droughts. Most of these were of short duration, however, -until the disastrous period between 1276 and 1299 when there was -practically no rain, and the Southwest suffered an extremely severe -drought. It was during this period that the northern frontier was -finally abandoned, and the people moved to new localities. Some -archaeologists have felt that the disappearance of the Pueblos from -their old homes can be traced entirely to this disastrous drought. If -all the communities had been abandoned at the same time, this would be a -logical assumption. Actually, the time of the abandonment of all of the -main centers does not fall between these two dates. Some were deserted -prior to the beginning of the great drought and a few continued to be -occupied after the dry period had begun. - -One of the most interesting theories yet advanced is based on the -suggestion that a really severe drought was not necessary to upset the -economy of the Pueblo farmers.[10][39] Some dry farming was practiced -and there was some ditch irrigation, but the greatest dependence seems -to have been on flood-water farming in valley bottoms. This is a system -whereby water is simply diverted and distributed through the fields when -floods come down the valley. During periods when rainfall is deficient, -although not sufficiently so to warrant the use of the term drought, -steep channels, known as _arroyos_, are cut into flood plains; the -water-table is lowered, and flood-water fields become useless. Not only -may the fields themselves be dissected by the arroyo cutting, but water -can no longer be diverted for flood irrigation. If, as seems probable, -the great drought was only the climax of a period of increasing dryness -when much farmland was lost through arroyo-cutting, it is not hard to -understand why the Pueblo farmers might move on to more favored -localities. - -Another theory advanced to explain the departure of the ancient -agriculturists, and one which has enthusiastic supporters, is that they -were driven from their homes by fierce nomadic tribes who were attracted -by the wealth of food stored in their granaries.[73] Much of this -thinking is based on what we know of nomadic raids in general, and the -records of the terrible Navajo and Apache depredations from the middle -of the seventeenth century until their comparatively recent subjugation -by the United States Army. For years it has been the practice simply to -accept the belief that fierce warlike tribes had preyed on the peaceful -Pueblos for centuries. More recently, however, some searching questions -have been asked, and this theory is under close scrutiny.[80] - -It is granted that the type of construction employed in the Great-Pueblo -era indicates some need for defense, but it does not show against whom -the defense was needed. Assuming that there were nomadic tribesmen, -ready and anxious to carry away the patiently accumulated wealth of the -Pueblos, we must ask ourselves what advantage they would have had over -their victims which would have enabled them to carry out their -depredations. If the nomads had been mounted, as they were in later -times, they would have had the advantages of speed and mobility which -are essential for surprise attacks—the only type which would be of much -avail against a heavily fortified structure. Only much later, however, -were horses introduced into the Southwest; and at this time the -attackers would have had to travel on foot. - -Greater numbers, or superior organization, might have given them an -advantage, but we can hardly believe that the nomads were as numerous or -had as good an organization as that of the people of the Pueblos. The -region in which they presumably lived would certainly not support a -large population, and particularly one with an essentially parasitic -economy which did not produce. With such an economy, people cannot live -too close together without exhausting the available resources, and a -thinly spread population is unlikely to be highly organized. - -Great physical superiority may be another factor in the winning of -battles between people who have not yet become so civilized as to have -machines which will enable one individual to kill thousands of his -fellow men. Any physical superiority, however, would seem to rest with -the sedentary people who had an assured food supply. Moreover, their -life was still sufficiently rugged so that there can hardly be any -question of their having been greatly weakened by soft living. - -Doubtless, there were sporadic raids by nomads, and these may have had a -cumulative effect in upsetting Pueblo economy. The role played by -periods of arroyo-cutting and by droughts can certainly not be -overlooked. These may well have done more than reduce the food supply. -When food is scarce, raids are more likely to occur, and it is entirely -probable that the relationship between various groups deteriorated as -prosperity decreased. Toward the end of Great-Pueblo times we find -increasing signs of warfare in the form of burned buildings and unburied -bodies, many of which show evidence of violence. The latter are of the -characteristic Pueblo type, however, and would seem to indicate warfare -between people of the same blood. - - [Illustration: Fig. 28—Types of Great-Pueblo masonry. a. Chaco, b. - Mesa Verde, c. Kayenta.] - -The most logical theory seems to be that many factors contributed to the -great change which occurred in the Anasazi province. Doubtless, climatic -conditions were the great underlying cause, but there may have been -others. We cannot afford to confine our attention entirely to material -causes, but must take into consideration even the possibility that -fears, engendered by religious beliefs, may have played a part. All -this, however, is largely in the realm of conjecture, for, with no -written records, there can be no first hand information. - -Whatever the causes, the end of the Great-Pueblo period was marked by a -redistribution of population and a general trend toward concentration in -places where conditions were most favorable. While the chief movement -was from the north, there was also some withdrawing from the south. By -the beginning of the following period, which is sometimes known as the -_Regressive-Pueblo_ phase, much territory throughout the Plateau area -was deserted. Main population centers were confined to the central area -of the Plateau. This includes the Little Colorado drainage, particularly -the section in the vicinity of the Hopi mesas and the Zuñi region, and -the Rio Grande drainage. - -Although there were certain traits which characterized the culture as a -whole during the Great-Pueblo period, there was a somewhat different -development in each of the three main culture centers which flourished -at this time. In each of these there was an intense local specialization -in architecture and in pottery making. - -The latter, in fact, became so highly specialized that products of the -various areas may be identified no matter where they may be found. No -two pieces of pottery of each kind will be exactly alike, but they all -conform to a common ideal. It must be stressed that, by _culture -center_, we do not mean an entirely restricted area, but rather a -nuclear section in which specialization was most intense and from which -influence spread, often over a large area. - -The oldest settlement, and one which continued to be a cultural leader -with far-reaching influences for centuries, lies in the Chaco Canyon of -New Mexico.[61][73][95] The Chaco River is a tributary of the San Juan -which flows through northwestern New Mexico. Within the canyon are found -twelve large ruins, which include some of the most spectacular of the -ancient buildings erected in North America, and innumerable smaller -ruins. The twelve great communal buildings were more or less -rectangular, oval, or D-shaped structures, with up to four stories on -three sides, and a single-storied row of rooms which bowed out to the -southeast. Within the walls was a great open court or plaza which -contained numerous kivas. Other kivas were incorporated within the -building mass. It is interesting to note that the traditional -underground character of the ceremonial chamber was preserved through -filling in the space between the circular walls of the kiva and the -straight walls of the other rooms. - - [Illustration: Fig. 29—Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National - Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)] - -One of the largest and most famous Chacoan structures is called Pueblo -Bonito.[71] It was a town, consisting of a single building, which -covered over three acres of ground and contained at least eight hundred -rooms. It has been estimated that it could have sheltered 1200 -inhabitants, and it was the largest “apartment house” in the world until -a larger one was erected in New York in 1882. Building had begun at -Pueblo Bonito as early as 919 A.D., but it did not reach its final form -until 1067 A.D. or later. It is believed that the more definitely -planned settlement may have been the work of new and more progressive -people who moved into the area. - -Pueblo Bonito, as it stands today after archaeologists have cleared away -the dust of centuries and exposed it to view, is truly a remarkable -structure. Even in ruins, it is not too difficult to picture it as it -must have been during those long ago times when it was one of the great -cultural centers of the Southwest. On three sides of the center court -was the main building, terraced back from a one-story level in front to -four stories in the rear. With each succeeding row of rooms the height -was increased by one story. Extending from the ends and enclosing the -side to the south was a one-story row of rooms. Outside of this single -tier was the rubbish heap around which retaining walls were built. The -center court contained numerous kivas, and others were incorporated in -the building mass. - -In addition to the regular kivas, whose diameter rarely exceeded -twenty-five feet, there have also been found in Chaco Canyon, Aztec, and -other sites with Chacoan architecture, big circular structures with -diameters of from forty to sixty feet ringed by a concentric row of -small rooms. These are known as _Great Kivas_. They are thought to have -been religious edifices which served an entire community, while the -smaller kivas probably belonged to various clans or societies. Great -Kivas, though in a simpler form, were apparently present as far back as -Modified-Basketmaker times when most rites were performed in dwellings, -but a larger place was needed for ceremonies in which the people of a -whole community or district participated. - -Architecture in general reached its highest development in Chaco Canyon, -and there was real beauty as well as solidity of construction. The walls -were massive, although there was a decrease in thickness with succeeding -stories, as the weight resting upon them was reduced. The most -distinctive type of masonry consisted of a center portion of stone and -adobe or rubble, faced on two sides by a veneer of horizontally laid -thin, tabular stones. These are so perfectly fitted together that a -knife blade can scarcely be inserted between them. Sometimes this -particular type of stone was not available and it was necessary to use -more massively bedded stones which had to be dressed to the proper -shape, but the masonry was uniformly good. Great beams, stripped of bark -and beautifully dressed, were placed across the chambers. Small poles, -which were finished with equal care, were placed at right angles to the -main beams and so spaced as to form patterns. Over these lay carefully -fashioned mats of peeled willow, followed by a cedar splint layer. A -thick coat of earth overlay the entire mass, forming a floor for the -room above as well as a roof for the one below. - -The use of big logs, which do not bear the scars indicative of -transportation over a long distance, and the common use of willow, which -must have been abundant, suggest conditions different from those of -today. It is not known with certainty whether there has been a real -climatic change. Many believe that, when hoofed animals were introduced -by the white man, the grass cover was destroyed, and that this led to -the cutting of arroyos which carried off flood waters and lowered the -underground seepage and as a result the land became progressively drier, -but others believe that there were earlier periods of arroyo-cutting. - -Although severe erosion did not occur until a later time, it was a -process with which the ancient inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito were -familiar. Overlooking the Pueblo was a tremendous rock with an estimated -weight of 30,000 tons, detached from the cliff and seeming so -precariously balanced as to threaten the building. At the foot of the -rock the prehistoric inhabitants erected a brace of wood and stone -masonry. At first glance it seems a rather pathetic effort, but actually -it may not show any ignorance on the part of the ancient Bonitians, but -rather a familiarity with certain engineering principles which suggested -that protecting the base of the rock would curtail erosion and help to -prevent the threatened disaster. The fears of the prehistoric -inhabitants were never realized in their time, for it was not until -January 22, 1941, that the threatening rock finally fell. It damaged one -hundred feet of the back wall of the pueblo and twenty-one adjacent -rooms. - -Rooms in Chaco-Canyon structures were relatively large and high -ceilinged, with plastered walls. The inner rooms, which lacked light and -air, were used for storage. Household activities were not confined to -the rooms, for the roofs of the lower tiers provided additional living -space, and much work, such as the preparing of food, the making of -pottery, and the flaking of arrowheads, probably took place in the open. -Fire places are rare in the rooms, and it seems likely that much of the -cooking was done outside—in the courts and on the roofs. At first there -were doorways and high windows in the outer wall, but these were later -blocked off with masonry. The single gateway in the front of the pueblo -was first greatly narrowed and then entirely closed, so that the great -house could be entered only by means of a ladder which, if necessary, -could be withdrawn. This is some of the best evidence of the fear of -attack which must have existed. - - [Illustration: Fig. 30—Chaco black-on-white pottery of the - Great-Pueblo period. (Courtesy The American Museum of Natural - History; Taylor Museum photograph.)] - -In its own way, pottery reached as high a point of development as did -architecture. The main wares were black-on-white and corrugated. The -former was thin and hard, usually a good white, but sometimes a light -gray. Designs were, for the most part, hatchured patterns with the thin -filling lines surrounded by heavier boundary lines. Band decorations -were widely used. Bowls, pitchers, and ladles were the most usual -shapes, but cylindrical vases and effigy pots with human figures were -not unknown. The cooking ware was corrugated and usually consisted of -large jars with wide mouths. This pottery was very well made, with -attractive patterns produced by making sharp, clear-cut, indentations in -the corrugations. Some red pottery has also been found. - -Neither the architecture nor the pottery which we refer to as being of -the Chaco-Canyon type was limited to the narrow confines of the canyon -itself. They are also represented in such places as the great ruin at -Aztec, New Mexico,[94] and at various other sites in the San Juan area. -In some cases, particularly in northeastern Arizona, architecture was -Chacoan in character, but pottery was not. - -At Chaco Canyon, and in other Great-Pueblo centers, various minor arts -also flourished. Feather cloth continued to be made, and still provided -robes and blankets for the living and wrappings for the dead. Flocks of -domesticated turkeys were kept to provide feathers, and parrots and -other brilliantly colored birds were brought from the south. Cotton -fabrics were steadily increasing in importance. Some large blankets were -woven which must have required the use of an upright loom. Colored yarns -were used, and there was some painting of finished fabrics. Variations -in weaving also provided decoration. There is no evidence that the -people wore any tailored garments, but the remains of a poncho with a -slit for the head has been found. There were also some garments of -dressed buckskin, in addition to those of feather and cotton cloth. - -Some sandals with notched toes were woven of fine cord, but this art had -degenerated and decoration was less elaborate, both as regards colored -and raised patterns. Most sandals were of plaited yucca leaves, and many -had square toes. Twined-weaving does not seem to have survived. Coiled -baskets were still produced, but they were not plentiful. They were of a -finer weave than those of the preceding periods but had fewer colored -designs. Yucca ring baskets were extremely common. These were made by -fastening the outer edges of a bowl-shaped mat, made of twilled yucca -leaves, over a wooden ring. Twilled mats of rushes or reeds, were made -in quantity and were widely used as floor and roof coverings. Tubular -pipes were made of both clay and stone. These are rarely found whole, -and it is thought they may have been intentionally broken—possibly to -avoid profanation after use in sacred rites. - -It was in the field of ornaments that the minor arts of the Chaco people -reached their highest development. Olivella-shell beads were still -widely used, and there were also stone beads and stone and shell -pendants carved into the form of birds and animals; but it was turquoise -which provided the material for the finest ornaments. Some beautiful -mosaics were made of turquoise, and it was also used in the making of -beads. One incomparable necklace found at Pueblo Bonito contained -twenty-five hundred beads and four pendants of magnificent sky blue -stones.[71] All were shaped and polished with a skill that would do -credit to a modern jeweller with all his highly specialized tools. An -unbelievable amount of work must have gone into the production of such -an ornament when only stone tools were available. Unfortunately we do -not have many such specimens—due to the mystery which surrounds the -final disposition of the remains of the ancient inhabitants of Pueblo -Bonito. - -Although burials are commonly found in the refuse heaps associated with -the small dwellings of Chaco Canyon, the majority of the dead of the -great communal houses have never been found. Occasional burials have -been found but not enough to account for even five per cent of the -deaths which must have occurred during the period of occupation. Many of -the graves which have been found in abandoned rooms had already been -looted by pre-archaeological grave robbers. The few undisturbed -interments which have been discovered suggest that grave offerings were -extremely rich, and, with such an incentive, archaeologists have -searched far and wide for the ancient cemeteries, but, as yet, without -success. There is no indication that cremation was practiced, so there -is still hope that some day we may find the spot where the ancient -people laid the dead to rest, and so learn more of their arts and -crafts. - -Some idea of the remarkable finds which may yet be made may be gained -from a burial found in Ridge Ruin, a Great-Pueblo site about twenty -miles east of Flagstaff, Arizona.[88] Here was found the body of a man -interred with over six hundred articles, many of which show the most -remarkable workmanship. They included pottery, beautiful baskets, fine -turquoise mosaics, stone and shell ornaments, and hundreds of finely -flaked arrowheads. This was of course an unusual burial, and many of the -offerings were ceremonial objects such as would be placed in a grave -only under extraordinary circumstances, but it gives some idea of the -wealth of material which may yet be found and which will contribute to -our knowledge of the ancient Pueblo culture. - -The great dwellings of Chaco Canyon apparently were abandoned in the -twelfth century, and there is no doubt a fascinating story connected -with the abandonment of these huge buildings which were erected with so -much labor and finished with such care. It is a story which we do not -yet fully understand, and, to a great extent, we can only guess at the -causes which underlay the migration. It was probably the first phase of -the general movement which eventually involved the entire population of -the northern part of the Southwest, but it is even more difficult to -account for than some of the later migrations, for there were no -particularly severe droughts at this time. There were some dry years, -however, which may have led to disastrous arroyo-cutting. - -Some of the most famous of all buildings of this period are those of -Mesa Verde,[73][95] whose location in high cliffs has led to the use of -the name “Cliff Dwellers” for the people who lived here from the middle -of the eleventh century until the latter part of the thirteenth. Mesa -Verde is a large plateau in the drainage of the Mancos River in -southwestern Colorado. Here in great, high caves, protected by massive -sandstone overhangs, but open to the sun, were built huge houses which -were really cities. These pueblos were in many essentials like those of -Chaco Canyon and other open sites, but they seem to have grown by -accretion rather than according to a fixed plan, and the shape of the -structures was largely determined by that of the caves which sheltered -them. - -There are certain unmistakable differences between the architecture and -pottery of Chaco Canyon and of Mesa Verde. As in the case of the Chaco -culture, Mesa Verde traits were not confined to the type locality, but -had a far-reaching influence. Numerous ruins with the same basic -characteristics, but not necessarily in caves, are found along the -Mancos River and for some distance to the east and to the west. After -the abandonment of the Mesa Verde proper, the influence became quite -important in the south. - -At Mesa Verde walls were thinner than in the Chacoan houses. This can -probably be traced to the material used, as well as to the fact that the -cave ceilings somewhat limited the height of the buildings, and with the -reduced strain, thick walls were not needed. Flat tabular stones were -not available, and walls were constructed of massive stone which was -shaped into large, loaflike, blocks by pecking. Walls were of solid rock -with no center fill of rubble or earth, and little mortar was used. - - [Illustration: Fig. 31—Cliff Palace, Mesa Verde National Park, - Colorado.] - -Of the many ruins in Mesa Verde National Park the most famous, and also -the largest, is Cliff Palace.[125] With its many rooms and great stone -towers it does give the impression of a palace, but this is of course a -misnomer. Far from being the palace of a ruler, it was the home of -hundreds of farmers and their families. Cliff Palace is a terraced -building reaching to four stories in height in some places and -containing over two hundred rooms and twenty-three kivas. The rooms were -small, often irregularly shaped, and had low ceilings. Not all of them -were used as living quarters. Some were used for storage. Storage must -have been of great importance, since grain designed for winter food, as -well as seed corn, had to be preserved. Also, it is probable that these -ancient farmers accumulated large reserves to tide them over years when -the crops failed, as do their present-day descendants. Other rooms -contained boxlike structures of stone slabs which held metates, and -these are thought to have been milling rooms in which the corn was -ground. The living rooms, each one occupied by one family, were small -and probably none too comfortable. - -Some rooms were entered through the roofs but others had doors and -windows. Even when doors were present, they were small and high above -the floor and were probably reached by ladders. Few of the rooms -contained fireplaces. The smoke from a fire in a small room with -inadequate ventilation would present a definite problem, but life in the -winter in an unheated room in a high canyon would not seem particularly -appealing to present-day Americans. The walls of the houses were neatly -plastered, sometimes colored and sometimes embellished by well painted -designs. - -The small size of the rooms has often given rise to a belief that the -inhabitants were abnormally small. Actually the people were of normal -size, but they probably did not spend much time in the rooms. Much of -the life of the great house must have centered about the open courts and -terraced roofs. When the men were not working in the fields or hunting -on the mesa tops, they must have spent much time in their kivas, which -may have served as habitations for the unmarried men and general meeting -places, as well as providing a setting for the religious rites. While we -cannot be sure what these ceremonies were, it seems certain that they -were concerned with the well-being of the crops, which must be the first -concern of all farmers, and that their form and content must have been -greatly influenced by the ever present need of water which has always -dominated life in the Southwest. - -Most of the kivas were small circular structures, about thirteen feet in -diameter, with the wall set back a foot or more, some three feet above -the floor, to form an encircling bench. On this bench were six masonry -pilasters which helped to support a cribbed roof. The spaces between -pilasters formed recesses. The one to the south was the deepest and -contained the ventilator flue. The deflector, which stood between it and -the center fire pit, was usually of masonry, but sometimes of wattle -work. In addition to these circular kivas, which were the normal type, -there were also circular or rectangular rooms with rounded corners which -seem to have had a ceremonial nature, although they lacked the usual -kiva features and were not subterranean, though surrounded by high -walls. For the most part kivas lay in the front of the cave, but there -were also some in the rear. - -In addition to the various rooms and kivas there were also towers, -sometimes incorporated in the building-mass of the great house, and -sometimes built separately. They had various shapes, including round, -oval, D-shaped, and rectangular. Some were two stories high. There were -doorways in the side, but no windows. There are many theories as to the -use of these towers, but there are some objections to all of them. One -is, that they were designed as observation posts to watch for enemies, -or as fortresses. They are usually loop-holed and, when found at a -distance from the dwelling, are often on easily defended points which -command a good view of the adjoining terrain. This, however, is not -invariably the case, for some of the isolated towers are so placed that -there would be little visibility, and defense would be extremely -difficult. Many are far too small to have served as fortresses. Another -theory is that they may have had some ceremonial use, and may have -served as solar observatories to obtain calendrical data essential in -the planting and harvesting of crops and fixing of dates for religious -rites connected with these activities. Some, however, are located in -spots not suitable for making such observations. - -Across the canyon from Cliff Palace is a remarkable surface-structure -known as “Sun Temple”, which some archaeologists consider an elaborate -form of tower. This is an unroofed D-shaped building with double walls -over twelve feet high. The space between the walls is divided into small -rooms, and there are ten other rooms at the west end of the building. -There is one kiva in this western section and two others in the big -center court enclosed by the walls. - -Life in Mesa Verde, as in all the Pueblo area, depended on agriculture. -There was dry farming on the mesa tops, but irrigation was particularly -well developed here.[7] A broad, shallow ditch, some four miles long, -and with a very regular gradient has been found on the Mesa Verde. -Apparently water was turned out on the cornfields from this ditch. There -were also check dams which caught the run-off of heavy summer rains and -made it available for the crops. They served a further purpose in -conserving soil which might otherwise have been washed away. Reservoirs -were present and must have also provided water for the fields, but they -have not yet been studied sufficiently for us to have much information -as to their construction or use. - -Mesa Verde pottery is as distinctive as its architecture. Fine -corrugated vessels were made, and a small percentage of imported red -pottery was present, but the outstanding ware was black-on-white. This -pottery has certain distinctive features which make it easy to -recognize. The walls are fairly thick, and rims tend to be square and -flat. The background is a pearly white with grayish undertones. Most -vessels have been so carefully polished that they have a glossy surface -which sometimes almost gives an impression of translucence. The -decoration, applied with black paint, is usually in the form of -geometric patterns, although a few bowls show life-forms in their -designs. Band patterns were extremely common, and many large solid -elements as well as hatchured patterns were used. The latter tend to be -much coarser than those on Chaco pottery. The most distinctive forms -were flat-bottomed mugs, which resemble beer steins, and “kiva jars.” -The latter are vessels in the form of a somewhat flattened sphere, with -fitted covers resting on an inner rim, as do those of modern sugar -bowls. There were also many bowls, ollas (water jars), ladles, canteens, -and seed jars. - - [Illustration: Fig. 32—Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery of the - Great-Pueblo period. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)] - -The minor arts of Mesa Verde seem to have been much like those of Chaco -Canyon, but neither material nor craftsmanship appears to have been as -good. Again, the scarcity of burials has reduced the chances of -obtaining much valuable information. In open sites they have been found -occasionally in refuse heaps, but more often they occur in pits under -floors of houses which continued to be occupied, or in abandoned rooms. -At Mesa Verde a few burials have been found in refuse heaps behind the -houses, a few under the floors of abandoned rooms, and others in the -cracks and crevices of the talus slope in front of the caves. There is -also some evidence of occasional cremations.[24] On mesa tops, have been -found a few stone rings overlying calcined human bones, and one room in -Cliff Palace was found to contain ashes and human bones. There is no -evidence, however, that cremation was widely practiced, and the few -graves which have been found would account for only a small fraction of -the deaths which must have occurred during the period of occupancy. It -is believed probable that most burials may have been in the refuse heaps -in front of the caves and that they have weathered away. - -The last building date we have for Mesa Verde is 1273, but it is -possible that the great houses may have been occupied for some time -after this. The final date of departure probably falls within the period -of the disastrous drought of 1276 to 1299, when the farmers of Mesa -Verde must have been fighting a losing battle against overwhelming odds. -The departure seems to have been an orderly one, for the people took -most of their possessions with them. There does not seem to have been -any one, great migration. Rather it appears that first one section, and -then another, was abandoned as one or more small groups moved on. The -abandonment of the cliff houses has given rise to many fantastic -stories, and there has grown up a certain belief that the “Cliff -Dwellers” more or less disappeared into thin air. Certainly there is -enough mystery connected with this strange departure, but great numbers -of people do not simply vanish. Actually, they moved farther and farther -south, and perhaps to the southeast and southwest, looking for more -favorable locations. As they mingled with other groups they lost their -identity, but doubtless there is still a strain of Mesa Verde blood in -the present Pueblo Indian population. Perhaps the Indian, whom we see -selling jewelry in the lobby of some modern Southwestern hotel, had -ancestors who helped build the ancient city which we know as Cliff -Palace. - -In addition to sites which were occupied by people with a Chacoan -culture and those inhabited by people with Mesa Verde affiliations, -there are others which show both influences at different periods. Lowry -Ruin,[81] not far from Mesa Verde in southwestern Colorado, contains a -Pueblo and a Great Kiva with Chacoan Masonry. The early pottery was not -entirely like that found in sites in the Chaco Canyon itself, but -closely resembled it. It must be emphasized that _Chacoan_ is simply a -term which refers to a generalized culture, and not just to the sites of -the type locality. In the top portion of the fill of some rooms at Lowry -Ruin is found Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery. It is not known whether -this indicates the presence of Mesa Verde people, or if only the -pottery, or perhaps even the technique, was introduced. We do know, -however, that Lowry Pueblo was occupied, abandoned, and then reoccupied -a number of times from the time when it was first built, late in the -eleventh century, until it was finally deserted, about the middle of the -twelfth century. This is one of the sites which does much to upset -certain theories as to the causes of the abandonment of the northern -frontier. It was not prepared for defense, and had entrances on the -ground level, and there is no indication of any violence. Final -abandonment came long before the great drought of 1276 to 1299. - -An even more famous site is that of Aztec,[94] now a National Monument, -which lies one mile north of the town of Aztec, New Mexico. Here were -built a big communal house and Great Kiva with Chacoan masonry. The -ground plans were almost identical with those of Chettro Kettle, one of -the important structures of Chaco Canyon. The main building was in the -shape of a square “U”, with an arc-shaped row of rooms in front. More -famous than the Pueblo itself is the “House of the Great Kiva.” This -remarkable structure was essentially circular, and consisted of a large -kiva surrounded by a concentric ring of arc-shaped surface-rooms. The -kiva, which was encircled by two benches or shelves, was forty-one feet -across at floor level and forty-eight feet in diameter at the level of -the second bench. In the floor were two large, masonry-lined, sub-floor -vaults and a masonry box, midway between the south ends of the vaults, -which is believed to have been a fire altar. The twelve rooms -surrounding the kiva are not stained and littered, as are the usual -living quarters, so it seems certain that they were strictly ceremonial -chambers. On the south side is an alcove, opening directly into the -kiva, which is thought to have been a shrine room. A rectangle of -masonry in the center of the alcove was presumably a permanent altar. - - [Illustration: Fig. 33—Betatakin, Navajo National Monument, Arizona. - (Courtesy National Park Service.)] - -Some of the living rooms in the pueblo bear evidence of Mesa Verde -workmanship, and almost 95% of the pottery is of the Mesa Verde type. -This gave rise to the belief that Aztec was a hybrid settlement of -people of both cultures. Excavation proved that the explanation was not -quite so simple. The original builders of the Pueblo and Great Kiva had -Chacoan connections. They occupied the Pueblo for many years, then, -taking their possessions with them, they moved away. Why they left, or -where they went, we do not know. For a long time the Pueblo was -abandoned, then a group of Mesa Verde people arrived and moved in. They -changed and modified many of the rooms in accordance with their own -customs. The rooms which they built were smaller and the masonry was of -the typical Mesa Verde type, as was the pottery. After this immigration -the great house was occupied for a long time. At first the people were -quite prosperous, but eventually there came a period of depression and -disintegration. Building techniques became progressively worse, and -there was an equal deterioration in pottery making. Living quarters were -no longer cleaned. Many women and children died, and, when they were -buried few, if any, mortuary offerings were placed with them. The end -came when the pueblo was intentionally fired and destroyed. Whether this -was done by the people themselves, or by enemies who attacked them when -they were no longer able to defend themselves, we do not know. - -In the vicinity of Kayenta, Arizona, which lies to the south of the San -Juan and west of both Mesa Verde and Chaco Canyon, was a third cultural -center with far-reaching influences.[3][73] Here are found both cliff -houses and pueblos in the open. Two of the largest and most famous cliff -dwellings are Keet Seel and Betatakin. These were among the last of the -great houses of the San Juan area to be occupied. Tree-ring dates for -Betatakin range between 1260 and 1277, and those for Keet Seel between -1274 and 1284. By the latter date the remainder of the northern frontier -had been almost entirely deserted. - -The masonry throughout was quite inferior. It was somewhat better in the -open sites, which were characterized by loose aggregations of houses, -than in the cliff houses. On the whole, masonry was marked by the use of -irregularly shaped stones, inaccurate coursing, and the use of great -quantities of adobe mortar. Also, wattlework walls, that is, walls -formed of upright poles through which were interwoven smaller sticks, -were quite common. One of the chief differences between the Kayenta area -and other cultural centers lies in the kivas. In open sites and in some -cliff houses, of which Bat Woman House is a good example, only circular -kivas are found, but they lack the pilasters characteristic of such -structures in other sections. At Keet Seel there are some kivas, but -many of the ceremonial structures are of another type, sometimes called -_kihus_. These are square above-ground chambers which contain the -characteristic fire pits and deflectors of kivas, but have a door -instead of an air shaft. At Betatakin this is the only type of -ceremonial room. - -Pottery from this area differs in many respects from that of the eastern -sites. Corrugated pottery was made, but it displays poorer workmanship -and less graceful shapes than examples from Chaco and Mesa Verde. -Black-on-white ware was excellent, with a good paste and a clear slip. -The decoration is fine and quite distinctive. Elaborate patterns, -primarily interlocking keys, frets, and spirals, were used. The -elements, painted in black, are so close together and so heavy that -little of the white background shows and a negative design results, -giving the impression of a white design on a black background. What -little of the white background does appear is often hatched or -cross-hatched, giving what has been described as a “mosquito bar” -effect. The principal forms were ollas, bowls, and ladles. Seed jars and -small handled jugs were also made, but they were not as common. An -important form was the colander, a type of utensil which was confined to -this culture. - - [Illustration: Fig. 34—Black-on-white pottery from the Kayenta area. - Great-Pueblo period. (Courtesy Museum of Northern Arizona.)] - -The most distinctive Kayenta pottery was a polychrome ware on which, as -the name implies, multiple colors were used. The base color was orange -or yellow, and designs were applied in black, red, and white paint. -There was a wide use of broad, red bands outlined in black or in black -and white. Coarse hatchures divided into groups, with other design -elements between the groups, were quite common. There was an abundance -of this ware, although bowls and small handled jugs were the only forms -represented. - -Very few burials have been found in the cliff houses. A small number -have been uncovered in unoccupied sections of the caves, in the talus -slope in front, and in small shelters nearby. In open sites closely -flexed bodies accompanied by mortuary pottery have been found in oval -pits dug in the rubbish heaps. - -Although attention is naturally centered on the San Juan region, where -the Great Pueblo culture had its most spectacular development and where -the most extensive excavations have been carried on, the remainder of -the Plateau Province cannot be overlooked. - -Sixteen miles from Zuñi, in the Little Colorado drainage, is a famous -site, known as the “Village of the Great Kivas.”[108] Here were found -three communal dwellings and two Great Kivas. Of the latter, only one -has been excavated. It was bordered with rooms but had no true -peripheral chambers. Both are larger than the Great Kiva at Aztec. The -one which has been excavated is fifty-one feet in diameter, and the -unexcavated one is seventy-five feet across. In addition to these -structures and some small kivas associated with the largest building, -there were two rectangular rooms with kiva features. These are similar -to the fraternity chambers used in Zuñi at the present time. The -construction of the village was begun in the eleventh century by people -with a Chacoan culture. After a time, due to the arrival of new people, -the community increased in size. It is thought that these people came -from the south, possibly from the Upper Gila region. - -To the west, in what we now know as the Hopi country, good-sized Pueblos -were being constructed. There was much black-on-white and gray -corrugated pottery and, in the latter part of the period, fine pottery -with black designs on an orange background was made. Kivas were -rectangular or D-shaped. To the south and east of this region a -particularly fine polychrome ware was being made. Black and white -designs were applied on an orange-red background. - -Still farther south, in the vicinity of Fort Apache, Arizona, is -Kinishba, a Great-Pueblo site occupied between 1050 and 1350 A. D. It -combined three pueblos, of which two have been excavated. The main -building is an irregularly rectangular structure, built around a big -central court, which seems to have grown by accretion rather than -according to fixed plan. The masonry was not particularly good. The -stones were not carefully shaped, and there was an extensive use of -mortar. Many fine ornaments were made. Kinishba appears to have been -something of a trade center, and pottery characteristic of many -different areas is found here. One distinctive type of pottery which was -made locally was a polychrome ware with red and black designs on a buff -background. - -The Rio Grande drainage, to the east, did not become a very important -province until the following period, but there is evidence of the -presence of a scattered population as far back as Developmental-Pueblo -times. Eventually, migrations from the north brought in many new people. -Prior to that time architecture was not highly developed. There was -little coursed masonry, but extensive use of adobe. Some rather inferior -black on white pottery of a generalized type and a poor corrugated ware -were manufactured, and a little black-on-red pottery was imported. - -In the Mimbres drainage of southwestern New Mexico, lived a group of -people who, during the Great-Pueblo Period, made some of the most -remarkable pottery that has ever been produced. Although they are often -considered as part of the Anasazi, much of their development was due to -two other cultures as well. Because of this, discussion of the Mimbres -people and their achievements will be postponed until the other cultures -have been considered. - - - The Largo-Gallina Phase - -In the Largo drainage of north-central New Mexico some extremely -interesting remains of a Pueblolike people have been found.[91] -Chronologically they fit into Great-Pueblo times, but they are not -entirely Anasazi in culture. The name _Largo_ has been given to this -cultural phase. Tree-ring dates have been obtained in Largo sites, and -it is possible to place the period of occupation as extending from the -beginning of the twelfth to the middle of the thirteenth century. - -The inhabitants of these sites lived in both pit and surface houses. -These structures are relatively large. The latter have massive walls of -uncoursed masonry up to four feet thick. All dwellings contained -low-walled storage bins. Although more evidence will be needed before -definite conclusions may be reached, it seems possible to show a -definite architectural development from pit houses to the thick walled -surface houses of uncoursed masonry which were followed by others with -coursed masonry walls. Other, presumably later, structures may be -described as small pueblos, but these have not yet been thoroughly -investigated. - - [Illustration: Fig. 35—Largo surface house.] - - [Illustration: Largo artifacts, a. pointed-bottomed pot, b. axe, c. - arrow-shaft smoother. (Courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology.)] - -Black-on-white pottery, which was Puebloan in character, was made, but -most of the utility ware was unlike anything made elsewhere by the -Anasazi. These vessels had pointed bottoms and were decorated with -fillets at the rim or just below. They were not scraped, but were -smoothed by holding a mushroom-shaped object inside the vessel, while it -was still plastic, and striking the exterior with a wooden paddle. This -is known as the _paddle-and-anvil_ technique. These vessels resemble -Woodland pottery from the eastern United States and Navajo cooking pots. - -Other distinctive artifacts included axes of a triple-notched type which -required a T-shaped hafting, arrow-shaft smoothers, and elbow-shaped -pipes. The smoothers are large pieces of fine grained rock with deep -grooves in which arrow shafts were rubbed in the process of shaping -them. On the bowls of the pipes were two little leglike projections -which served to provide a base when they were not in use. There was an -extensive use of antler. - -To the east of the Largo country and on the other side of the -continental divide are found similar sites which represent the same -culture. This phase has been called the Gallina.[63] Both phases are -often considered together and referred to as the _Largo-Gallina_. - -In the Gallina country there is the same combination of pit houses and -surface structures as in the Largo sites. Most sites are in good -defensive positions, but this is not true of all of them. Sites usually -consist of three or four house units grouped together, although single -houses also have been found. Most of these dwellings are towerlike -structures, square in outline but with rounded corners. They range from -eighteen to twenty feet in diameter and have walls still standing to a -height of from twelve to seventeen feet. These walls were -extraordinarily massive, being in some cases as much as six feet thick. -House interiors were characterized by flagstone floors and the wide use -of storage bins with sandstone covers. The bins were usually on the -south side. In most houses, there was an adobe bench encircling the -northern part of the room. Fine murals had been painted above the bench -in one house. On the whole, these structures resemble square kivas to -which bins have been added, although they were used as homes and not as -ceremonial chambers. Roofs consisted of a pole and adobe foundation with -flagstones providing a shingled effect. Entrance appears to have been -through the roof which, due to the great height of the buildings, must -have been reached by ladders or platforms. In addition to the towerlike -buildings there are also pit houses which are found in conjunction with -them. - -Anasazi traits include twilled yucca sandals, coiled basketry, -feather-cloth, twined-bags, and black-on-white pottery. Axes, -shaft-smoothers, and pipes, resemble those found in Largo sites and the -cooking pots with the pointed bottoms are the same. Chisel-like objects -made of deer and elk antler and unusual stone knives were also found. -The latter were leaf-shaped blades with notches in the sides close to -the center. One end was pointed and the other somewhat blunted. It is -the latter end which seems to have been used while the pointed end was -hafted. - -In general, the Largo-Gallina seems to be a Pueblo phase, probably -derived from the Rosa phase[41] of the Governador area, which was -subjected to foreign influences, probably from the north. Similarities -between Largo-Gallina and Navajo utility vessels may indicate some -relationship. - - - Athapaskan People - -We may next consider the problem of the Navajos and Apaches who figured -so prominently in Southwestern history. They are relative newcomers in -the area and it is only within recent years that they have stirred the -interest of many archaeologists, although the Navajos have been -literally haunted by ethnologists for a long time. - -Both Navajos and Apaches speak dialects of the Athapaskan language which -is spoken by many groups in northwestern Canada. At some time in the -relatively recent past, groups of Athapaskan-speaking people left their -northern homeland and drifted southward, some going along the coast and -others wandering farther east. Some reached the Southwest and the -descendants of these migrants are the Indians whom we know as Navajos -and Apaches. - -There are many theories as to the route which they followed. Recent -finds, in the Colorado Rockies, of circular structures of dry-laid -masonry which are non-Pueblo in character and which resemble certain -Navajo houses or hogans, suggest that at least some of the migrants may -have followed the main mountain ranges.[68] It is also possible that -they may have moved south through the Great Basin west of the Rocky -Mountains, or along the High Plains east of the mountains. Pottery finds -give 1100 A. D. as the earliest date for the hoganlike structures in the -Colorado mountains. It is not certain that these houses were built by -Athapaskan people, however, and there is no definite knowledge as to -just when the Athapaskans reached the Southwest and first came into -contact with the Pueblo Indians. The earliest tree-ring date yet -obtained in the Pueblo area from any site which we may be sure is Navajo -is from the Governador area and falls in the middle of the sixteenth -century.[40] If the Navajos arrived as early as 1200 A.D. they may have -influenced the Largo-Gallina people and have been influenced by them, -but this is still a moot question. A relatively early arrival might also -aid in explaining the withdrawal of the Pueblos from the northern area. - - - SUMMARY - -We may summarize the Great-Pueblo period as follows. It was the period -in which the Anasazi culture attained its highest development, and it -was marked by intense local specialization. Most of the basic aspects of -the culture had already been well established, but there was tremendous -improvement and amplification. Unit houses continued to be occupied -throughout the period but there was a general coalescence of the -population. The trend was toward concentration in great, terraced -communal houses, up to five stories in height, and large enough to -shelter hundreds of people. Some were built in the open and others in -large natural caverns in cliffs. Small kivas, presumably used by small -groups such as clans, were incorporated in the houses or placed in the -central court. There were also Great Kivas, larger and more elaborate -structures, believed to have served an entire community. There was local -variation in architectural details, both as regards masonry types and -house structures. - -Pottery was remarkably fine and designs were often quite elaborate. -There was such specialization that the products of various centers are -readily distinguished. Culinary ware was corrugated. Among the decorated -types, black-on-white predominated but there was some black-on-red ware -and some black bowls with red interiors, and in the Kayenta district and -farther south polychrome pottery was widely made. Late in the period -black-on-orange wares became important in the Little Colorado drainage. - -Much progress was made in the weaving of cotton cloth. Ornaments were -highly developed and turquoise was widely used. Remarkable mosaics as -well as beads and pendants were manufactured. Some coiled baskets were -still made but yucca ring baskets were the leading type. - -Although it is only in the realm of material culture that we have -concrete evidence, there can be little doubt that the heights reached in -the production of material things must have been reflected in the whole -life of the people. There is every reason to believe that an essentially -democratic form of government prevailed, but communal living must have -required a high degree of organization. Doubtless religion played a -great part in the life of the community and had far-reaching influences. - -In the latter part of the thirteenth century, the Southwest seems to -have had a dry period, marked by arroyo cutting that destroyed farmland, -which was followed by a disastrous drought. These factors, with possible -raids by nomadic warriors, internal discord, and probably others of -which we are ignorant, led to a general withdrawal of population from -many areas and a concentration in the central portion of the Plateau. - - - THE REGRESSIVE AND HISTORIC-PUEBLO PERIODS - -The period which followed the Great-Pueblo era and which lasted until -historic times was called _Pueblo IV_ under the Pecos Classification. It -was defined as “the stage characterized by contraction of area occupied; -by the gradual disappearance of corrugated wares; and, in general, by -decline from the preceding cultural peak.”[74] At the present time it is -often referred to as the _Regressive-Pueblo_ period.[110] This term is -not really satisfactory. Admittedly, the latter part of the thirteenth -and the beginning of the fourteenth century was a period of great -instability, migrations occurred, and centers of population shifted. -Once the shift had been made, however, important new communities -developed in the drainages of the Little Colorado and the Rio Grande, -and a renaissance began. It seems entirely possible that the Pueblo -people might have achieved another remarkably high cultural stage had it -not been for the arrival of the Spaniards in 1540. - -Even after Europeans arrived in the Southwest, the native culture was -far from being completely submerged, and, while aboriginal progress was -retarded, it was not entirely stopped. Since the first advent of white -men in the Southwest until the present day, the Pueblos have fought what -sometimes appears to be a losing battle against the encroachment of -European, and later, of American culture. Actually the battle has not -yet been entirely lost. We shall never know how the Pueblo people might -have developed, and what heights they might have reached had they been -left to their own devices. At least, though, they have not been entirely -assimilated by the civilization which has engulfed them, and they have -succeeded in retaining some of their old way of life. - -It might seem that as soon as written records become available for a -period it should be classed as historic rather than prehistoric. The -Pueblo Indians, however, were sufficiently successful in withstanding -outside influences that the terminal date for the Regressive-Pueblo -period is usually given as 1700, and only the period from 1700 to the -present is called the _Historic-Pueblo_ period. - -The trend during Regressive-Pueblo times was toward larger houses. In -the Hopi area the early houses were characterized by fine masonry and -covered about an acre of ground. Later they became much larger and, in -some cases, covered from ten to twelve acres of ground. These houses -were sometimes made up of long rows of buildings with plazas between -them. Kivas were rectangular, with a niche at one end of the room -containing a bench. The normal size was about ten or fourteen feet -square. On the floor, which was usually paved with stones, are found -loom blocks. These are sandstone blocks with depressions designed to -hold poles on which the warp threads are wound. The finding of these -loom blocks in prehistoric kivas is most interesting, for, among the -Hopi even today, the weaving is done by the men in the kivas. The use of -commercially woven fabrics for most clothing has naturally curtailed the -practice of this craft, but ceremonial clothing and fine white blankets -which serve as wedding robes are still woven in the kivas. - -The early pottery was largely black-on-yellow, but some polychrome ware -was made, and there was also plain cooking pottery and some corrugated. -The latter became progressively less widely used, and later cooking ware -is almost entirely plain. In some later sites some of the -black-on-yellow ware is marked by a distinctive stippling technique as -black paint was splattered over the yellow background. During the period -from 1400 to 1625 some of the most beautiful pottery ever made in the -Southwest was being produced in the Hopi country. This is a polychrome -ware which bears exceptionally fine designs, which include geometric and -life forms and particularly graceful patterns, applied in red and black -paint on a yellow background. Over forty years ago, archaeologists were -excavating ancient villages in the Hopi country and finding examples of -this beautiful ware. A woman of the village of Walpi, named Nampeyo, was -the wife of one of the workmen employed by the expedition. She was -already a fine potter, and she recognized the great artistry represented -by these ancient vessels. She began to use similar designs and continued -to produce remarkably fine pottery for over thirty years, although, for -much of that time, her sight was failing and eventually she became -blind, and the final painting of the graceful vessels which she had -shaped had to be entrusted to others. The influence of this talented -woman can still be seen in the fine pottery made by Hopi women of the -First Mesa. - - [Illustration: Fig. 36—Cavate dwellings and talus houses at - Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park - Service.)] - -In the Zuñi district houses and kivas were much like those of the Hopi -country. Pottery in this area was largely decorated with glaze paints. -These are vitreous mixtures obtained by the use of lead in the paint. -Glaze paints were difficult to apply and had a tendency to run or settle -in masses. As a result, designs were poor, but the use of glazes was -confined to decorations and entire vessels were not covered. - -In the Rio Grande drainage, people with an earlier Pueblo culture were -just beginning to come together into large communities when this period -began. Doubtless, the advent of people from other parts of the Plateau -province did much to intensify this trend. As time went by, houses -became larger and fewer in number. Tuff blocks and adobe were widely -used in their construction and there was some use of _cavate_ dwellings. -These are rooms, excavated into the back walls of caves, which have -porchlike chambers in front. - -Two famous Regressive-Pueblo sites in this region, which are known to -many tourists, are Puye,[62] on the Pajarito Plateau, and Tyuonyi in El -Rito de los Frijoles.[60] Beams from Puye have yielded tree-ring dates -ranging from 1507 to 1565. This settlement, perched on a huge mass of -yellowish gray tuff, consists of two aggregations of buildings. Forming -a quadrangle on top of the mesa, were four, terraced community houses -built around a court. There were also houses built in and against the -cliff walls, usually at the top of the talus slope. At Tyuoni, whose -dates range between about 1423 and 1513, there is a great communal house -which was, in part, two stories high and roughly circular in form. It -was made of tuff blocks. Three small kivas were built in the center -court or plaza. A few hundred yards to the east of the ruin lies a large -kiva. For a little over a mile along the canyon wall were cave rooms dug -into the cliff and rows of small houses built of tuff blocks. Some of -the cave rooms had porchlike structures erected in front of them, but -others did not. - -The largest and strongest pueblo during this period was Pecos, which lay -at the headwaters of the Pecos River in northern New Mexico.[73] The -first buildings were erected shortly before 1300, and final abandonment -did not come until 1838. Such a long record is, of course, of tremendous -archaeological importance, and it is indeed fortunate that some of the -most extensive and painstaking excavations ever undertaken in the -Southwest were at this site. There was evidence of at least six distinct -towns. Great masses of pottery have been excavated, with careful -attention being paid to stratigraphy, and very detailed studies have -been made.[75][77] Well over a thousand skeletons have been obtained and -given careful study. - - [Illustration: Fig. 37—Tyuonyi, Bandelier National Monument, New - Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)] - -Throughout the Rio Grande area, glazed wares were widely made. The -earlier forms had glazed designs applied on red vessels. Later, light -colored vessels were used. A series of six different types of glazed -wares, which were chronologically sequent, have been identified. By 1540 -decorations were very carelessly applied and glazed wares were not of a -high quality. It was not, however, until the latter part of the -seventeenth century that they disappeared altogether and were replaced -by light colored vessels, with designs in dull red and black paint, much -like those made by the many present-day Indians. - - [Illustration: Fig. 38—Glazed ware from the Rio Grande area. - Regressive-Pueblo period. (Courtesy School of American Research.)] - -In the northern Rio Grande area black-on-white pottery died out to a -great extent and was largely replaced by what we know as Biscuit -Ware.[90] This name is derived from the resemblance of this pottery to -china in the “biscuit stage” of manufacture. Biscuit ware is a thick -pottery with a soft crumbly paste tempered with volcanic tuff. The -background is a light gray or tan, and somewhat coarse designs are -applied in black paint. Corrugated culinary ware was replaced by plain -black pottery. - -In southeastern New Mexico, and extending into Texas, a distinctive ware -made during this period is found. This has a brown slip. Bowl exteriors -are undecorated, but the interiors have designs applied in red and -black. Associated with it, is a plain brick-red ware. - -The story of the Spanish conquest of the Southwest, which was -interrupted by a revolt of the Pueblos in 1680, is as dramatic a tale as -history can produce. Although 1540 is the date usually given for the -first meeting between the Pueblo Indians and the Spaniards, it was -actually in 1539 that the first contact occurred. In that year a -Franciscan monk, Fray Marcos de Niza, accompanied by a Moor named -Esteban, started north from Mexico to investigate tales of large and -wealthy cities which were rumored to lie in that direction. Esteban went -on ahead, and, reaching what is now New Mexico, was slain by the -Indians. Fray Marcos did not dare to proceed, but caught a glimpse of -one of the pueblos of Zuñi from a distance, and returned with tales of -great cities. - - [Illustration: Fig. 39—Biscuit ware from the Rio Grande area. - Regressive-Pueblo period. (Courtesy School of American Research.)] - -In 1540 an expedition was organized under the leadership of Francisco -Vasquez de Coronado to search for the fabulous “Seven Cities of Cibola” -in the north. After a long and difficult journey the expedition reached -Hawikuh, one of the Zuñi villages. The disappointment of the adventurers -may well be imagined, for here was no city of gold, ready to yield its -wealth to the invaders, but a community of simple farmers who, not only -had no riches, but had little conception of the role that wealth could -play in society. Later, Coronado moved his forces to Tiguex on the Rio -Grande, another Pueblo town. Trouble soon developed, and the Indians -were massacred. The Spaniards then moved on to the Pueblo of Pecos, and -there followed an expedition into the Plains as the search continued for -the fabulous and mythical golden cities. In 1542, Coronado and his men -withdrew to New Spain, and the Pueblos were left in peace for forty -years. After 1580, various expeditions entered the Pueblo domain, and in -1598 it became a part of the Spanish dominions. In 1609 the city of -Santa Fe was founded. - -From the beginning there was a clash between the two cultures. The -Pueblos resisted as best they could, but they were no match for the more -highly organized Spaniards with their superior weapons and their -inestimable advantage of being mounted. The colonizers and missionaries -who entered the country looked upon the Indians as a subject people; -there were abuses and many excesses, and the Indians were shamefully -exploited. Corn, the all-important staple of the Indians, was -requisitioned, and Spanish horses trampled Pueblo corn fields. Every -effort was made to break down the prevailing form of government. -Missionaries were determined to destroy the old religion and make -converts among the natives. The principle, that the end justifies the -means, was developed in its most pernicious form. There were floggings -and hangings, and Indians were sold into slavery. All in all, it is a -disgraceful page in history. Even the most cursory glance at our own -record of dealings with various Indian groups, however, suggests that we -are hardly in a position to “cast the first stone.” Under the -circumstances, even the smallest pebble would be excessive. - -The presence of the Spaniards had other far-reaching and disastrous -effects on the Pueblos. They had no immunity to European diseases, and -many died. Worst of all, however, was the increasing pressure of fierce -nomadic tribes. Tribes, such as the Utes, the Comanches, the Navajos and -the Apaches, had been something of a menace before, but, as they -acquired horses, stolen from the Spaniards, their mobility was greatly -increased, and they became a scourge, sweeping over the Southwest, -killing, pillaging, and destroying. - -In 1642, there was a mild revolt of the Pueblo Indians against the -Spaniards in which the Governor of the territory was killed, but they -were not well organized and the revolt was soon put down. It was not -until 1680 that a successful revolt took place. This dramatic episode in -Southwestern history has been called “the first American Revolution.” -The success of the undertaking was largely due to Popé, an old medicine -man of the Pueblo of San Juan. When the Spaniards first appeared there -were some seventy villages. By 1680 the number had been greatly reduced. -Added to the difficulties imposed by the lack of a common language, was -the separation of the Pueblos, not only as regards distance, but in -another and more important sense. As has already been pointed out, each -of the pueblos was essentially a separate city-state with its own -government, and, to some extent, its own culture. Popé, however, -succeeded in interesting the people of the scattered communities in the -common cause. First, the people of Taos were enlisted and then, one by -one the other pueblos were added to the list, until all were united, -including even the far off and peaceful Hopi. - -At last, all was in readiness and a knotted cord was sent throughout the -Pueblo domain, each knot representing one day which was to elapse before -the warriors were to arise and cast out the invaders. Somehow the -Spaniards learned of the plot, and the revolt took place a little -earlier than had been planned. None the less, some four hundred people -were killed, and the survivors fled to the garrison at Santa Fe. Santa -Fe continued under siege until supplies and water were exhausted. When -the town could no longer be held, troops and civilians marched away, -without opposition from the Indians, and took refuge in the vicinity of -what is now the city of El Paso, Texas. - -For twelve years the Spaniards were kept out of the Pueblo country, -although various attempts were made to retake the area. Even with the -removal of the hated Spaniards, these were not happy times for the -Pueblos. Mounted nomads as well as Spanish troops were a constant -threat, and many groups were forced to move to mesa tops where defense -was somewhat easier. As if all this were not enough, there came a severe -drought which, to such people, can mean only suffering and starvation. -At last in 1692, the land of the Pueblos again became a part of the -Spanish domain. This time the conquest was bloodless. Don Diego de -Vargas accomplished this remarkable feat largely by a display of force, -coupled with a policy of turning the suspicions of the Pueblos against -each other. United they had been able to drive out the invaders; divided -they were powerless to prevent their return. It is a story to ponder -carefully in these times. - - [Illustration: Fig. 40—Hopi maiden. Similar hair dresses are shown - on figures in Developmental-Pueblo pictographs and on Mimbres - pottery. (Courtesy Museum of Northern Arizona.)] - -Some Indians refused to accept Spanish domination and moved to the -almost inaccessible Governador country of northern New Mexico where they -lived among their traditional enemies, the Navajo, for some fifty years. -Many Pueblo traits which appear in Navajo culture may stem from this -contact. Other refugees joined the Hopis who were never reconquered. The -reconquest did not by any means mark the end of all trouble. There -continued to be periodic uprisings in the Rio Grande area, and the -Spaniards did not have an easy time. In addition to their troubles with -the Indians of the Pueblos, there was a constant threat from various -wild predatory tribes. There was also much internal dissension as a -result of a conflict between church and state. In 1821 the Pueblo -homeland became part of the Republic of Mexico, and then, in 1848, New -Mexico became a territory of the United States. - -Throughout the period from 1540 until the present day, the Pueblos have -been subjected to the influences of alien cultures. Some traits of these -cultures they have accepted, others they have rejected. They have -learned to keep livestock, they cultivate many fruits and vegetables -unknown to their ancestors, they use metal tools and machinery. -Machine-made fabrics are widely used, and there is an ever increasing -trend toward wearing the white man’s apparel. Pottery is still made, and -interesting new wares have been developed, but it is made to be sold -and, in Indian homes, most of the beautiful old vessels have been -replaced by metal and china containers. - -Nominally the people of the Pueblos are Christians, and there is no -village without a chapel in which the people worship. There are kivas -too, however, and sometimes openly, sometimes secretly, the old rites -are practiced and the old gods are worshiped. Houses may have windows -and galvanized roofs, but basically the architecture is the same. There -is some dissension in various villages, but in many there is still a -remarkable group unity. On the surface, there is an ever growing -tendency for the Pueblo Indians to become more like the white neighbors -who surround them, but it would be naive to believe that the old culture -has disappeared completely. Perhaps some day it will, but the end is not -yet. Those who know and understand the way of the “ancient ones” admit -the inevitability of change, but they feel that there is much to be -learned from the old way of life. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - THE HOHOKAM CULTURE - - - GENERAL REMARKS - -While the inhabitants of the Plateau were developing the culture -described in the previous section, other groups in other parts of the -Southwest were evolving along somewhat different lines. The next basic -culture to be considered is that of the Hohokam, the people of the -Desert Province whose center lies in the Middle Gila Basin and which -includes the drainages of the Salt and Gila Rivers of southern Arizona. - -_Hohokam_ is a Pima word which means “those who have vanished.” The -ancient agriculturists, to whom this name has been given, lived in this -semi-arid land for many centuries, and, through the use of canals, made -a remarkable adjustment to an unfavorable environment. For a long time -it was thought that they represented a regional variation of the Pueblo -pattern, for the more spectacular ruins contained great communal houses -of Pueblolike construction. Associated with these were small crude -houses of wattle and daub construction. The large Pueblo houses were -thought by some archaeologists to be temples or palaces, and the small -houses were believed to be the homes of serfs or peons. When it was -noted that different kinds of pottery were associated with the different -types of houses, it became apparent that the situation was more complex -than had been thought. Archaeological excavations finally brought the -true explanation to light. During the first part of the fourteenth -century, Pueblo people moved into the homeland of the Hohokam, bringing -with them the techniques and traditions of their own culture which -differed in many respects from those of the original inhabitants. The -two groups lived together, but, to a great extent, each preserved the -elements of its own culture. - -There were certain similarities between the culture of the Hohokam and -that of the Pueblos, but there were many differences. Both were -agricultural people, but they used different types of corn and -beans,[12] and there were certain differences in their farming -techniques. Pottery was widely made in both societies but there were -marked differences in manufacturing techniques and in color. -Architectural development was entirely different. There were many -differences in minor arts; for example, shell work was very highly -developed among the Hohokam, and bone was used for tools much less than -by the Pueblos. Probably there were physical differences between the two -people, but our information on this subject is very scanty, for the -Hohokam did not bury their dead, as did the Anasazi, but practiced -cremation. - -There is a strong possibility that the Hohokam developed from the -ancient food-gathering culture, known as the _Cochise_, which had -flourished in this same general region for many centuries.[54] The -possibility has also been mentioned that the Hohokam may have come to -southern Arizona from the east with an already established pattern.[27] -Of course, the culture continued to evolve, but almost all of the basic -traits which characterize it were present in the earliest times of which -we have any record. - - [Illustration: Fig. 41—Map of the Southwest showing sites referred - to in Chapter IV.] - - 1. Casa Grande - 2. Grewe Site - 3. Los Muertos - 4. Roosevelt 9:6 - 5. Snaketown - 6. Tonto National Monument - -The question of dates for the Hohokam is, unfortunately, far more -complicated than in the case of the Basketmakers and Pueblos. The wood -available for house construction was usually cottonwood or mesquite, -woods which are not suitable for tree-ring dating. Through stratigraphic -studies it has been possible to find the chronological place of various -phases in relation to each other, but the establishment of an absolute -chronology in terms of the Christian calendar is quite difficult, since -it must be based almost entirely on cross-checking of pottery between -Hohokam and Anasazi sites. There is a considerable divergence between -the dates suggested by different archaeologists, or even by the same -archaeologist at different times. There is nothing to criticize in the -fact that an archaeologist may give one date at one time and an entirely -different one at another. Archaeologists, like all scientists, are -seeking for the truth, and as new evidence is uncovered old estimates -must often be changed and new ones made. First estimates placed the -beginning of the culture in Arizona at about 300 B. C.[27] Later this -date was revised upward by 900 years.[28] According to the most recent -publication on the Hohokam, which contains approximate dates which will -be used throughout the following discussion, this culture in the Gila -Basin is believed to date back to about the beginning of the Christian -era.[57] - -There were several stages of development in the Hohokam, just as there -were in the Anasazi culture with its six principal stages, ranging from -Basketmaker to Historic-Pueblo times. The first is known as the -_Pioneer_ for this was the formative stage of the culture. The -_Colonial_ period which followed was, as the name implies, one in which -colonies were established. During the next period, to which the name -_Sedentary_ has been given, the culture was fully developed. The term -_Classic_, which is applied to the following period, is really a -misnomer, for the cultural peak of the Hohokam had passed. It was, -however, a time of high cultural development during which Pueblo and -Hohokam people lived side by side in the Desert Province. Little is -known of the Hohokam following the end of the Classic period when, about -1400 A. D., the Pueblo people moved away, but it is possible that the -present Pima Indians may be descendants of the ancient Hohokam or that -at least some Hohokam blood flows in their veins. A people with a -variant form of the Hohokam culture who lived farther south may have -been the forerunners of the present Papago Indians. - - - THE PIONEER HOHOKAM - -The Pioneer period, according to recent estimates, began about the time -of Christ and lasted for some five or six hundred years. It is possible, -however, that these dates may have to be revised again, as more -information becomes available. At present, unfortunately, this earliest -period is known from only one site. This is a large site, called -Snaketown,[27][28][31] which lies in the Gila Indian Reservation twelve -miles southwest of Chandler, Arizona. It was occupied from Pioneer until -Sedentary times, and has yielded a tremendous amount of information. It -is extremely fortunate that this important site has been excavated with -exceptional care and has been splendidly reported upon. - -The Snaketown area is more arid than most other places occupied in -prehistoric times and contains a stream that is now only intermittent, -although it was probably perennial during the prehistoric period. -Lumbering in the mountains and overgrazing have doubtless contributed -materially to the desiccation of the region, but even in prehistoric -times it must have been extremely dry. There is no evidence of the -construction of irrigation canals which were so characteristic of later -phases, but it seems possible that they may have existed at this time, -although in a less well developed form, for without irrigation it would -have been almost impossible for prosperous villages to arise in such a -poor environment. Little is known, however, of the agricultural -attainments of the people at this time. In fact, no corn has yet been -found which may be attributed to this period, although it is certainly -reasonable to suppose that it was being cultivated. The scarcity of -bones of food animals indicates that meat did not play a very important -part in the diet. Turkey bones are extremely rare. It is believed that -turkeys were never domesticated by the Hohokam. - -All Hohokam houses were earth lodges with much the same general plan. -They were single-unit structures, usually with depressed floors. -Entrance was through a covered passage or vestibule, normally in the -middle of one side. Walls were constructed of poles, brush, and mud. The -roofs, which consisted of rafters overlaid by smaller timbers, were -supported by upright posts set in the floor. During Pioneer times houses -were larger than in any other Hohokam period and in some cases were up -to thirty-five feet square. Some archaeologists believe that the largest -houses may have been occupied by more than one family.[31]^c Others feel -that it is more probable that they were ceremonial structures.[30] -During most of the time, four or five roof supports were employed, but -there was one phase early in the period when a great many posts set in -rows were used and it is hard to see how such a house could have been -lived in at all. So much skill was required to erect these houses that -they certainly must not represent the people’s first attempt at -housebuilding, and there was undoubtedly an earlier phase for which -evidence has not yet been found. - -No material has been found which may be attributed to a pre-ceramic -period, unless the Cochise culture proves to be ancestral to the -Hohokam. Pottery is found in even the earliest Pioneer levels. The -Hohokam did not have any corrugated pottery. All their wares were smooth -and were produced by the paddle-and-anvil technique. When this method is -used to shape and finish a piece of pottery, a round or mushroom-shaped -object, known as an anvil, is held inside the vessel to receive the -force of the blow, while the exterior is struck with a wooden paddle. -Air was permitted to flow over the pottery while it was being fired, -producing an oxidizing atmosphere. - -There are important differences between the pottery making methods of -the Hohokam and those of the Anasazi. As has been previously noted, -among the Anasazi, the final step in the finishing process was to shape -and smooth the vessel through scraping with a gourd or pottery spoon, -and most pottery was fired in a reducing atmosphere. - -The earliest Hohokam pottery found is simple but well made. At first -only plain undecorated wares in gray, brown, or red were produced. The -temper contained flecks of mica which show through the surface. Bowls -were usually red. Jars, which had a capacity of about two gallons, were -normally gray or brown. Before long, painted decorations began to be -applied. Designs were simple rectilinear or curvilinear forms. Hatching -was widely used. Decoration was in a maroon-red paint on a grayish -background, and the red portion was sometimes polished. As time went by, -the background became a buff color rather than a gray. Because of this -distinctive color combination, the term _Red-on-Buff_ Culture was -originally applied to the Hohokam.[32] During Pioneer times, some -polychrome ware was made and it is believed that this may mark the first -appearance of the use of multiple colors in the Southwest. This pottery -has red and yellow designs on a gray background. In many cases grooves -were incised on bowl exteriors before the paint was applied. Even after -painted pottery was introduced, it never made up more than twenty per -cent of the total pottery of the Pioneer era. - -Figurines, depicting human beings, as well as bowls and jars, were made -of clay. These are known from the earliest times. They are quite similar -to those of the Mexican Plateau, and it is thought that they may have -been introduced from there, together with the knowledge of the -cultivation of corn. These figurines have ridgelike noses pinched up -from the base, and eyes and mouths represented by slits and dots. These -were always modelled rather than made in molds. Some have funnel-shaped -heads and may have served as containers. Figurines were usually fired, -but this was not invariably the case. - -Even from the earliest times the Hohokam appear to have cremated the -dead, a practice which anthropologists always deprecate. These ancient -people could hardly know how much they would inconvenience certain men -in the twentieth century by their funerary habits, and undoubtedly they -would not have cared. Bones and ashes are rarely found in the Pioneer -period but some have been recovered from pits and trenches. The actual -cremation is not believed to have taken place here. There were offerings -of crushed burned pottery, and late in the period some stone objects -were used. - - [Illustration: Fig. 42—Hohokam figurines. a. Pioneer period. b. - Colonial Period. c. Sedentary Period.] - -From the earliest times the Hohokam were skilled workers in stone. Two -distinctive traits were: the manufacture of “palettes” and of stone -jars. The palettes have been so called, although we are not sure of -their actual function, because the center portions contain traces of -ground pigment and there is usually a slight depression which might have -resulted from grinding and mixing. They are the most common of Hohokam -funerary offerings. In Pioneer times, they were much simpler than in -later periods. At first they were plain stone slabs, but, by the close -of the period, they were being made with raised borders. The polished -stone vessels were sometimes plain, sometimes incised, and in one case -the incisions had been filled with paint. Late in the period carved -life-forms appeared. One effigy represents the figure of a man squatting -and holding a shallow basin. Other stone implements include manos and -metates, mortars and pestles, and highly polished grooved axes with -raised ridges on either side of the groove. As has been previously -noted, there was a scarcity of projectile points. Most of those which -have been found are light enough to suggest the possibility of the use -of the bow and arrow. There are also some heavy, stemmed points which -may have been dart-points or knives. - -Some stone was used in the manufacture of ornaments, although shell was -more abundantly utilized for this purpose. Beads and pendants were -carved from stone, and there was some use of turquoise, particularly in -mosaic work. No ear plugs have been found in levels earlier than those -of the Sedentary period, but they are shown on Pioneer figurines, and it -seems reasonable to suppose that they may have been worn at that time. -Shells provided many ornaments. Whole shells were utilized as beads by -grinding off the ends to make it possible to string them; some disc -beads were made. Bracelets were made of shell. They were usually thin -and rather fragile and were not carved until late in the period. - -Bone was much less widely used by the Hohokam than by the Anasazi, but -one distinctive type of object was made of this material. This is an -incised bone tube, usually decorated with rectilinear designs but -sometimes utilizing curvilinear patterns and occasionally life-forms. -There are some indications that these tubes were painted. Their use has -not been determined. - -Pipes were not made by the Hohokam in any period. Since these people -were not as dependent on the vagaries of the weather as were the -Anasazi, who depended to a great extent on flood irrigation, it is -entirely logical that cloud symbols should not have been as important to -them. - - - THE COLONIAL HOHOKAM - -The Colonial period, which lasted from perhaps 600 to about 900 A. D., -is better known than the Pioneer, for it is represented at two other -excavated sites in addition to Snaketown. These are Roosevelt 9:6, at -Roosevelt Lake, Arizona,[48] and the Grewe Site which lies just east of -Casa Grande National Monument.[120] By the end of Colonial times all of -the distinctive traits which characterize the Hohokam were fully -developed, and some had even begun to decline. The most spectacular -accomplishment of this period, and for that matter of the whole culture, -was the construction of a great system of irrigation channels which -diverted water to the fields from the rivers.[57] At their first -appearance, the canals were so well developed that it seems impossible -that this marks the first attempt at such a project. Possibly the system -had been developed in Pioneer times, or, perhaps, it had been perfected -elsewhere first, but evidence to bolster either theory is still lacking. -By 700 A. D., the canal system was well established and became -increasingly bigger and more complex until the peak was reached between -1200 and 1400 A. D. - -The whole project is really amazing when one considers the tremendous -amount of work which went into the construction and maintenance of the -canals. The latter must have required almost as much effort as the -original excavating, for silt was constantly being deposited. Canals -were up to thirty feet wide and ten feet deep, and in the Salt River -Valley they have been found to have an aggregate length of 150 miles. It -staggers the imagination when one stops to think that this tremendous -engineering feat was carried out with only the crudest of stone and -wooden tools. The scope of such a project and the end toward which so -much effort was directed tell us a great deal about the people who -planned it. Undoubtedly such an undertaking indicates strong leadership -and careful organization. Great numbers of people must have -participated, and it undoubtedly took much careful planning to direct -their labors. There must also have been some centralization of -authority, since the canals served various settlements and these groups -must have had some organization to direct their efforts toward the -common good. - -Here, as among the Anasazi, however, there is no evidence of a ruling -class with a higher standard of living than that of their subordinates. -The scope of the canal project suggests comparisons with the erection of -the huge pyramids of Egypt or the great temples of the Maya. There is a -tremendous difference, however, in the ends toward which all this vast -human effort was directed. In Egypt, men slaved to construct tombs for -despotic rulers, and, in the land of the Maya, they labored to erect -temples, doubtless for the greater glory of the priesthood as much as -for the gods who were worshipped. In the arid reaches of the Hohokam -homeland, however, the canals, which were built and kept open with so -much labor, were for the benefit of the people. - - [Illustration: Fig. 43—Hohokam house of the Colonial period.] - - [Illustration: Large ball court at Snaketown, Colonial period. - (Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)] - -The homes of the people continued to be simple structures consisting of -single units. They were much like those of the Pioneer period but were -smaller and rectangular with rounded corners. Usually they were -constructed over a shallow pit, but some had elevated floors supported -by stones. A fire pit lay in the floor just in front of the entrance. It -is not known whether there were smoke holes or not. Walls were formed of -slanting poles, and the interiors were lined with reeds. The roof rested -on a central ridge pole supported by two main posts. There is evidence -of outside kitchens, small brush structures containing a fire pit, much -like those still used by the Pimas. - -Houses and kitchens were not the only structures which were erected at -this time, for ball courts made their first appearance during this -period. These were large unroofed, oval areas, oriented east and west, -and open at both ends. They were up to two hundred feet in length and -were surrounded by walls believed to have been between fifteen and -twenty feet in height and possibly higher. The earth banks, which formed -the walls, sloped and were about twenty degrees off the perpendicular. -The floor, which was well below ground level, was formed from smooth -caliche deposits. Two stones set in the ends and one in the center -apparently served as markers. They were very accurately placed and the -one in the middle lies in the exact center. These are very much like the -ball courts of the Maya, except that the latter had stone walls. There -are a number of theories as to where these courts first originated. They -may have been developed by the Maya and copied by the Hohokam, or they -may have reached the Maya from the Hohokam. A third possibility is that -both people received the idea from some still unknown source. - -There is no way of knowing just what game was played by the Hohokam, but -it is reasonable to suppose that it was much like that played in the -courts farther south, and we know something of the rules from ancient -manuscripts. The game was played with one, two, or more players on each -side. The object was to knock a ball through rings set in the walls. -Hands and feet could not be used, and the ball could be struck only with -the knees, thighs, or buttocks. No rings have been found in the Hohokam -courts, but it is probable that they would have been made of wood or -some other perishable material, since the earth walls would hardly -support great stone rings such as are found in some of the Mayan courts. -It is quite possible that the game was connected with religious rites, -as it was among the Maya. - -Much red-on-buff and plain brown or buff pottery was manufactured. Most -of the decorated vessels have designs formed by the repetition of small -elements. These are often enclosed by small circles, and there was also -a wide use of borders or fringes of short, oblique, parallel lines. The -small elements included both geometric and life forms. There was a -marked transition from the more rigidly formalized designs of the -Pioneer period to the freer designs of later times. The practice of -incising pottery declined and finally disappeared altogether. Firing -clouds, which result when vessels come in contact with fuel while being -fired, are quite common, and give the pottery a mottled appearance. Many -figurines were made. They almost always depicted females. Early in the -period they were made all in one piece, but later the head and body were -made separately. The heads became more true to life. Clothing, leg and -ankle bands, and, sometimes the eyes, were indicated by appliqué. - - [Illustration: Fig. 44—Red-on-buff Hohokam vessel of the Colonial - period. (Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)] - -Pottery and figurines served as offerings for the dead. Small sherds -were still common, but whole vessels also began to be used. There were -three types of cremations. Sometimes bones, ashes, and offerings are -found in pits dug into the caliche and it appears probable that the -actual burning took place there. In other cases they are found in -trenches. Sometimes burning took place elsewhere and later the burned -remains were placed in small holes close together. In addition to -objects made of clay, stone projectile points and palettes are usually -found in the cremations. - -Palettes, which were the most consistent offering, were made of thin -schistose rock. There is a clear differentiation between the center -portion and the border which is ornamented with grooves. Some have -sculptured edges in the form of birds, snakes, and other animals. There -are also effigy types in which the outline of the palette is in a -life-form. Palettes were most numerous early in the Colonial period and -later declined in importance. One extremely interesting feature of many -of these objects is that on the mixing surface of heavily burned -palettes from cremations is found a vitreous substance which, on -analysis, proved to be a lead mixture. It is not certain whether the use -of lead ore was intentional or accidental, but in any case the Hohokam -never learned to exploit this as metal. It has been suggested that the -change in the lead mixture from a dull color to a brilliant red with -metallic globules may have been observed as the palettes burned on the -funeral pyres and that it came to have a ceremonial significance. It is -entirely possible, however, that the palettes had simply been used for -grinding a compound containing lead, which was used to provide pigment, -prior to the burning. They may have been used to mix facial or body -paint. - -Some of the most remarkable stone work found in Hohokam sites consisted -of mosaic plaques or mirrors inlaid with angular pieces of iron pyrites -which had a reflecting quality. These were common funerary offerings, -and as a result most of the specimens obtained are badly damaged. None -the less, one can still appreciate the amazing work which went into -their construction. These plaques or mirrors range between three and -eight inches in diameter. On one surface are thin sheets of iron pyrites -crystals carefully fitted together. How these thin plates were obtained -is a complete mystery, for pyrites crystals are usually cubic and so -hard that they cannot be scratched with a knife. In some cases the -crystal encrustation covered the entire face, in others edges were -beveled. Edges and backs were sometimes decorated with something which -resembles cloisonné work, although the technique differed. First a base -coat of a gray material was applied, and then this was covered with a -thicker layer of some black substance. A design was cut into this with a -sharp implement, and then the sunken portion was half filled with thick -white paint. Next, paint in a variety of colors was added to fill the -depression, or, in some cases, was even built up slightly above the -level of the black background portion. - -These mirrors are almost exactly like those found in sites in Central -America. It is thought that the best examples found in Hohokam sites -were imported from the south,[59] although it is possible that some -crude imitations may have been made by the Hohokam themselves. The -material necessary would have been available to them, for sizeable -pyrites crystals are found near Tucson. - -Many stone vessels were made. They were usually carved in bas relief and -both realistic and life-forms were used. Desert reptiles were the most -common figures. Other objects made of stone included abraders for use in -shell work, metates which were not very precisely shaped, a few stone -finger-rings, and projectile points. These were long slender points -which were barbed and serrated. - - [Illustration: Fig. 45—Hohokam carved stone vessel of the Colonial - period. (Courtesy Arizona State Museum.)] - - [Illustration: Fig. 46—Hohokam ornaments of carved shell. (Courtesy - National Park Service.)] - -Shell was very widely used. A few needles made of shell have been found, -but this was apparently not considered a utilitarian material and it was -most often used in the manufacture of ornaments. Shell beads and -pendants continued to be used, and many bracelets were made. These were -made of Glycymeris shells which are nearly circular and, when cut in -cross-section, provide a suitable arm band. Carving did not reach its -peak until the following period, but fine bracelets were produced. -Birds, snakes, frogs, and geometric forms furnished the designs. The -most frequent motif is a bird-and-snake combination. The snake’s head is -in the bird’s mouth and the body of the snake forms the band. This quite -probably had some special ceremonial significance. Carved rings, which -first appeared at this time, are usually in the form of snakes. They -were never as abundant as bracelets. There was some mosaic work with -shell, but this art did not fully develop until later. Birds and snakes, -often in combination, were the usual subjects for carving on bone. - - - THE SEDENTARY HOHOKAM - -During the Sedentary period, which lasted from about 900 to 1200 A. D. -there was some withdrawal from the outlying districts and a greater -concentration of population in a smaller area, although there was also -some northward extension of the culture. There was some regional -specialization during the latter part of the period, for the inhabitants -of the upper or eastern portion of the Gila Basin developed somewhat -differently from those of the central area. This was possibly the result -of the influence of Pueblo people who lived in the Tonto Basin about one -hundred miles to the northwest, and it presaged the changes which were -to occur in the next period when some of these people moved into the -Hohokam area, bringing with them their distinctive culture. - -Houses in the main area were roughly rectangular in outline, but the -ends were somewhat rounded and the sides slightly convex. Floors were -encircled by low, mud rims, six inches or less in height, which were -probably designed to keep water out of the houses. Some had -parallel-sided entrance ways, but others had a bulbous vestibule with a -low step at the end. Late in the period, in the eastern part of the Gila -Basin, there were some rectangular surface houses with walls of adobe, -containing sporadic stones, over a pole framework. In some cases, -villages were enclosed by walls and are referred to as _compounds_. This -name is taken from the term which is applied to the walled or fenced -enclosure of a house or factory in the orient. - -The irrigation system was enlarged and improved. Ball courts were still -being built but they seem to have been considerably reduced in size by -the end of the period. They were oriented north and south and the ends -were closed. One interesting find, made in a Sedentary site with an -estimated date of 1100 A. D., was a rubber ball buried in a jar.[52] -Analysis showed the rubber to be of American origin, unvulcanized and -unrefined. There is no way of proving that this ball was used in playing -the game for which the courts were designed, but it seems entirely -possible that it was. - -At this time some Hohokam people moved north into the Flagstaff area. -They introduced ball courts and other distinctive traits of their -culture.[86] - - [Illustration: Fig. 47—Red-on-buff Hohokam jars of the Sedentary - period. (Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)] - -In the field of pottery, forty per cent of all that was produced was of -the red-on-buff variety. There was a great elaboration of designs and -some appear to have been taken from woven fabrics. Panels, negative -designs, and patterns tied together by interlocking scrolls, were all -common. There was a great variety of shapes which included three and -four-legged trays. Jars increased tremendously in size, and a few had a -capacity of almost thirty gallons. Bowls were also quite large. Some -plain buff ware was manufactured, but it was not common. Less than one -per cent of the total pottery assemblage consisted of bowls with heavily -slipped and polished reddish brown interiors and mottled brown or gray -exteriors. From the eastern area come bright red bowls with -smoke-darkened, black interiors. - -Figurines were of two types. For the most part they consisted of heads -which were apparently attached to bodies made of cord-wrapped fiber. -These have not survived, but their presence is indicated by impressions -in the clay of the heads. The faces are quite realistic and probably -represent an attempt at portraiture. Other figurines, made of buff clay -and painted with red, show full figures, seated, with hands resting on -the knees. - -It is most unfortunate that practically none of the textiles produced at -this time have lasted through the centuries. A few fragments have been -found which give us tantalizing glimpses of a highly developed craft. -Apparently very fine cotton textiles with intricate weaves were -produced. No baskets have survived the passage of the years, but ash -casts have been found which show that the making of baskets was well -developed. - -Cremation was still the accepted method of disposing of the dead, -although a few burials have been found. Apparently inhumation was tried -on a very small scale, but it did not supplant cremation. Bodies and -offerings were usually burned, and then the unconsumed portions gathered -together and put in small pits dug in the caliche. In some cases, bodies -and offerings were left in the pit in which they were burned, and the -pit covered with earth. In the eastern part of the Gila Basin, -unconsumed bones and offerings were placed in small pottery urns and -buried with a small bowl or sherd covering the mouth of the urn. - - [Illustration: Fig. 48—Hohokam stone palette of the Sedentary - period. (Courtesy Arizona State Museum)] - -Mosaic plaques or mirrors were still used. Palettes continued to serve -as mortuary offerings, but they had decreased in number and had greatly -degenerated. Raised borders disappeared and only incised lines remained -to differentiate the rim and the mixing surface. Some palettes have been -found in the area around Flagstaff in a site dated as late as 1278, so -the trait seems to have persisted in the north longer than in the -Hohokam province where it appears to have originated. - -Stone vessels continued to be made, but they too were decadent. Carving -in relief was largely replaced by incising. Life-forms in relief, when -they do appear, are highly conventionalized. Many of the vessels are of -steatite. There were some effigy vessels, representing animals and -birds, which had shallow basins hollowed out of the backs. Metates and -mortars and pestles were well shaped. Some hoes first appeared during -Sedentary times, and it is thought that they may have been intrusive. -Stone projectile points were long and slender and beautifully flaked. -About half had lateral notches and the others were unnotched forms -characterized by deep serrations. Stone was widely used as a material -for ornaments. A great variety of disc beads were manufactured and the -first ear plugs are found in sites of this period, although, as has been -previously noted, they are seen on Pioneer figurines and quite possibly -had been worn since the earliest times. Some particularly interesting -finds include stone objects believed to have been nose-buttons or -labrets. Figurines do not show the use of nose-buttons, but they do show -ornaments just below the corners of the mouth and these may have been -worn through the fleshy part of the chin. Ornaments worn through the -nose or chin strike us as strange, for they have never won approval in -our particular society, but they have been quite common in other parts -of the world. In any case, a glimpse at a woman’s hat shop today offers -convincing proof that anything can become fashionable and socially -acceptable. - -Shell work, already so well developed among the Hohokam, reached its -peak in Sedentary times. Mosaic work, in which both shell and turquoise -were used, achieved its highest development. The technique employed must -be described as overlaying, rather than as inlaying, for depressions -were not cut to receive the pieces which, instead, were laid on the -surface. Due to the placing of these mosaics in the cremation fires, we -know little of their composition beyond the fact that shell was usually -used to provide a base for the overlay. Individual pieces were cut in -the forms of animals or geometric figures. Disc beads, characterized by -large perforations, and pendants were widely made. For the latter, the -trend was away from life-forms and toward geometric figures. Many finely -carved bracelets were made. Shells with painted designs appear first in -Sedentary levels, but, due to the impermanent nature of the paint, there -is no assurance that this technique may not have been developed some -time before. - -The most interesting treatment of shells is exemplified by those with -designs applied by an etching process. The Hohokam may have been the -first people to discover the technique of etching, for they were using -it about the eleventh or twelfth century and the earliest recorded use -of the process is on a coat of armor made in Europe in the 15th -century.[57] Among the Hohokam the process does not appear to have -continued beyond Sedentary times. It was probably never very commonly -used and the difficulty of controlling the medium may have contributed -to an early abandonment. Painting and etching were sometimes combined, -for an example has been found of a shell etched with geometric designs -and painted with red and green pigment. - - [Illustration: Fig. 49—Hohokam etched shell. Sedentary period. - (Courtesy Arizona State Museum)] - -Since shell is nearly pure calcium carbonate it is easy to see why -portions exposed to the action of acid would be eaten away, but we have -no way of being sure exactly what the technique used may have been. -Experiments conducted in the laboratories of Gila Pueblo, however, have -shown how such results could have been obtained with available -materials.[31] The problem of finding a suitable acid was first -considered. Obviously, for the ancient Hohokam, the problem could not be -solved by running down to the corner drugstore. For the purposes of the -experiment, a mild acetic acid solution was produced by fermenting juice -from the fruit of the giant cactus. Portions of a shell were covered -with pitch, a material which resists acid, and the shell immersed in the -acid for seventy-two hours. When it was removed, the pitch-covered -portion stood out in relief while the exposed parts had been partially -eaten away, duplicating the effect found on the prehistoric shells. - -Bone tubes continued to be made, but they were plain and undecorated. -Other bone artifacts include daggerlike objects with carved heads, which -may have served as hair ornaments. Usually the carving represented the -heads of mountain sheep or a bird-and-serpent motif. - -It was in the Sedentary level at Snaketown that the first objects made -of metal were found. These were little copper bells, pear-shaped and -split at the bottom, which very much resemble sleigh-bells. A great many -identical bells are found in Mexico and it seems probable that the -Snaketown examples were imported from there.[59] In the Anasazi area -many copper bells were imported from the south. Most of them are dated -at between 1300 and 1400 A. D., although some have been found which were -brought into Pueblo Bonito and Aztec at an earlier date. - - - THE CLASSIC HOHOKAM - -The Classic period of the Hohokam, which lasted from about 1200 to 1400 -A. D. or not long thereafter, was a remarkable era which has been -referred to as “the Golden Age of southern Arizona”. As has been -previously noted, however, _Classic_ is hardly an accurate designation -since we are no longer dealing with a pure Hohokam culture. It was -during this time that Pueblo traits and, later, Pueblo people themselves -entered the Hohokam homeland. - -The newcomers, whose influence had been felt even before they themselves -arrived, were a group known as the Salado people. The Saladoans are -believed to have originated in the Little Colorado area, which they left -to move farther south into the Tonto Basin around 1100 A. D.[56] About -1300 they again moved farther south and entered the domain of the -Hohokam. They brought with them their own distinctive culture which -differed in some ways from the classic Pueblo of the San Juan area and -was far different from that of the Hohokam. They built thick-walled, -multi-storied communal houses of adobe, in walled compounds. Their -pottery included coiled and scraped polychrome wares in red, black, and -white. They practiced inhumation, or burial of the dead. - - [Illustration: Fig. 50—Salado polychrome ware. (Courtesy National - Park Service.)] - -The coming together of the Salado people and the Hohokam is really -remarkable. There is no evidence of an invasion nor of violence. -Instead, these two culturally different people seem to have come -together in a friendly manner and lived together in the same communities -in peace and amity. Each group, to a great extent, clung to its own way -of life, yet together they achieved a distinctive culture. It was during -this period that the canal system reached its highest development. -Doubtless the newcomers, who had had no real irrigation system before, -contributed their labor to the common project of building and -maintaining the canals which were built to serve their villages. - -In the Hohokam culture proper there were certain changes. Pottery -included plain buff ware and a pebble-polished bright red ware, usually -in the form of bowls with black interiors, as well as the ubiquitous -red-on-buff. In the latter, the red paint was thinner and less -brilliantly colored than in earlier times. Jars and pitchers, the latter -an innovation of this period, were the commonest forms. Jars with a -capacity of over thirty gallons have been found. Painting was -characterized by poor brush work. Most designs were rectilinear and -practically no life-forms were used. A few figurines, representing both -human beings and animals, have been found at Los Muertos, a Classic -site, but they were too few to have been important in the culture. There -is, of course, the possibility that some were made of perishable -materials instead of clay and hence have not survived. - -Most Salado pottery during this period was a polychrome ware with red, -black, and white. Red was sometimes used as a decorative color, and -sometimes formed a part of the background. Bowls and jars predominated, -but ladles and mugs were also made, and there were some effigy vessels, -usually in the form of birds. Some corrugated pottery was also made. - -There was a definite decline in some of the arts of the Hohokam. Carved -stone vessels and palettes were no longer made. Pyrites mirrors are not -found in this horizon. Shell work continued to flourish, although -etching had disappeared. Heavy bracelets were made and true inlay and -ceremonial shell trumpets[5] made their first appearance. These were -west-coast conch shells with a hole ground into the tip of the spire. -Blowing into the shell through this hole produces a trumpetlike sound. - -Axes, both single and doublebitted, were beautifully made, and -represented stone work at its peak. Projectile points were thin and well -made. Usually they were long and triangular. Most of them had notches -chipped at right angles but a few were unnotched. Edges were not -serrated, as they had been in earlier times. Stone implements, -presumably of Salado origin, were added to the complex. These included -adzes, picks, chisels, crushers, club heads, flakes with serrated edges -which served as saws, jar stoppers, pottery scrapers, and shaft -straighteners. - -Ball courts were greatly reduced in size by Classic times and it seems -probable that the game played in them had lost much of its popularity. -This belief is confirmed by the absence of a ball court at Los Muertos, -one of the largest and most important villages. It seems likely that -provisions would have been made at such a settlement for a sport which -enjoyed much popular support. A ball court was found at Casa Grande, -another important Classic site, however, so this trait had apparently -not disappeared entirely. - -It was in the realm of architecture that the greatest changes occurred. -Even in Sedentary times, in the eastern part of the Hohokam area, there -was a tendency for houses to become surface structures. During the early -part of the Classic period, surface houses, sometimes with contiguous -rooms, were built by the Hohokam. These changes were probably due to -Salado influence, although the people themselves had not yet arrived in -the area. Walls were still extremely thin and of typical Hohokam -construction, so houses were no more than one story high. - -With the arrival of the Salado people, the building of multi-storied -houses with massive walls, enclosed in compounds, began. Two of the best -known of these are El Pueblo de Los Muertos. (The City of the Dead)[56] -which, before its destruction by farmers, lay a few miles south of -Tempe, Arizona, and Casa Grande,[26] a great ruin, now a National -Monument, which lies nine miles west of Florence, Arizona. - -Los Muertos covered a large area and contained thirty-six communal -buildings and many small houses. It was a settlement which could not -have existed without irrigation, and ditches have been traced which -brought water to it from the Salt River. The largest single building was -a great rectangular house enclosed on all four sides by a massive wall -which reached a thickness of seven feet in some places. Some of the -outer walls of the big house achieved a comparable thickness. In -addition to the main structure, the compound contained plazas and small -house clusters. Another ruin contained two large house clusters. Here -some of the rooms had very thin walls, as do the Hohokam houses of -Sedentary and early Classic times. - -At Los Muertos the Hohokam and the Salado people apparently lived side -by side, each clinging for the most part to their own traditions. This -divergence was particularly marked in the disposal of the dead. The -Saladoans usually buried their dead under house floors or in the plaza. -The body was normally extended, with the head to the east. Pottery, -jewelry, and some stone artifacts served as grave offerings. The Hohokam -continued to practice cremation. The dead were placed on wooden gratings -over shallow pits, and the grating was consumed with the body. The -unconsumed bones and ashes were placed in jars and buried in special -plots near the refuse heaps. There seems to have been some borrowing -between the two groups, for occasionally inhumations are found -accompanied by the red-on-buff pottery of the Hohokam, and a few -cremations have been found with Salado offerings or in polychrome -vessels. This borrowing, however, seems to have been sufficiently -limited to make it possible, on the basis of the numbers of burials and -cremations, to estimate what the comparative ratio of Hohokam to Salado -people may have been. On this basis, the Hohokam appear to have -outnumbered the foreign element by a ratio of three to one. - - [Illustration: Fig. 51—Great House built by the Salado people. Casa - Grande National Monument, Arizona. (Courtesy National Park - Service.)] - -The famous site of Casa Grande consists of a group of ruins made up of -house clusters surrounded by compound walls. Both thin-walled, -single-roomed houses and multiple-roomed structures with massive walls -are represented. Of the latter, the outstanding example is a building -known as the “Great House” which lies in an enclosure called Compound A. -The Great House is four stories high, but only eleven rooms are -represented. Originally there were five additional rooms on the ground -floor, but these were filled in to form an artificial terrace. The rooms -are arranged with one on the top floor and five rooms on each of the two -lower stories. Some rooms were entered by small doors, and others -through the roof. There were no windows. The walls of the Great House -now stand some thirty-four feet above ground level and are over four -feet thick. No forms were used, and the wall was constructed by a -process of piling up layers of stiff caliche mud. Each course was patted -into shape and then allowed to dry to receive the next course. The final -finish was obtained by plastering with a thin mud mixture made with -sieved caliche. - -While the foregoing refers to the Hohokam who lived in the river -valleys, there was another group who lived farther to the south in the -desert region known as the Papagueria.[57] Here agriculture was more -limited, for the only form of irrigation was by ditches designed to -divert rain water to the fields. With a less favorable environment, the -standard of living was lowered and the reduction of leisure time -resulted in a poorer development of arts and crafts. Although the -material culture was not as rich as in the more favored river valleys, -any loss is more than compensated for, from the archaeological point of -view, by the fact that the greater aridity of this region has made -possible the preservation of much normally perishable material. The -ancient desert dwellers further endeared themselves to archaeologists by -forsaking cremation about the beginning of the eleventh century. - -A remarkable site, known as _Ventana Cave_,[55] which lies in the Papago -Indian Reservation, has yielded great quantities of very fine material, -including some forty burials, and the final report of this valuable -discovery is eagerly awaited. Preliminary reports indicate that the -ancient inhabitants of this region strongly resembled the Papago Indians -who still occupy it. The early people were fine weavers and made cotton -cloth which, together with rabbit-fur blankets and sandals, provided -them with clothing. - - [Illustration: Fig. 52—Child’s cotton poncho from Ventana Cave. - Desert Hohokam, eleventh or twelfth century. (Courtesy Arizona State - Museum.)] - -One strong difference between the Hohokam of the river valleys and those -of the desert area lies in the fact that the Salado people did not -penetrate into the desert section and the culture of this region -accordingly remained relatively untouched. This isolation seems to have -been deliberately achieved by the desert dwellers who erected strings of -forts of rough laid stone on volcanic hills to protect their domain. -Environment may well have played a strong part in the reaction of the -two groups of Hohokam to new people. With their meager resources the -people of the Papagueria could hardly accept additions to the -population, while the more prosperous group to the north, blessed with -the water which means so much in the Southwest, could afford to be -friendly. - - - THE RECENT HOHOKAM - -About 1400 A.D., the Salado people left the Gila country. It is thought -that some may have moved east as far as eastern New Mexico and southeast -into Chihauhua. Others from the Upper Gila may have drifted north into -the Zuñi area. We cannot be sure of the reason for their departure, but -one theory, which has been advanced, is that they may have been forced -out by the arrival of the Apaches.[27] What happened to the Hohokam -themselves we do not know. Possibly they remained in the same district -and eventually sites belonging to the period after 1400 may be found. It -is also possible that they may have moved to the inhospitable reaches of -the Papagueria which would have afforded greater protection against an -enemy. - -Although there is a gap in our information, the belief is widely held -that the Hohokam may have been the ancestors of the present Pima Indians -and possibly the Papago, related tribes who speak mutually intelligible -dialects of the Piman language. The most convincing argument for this -theory is that the Pimas were well established in the Gila Basin, the -old Hohokam homeland, when they were discovered by the Spaniards in -1530. The Papago still occupy the desert region of the Papagueria. In -general, the way of life of these people was not too different from that -of the Hohokam. They were agriculturists, dependent on irrigation, lived -in one-room houses, and their pottery was somewhat similar to that of -the Hohokam. Quite possibly, other racial strains are present and other -groups contributed to the Pima and Papago culture, but it seems highly -probable that the Hohokam was one of the most important elements. - - [Illustration: Fig. 53—Pima House in 1897. (Courtesy National Park - Service.)] - - - SUMMARY - -We may characterize the Hohokam as follows: They were a prehistoric -agricultural people of southern Arizona who may have been the -descendants of the western branch of the ancient food-gathering people -of the Cochise Culture. They made an amazing adjustment to an -unfavorable environment through the use of an extensive canal system. -They lived in one-room houses of wattle-and-daub construction with -depressed floors and covered side passages or vestibules. Some big -houses built during the earliest period may have sheltered more than one -family or they may have been ceremonial structures. There were large -courts where it is thought that a ball game similar to that of the Maya -was played. - -Pottery was made by the paddle-and-anvil technique and fired in an -oxidizing atmosphere. Undecorated plain ware was mostly buff, although -ranging in shade from gray to brown. Decorated pottery usually had -designs in red paint on a buff background. In an early period there was -a rare polychrome ware which had red and yellow designs on a gray -background. Figurines were also made of clay. - -Stone work was well developed. Stone vessels, often with fine carving, -were widely made. Well carved palettes are a distinctive trait of the -culture. Mosaic plaques or mirrors, made of pyrites crystals, believed -to have been imported from the south, were often used as funeral -offerings. - -Shell was widely used in the manufacture of ornaments, particularly -bracelets. It was usually ornamented by carving, but in a few cases an -etching technique was employed. Weaving was apparently well developed, -but only a few specimens have been preserved, so our information on this -point is scanty. - -Disposal of the dead was by cremation. Funerary offerings were burned -with the body, and included pottery, figurines, palettes and pyrites -mirrors. Ashes, calcined bones, and offerings were gathered together -after the cremation and buried. Burial was at first in trenches, later -in pits or urns. - -About 1300 A. D., Pueblo people moved into the Hohokam country and for -the next hundred years the two groups lived together. There was some -amalgamation of the two cultures, but in most important respects they -remained distinct in spite of the closeness of the association. About -1400 A. D. the newcomers moved away. We have no clear information as to -just what happened to the Hohokam after that time, but it is possible -that they may have remained in the same general vicinity and have been -the forerunners of the Pima and Papago Indians who occupied that -territory at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. - - - - - CHAPTER V - THE MOGOLLON CULTURE - - - GENERAL REMARKS - -Writing about the Mogollon Culture is rather like dealing with a time -bomb. It is impossible to ignore it, but one has the uncomfortable -feeling that whatever one does about it is likely to be wrong. In the -relatively few years which have elapsed since it was first suggested -that it was a separate entity[89] and not just a regional variation of -the Basketmaker-Pueblo pattern, there have come to be many -theories.[102] Many archaeologists are convinced that it must be given -the status of a basic culture comparable to that given to the Anasazi -and the Hohokam,[50][84] but there are some who feel that it should be -regarded as a variant of the Anasazi, and others who consider it the -result of an early fusion of Anasazi and Hohokam.[99] Unfortunately, too -few sites have been excavated to evaluate fully all the conflicting -theories. It has been said that “The Mogollon appears to be an -illegitimate whose paternity is still under scrutiny.”[1] - -We do know that a group of people lived in west-central New Mexico and -east-central Arizona who were largely contemporaneous with the Anasazi -and the Hohokam and shared some traits with both cultures, particularly -the former. At least during the earliest periods, however, they had a -culture distinctive enough to cause many archaeologists to feel that it -is impossible to equate them with any other group. - -Although the origins of the Mogollon are still shrouded in mystery, one -likely theory, which has been advanced by those who favor the belief -that the Mogollon is a basic culture, is that the Mogollon people may be -descendants of the eastern branch of the ancient food gatherers of the -Cochise Culture.[54] Their stone work is similar, and, while the -earliest Mogollon people did practice agriculture and hunting, they too -seem to have had an economy based to a great extent on the gathering of -wild plant foods. Apart from the problem of origins, there is the -further consideration of determining to what extent the early Mogollon -people were influenced by other people and to what extent they -influenced others. This is one of the most important questions with -which Southwestern archaeologists are struggling today. - -Much further work will be necessary before even a partially satisfactory -answer is found. For the present, there are a few facts and innumerable -conjectures. In a publication of this nature, all that may be attempted -is to outline the available factual material and indicate some of the -theories to which it has given rise. - - [Illustration: Fig. 54—Map of the Southwest showing sites referred - to in Chapter V.] - - 1. Bear Ruin - 2. Cameron Creek Village - 3. Galaz Ruin - 4. Harris Village - 5. Mattocks Ruin - 6. Mogollon Village - 7. Starkweather Ruin - 8. SU site - 9. Swarts Ruin - -The name assigned to the culture was derived from the Mogollon range of -mountains which lies in the district in which many of the chief ruins -have been found. The principal sites which have been excavated lie in -the valleys of the San Francisco and Mimbres rivers in west-central New -Mexico, in the Forestdale Valley of Arizona, and in southeastern -Arizona. It is probable that, as further work is done, the geographical -range of the culture may be further increased. The area in which -Mogollon remains have already been found is a large one, equally as -extensive as the Basketmaker. Proponents of the theory that the Mogollon -is a basic culture point out that it is an important fact that it has -geographic substance.[59] - -It would be pleasant to be able to divide the Mogollon into clear-cut -periods with established dates and full lists of the traits which -characterize each stage. Unfortunately, this cannot be done. It has been -possible to determine, in a general way, the stages of cultural -development in certain sites in New Mexico where there was some degree -of uniformity. In other areas, however, conditions were different, and -it is impossible to say that at any given time all the Mogollon people -had the identical type of culture, although there are enough points of -similarity to permit us to assign them all to the same general group. It -seems probable that, as further work is done, separate regional -chronologies will be worked out as has been done for the Pueblo sequence -where we recognize significant differences between cultural centers such -as Chaco, Mesa Verde, and Kayenta.[59] For the present these regional -variations add to the complexity of the problem. A further complication -arises from the fact that even those who recognize the Mogollon as a -basic culture feel that it is only during the earliest times that they -are dealing with a relatively pure culture, and that after 700 or 800 A. -D. the Mogollon Culture was beginning to be assimilated by the Anasazi, -and that there were also Hohokam influences. - -Dates for Mogollon sites are very difficult to determine, for only a few -tree-ring dates are available. One find tends to suggest a considerable -antiquity for the culture. At Snaketown, in the earliest Pioneer level, -was found a polished red ware, which, through petrographic analysis, has -been shown to contain materials not used at Snaketown, but identical -with those of wares from Mogollon sites.[31]^d This pottery is better -made than the early Hohokam pottery and would suggest that the Mogollon -people had been making pottery for some time prior to the beginning of -the Christian era. Another possibility which has been suggested is that -both they and the Hohokam obtained pottery from some other source which -has not yet been identified.[99] - - - BLUFF RUIN[58] - -The earliest dendrochronologically dated Mogollon site yet found lies in -the Forestdale Valley of Arizona. Tree-rings indicate that it was -occupied about 300 A. D. As far as it is possible to judge on the basis -of the very meager information available in publications at this time, -the people who lived at this site, which is known as Bluff Ruin, had a -very simple culture. They lived in round pit houses which were entered -through the side. The little pottery which has been found is plain brown -ware. - - - THE PINE LAWN PHASE[84][85] - -At present the Mogollon in New Mexico is divided into four periods. To -the first has been assigned the name _Pine Lawn Phase_. It is known only -from one location, the SU site which lies about seven miles west of -Reserve, New Mexico. The site name was taken from a local cattle brand. -No wood suitable for dating has been found, so it has been necessary to -estimate the time of occupation on typological evidence. On this basis, -it is thought that the SU site was inhabited prior to 500 A. D. - -Most of the inhabitants of the SU site lived in very shallow pit houses. -These were so irregular in shape, and there was such variation in size -and construction, that it has been suggested that the indications are -that house building was a relatively new trait. The greater number of -the pit houses were entered by inclined passageways opening to the east. -There were no deflectors such as are found in Basketmaker houses. - -A few surface houses with wattle-and-daub walls have also been found. -They are similarly irregular in shape and size. House floors, both in -pit and surface structures, contained pits. There were usually several -of these and in one case as many as eight. The largest were over three -feet in diameter. Most were empty, and it is thought that they served as -storage spaces, but a few contained burned stones and bones and may have -been used for cooking. Few houses contained fire pits such as are -normally found in Anasazi dwellings. - -Pottery consisted of three undecorated wares which, like all early -Mogollon pottery, were produced by a coiling and scraping technique and -fired in an oxidizing atmosphere. Included are a burnished buff to -reddish-brown ware, a thick unpolished brown, and a polished red. All -were made of the same type of clay and this argues against the polished -red pottery having been of foreign manufacture as has sometimes been -suggested. - -Stone and bone artifacts were not very carefully worked, and many -materials seem to have been utilized without much modification. Stone -tools and implements strongly resemble ancient Cochise specimens. Many -grinding stones were found and quite a number of them were basin-shaped -types such as were used in the preparation of wild plant foods. There -were some simple paint-grinding stones. Little unworked bone was found -and this bears out the theory that no great amount of hunting was done. -Worked specimens were largely made from the long bones of deer. They -include pinlike objects and awls. Some of the latter had notches cut in -the side. - -A total of forty-six burials has been uncovered. Some bodies were buried -outside of the houses and some within the walls. These were usually -flexed and most of them had been placed in pits. Only a few artifacts -were found with the skeletons, and it appears that the practice of -burying offerings with the dead was not well established. The skeletons -were poorly preserved and have not yielded much information. Deformation -of the skull was rare, and, when present, was very slight. It has been -suggested that the poor condition of the bones, as compared with animal -bones from the same site, may reflect deficiencies in the people’s diet. - -The succeeding periods have been found best represented at Mogollon -Village,[50] about ten miles north of Glenwood, New Mexico; at Harris -Village,[50] a quarter of a mile east of Mimbres, New Mexico; and at -Starkweather Ruin,[99] three and a half miles west of Reserve, New -Mexico. - -The excavation of these sites has yielded evidence of occupation by -prehistoric people who practiced agriculture but who were more dependent -on hunting than their neighbors to the north and west. Corn was -cultivated, but there is no evidence of beans or squash. They used the -atlatl or dart-thrower, as well as the bow and arrow. There is no -evidence that turkeys were domesticated, although bone remains indicate -that they were hunted. - - - THE GEORGETOWN PHASE - -The earliest period represented at these sites is known as the -_Georgetown_. The estimated dates are from 500 to 700 A. D.[50] Some -archaeologists do not agree, and feel that 700 A. D. is the earliest -date which may be given for the first Mogollon settlements in New -Mexico.[99] During Georgetown times dwellings were small, roughly -circular, pit houses which were entered by inclined passageways. A fire -pit lay midway between the center of the room and the entrance. Roofs -were supported by a main pole in the center of the structure and -secondary poles along the walls. One larger pit house was found at -Harris Village which, it is thought, may have been used for ceremonial -purposes. It did not contain the deflector, sipapu, or benches which -characterize most Pueblo kivas. It differs from the Georgetown -domiciliary structures not only in size but in the greater length of the -entrance passage and the possession of a straight front wall. - -Most pottery was undecorated. Only four sherds of painted pottery, which -consisted of a crude gray ware with broad red lines, were found. The -predominant types were a plain buff or brown ware and a polished red -ware such as were found at the SU site. A few of the former fall in the -category of textured pottery. This is pottery which has been embellished -through techniques, such as scoring, incising, or punching, which change -the character of the surface. There are no corrugated types in the early -Mogollon, but a few pieces have banded necks, or have been scored. -Textured pottery became increasingly common in later periods. - -Metates were made of unshaped stone blocks and were basin-shaped. -Projectile points were short and broad stemmed. Large stemmed blades and -stemmed drills were also made. Pipes were made of clay. They were short -and were formed in one piece. - -Little is known of the physical type of the people and their burial -customs, since only one grave has been found which may be attributed to -this period. This contained the skeleton of an adult male with a -slightly deformed skull who had been buried beneath the floor of a -Georgetown house at Starkweather Ruin. - - - THE SAN FRANCISCO PHASE - -Following the Georgetown in New Mexico comes the _San Francisco_ stage -for which the dates 700 to 900 A.D. have been tentatively suggested.[50] -A few datable logs have been found in structures assigned to the latter -part of the period. The approximate age is given in round numbers with -the terminal date as 900, although two logs gave dates of 927. The -terminal date for the Georgetown and the beginning date for the San -Francisco stage are by no means firmly established. - -There are such distinct changes between Georgetown and San Francisco -times, particularly as regards architecture, that an intervening period -has been postulated. Excavations in Arizona are thought to provide -evidence to substantiate this belief, but there are as yet no published -accounts. It has also been suggested that the marked changes were due to -outside influences, possibly both Anasazi and Hohokam. Still another -theory advanced to account for the architectural changes at the -beginning of the San Francisco stage is that the culture was modified by -the addition of a Colonial Hohokam house type.[99] It is generally -agreed that after about 700 or 800 A.D. the Mogollon was a highly mixed -culture, but there are many questions which cannot be answered until -more evidence is available. Whatever the explanation, many culture -traits, notably house types, did change. - - [Illustration: Fig. 55—Postulated reconstructions of the dwelling - units of the three Mogollon phases represented by the houses in the - Harris Village. (After Haury.[50] Courtesy Gila Pueblo.) a. - Georgetown.] - - [Illustration: b. San Francisco.] - - [Illustration: c. Three Circle.] - -The small, roughly circular houses were replaced by deep rectangular pit -houses with roofs supported by a main center pole and auxiliary poles -along the long axis. Most had side entrances, but in some cases the -entrance was through the roof. Some of the wood taken from these houses -has yielded tree-ring dates. At Mogollon Village four houses, believed -to have been occupied at the close of the period, contained datable -logs. The dates fell between 896 and 908 A.D. At Starkweather Ruin, a -house attributed to the San Francisco phase yielded two logs with dates -of 927 A.D. - -In addition to the domiciliary structures, there were larger houses -thought to have been of a ceremonial nature. These were kidney-shaped as -a result of the drawing in of the sides at the entrance. They did not -have ventilators. Storage pits were rare in houses but occurred -frequently between the structures. They were usually undercut, so that -they were wider at the bottom than at the top. - -The same pottery types found in the Georgetown phase continued to be -made and red-on-brown and red-on-white painted wares were also produced. -Textured pottery increased in importance and included banded, punched, -and scored forms. - -Basin-shaped metates persisted, but there were also troughed forms, -closed at one end. Grooved mauls are found in San Francisco levels. -Grooved axes are not found in all sites, but some were obtained from the -San Francisco horizon at Starkweather Ruin. Other stone work included -broad-bladed hoes, roughly shaped stone vessels and both long and short -pipes. Projectile points, blades, and drills were like the earlier -types. A distinctive implement, and an important feature of the Mogollon -culture, was a form of bone awl with a notch cut a short distance below -the head. Shell work was rare, but a few beads and bracelets made of -this material have been found. - -Graves are usually found scattered between the structures, although at -Starkweather Ruin two adult burials were found below a house floor. -Offerings were scarce, but in some cases vessels were broken and the -pieces scattered in the grave. This foreshadows the practice of -“ceremonial killing” of pottery which became so marked later. It is -believed that this was done to permit the release of the spirit or soul -of the pottery. While inhumation was the chief method of disposing of -the dead, cremation was practiced in a very few cases and the ashes and -unconsumed bones placed in pits. This trait may have been derived from -the Hohokam to the west. A study of the skeletal remains indicate that -the people had relatively low, broad heads and did not practice -deformation. - - - BEAR RUIN[53] - -In the seventh and eighth centuries another site of great interest was -occupied in east-central Arizona. This site, which is known as the Bear -Ruin, lies in the Forestdale Valley some eight miles south of Showlow. -Tree-ring dates were obtained from three beams. The dates fall in the -middle of the seventh century. These logs may have been cut at any time -during the building period, however, and it is only through finding -pottery of known age that archaeologists have arrived at the dates of -600 to 800 A.D. for the estimated age of occupation. - -Bear Ruin is important because it shows hybridizing and blending of -Mogollon and Anasazi traits. Probably the Mogollon was the original -culture on which were superimposed certain Anasazi traits. Eventually -the former is thought to have been so completely overlaid by the latter -as to practically disappear, not only here, but also in other parts of -the territory. - -The people who lived in Bear Ruin, in the days when it was not a ruin -but an inhabited village, were equally dependent on hunting and -agriculture. They lived both in round and rectangular pit houses. -Seventeen of these have been excavated, and it is thought that this may -represent about fifty per cent of the village. - -Most of the houses resemble those of the Anasazi area, yet some are like -Mogollon houses and others show a combination of Anasazi and Mogollon -elements. None contained either masonry or slab linings. A large kiva -was found on the outskirts of the village. It contained a grooved -trench, dug into the floor, which, it is thought, may have provided a -fastening for the lower beams of looms. - -Cooking was apparently done over large rock hearths in and about the -houses. The technique employed may have been to fill pits with rocks -which were then heated. Food wrapped in some insulating material, such -as grass, was then placed in the pit and covered with hot rocks topped -with earth. This trait is one of those which, it has been suggested, may -have been derived from the ancient Cochise people. - -The Bear Ruin people did not make any painted pottery, but this must -have been a matter of choice, for they were familiar with the painted -wares of the Anasazi, Mogollon, and Hohokam, which they imported. A -great percentage of the indigenous pottery was the plain buff to -reddish-brown ware so plentiful in all early Mogollon sites. One -distinctive type of pottery found in the Forestdale Valley is -characterized by a black interior and a brown or reddish-brown exterior -marked by black fire clouds. These clouds or smudges are the result of -pottery coming in contact with fuel during the firing process. Another -Forestdale type is a gray to light-brown ware which may represent a -fusion of Basketmaker gray ware and Mogollon buff ware. A third is a -red-brown pottery mottled by fire clouds. - -The dead were buried in shallow pits scattered throughout the village. -Bodies usually lay on the back in a semi-flexed position with the heads -to the northeast. Most of the graves contained mortuary offerings, -usually pottery. One child was found buried with seventeen vessels. Nine -of these were miniatures and were possibly his toys. Due to soil -conditions, bones were poorly preserved. What evidence could be obtained -from them indicates the presence of a mixed population, such as would be -expected on the basis of the mixture of traits shown in the material -culture. - - - THE THREE CIRCLE PHASE - -In New Mexico further changes took place during the _Three Circle_ stage -which followed the San Francisco. Pit houses were somewhat smaller and -shallower and were all rectangular and often stone-lined. Roofs were -usually supported by four main posts placed near the corners. Sometimes -the supports were incorporated in the wall. In some cases, the side -entrances were short and sometimes started with a step. Besides the -domestic structures, there were also larger rectangular pit houses with -long inclined entrances which are thought to have been of a ceremonial -nature. - -Troughed metates entirely replaced the basin-shaped variety. Manos were -shaped and four-sided in form. Axes were sometimes notched and sometimes -grooved for hafting. Stone vessels were still simple, but were sometimes -ornamented with incised patterns. Serrations on both edges characterized -the arrow points which were long and narrow-stemmed. Stone palettes -appear in this horizon. They may have been inspired or introduced by the -Hohokam, or they may have evolved from the simple paint grinding stones -such as those found in the SU site. Stone pipes and short clay pipes -with fitted stems have been found. - -With the exception of red-on-brown pottery, wares already described -continued to be made. A black-on-white pottery, which apparently shows a -Pueblo influence from the north, was added to the assemblage. Textured -pottery became more important. - -Shell was widely used as a material, although only a few species were -represented. Olivella shells and double-lobed pieces of cut shell were -used as beads. Thin bracelets were made of glycymeris shell. Some beads -were tubular forms made of bone. Others were made from hackberry seeds, -and one infant was found buried with hundreds of these. - -In general, burials were like those of the preceding period. Cremations -continued to be very rare. - - - THE MIMBRES PHASE - -More and more the Mogollon people were affected by outside cultural -influences. By about 950 or 1000 A.D. their culture had been so greatly -altered and was submerged to such an extent that the resulting blend may -be considered a new entity and given another name. This phase or culture -is called the _Mimbres_. It was named after the Mimbres River, for this -valley seems to represent the focal point of the culture. The greatest -development centers in Grant County, New Mexico, where excavated sites -include the Swarts Ruin,[21] the Mattocks Ruin,[98] the Galaz Ruin,[8] -and Cameron Creek Village.[6] - -In these sites is found evidence of rapid changes in the construction of -dwellings. The earliest houses were Mogollon-type pit houses, sometimes -slab-lined. These were followed by semi-subterranean and single surface -houses with rubble masonry. In the latest stage, houses were built -entirely above the surface. They were one-story pueblolike buildings -consisting of clusters of rooms. In some cases there were no more than -five rooms, in others there were more than fifty. The larger structures -sometimes had inner courts or plazas and at Swarts Ruin, where there are -two big houses, there was a large dance plaza between the two buildings. -Walls were built of masonry, often made of river boulders. Roofs were -made of beams covered with brush, grass, reeds, and adobe. Some -contained trap-doors, covered with stone slabs, which provided a means -of entrance. In one architecturally advanced building there were -windows. In the rooms were fireplaces and rock-walled storage bins. -Kivas were rectangular, underground chambers. - -One interesting trait of the Mimbreños was the practice of burying the -dead under the house floors, although the houses continued to be -occupied. In one room a total of thirty-two, sub-floor burials were -found. Although this practice was the most common one, it was not always -followed, for there were some burials outside of the houses and in the -fill of unoccupied rooms, and a few cremations have been found. - -Archaeologists are very grateful to the ancient Mimbres people for their -habit of burying pots with the dead, for it is to this that we owe our -knowledge of some of the most beautiful and interesting pottery that has -ever been made. A few old people and children were buried without -offerings, but most bodies had one or more bowls placed over the head. -Metates and manos were also often placed in women’s graves, and there -was some jewelry. One interesting feature of burial pottery, apart from -the magnificent skill which went into its decoration, was the presence -of a hole, usually punched into the pot with a sharp instrument, or -sometimes drilled. It is believed that this was done to release the -spirit or soul of the vessel which was thought to be a part of the -maker. The ceremonial killing of pottery probably took place at the -grave, for the piece knocked out of a pot is often found associated with -it in the burial. Metates were often similarly treated. - -The plain burnished-buff and polished-red wares of the Mogollon -continued to be made, but black-on-white pottery assumed the greatest -importance, and fine corrugated cooking ware began to be produced. There -is also some polychrome ware with red and black designs on a white -background. It was in the field of black-on-white ware that the ancient -Mimbreños reached an artistic peak which has seldom, if ever, been -surpassed in the medium of pottery. The black-on-white color combination -at once suggests Pueblo influence. Certain design elements are -reminiscent of the Hohokam, however. - -Bowls were the usual shape. Designs were sometimes positive, sometimes -negative. They were of two types, geometric and naturalistic. Both are -equally remarkable. The geometric designs are very beautiful and are -characterized by an extraordinary sureness of touch which is revealed by -the accuracy of spacing and the precision of line. In one case, for -example, twenty-seven parallel lines are to be found in a band less than -two inches in width. The bowls with naturalistic designs show the same -fine sense of composition. Some depict charming, surrealist creatures -which Dali might be proud to claim, but others are quite realistic. The -forms shown include birds, insects, quadrupeds, fish, and human beings. - -From these we can gather certain clues to help us reconstruct something -of the way of life of the people who painted them. Turkeys were among -the birds most commonly represented, but a lack of turkey bones in the -refuse heaps suggests that they were not used for food. Remains of fish, -which are also commonly represented, have not been found, but this may, -of course, be due to the fragility of their bones. Most useful are the -designs showing human beings. There are some narrative scenes which show -such activities as men fighting bears, setting snares, dancing, and -picking bugs from corn plants. From pictures of people, we may learn -something of the clothing which was worn. Men are shown wearing breech -cloths. Women are sometimes represented wearing a fringed sash and -sandals. Some are shown wearing blankets which extend below the waist -and with fringed sashes hanging down in back. Their hair was worn in -whorls on the side, much like the present head dress of unmarried Hopi -girls. We know from burials that skull deformation was widely practiced, -and this adds to our knowledge of the appearance of the people. Jewelry -was rather widely worn. It is shown on human figures painted on bowls, -and examples are found in graves. Beads were made of stone and shell. -Turquoise was used in the manufacture of beads, in inlaying, and in -making pendants which were worn as ear bobs. There were many bracelets -and carved pendants of shell. - - [Illustration: Fig. 56—Mimbres black-on-white pottery. Note hole in - center of upper bowl which shows that the vessel has been “killed.” - (Courtesy School of American Research.)] - -Stone implements include grooved axes, hoes, large knives, projectile -points, and manos and troughed metates. Some interesting artifacts are -mortars and pestles believed to have been used for crushing nuts and -seeds. Some mortars were holes dug into rock outcrops and boulders. A -considerable number of palettes have been found. Bone was widely used in -the manufacture of awls. Some of these have decorated heads carved in -the form of mountain sheep. - -During the twelfth century the Mimbres people left their old haunts. The -culture may have persisted for some time in some of the outlying -districts to the south but the main area was left unoccupied. During -Regressive-Pueblo times it was inhabited for a time by Pueblo people, -but there were no occupied villages at the time of Coronado. Why the -Mimbreños deserted this fertile valley, we do not know. There is no -evidence of warfare and no sign of a hurried departure. When the people -moved they must have had time to gather their belongings together and -take them with them, for only heavy stone artifacts were left behind. We -do not know where these people went after leaving the Mimbres Valley. -The best guess seems to be that they moved south into Mexico where they -were assimilated and absorbed by other groups, and that they lost their -identity among the people of Chihuahua. - - - SUMMARY - -We may summarize the Mogollon problem as follows: In west-central New -Mexico and east-central Arizona have been found certain sites which do -not follow entirely the same pattern as Anasazi or Hohokam sites. There -are a number of possible theories to explain the development of the -culture represented by these sites. It may have been derived from the -Anasazi, it may represent an early fusion of the Anasazi and Hohokam -cultures or, it may be a separate cultural entity which possibly -developed from the eastern branch of the ancient Cochise Culture. During -the earliest periods it had certain traits which, in the opinion of many -archaeologists, make it necessary to consider it a separate basic -culture. Houses were of the pit house type with long sloping entrances. -Agriculture was practiced, but there was a great dependence on the -gathering of wild foods and on hunting. The atlatl was used, as well as -the bow. Pottery was made by a coiling and scraping technique, was fired -in an oxidizing atmosphere, and was usually well polished. A painted -ware with red designs on a brown background and a red-on-white ware were -later added and textured pottery increased in importance. Pipes were -made of clay and of stone. Bone awls were often notched on one side. The -dead were usually buried outside the houses. There were some cremations. - -From about 700 or 800 A.D. on, there is evidence of more and more -outside influences. By around 950 or 1000 A.D. there were so many -changes in the Mimbres Valley that the resulting blend is often referred -to as a separate culture. Single pit houses were replaced by -multi-roomed pueblolike structures built above the ground. -Black-on-white pottery was the dominant ware and reached a high degree -of excellence. The dead were usually buried under house floors. Cranial -deformation was widely practiced. The Mimbres Valley was deserted in the -middle of the twelfth century and we can only conjecture where the -people who had inhabited it went. - -As may readily be seen, the whole Mogollon problem appears to be very -complex. This is always the case when a culture or an area is first -investigated and the long job of studying it is in its initial stages. -Apparently the Mogollon people influenced their neighbors to the north -and to the west, and were influenced by them, but we are not yet in a -position to evaluate these trends. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - THE SINAGUA PEOPLE[18] - - -In northern Arizona have been found many remains of prehistoric people -who were contemporaneous with and had certain traits in common with the -Anasazi, and it was originally thought that they all belonged to this -culture. Later, and more intensive, studies have shown that the problem -is more complex than was first believed. Apparently various tribes were -represented, and at present archaeologists are not in agreement as to -the cultures to which all of these groups should be assigned.[29] The -people of the Kayenta region were Anasazis, but in north-central and -northwestern parts of the state lived other people whose affiliations -are not yet known with certainty. It has been suggested that the best -known group may represent a branch of the Mogollon but it has not been -definitely assigned to this culture. - -This group is called the _Sinagua_. It first occupied the area about the -San Francisco Mountains and, later, the Verde Valley. The characteristic -pottery is a brown utility ware of paddle-and-anvil manufacture, fired -in an oxidizing atmosphere. The surface is smoothed and sometimes -polished. Tree-ring dates have not been satisfactorily established for -the earliest period, but, on the basis of pottery finds, it has been -estimated that the San Francisco Mountain area was occupied between 500 -and 700 A.D. by people who lived in round and rectangular pit houses -with center firepits and long sloping entrances to the east. Roofs were -of sloping poles covered with earth. - -These were followed by fairly deep, timber pit houses. Walls were made -of a series of upright poles lashed together, with larger poles set in -corners to provide support for a roof platform. The entire structure was -covered with grass or bark, and earth was banked over it. These timber -pit houses at first had long sloping entrances to the east, but these -were later reduced to serve as ventilators, and entrance was through the -roof. - -In locations unsuitable for the construction of pit houses, there were -also surface or near-surface houses. In places where drainage was poor -and the ground was boggy, they were built on artificially constructed -earth mounds some eight to twelve inches high. These have been called -platform or alcove houses. They are roughly rectangular and have a small -extension or alcove which was used as an entrance. The alcove may have -served a further purpose and supplied additional storage space, although -rectangular surface granaries made of timber seem to be associated with -these houses. - - [Illustration: Fig. 57—Map of the Southwest showing probable areas - occupied by the Sinagua group and the Patayan Culture. Dotted area, - Sinagua; 1. Southern branch, 2. Northern branch. Hatched area, - Patayan; 3. Cohonina branch, 4. Prescott branch. (Based on maps by - Colton[18][19] and McGregor.[87])] - -Sometime between 1046 and 1070 A.D., probably in 1066, a volcano fifteen -miles northeast of the present town of Flagstaff erupted. This volcano, -now known as Sunset Crater, covered some 800 square miles with a black -ash, and forced the early inhabitants to flee from their homes on the -lower slopes of the San Francisco Mountains. This seeming disaster, -however, was really a very fortunate occurrence, for the fine black -material strewn over the countryside by the volcano provided a mulch -which aided in conserving moisture and made the practice of agriculture -possible over a wider area. - - [Illustration: Fig. 58—Montezuma Castle National Monument, Arizona. - (Courtesy National Park Service.)] - -Not only did the original Sinagua people return to the area, but Hohokam -and Pueblo people moved in too, bringing with them their own special -traits. The Hohokam introduced their type of architecture and their -distinctive ball courts, and the Anasazi introduced the Pueblo -architecture which was adopted by the Sinaguans. At first, masonry was -used to replace timbers in pit houses, but in a very short time the -Sinagua people began building surface masonry dwellings and multi-roomed -pueblos became the rule. - -During the years of the great drought of 1276 to 1299, many more people -left the area and moved farther south into the Hohokam territory where -some Sinaguans had already settled. Shortly after 1300 A.D. the -Flagstaff area was abandoned. Some people stayed in the Verde Valley and -built large pueblos. This southern branch is best known from the -impressive sites of Tuzigoot[13] and Montezuma Castle, now National -Monuments. Others may have gone farther south and mixed with the Hohokam -in the Gila Basin, and some may have moved to the Little Colorado area -and may be among the ancestors of the present Hopi Indians. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - THE PATAYAN CULTURE - - -The prehistoric people who lived in the valley of the Colorado River -below the Grand Canyon are the least well known in the Southwest, for -most information about them has been derived only from surface surveys. -Originally, the term _Yuman_ was applied to these people, for Indians -speaking a Yuman language were found there by the first white men to -visit the area.[35] Some archaeologists still use this term, and it is -commonly applied to the culture found in the lower Colorado River basin -and adjacent areas in California.[116] Others feel that it is unwise to -apply a linguistic term to a prehistoric culture and use the term -_Patayan_, a Walapai word meaning “the old people.”[16] It is postulated -that the Patayan or Yuman is a basic culture or root to which should be -given the same status as the Anasazi and Hohokam. - -A large population was found in this area when it was visited by Father -Kino in 1700, and it is thought that there must have been a great -concentration of population in this fertile valley and delta for a long -time. In the lower basin of the Colorado River and in the desert area -which adjoins it, has been found evidence of ancient people who worked -in stone but did not make pottery.[115] A period followed in which more -territory was occupied and in which pottery was made. The finding of -datable pieces of trade wares in the valley indicates a period of -occupation of some 1500 years by people familiar with ceramics.[116] - -Archaeologists studying the Patayan or Yuman culture encounter many -difficulties. The culture seems to be characterized by a great poverty -of material remains, possibly because of a greater use of perishable -materials which have not been preserved. Also, until Boulder Dam was -built, the river overflowed its banks every year and covered the land -with a layer of silt, thus burying much evidence of occupation.[17] - -In western and northwestern Arizona, the portion of this area which lies -within the scope of this book, the one group of people which has been -more or less definitely assigned to the Patayan culture is known only -from the finding of distinctive, brown utility-wares. The main center of -this tribe seems to have been in the Colorado River valley below Black -Canyon. - -There are also two other groups of northwestern Arizona which may, or -may not, prove to be manifestations of the Patayan pattern. The area -below the Grand Canyon and north of the San Francisco Mountains, bounded -on the east by the Little Colorado River and on the west by the Grand -Wash Cliffs, was occupied between about 700 and 1100 A.D. by a group of -people to which the name _Cohonina_ has been applied.[16] These people -lived both in deep and in very shallow pit houses with walls made of -timber. It has been suggested that the deep pit houses may represent a -Sinagua trait and that the near-surface houses were the true Cohonina -form. Masonry was used in the construction of some of the deep pit -houses and granaries and forts. The latter are large rectangular -buildings with thick walls and parapets which were probably loop-holed. -The building of such structures would suggest unsettled conditions. Some -time after 1100 A.D., masonry pueblos were built. - -Cohonina pottery was a gray ware made by the paddle-and-anvil process, -sometimes scraped for final finishing, and fired in a reducing -atmosphere. Red paint was often applied over the surface of the vessel -after firing. It is impermanent and is commonly called “fugitive red”. -Occasionally crude designs were applied with a thin black paint. Jars -were the most common form, but some bowls were also made. Arrowheads -were of a distinctive type. Cohonina points are slender and roughly -triangular, although sometimes the maximum breadth is above the base. -They are serrated and unnotched. Little is known of methods of disposing -of the dead. It is suspected that cremation was practiced, but that the -bones were not gathered after burning. - -To the south in the vicinity of Prescott, Arizona, between about 900 and -1000 A.D., lived another group of people.[16] They too built some -masonry forts and made gray, paddle-and-anvil pottery with a coarse -temper containing much mica. Decorations were in black paint. The firing -atmosphere was poorly controlled, and there is a variation in color from -gray to orange or red, although the paste is the same. - -If all this seems needlessly confusing, it must be remembered that even -the archaeologists most intimately concerned with the problem are -confused too. Only the most fragmentary evidence has been found, but -they know that an important chapter in the prehistory of the Southwest -lies in the valley of the Colorado River and adjacent areas. They know -that eventually they will be able to read it, and, as a result, they -will have a greatly improved perspective in their attempts to analyze -the whole of prehistoric life in the Southwest. Before the final pages -are deciphered, however, so much remains to be done that very likely -there will be even more confusion before there is clarification. - - - CONCLUSION - -In the preceding chapters an attempt has been made to summarize our -present knowledge of the prehistory of the great area called the -Southwest. Although the Southwest is possibly the best known area in -America, we have barely scratched the surface and great discoveries lie -ahead. For the present there are many gaps in our knowledge. Doubtless -in many cases, data have been incorrectly interpreted. Archaeological -opinions are by no means unanimous on all points. In the years to come, -other archaeologists with greater knowledge and more refined techniques -will reveal new pages of prehistory and re-interpret many of those which -their predecessors have tried to decipher. The findings of all science -must be regarded, “not as rigid dogma, but as reasonable approximation -to truth, certain to be largely extended and modified in the future.”[2] -Although there is yet much to be learned and much to be reevaluated, a -great deal has already been accomplished in the realm of Southwestern -archaeology. Through scattered clues, carefully assembled and -painstakingly studied and correlated it is at least possible to see -something of the growth and development of unfamiliar cultures. - -Inevitably certain questions are asked of those who devote themselves to -such work. “What good is archaeology?” “Why is it important to know -these things?” The best answer seems to be still another question. “Are -we sufficiently sure of the worth of our own achievements to deny the -value of trying to reconstruct another chapter of human history, even if -we have nothing more than pottery and stone to guide us?”[3] According -to our standards the prehistoric inhabitants of the Southwest did not -achieve civilization. Still, there might be something to be learned from -people so uncivilized that they believed that the cultivation of the -land, the creation of beautiful as well as useful objects, and keeping -in harmony with the great natural forces of the universe, were more -important than the subjugation or destruction of their fellow men. - - - - - GLOSSARY - - -Aborigine—The native inhabitants of a country; in America, the Indians. - -Apocynum—A plant, related to the milkweed, which provided fibers used in - weaving. - -Archaeology—The scientific study of the material remains of human life - and human activities in prehistoric or ancient times. - -Artifact—A product of human workmanship. Commonly used by archaeologists - in speaking of prehistoric tools, implements, etc. - -Atlatl—An Aztec word meaning spear-thrower. Atlatls are throwing sticks - which have a handle on one end and on the other a spur which fits - into a pit or cup drilled into the basal end of a dart shaft. When - the dart is thrown the atlatl remains in the hand. - -Basic Culture—See _Culture_. - -Caliche—A crust or succession of crusts of calcium carbonate that forms - within or on top of the soil of arid or semi-arid regions. - -Ceramic—Pertaining to pottery and its materials. - -Chronology—The study of the method of arranging past events or the - material representing them in a sequence of their happenings in - relation to years or in relation to each other. - -Cist—An oval or circular pit, often slab-lined, used for storage. Cists - sometimes served a secondary purpose as depositories for the dead. - -Clan—A social group made up of a number of households, the heads of - which claim descent in either the male or female line from a - common ancestor. - -Cloisonne—A surface decoration produced by outlining a design with - strips of flat wire and filling the interstices with enamel. - -Complex—A group of related traits or characteristics which combine to - form a complete activity, process, or cultural unit. - -Compound—In the Orient, a wall or fenced enclosure containing a house, - buildings, etc. The term is also used to describe the walled - enclosures built during Classic Hohokam times. - -Corrugated Pottery—Pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions - resulting from a coiling-and-pinching technique of manufacture - have not been obliterated. - -Coursed Masonry—Masonry constructed of stones lying on approximately - level beds. - -Cranium—Skull (Plural: Crania) - -Culture—The total activities and beliefs of a group of individuals which - may be separated from other groups on the basis of differences in - complexes and original differences in geographical and - chronological positions. In an archaeological context, the - material remains of a group of people which represent traits which - they had in common, which differentiated them from other people. A - _Basic Culture_ is, as the name implies, one which provides a base - or foundation for succeeding cultures. It is essentially a - cultural root from which may spring stems and branches. - -Deflector—An upright slab, standing between fireplace and ventilator in - a pit house or kiva, designed to protect the fire from inrushing - air. - -Dendrochronology—A system of establishing an absolute count of years by - utilizing the pattern combinations of tree-rings. - -Diffusion—The transference of elements of culture from one society to - another. - -Effigy—An image of a living object. - -Ethnology—The scientific study of the cultures of living primitive - peoples. - -Hatchures—Short, closely spaced, parallel lines used in pottery designs. - -Hogan—A Navajo house; one room, domed or conically shaped, made of logs, - sometimes with stone side walls, usually covered with earth. - -Horizon—In a site, a level or stratum. In a culture, a particular level - of development. - -Incised—In pottery, grooved in soft clay with a sharp tool. - -Jacal—A type of construction in which walls are made of upright poles - set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe. - -Katchinas—Supernatural beings in Pueblo Indian mythology, or masked - dancers personifying these beings. - -Killed Pottery—Pottery in which a hole has been punched or drilled in - order to release the soul or spirit of the vessel which is - conceived as being a part of the maker. - -Kiva—A ceremonial chamber, usually subterranean and circular. - -Mano—A hand stone, usually roughly oblong, used for grinding grains, - seeds, etc. - -Metate—The grinding stone on which the Mano is rubbed. - -Moraine—An accumulation of earth, stones, etc. carried and finally - deposited by a glacier. - -Oxidizing Atmosphere—Pottery is said to have been fired in an oxidizing - atmosphere when air is permitted to circulate around it during the - firing process. This leads to an excess of oxygen in the - atmosphere and produces pottery in shades of red, brown, or - yellow. - -Paddle-and-Anvil—A pottery-finishing technique in which coil impressions - are obliterated by striking the exterior of the vessel with a - paddle while holding a round or mushroom-shaped object, known as - an anvil, within the vessel to receive the force of the blow. - -Periphery—In archaeological usage, a marginal area, a region lying - immediately beyond the boundaries of a specific area. - -Pilaster—A square column forming part of a wall. - -Phase—This term is used in different ways by different archaeologists. - For the purposes of this book, it may be defined as an interval of - culture occurring in a specific area at a specific time and - associated with a particular culture. It may also be defined as a - group of sites with similar determinants. - -Polychrome Pottery—Pottery bearing three or more colors. - -Plaza—A public square. - -Projectile Point—An arrow point, spear point, or dart point. - -Reducing Atmosphere—Pottery is said to have been fired in a reducing - atmosphere when air is not allowed to circulate around it during - the firing process. This results in a reduction of the oxygen - content of the atmosphere and produces pottery in shades of white - and gray. - -Sherd—A fragment of a broken, pottery vessel. - -Sipapu—A hole commonly found in the floors of kivas which is symbolic of - the mythological place from which, according to creation myths, - the first people emerged from the underworld. - -Slip—A coating of very fine clay applied to a vessel before firing to - give a smooth finish. - -Spall—A chip or flake removed from a larger piece of stone. - -Stockade—An enclosure made with posts and stakes. - -Stratification—The characteristic of being in layers or strata and the - processes by which such material is deposited. A single layer is - called a _Stratum_, more than one, _Strata_. When undisturbed the - lowest stratum is the oldest since it was laid down first. - -Trait—Any single element of culture. - -Temper—Non-plastic material added to clay from which pottery is made to - prevent cracking. - -Twilling—A system of weaving in which the woof thread is carried over - one and under two or more warp threads, producing diagonal lines - or ribs on the surface of the fabric or basket. - -Twining—A system of weaving in which splints or threads are intertwined - around a foundation of radiating rods or threads. - -Tuff—Solidified volcanic ash. - -Typology—The study of any system of arrangement according to type. - - - - - Bibliography - - - Amsden, Charles A. - (1) 1939. The Ancient Basketmakers: Southwest Museum Leaflet No. - 11, Los Angeles, California. - Bartlett, Katharine - (2) 1934. Material Culture of Pueblo II in the San Francisco - Mountains: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 7, - Flagstaff, Arizona. - Beals, Ralph L., G. W. Brainerd and Watson Smith - (3) 1945. Archaeological Studies in Northeast Arizona: Univ. of - Calif. Pub. in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Vol. 44, No. 1, - Berkeley, California. - Benedict, Ruth - (4) 1934. Patterns of Culture: Houghton-Mifflin Co., New York. - Boekelman, H. J. - (5) 1936. A Shell Trumpet from Arizona: American Antiquity, Vol. - II, No. 1, pp. 27-31, Menasha, Wisconsin. - Bradfield, Wesley - (6) 1929. Cameron Creek Village, a Site in the Mimbres Area in - Grant County, New Mexico: School of American Research, - Santa Fe, New Mexico. - Brew, John Otis - (7) 1946. Archaeology of Alkali Ridge, Southeastern Utah. - Appendices by Alice Brues and Volney H. Jones: Papers - of the Peabody Museum of Am. Arch. and Ethn., Harvard - University, Vol. XXI, Cambridge, Mass. - Bryan, B. - (8) 1931. Excavation of the Galaz Ruin: The Masterkey, Vol. IV, - Nos. 6 and 7, pp. 179-189, 221-226, Southwest Museum, - Los Angeles, Calif. - Bryan, Kirk - (9) 1941. Correlation of the Deposits of Sandia Cave, New Mexico, - with the Glacial Chronology: Smithsonian Misc. Col., - Vol. 99, No. 23, Washington. - (10) 1941. Pre-Columbian Agriculture in the Southwest as - Conditioned by Periods of Alluviation: Association of - American Geographers, Annals, Vol. 31, No. 4, pp. - 219-242. - Bryan, Kirk, and Louis L. Ray - (11) 1940. Geologic Antiquity of the Lindenmeier Site in Colorado: - Smithsonian Misc. Col. Vol. 99. No. 2, Washington, D. C. - Carter, George F. - (12) 1945. Plant Geography and Culture History in the American - Southwest: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, - No. 5, New York. - Caywood, Louis R. and Edward H. Spicer - (13) 1935. Tuzigoot, the Excavation and Repair of a Ruin in the - Verde Valley near Clarkdale, Arizona: Office of - Southwestern Monuments, National Park Service, - Coolidge, Arizona (Mimeographed). - Cockerell, T. D. A. - (14) 1946. The Function of Psychology: Letter to the Editor, - Science, Vol. 103 No. 2670, p. 281, Lancaster, Pa. - Colton, Harold S. - (15) 1939. The Reducing and Oxidizing Atmosphere in Prehistoric - Southwestern Ceramics: American Antiquity, Vol. IV, No. - 3, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (16) 1939. Prehistoric Culture Units and their Relationships in - Northern Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bull. 17, - Flagstaff, Arizona. - (17) 1945. The Patayan Problem in the Colorado River Valley: - Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. I, No. 1, - Univ. of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico. - (18) 1946. The Sinagua: A Summary of the Archaeology of the Region - of Flagstaff, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona - Bulletin 22, Flagstaff, Arizona. - Colton, Harold S. and L. L. Hargrave - (19) 1933. Pueblo II in the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona; - Pueblo II Houses of the San Francisco Mountains, - Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 4, - Flagstaff, Arizona. - (20) 1937. Handbook of Northern Arizona Pottery Wares: Museum of - Northern Arizona, Bulletin 11, Flagstaff, Arizona. - Cosgrove, H. S. and C. B. - (21) 1932. The Swarts Ruin, a typical Mimbres Site in Southwestern - New Mexico: Peabody Museum Papers Vol. XV, No. 1, - Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. - Cummings, Byron - (22) 1940. Kinishba. A prehistoric Pueblo of the Great Pueblo - Period: Hohokam Museums Association and University of - Arizona, Tucson, Arizona. - Douglass, A. E. - (23) 1929. The Secret of the Southwest Solved by the Talkative - Tree-rings: National Geographic Magazine, Vol. 54, pp. - 737-770, Washington, D. C. - Fewkes, J. W. - (24) 1911. Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park; Cliff - Palace: Bulletin 51, Bureau of American Ethnology, - Washington, D. C. - Figgins, J. D. - (25) 1927. The Antiquity of Man in America: Natural History, Vol. - XXVII, No. 3, pp. 229-239, New York. - Gladwin, Harold S. - (26) 1928. Excavations at Casa Grande, Arizona: Southwest Museum - Paper No. 2, Los Angeles, California. - (27) 1937. Excavations at Snaketown: Comparisons and Theories: - Medallion Papers, No. XXVI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (28) 1942. Excavations at Snaketown: Revisions: Medallion Papers, - No. XXX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (29) 1943. A Review and Analysis of the Flagstaff Culture: - Medallion Papers, No. XXXI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (30) 1947. Personal Communication. - Gladwin, Harold S.,^a Emil W. Haury,^b E. B. Sayles,^c and Nora - Gladwin.^d - (31) 1937. Excavations at Snaketown: Material Culture: Medallion - Papers, No. XXV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - Gladwin, Winifred and Harold S. - (32) 1929. The Red-on-Buff-Culture of the Gila Basin: Medallion - Papers No. II, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (33) 1930. Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series I: Medallion - Papers No. VIII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (34) 1933. Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series III: Medallion - Papers No. XIII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (35) 1934. A Method for the Designation of Cultures and their - Variations: Medallion Papers, No. XIV, Gila Pueblo, - Globe, Arizona. - (36) 1935. The Eastern Range of the Red-on-Buff Culture: Medallion - Papers XVI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - Guernsey, S. J. - (37) 1931. Explorations in Northeastern Arizona: Peabody Museum - Papers, Vol. XII, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, - Mass. - Guernsey, S. J. and A. V. Kidder - (38) 1921. Basket-maker Caves of Northeastern Arizona: Peabody - Museum Papers, Volume VIII, No. 2, Harvard University, - Cambridge, Mass. - Hack, J. T. - (39) 1941. The Changing Physical Environment of the Hopi Indians - of Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXXV, No. 1, - Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. - Hall, Edward Twitchell, Jr. - (40) 1944. Recent Clues to Athapaskan Prehistory in the Southwest: - American Anthropologist, Vol. 46, No. 1, pp. 98-105, - Menasha, Wis. - (41) 1944. Early Stockaded Settlements in the Governador, New - Mexico. A Marginal Anasazi Development from Basket - Maker III to Pueblo I Times; Columbia University Press, - New York. - Hargrave, Lyndon L. - (42) 1930. Prehistoric Earth Lodges of the San Francisco - Mountains: Museum Notes, Vol. III, No. 5, Museum of - Northern Arizona, Flagstaff, Arizona. - (43) 1932. Guide to Forty Pottery Types from the Hopi Country and - the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of - Northern Arizona Bulletin No. 1, Flagstaff, Arizona. - Hargrave, Lyndon L. - (44) 1933. Pueblo II houses of the San Francisco Mountains, - Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 4, pp. - 15-75, Flagstaff, Arizona. - Harrington, Mark Raymond - (45) 1924. The Ozark Bluff-Dwellers: American Anthropologist, N. - S. Vol. XXVI, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (46) 1927. A Primitive Pueblo City in Nevada: American - Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXIX, No. 3, pp. 262-277, - Menasha, Wisconsin. - (47) 1933. Gypsum Cave, Nevada: Southwest Museum Papers, No. 8, - Los Angeles, California. - Haury, Emil W. - (48) 1932. Roosevelt 9:6, a Hohokam Site of the Colonial Period: - Medallion Papers, No. XI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (49) 1935. Tree-Rings—The Archaeologist’s Time Piece: American - Antiquity, Vol. I, No. 2, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (50) 1936. The Mogollon Culture of Southwestern New Mexico: - Medallion Papers, No. XX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (51) 1936. Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series IV: Medallion - Papers, No. XIX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - (52) 1937. A Pre-Spanish Rubber Ball from Arizona: American - Antiquity, Vol. II, No. 4, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (53) 1940. Excavations in the Forestdale Valley, East-Central - Arizona: University of Arizona Social Science Bulletin - No. 12, Tucson, Arizona. - (54) 1943. A Possible Cochise-Mogollon-Hohokam Sequence: Recent - Advances in American Archaeology, Proceedings of the - American Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, - Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. - (55) 1943. The stratigraphy of Ventana Cave, Arizona: American - Antiquity, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (56) 1945. The Excavation of Los Muertos and Neighboring Ruins in - the Salt River Valley, southern Arizona: Peabody Museum - Papers, Vol. XXIV, No. 1, Harvard University, - Cambridge, Massachusetts. - (57) 1945. Arizona’s Ancient Irrigation Builders: Natural History, - Vol. LIV, No. 7, New York. - (58) 1946. Report on Field Work in Notes and News: American - Antiquity, Vol. XII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (59) 1947. Personal Communication. - Hawley, Florence M. - 1936. Field Manual of Prehistoric Southwestern Pottery Types: - University of New Mexico Anthropological Series, - Bulletin 291, Vol. I, No. 4, Albuquerque, New Mexico. - Hendron, J. W. - (60) 1940. Prehistory of El Rito de los Frijoles, Bandelier - National Monument: Southwestern Monuments Association, - Technical Series, No. 1, Coolidge, Arizona. - Hewett, Edgar L. - (61) 1935. The Chaco Canyon and its Monuments: Handbooks of - Archaeological History, University of New Mexico and - School of American Research, Albuquerque, New Mexico. - Hewett, Edgar L. - (62) 1938. The Pajarito Plateau and its Ancient People: Handbooks - of Archaeological History, University of New Mexico and - School of American Research, Albuquerque, New Mexico. - Hibben, Frank C. - (63) 1938. The Gallina Phase: American Antiquity, Vol. IV, No. 2, - pp. 131-136, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (64) 1941. Evidences of Early Occupation in Sandia Cave, New - Mexico, and other sites in the Sandia-Manzano Region: - Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 99, No. 23. - Howard, Edgar B. - (65) 1935. Evidence of Early Man in North America: The Museum - Journal, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 2-3, University of - Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. - Hurst, C. T. - (66) 1945. Completion of Excavation of Tabequache Cave II: - Southwestern Lore, Vol. II, No. 1, Gunnison, Colorado. - (67) 1946. Colorado’s Old Timers: Colorado Archaeological Society, - Gunnison, Colorado. - Huscher, Betty H. and Harold A. - (68) 1943. The Hogan Builders of Colorado: Colorado Archaeological - Society, Gunnison, Colorado. - Jenks, Albert E. - (69) 1936. Pleistocene Man In Minnesota, a Fossil _Homo Sapiens_: - Minneapolis, Minnesota. - (70) 1937. Minnesota’s Browns Valley Man and Associated Burial - Artifacts: Memoirs, American Anthropological - Association, No. 49, Menasha, Wisconsin. - Judd, Neil M. - (71) 1925. Everyday Life in Pueblo Bonito: National Geographic - Magazine, Vol. XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 227-262, Washington, - D. C. - (72) 1940. Progress in the Southwest: Smithsonian Miscellaneous - Collections, Volume 100, Washington, D. C. - Kidder, Alfred Vincent - (73) 1924. An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern - Archaeology, with a Preliminary Account of the - Excavations at Pecos: Papers, Southwestern Expedition, - Phillips Academy, No. 1, Yale University Press, New - Haven, Conn. - (74) 1927. Southwestern Archaeological Conference: Science, Vol. - 66, No. 1716, pp. 489-91, Lancaster, Pennsylvania. - (75) 1931. The Pottery of Pecos: Vol. I, Papers, Southwestern - Expedition, Phillips Academy, Yale University Press, - New Haven, Conn. - Kidder, Alfred Vincent and S. J. Guernsey - (76) 1919. Archaeological Explorations in Northeastern Arizona: - Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 65, - Washington, D. C. - Kidder, Alfred Vincent and Anna O. Shepard - (77) 1936. The Pottery of Pecos: Vol. II, Papers, Southwestern - Expedition, Phillips Academy, Yale University Press, - New Haven, Connecticut. - Kroeber, A. L. - (78) 1928. Native Culture of the Southwest: Univ. of California - Pub. in Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIII, No. 9, pp. - 373-398, Berkeley, Calif. - Linton, Ralph - (79) 1936. The Study of Man: D. Appleton-Century Co. New York. - (80) 1944. Nomad Raids and Fortified Pueblos: American Antiquity, - Vol. X, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin. - Martin, Paul S., Lawrence Roys and Gerhardt von Bonin - (81) 1936. Lowry Ruin in Southwestern Colorado: Anthropological - Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, Field Museum of Natural - History, Chicago, Illinois. - Martin, Paul S., Carl Lloyd and Alexander Spoehr - (82) 1938. Archaeological Field Work in the Ackmen-Lowry Area, - Southwestern Colorado, 1937. Anthropological Series, - Vol. XXIII, No. 2, Field Museum of Natural History, - Chicago, Illinois. - Martin, Paul S. and John Rinaldo - (83) 1939. Modified Basket Maker Sites, Ackmen-Lowry Area, - Southwestern Colorado, 1938: Anthropological Series, - Vol. XXIII, No. 3, Field Museum of Natural History, - Chicago, Illinois. - Martin, Paul S., John Rinaldo, and Marjorie Kelly - (84) 1940. The SU Site, Excavations at a Mogollon Village, Western - New Mexico, 1939. Anthropological Series, Vol. XXXII, - No. 1, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, - Illinois. - Martin, Paul S., Robert J. Braidwood, John Rinaldo, Marjorie Kelly - and Brigham A. Arnold. - (85) 1943. The SU Site, Excavations at a Mogollon Village, Western - New Mexico: Second Season, 1941. Anthropological - Series, Vol. 32, No. 2, Field Museum of Natural - History, Chicago, Illinois. - McGregor, John C. - (86) 1941. Winona and Ridge Ruin: Part I, Northern Arizona Society - of Science and Art, Bulletin 18, Flagstaff, Arizona. - (87) 1941. Southwestern Archaeology: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., New - York. - (88) 1943. Burial of an Early American Magician: Recent Advances - in American Archaeology, Proceeding of the American - Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, Philadelphia, - Pennsylvania. - Mera, Harry P. - (89) 1934. Observations on the Archaeology of Petrified Forest - National Monument: Laboratory of Anthropology, Tech. - Bulletin 7, Santa Fe, New Mexico. - (90) 1935. Ceramic Clues to the Prehistory of North Central New - Mexico. Tech. Bulletin 8, Santa Fe, New Mexico. - (91) 1938. Some Aspects of the Largo Cultural Phase, Northern New - Mexico: American Antiquity, Vol. III, No. 3, Menasha, - Wisconsin. - Morris, Earl H. - (92) 1925. Exploring in the Canyon of Death: National Geographic - Magazine, Volume XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 262-300, - Washington, D. C. - (93) 1927. The Beginnings of Pottery Making in the San Juan Area, - Unfired Prototypes and the Wares of the Earliest - Ceramic Period: Anthropological Papers, American Museum - of Natural History, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, New York. - (94) 1928. The Aztec Ruin: Arch M. Huntington Survey of the - Southwest, Anthropological Papers, American Museum of - Natural History, Vol. XXVI, Pts. 1-5. New York. - (95) 1939. Archaeological Studies in the La Plata District, - Southwestern Colorado and Northwestern New Mexico: - Appendix by Anna O. Shepard. Carnegie Institution, - Washington, D. C. - (96) 1946. Personal Communication. - Morss, Noel - (97) 1931. The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River in Utah: - Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XII, No. 3, Harvard - University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. - Nesbitt, Paul H. - (98) 1931. The Ancient Mimbrenos, Based on Investigations at the - Mattocks Ruin, Mimbres, Valley, New Mexico: Logan - Museum Publications, Bull. No. 4, Beloit, Wisconsin. - (99) 1938. Starkweather Ruin: Logan Museum Publications Bull. No. - 6, Beloit, Wisconsin. - Nusbaum, J. L. - (100) 1922. A Basket-Maker Cave in Kane County, Utah; with Notes on - the Artifacts by A. V. Kidder and S. J. Guernsey: - Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American - Indian, No. 29, Heye Foundation, New York. - Parsons, Elsie Clews - (101) 1939. Pueblo Indian Religion: University of Chicago - Publications in Anth. and Ethn., Chicago, Illinois. - Reed, Erik K. - (102) 1942. Implications of the Mogollon Complex: American - Antiquity, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin. - Rinaldo, John - (103) 1941. Conjectures on the Independent Development of the - Mogollon Culture: American Antiquity, Vol. VII, No. 1, - Menasha, Wisconsin. - Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr. - (104) 1929. Recent Archeological Developments in the Vicinity of El - Paso, Texas: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, - Vol. 81, No. 7, Washington, D. C. - (105) 1929. Shabik’eschee Village, A Late Basket Maker Site in the - Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, Bulletin 92, Bureau of - American Ethnology, Washington, D. C. - (106) 1930. Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, southwestern - Colorado: Bulletin 96, Bureau of American Ethnology, - Washington, D. C. - (107) 1931. The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, eastern Arizona: Bulletin - 100, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C. - (108) 1932. The Village of the Great Kivas on the Zuni Reservation, - New Mexico, Bulletin 111, Bureau of American Ethnology, - Washington, D. C. - (109) 1935. A Folsom Complex. Preliminary Report on Investigations - at the Lindenmeier Site in northern Colorado: - Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 94, - Washington, D. C. - (110) 1935. A Survey of Southwestern Archeology: American - Anthropologist, Vol. XXXVII, No. 1, pp. 1-33, Menasha, - Wisconsin. - (111) 1937. Archaeology in the Southwest: American Antiquity, Vol. - III, No. 1, pp. 3-33, Menasha, Wisconsin. - (112) 1939. Archeological Remains in the Whitewater District, - eastern Arizona; Part I, House Types: Bulletin 121, - Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C. - (113) 1939. The Development of a Unit-Type Dwelling: Hewett - Anniversary Volume “So Live The Works of Men”, - University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico. - (114) 1942. Archeological and Geological Investigations in the San - Jon District, eastern New Mexico: Smithsonian - Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 103, No. 4, Washington, - D. C. - Rogers, Malcolm J. - (115) 1939. Early Lithic Industries of the Lower Basin of the - Colorado River and Adjacent Desert Areas: San Diego - Museum Papers, No. 3, San Diego, California. - (116) 1945. An Outline of Yuman Prehistory: Southwestern Journal of - Anthropology, Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 167-198, Albuquerque, - New Mexico. - Sayles, E. B. - (117) 1935. An Archaeological Survey of Texas: Medallion Papers, - No. XVII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - Sayles, E. B. and Ernst Antevs - (118) 1941. The Cochise Culture: Medallion Papers, No. XXIV, Gila - Pueblo, Globe, Arizona. - Seltzer, Carl C. - (119) 1944. Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh - Zunis: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, - Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. - Stallings, W. S., Jr. - (120) 1937. Southwestern Dated Ruins: I, Tree-Ring Bulletin, Vol. - IV, No. 2, Tucson, Arizona. - (121) 1939. Dating Prehistoric Ruins by Tree-Rings: General Series, - Bulletin 8, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, New - Mexico. - (122) 1941. A Basketmaker II Date from Cave du Pont, Utah: - Tree-Ring Bulletin, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Laboratory of - Tree-Ring Research, Tucson, Arizona. - Steward, Julian H. - (123) 1933. Archaeological Problems of the Northern Periphery of - the Southwest: Bulletin No. 5, Museum of Northern - Arizona, Flagstaff, Ariz. - Underhill, Ruth - (124) 1947. First Penthouse Dwellers of America: Second Revised - Edition, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, N. M. - Watson, Don - (125) 1946. Cliff Palace; the Story of an Ancient City: Mesa Verde - National Park Museum, Mesa Verde, Colorado. - Weatherwax, Paul - (126) 1936. The Origin of the Maize Plant and Maize Agriculture in - Ancient America: Symposium on Prehistoric Agriculture, - Bulletin 296, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. - M. - Weltfish, Gene - (127) 1932. Preliminary Classification of Prehistoric Southwestern - Basketry: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections: Vol. - 87, No. 7, Washington, D. C. - (128) 1932. Problems in the Study of Ancient and Modern - Basketmakers: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. - XXXIV, No. 1, pp. 108-117, Menasha, Wisconsin. - Woodward, Arthur - (129) 1931. The Grewe Site: Occasional Papers, No. 1, Los Angeles - Museum of History, Science and Art, Los Angeles, - California. - Wormington, H. M. - (130) 1944. Ancient Man in North America, (Second Revised Edition): - Popular Series, No. 4, Colorado Museum of Natural - History, Denver, Colorado. - - - - - APPENDIX - Outstanding Exhibit-Sites, Modern Pueblos, Local Museums - - - by - ERIK K. REED - _Regional Archaeologist_ - _National Park Service_ - -After reading about the prehistoric inhabitants of the Southwest many -people feel that they would like to visit the places where they lived, -examine examples of their ancient arts and crafts, and see their -present-day descendants. No description can produce the feeling that one -experiences when viewing the imposing ruins found in our National -Monuments and Parks. Even a short time spent looking at pottery and -other artifacts in a museum will give a far better idea of their -appearance than will photographs, drawings, or the most detailed -descriptions. A visit to a modern pueblo makes it possible to visualize -something of the life of bygone centuries and to think of the ancient -inhabitants of the area as living, breathing people rather than as -lifeless specimens. The following lists have been prepared in an effort -to help those who wish to visit the Southwest and to learn about its -people through their own experience. - - - I. OUTSTANDING EXHIBIT-SITES - The San Juan Anasazi Culture - - MESA VERDE NATIONAL PARK. - -Great cliff-dwellings and open pueblos of the Classic period. Pit-house, -mesa-top villages and cave remains of earlier periods, Modified -Basketmaker and Developmental Pueblo. One of the major foci of the -Anasazi culture of 300-1300 A. D., and the most accessible and -best-exhibited, interpreted by caravan-tours and an outstanding museum. -Paved entrance-road from Highway U. S.-160 between Mancos and Cortez, -Colorado. Lodge with adequate accommodations open May-October. - - CHACO CANYON NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -The greatest concentration of open pueblo ruins in a valley floor, -another of the major foci of prehistoric Anasazi civilization. The -famous huge buildings, Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl, Pueblo del Arroyo, -etc.; a restored Great Kiva, an excavated Modified-Basketmaker village; -and innumerable small pueblo sites. Undeveloped museum. Very restricted -accommodations. In the middle of northwestern New Mexico, 64 miles north -of Thoreau (which is on Highway U. S.-66) and 64 miles south of Aztec, -New Mexico (on U. S.-550); 25 miles from nearest paved road (State 55, -Cuba to Bloomfield). - - AZTEC RUINS NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -An excavated great pueblo of the Classic period, twelfth and thirteenth -centuries, built between 1100 and 1125 A. D., with a completely restored -Great Kiva; additional unexcavated pueblo ruins. Lying between Chaco -Canyon and the Mesa Verde, these pueblos on the Animas River partake of -both phases of Anasazi culture. A small museum adjoining the main ruin. -Located close to Highway U. S.-550 and the town of Aztec, New Mexico. - - CANYON DE CHELLY NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Striking cliff-dwellings and very early remains. In a spectacular -setting of great red-rock canyons occupied by picturesque Navajo -Indians. Tree-ring dates from one of the major sites, Mummy Cave, range -from 348 A. D.—the earliest date in the San Juan drainage—to 1284 A. D., -the next-to-last. No museum. The monument and canyon area extends east -of Chinle, Arizona, in the Navajo Indian Reservation. Chinle is 100 -miles from Gallup, New Mexico, or seventy-five miles (unpaved) from -Chambers, Arizona (which is west of Gallup on Highway U. S.-66). Not -accessible in bad weather. An excellent lodge (Thunderbird Ranch, -Chinle, Arizona), but rather restricted facilities. - - NAVAJO NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Betatakin and Keetseel, great cliff-pueblos of the thirteenth century, -picturesquely situated in huge caves in the red sandstone walls of the -Tsegi Canyons, west of Kayenta, Arizona, in the Navajo Indian -Reservation. No museum. No tourist accommodations. (As in all the other -national monuments listed, however, a custodian on duty the year around, -resident at headquarters above Betatakin.) Another 100 miles, of rather -bad road, from Chinle to Betatakin; or 135 miles from Flagstaff—sixty -miles north on paved Highway U. S.-89, about the same distance on fairly -good unsurfaced reservation road, and the last dozen miles a quite rough -trail. Not accessible in winter or in rainy weather. - - - The White Mountains Region - - KINISHBA. - -A large pueblo of the period 1000-1400, largely excavated and partially -restored by the Arizona State Museum, in the Apache Indian Reservation -near Fort Apache, Arizona, twenty miles east of Highway U. S.-60. No -accommodations. - - - The Rio Grande Area - - BANDELIER NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Unusual cliff-ruins and open sites in beautiful Frijoles Canyon, in the -Pajarito Plateau, west of Santa Fe and south of Los Alamos, New Mexico, -seventeen miles from paved highway. Museum. Small lodge open -May-October. - - PUYE. - -Large partially-restored pueblo and small cliff-ruins, in the Pajarito -Plateau, north of Los Alamos, on the Santa Clara Indian Reservation, -fifteen miles from Espanola, New Mexico. - - CORONADO STATE MONUMENT. - -Two extensive adobe pueblos, Kuaua and Puaray, the former partially -restored. Museum. Across the Rio Grande from Bernalillo, New Mexico, -just off paved Highway State 44. - - PECOS STATE MONUMENT. - -Ruins of the great pueblo, finally abandoned in 1838, and of the -partially-restored Spanish mission of the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries. Close to Highway U. S.-85, about twenty-five miles southeast -of Santa Fe, near modern town of Pecos, New Mexico. - - GRAN QUIVIRA NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Ruins of the pueblo and mission of Humanas, abandoned about 1675. No -museum; no accommodations. By a poor road twenty-five miles south of -Mountainair, New Mexico, which is on Highway U. S.-60. - - ABO and QUARAI STATE MONUMENTS. - -Sister missions to Humanas, with extensive unexcavated pueblo ruins. No -museums. Close to U. S.-60 and Mountainair, New Mexico. - - - The Salado Complex - - TONTO NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Two fourteenth century cliff-dwellings high in a small canyon -overlooking Roosevelt Lake and the Tonto Basin. These well-preserved -ruins have yielded fine and unusual archaeological material: the -striking Salado polychrome pottery, a variety of expertly-made cotton -textiles, even a lot of lima beans. Very small museum exhibit. No -accommodations at the monument. Located near Roosevelt, Arizona, and the -Apache Trail (State Highway 88). - - CASA GRANDE NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -A unique great adobe structure, sole survivor of the large pueblo-like -towers and compounds built by the Salado in the Gila Basin in the -fourteenth century. The site includes several adobe compounds as well as -the Casa Grande itself, and also earlier _Hohokam_ remains—unexcavated -ball-courts and pit-houses. Small museum. On State Highway 87 close to -Coolidge, Arizona. - - PUEBLO GRANDE CITY PARK. - -A complex mound, partially excavated, of the late period in the Phoenix -area. On E. Washington Avenue, Phoenix. - - - Sinagua Sites - - WUPATKI NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Large and small pueblos of 1100-1300 and earlier pit-houses; several -Anasazi sites as well as Sinagua—the frontier between these two cultures -was not the Little Colorado, but lay some distance west into the Wupatki -area, and varied from time to time. Still other cultural influences are -observed. One unique feature is a masonry-walled ball-court beside -Wupatki Pueblo and near the monument headquarters, fifteen miles east of -U. S.-89 and forty-five miles from Flagstaff, Arizona. No museum. No -accommodations at the monument. - - WALNUT CANYON NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -Very small cliff-dwellings in sandstone ledges of a narrow chasm twelve -miles east of Flagstaff, not far from Highway 66. No exhibits installed -in Museum. No accommodations at the monument. - - TUZIGOOT NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -An excavated and partially restored hilltop pueblo, which reached its -maximum in the fourteenth century. Comparatively large museum housing -extensive collection close to Clarkdale, Arizona, and readily accessible -from U. S.-89. - - MONTEZUMA CASTLE NATIONAL MONUMENT. - -A five-story cliff-dwelling of the same period as Tuzigoot pueblo, near -Camp Verde, Arizona, and readily accessible from Highway U. S.-89. Small -museum. No accommodations at the monument. Also included in this -monument is Montezuma Well, nine miles northeast, with small -cliff-dwellings in a limestone sinkhole containing a “bottomless” lake. -Highly unusual archaeological features at Montezuma Well are cist-graves -undercut in soft limestone, and travertine-encrusted prehistoric -irrigation ditches. - - - II. MODERN PUEBLOS ON (AT LEAST APPROXIMATELY) PRE-SPANISH LOCATIONS - -ORAIBI on the third or northwesternmost Hopi mesa, materially unchanged -for over 600 years, and in a general sense, the other older HOPI INDIAN -pueblos—WALPI on First Mesa, SHONGOPOVI and MISHONGNOVI on the middle -mesa—which have shifted their locations during the historic period from -valley floors to mesa tops. The villages of Hano (Tewa) and Sichomovi on -First Mesa, and probably also Shipaulovi on Second Mesa, are eighteenth -century foundations. Hotevilla, Bakavi and New Orabi (Kikhochomovi) date -from the break-up of Oraibi only about fifty years ago. Toreva and -Polacca are purely modern towns. Good dirt roads to the Hopi country -from Gallup, Winslow, and Flagstaff. No tourist accommodations. - -ZUNI PUEBLO, the one surviving, or reestablished, town of the six -early-historic “cities of Cibola.” Fair road, forty miles south from -Gallup, New Mexico. Very limited tourist accommodations. - -ACOMA on its great mesa, one of the most picturesque of all, little -changed since the seventeenth century when the large mission church was -built. Fair road, thirteen miles south of U. S.-66, about sixty miles -west of Albuquerque. - -ISLETA, on Highway U. S.-85 about ten miles south of Albuquerque. - -The five Keres pueblos southwest of Santa Fe—SANTO DOMINGO, SAN FELIPE, -and COCHITI along the Rio Grande north of Bernalillo, west of U. S.-85; -ZIA and SANTA ANA on the Jemez River, northwest of Bernalillo and across -the stream from State-44. - -JEMEZ PUEBLO, twenty-five miles northwest of Bernalillo on State Highway -4. - -The five Tewa pueblos north of Santa Fe: TESUQUE, on U. S.-64-285; -NAMBE, in the foothills to the northeast; SAN ILDEFONSO, on the east -bank of the Rio Grande; SANTA CLARA, on the west bank just below -Espanola; SAN JUAN, at Chamita, New Mexico. - -TAOS, the one modern terraced pueblo, close to Taos, New Mexico, and -PICURIES in the foothills to the south. - -In the Rio Grande drainage, Laguna and Sandia are historic pueblos only. -Laguna was a new foundation, under Spanish direction, about 1700. Sandia -was re-established on or near an earlier location, in 1745-1750 by Tiwa -Indians brought back from the Hopi country by Spanish priests, after -abandonment fifty years earlier of the several Tiwa pueblos between -Bernalillo and Albuquerque. - - - III. LOCAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS IN THE SOUTHWEST - - Santa Fe: - The Laboratory of Anthropology. - The Museum of New Mexico. - Albuquerque: - The University of New Mexico Anthropology Museum. - Tucson: - The Arizona State Museum at the University of Arizona. - Phoenix: - The Heard Museum. - Grand Canyon National Park: - The Wayside Museum of Archaeology. - Petrified Forest National Monument: - Small branch museums at Painted Desert Inn and Puerco Ruin. - Flagstaff: - The Museum of Northern Arizona - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]Ref. [72], p. 433. - -[2]Ref. [14] p. 281. - -[3]Ref. [31] p. 269. - - - - - INDEX - - - A - Abandonment, of Northern Frontier, 73, 76, 80-84, 90, 91 - Abo State Monument, 183 - Acoma, 185 - Agriculture, 37, 55, 70, 94, 118, 142, 148, 156; - _see also_ Beans, Corn, Cotton, Irrigation - Ackmen-Lowry Area, 62 - Alcove Houses, 163 - Alkali Ridge, Utah, 63, 65, 71 - Allantown, Arizona, 63, 65 - Anasazi, 27-117; - _see also_ Basketmaker and Pueblo - Ancient Cultures, 20-26 - Animals - Extinct, 20, 22, 24 - Hunted, 20, 22, 37, 38, 70, 121 - Domesticated; see Dogs and Horses - Antler Artifacts, 103, 105 - Apaches, 81, 105, 114, 144 - Archaeology - Defined, 170 - Development of, 11 - Architecture, 61, 64, 76, 78, 79, 86, 91, 102, 140, 153, 155, 157, - 161; - _see also_ Ball Courts, Cists, Forts, Houses, Kivas, Pithouses - Arrow points, see Projectile Points - Arrow-shaft smoothers, 104, 105, 139 - Arroya Cutting, 81, 82, 87, 91 - Athapaskans, 105-106 - Atlatls, 38-40, 55, 152, 170 - Awls, 41, 152, 155, 161 - Axes, 55, 70, 73, 75, 104, 105, 139, 155, 157 - Aztec Ruins, 89, 137, 182 - - - B - Bags - Cedar Bast, 43, 44 - Skin, 44 - Twined-woven, 42-44, 45 - Ball, rubber, 133 - Ball Courts, 127, 132, 133, 139, 166 - Bandelier National Monument, 109, 110, 183 - Basketmaker and Modified Basketmaker Culture, 27-57 - Agriculture, 37 - Area, 29, 49 - Basketry, 40-42, 54, 55, 56 - Burials, 29, 30, 45, 46, 55, 56 - Cists, 36, 44, 56 - Clothing, 31, 33, 56 - Dates, 27, 49 - Figurines, 54 - Food, 37, 38, 40, 55 - Houses, 35, 36, 49-52 - Ornaments, 34, 56 - Pottery, 44, 45, 53 - Physical Appearance, 31, 59 - Tools and Implements, 36, 37, 40, 41, 55 - Weapons, 38-40, 55 - Weaving, 41-43 - Summaries, 56, 57 - Basketmaker Period, 27-48 - Basketry, 22, 40-42, 54, 55, 56, 69, 89, 105, 134 - Bat Woman House, 99 - Beads, _see_ Ornaments - Beans, 55, 70, 118 - Bear Ruin, 155-157 - Bells, 137 - Betatakin, 98, 99, 182 - Biscuit Ware, _see_ Pottery - Bluff Ruin, 150 - Bone Artifacts - Awls, 41, 152, 155, 161 - Beads, 34 - Gaming Pieces, 46, 47, 72 - Hair Ornaments, 34, 137 - Tubes, 124, 137 - Bow and Arrow, 40, 55, 70, 124, 152 - Bracelets, _see_ Ornaments - Brushes - Hair, 35 - Paint, 53 - Burials, 29, 30, 45, 46, 55, 56, 70-72, 75, 90-95, 96, 101, 138, - 140, 152, 153, 154, 156, 159, 161 - Burnet Cave, 21 - Butler Wash, Arizona, 27 - - - C - Cactus Fruit, 37, 137 - Cameron Creek Village, 158 - Canals, 119, 121, 125, 127, 132, 138 - Canyon de Chelly, 182 - Canyon del Muerto, 56, 182 - Casa Grande, 139, 140, 141, 142, 184 - Cavate Dwellings, 109, 110 - Chaco Canyon, 63, 84-91, 96, 97, 101, 181 - Children, 46, 70, 71 - Chronology, _see_ Dates - Cibola, Cities of, 113 - Cists, 36, 44, 56, 72, 170 - Clans, 64, 170 - Classic Hohokam Period, 120, 137-144 - Classic Pueblo Period, _see_ Great Pueblo Period - “Cliff Dwellers” 76, 91 - Cliff Palace, 91-93, 96 - Climate, 12, 17, 80, 81, 82, 87, 96, 118, 121, 142; - _see also_ Arroyo Cutting, Dendrochronology, Droughts - Clovis, New Mexico, 21 - Clubs, 38-40 - Cochise Culture, 22, 119, 122, 148, 151, 156 - Cochiti, 185 - Cohonina Branch, 168 - Colonial Hohokam, 120, 124-132, 153 - Comanches, 114 - Conquest, Spanish, 113 - Cooking, 40, 156 - Copper, _see_ Bells - Corn, 37, 55, 70, 93, 118, 121, 122, 152 - Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, 113, 114 - Coronado State Monument, 183 - Corrugated Ware; _see_ Pottery - Cotton, 69, 70, 73, 89, 134, 143, 144 - Cradles, 46 - Cranial Deformation, 60, 75, 152 - Cremation, 96, 118, 125, 129, 134, 140, 155, 157 - Culinary Ware, _see_ Pottery - Culture, defined, 170 - - - D - Dance Courts, 62, 65 - Dart Points; _see_ Projectile Points - Dates - Basketmaker, 27 - Cochise, 22 - Folsom, 21 - Gypsum Cave, 22 - Hohokam, 120, 124, 132, 137, 144 - Modified Basketmaker, 49 - Mogollon, 150, 151, 152, 153, 155, 158, 161 - Navajos, 106 - Patayan, 168 - Pueblo, 59, 76, 108 - Rosa, 75 - San Jon, 22 - Sandia, 20 - Sinagua, 163, 164, 165 - Yuma Points, 22 - Deformation, of Skulls, 60, 75, 152 - Dendrochronology, 13, 14-17, 80, 150 - Desert Province, 118 - Developmental-Pueblo Period, 57-76, 102 - Dice, _see_ Gaming Pieces - Diffusion, 37, 72 - Dogs, 46, 47, 70, 75 - Douglass, A. E., 14-17 - Droughts, 80, 81, 96, 97, 115, 165 - Durango, Excavations near, 27, 35 - - - E - Ear Plugs, 124, 125 - Effigy Vessels, 88, 124, 134, 135 - Egypt, 29, 125 - El Paso, 115 - Esteban, 113 - Ethnology, 17-18 - Etching, 136, 137 - - - F - Fabrics, _see_ Weaving - Feather Cloth, 31, 55, 69, 89, 105 - Figurines, 54, 72, 73, 122, 123, 128, 133 - Firing, of Pottery, 53 - Flutes, 56 - Folsom Complex, 20, 21 - Forts, 144, 168 - Fremont River Culture, 73 - Fugitive Red, _see_ Pottery - Fur Cloth, 31, 33, 55, 69 - - - G - Galaz Ruin, 158 - Gallina Phase, 104, 105 - Game, Played in Ball Courts, 127 - Gaming Pieces, 46, 47, 72 - Geology, 20, 21 - Georgetown Phase, 152, 153 - Glazed Ware, _see_ Pottery - Governador Area, 75, 105, 115 - Granaries, 49, 61, 63, 75, 164, 168 - Grewe Site, 125 - Great Pueblo Period, 76-107 - Grinding Stones, _see_ Manos and Metates - Gypsum Cave, 22 - - - H - Hair - Dressing, 35, 40 - Use of, 33, 35 - Hands, Burial of, 56 - Harris Village, 152, 154 - Hawikuh, 113 - Historic Pueblo Period, 64, 107, 108 - Hoes, 70, 135, 155, 161 - Hohokam Culture, 118-147 - Agriculture, 118, 142 - Area, 118, 132 - Ball Courts, 127, 132, 133, 139 - Basketry, 134 - Cremations, 118, 123, 134, 140 - Dates, 120, 124, 132, 137, 144 - Figurines, 122, 123, 128, 133 - Food, 121 - Houses, 121, 127, 132, 140, 142 - Mirrors, 129, 130, 134, 139, 153 - Ornaments, 130, 132, 135, 139 - Pottery, 118, 122, 128, 133, 150 - Shell Work, 130, 132, 135, 136, 137, 139 - Stone Work, 123, 124, 129, 130, 134, 135, 139 - Summary, 146 - Weaving, 134, 143, 144 - Hopi Area, 101, 108, 115, 116, 185 - Horses, 82, 114 - Houses, 35, 36, 49-52, 61, 62, 63, 72, 73, 79, 86-88, 91-93, 102, - 104, 105, 108, 118, 121, 127, 132, 138, 140, 150, 151, - 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 163 - - - I - Introduction, 11-19 - Irrigation, 37, 81, 94, 95, 119, 121, 125, 132, 138, 142, 144 - Isleta, 185 - - - J - Jacal Construction, 61, 62, 63 - Jemez, 186 - Jewelry, _see_ Ornaments - - - K - Kayenta Area, 38, 99-101 - Keet Seel, 99, 182 - Kiatuthlana, 62, 71 - Kihus, 99 - Killing, of Pottery, 159 - Kinishba, 101, 183 - Kino, Father, 167 - Kivas, 18, 61, 63, 64, 73, 84, 86, 93, 94, 99, 108, 110, 156, 158 - Great Kivas, 86, 96, 97, 101 - Knives, 105, 161 - - - L - Laguna, 186 - La Plata Area, 62 - Largo Phase, 102-105 - Largo-Gallina Phase, 102-105 - Lead Ore, 129 - Lindenmeier Site, 21 - Little Colorado Area, 107, 137 - Los Muertos, 139, 140 - Lowry Ruin, 63, 96, 97 - - - M - Manos, 40, 70, 157 - Mattocks Ruin, 158 - Mauls, 55, 73, 155 - Maya, 125, 127, 128 - Mesa Verde, 76, 91-96, 97, 99, 181 - Metates, 36, 40, 70, 73, 93, 135, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159 - Mexico, 137, 144, 161 - Mimbres Phase, 102, 152, 158-161 - Mirrors, 129, 130, 134, 139, 153 - Mishongnovi, 185 - Moccasins, 45, 73 - Modified Basketmaker Period 48-57; - _see also_ Basketmaker - Mogollon Culture, 148-162 - Agriculture, 148, 156 - Area, 149 - Bone Work, 151, 152, 155, 161 - Burials, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161 - Clothing, 161 - Dates, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156 - Houses, 150, 151, 152, 153-155, 156, 157, 158 - Hunting, 151, 156 - Ornaments, 157, 161 - Physical Types, 152, 153, 156, 157, 161 - Pottery, 54, 150, 151, 153, 156, 159, 160 - Shell Work, 157 - Stone Work, 148, 151, 155, 157, 161 - Summary, 161, 162 - Theories of Origin, 148 - Mogollon Village, 152, 154 - Montezuma Castle, 165, 166, 185 - Mortars and Pestles, 135, 161 - Mortuary Offerings, 30, 45, 56, 70, 71, 124, 128, 129, 140, 152, - 155, 156, 158, 159 - Mosaic Work, 56, 90, 124, 129, 130, 135 - Mummies, 29, 30, 45 - - - N - Nambe, 186 - Nampeyo, 108, 110 - Navajo National Monument, 182 - Navajos, 81, 104, 105, 106, 114, 115 - Nets, 37 - Nevada, 22, 73 - Nipple-shaped Objects, 54, 72 - Niza, Fray Marcos de, 113 - Nomads, 73, 81, 82, 105, 106, 114, 115, 117 - Northern Periphery, 72, 73 - Nose Buttons or Plugs, 135 - - - O - Oraibi, 16, 185 - Ornaments, 34, 56, 69, 89, 90, 130, 132, 135, 139, 157, 161; - _see also_ Bone, Shell and Stone artifacts, Turquoise - Oxidizing Atmosphere, 53 - - - P - Paints, 53, 66 - Palettes, 123, 124, 129, 134, 157 - Papagueria, 142, 144 - Papago Indians, 142, 144 - Parallel Flaked Points, 22 - Patayan Culture, 164, 167, 168 - Pathology, 45, 71 - Pecos Classification, 29, 57, 76, 107 - Pecos Pueblo, 110, 111, 114 - Pecos State Monument, 183 - Peripheral Regions, 72-75 - Physical Types, 24, 31, 59, 93, 118, 152, 153, 156, 157, 158 - Pictographs, 34, 47, 73, 116 - Picuries, 186 - Piedra Region, 62 - Pima Indians, 144 - Pine Lawn Phase, 151, 152 - Pioneer Hohokam, 120-124 - Pipes, 45, 69, 89, 104, 105, 124, 153, 155, 157 - Pithouses, 49-52, 61, 62, 63, 72, 73, 75, 102, 104, 105, 150, 151, - 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 163, 168 - Planting Sticks, 37 - Plateau Area, defined, 27 - Polychrome, _see_ Pottery - Pope, 114, 115 - Pottery, - Atmospheres for Firing, 53 - Biscuit Ware, 112 - Black-on-gray, 53, 73, 168 - Black-on-red, 66, 75, 112 - Black-on-white, 65, 75, 88, 95, 100, 102, 105, 112, 157, 159, - 160 - Black-on-yellow, 108 - Brown, 122, 128, 150, 151, 153, 163, 167 - Buff, 128, 138, 153, 156 - Burnished Buff, 151, 159 - Coiled and Scraped, 52 - Corrugated, 66, 68, 75, 88, 95, 100, 102, 108, 112, 159, 170 - Eastern Branch, 66 - Firing, 53 - Fugitive Red, 54, 72, 168 - Glazed, 110, 112 - Gray, 53, 65, 72, 122, 156, 168 - Importance of, 12 - Neck Banded, 68 - Origin, Theories of, 44, 53 - Paddle-and-anvil, 103, 122 - Pointed-bottomed, 103, 104, 106 - Polished Red, 138, 151, 153, 159 - Polychrome, 100, 101, 102, 108, 112, 113, 122, 139 - Red-on-buff, 122, 128, 133, 139 - Red-on-gray, 153 - Red-on-orange, 65 - Slips, 68 - Spectrographic Analysis of, 12 - Temper, 44, 45, 53, 65 - Textured, 53, 155, 157 - Unfired, 44, 45, 52 - Preface, 3-5 - Projectile Points, 70, 124, 129, 130, 135, 139, 153, 155, 157, - 161, 168 - Pueblo Bonito, 85, 86, 137 - Pueblo Culture, 57-117 - Agriculture, 69, 70 - Area, 59, 84, 107 - Basketry, 69, 89 - Burials, 70-72, 90, 95, 96, 101 - Clothing, 69, 89, 108 - Dates, 59, 76, 107 - Food, 70 - Houses, 61, 62, 63, 79, 86-88, 91-93, 99, 101, 108, 110 - Kivas, 61, 63, 64, 84, 86, 93, 94, 96, 97, 99, 101, 108, 110, - 112 - Ornaments, 69, 70, 89, 90 - Physical Types, 59 - Pottery, 65-68, 71, 88, 95, 100, 101, 108, 110 - Tools and Implements, 70, 73, 75, 93 - Weapons, 70 - Weaving, 69, 89 - Summaries, 75, 106 - Pueblo Grande City Park, 184 - Puye, 110, 183 - - - Q - Quarai State Monument, 183 - - - R - Rabbit Sticks; _see_ Clubs - Rattles, 40 - Rebellion, Pueblo, 113, 114, 115 - Reducing Atmosphere, 53 - Refugees, 115 - Refuse or Rubbish Heaps, 70 - Regressive Pueblo Period, 84, 107-115 - Religion, 30, 45, 46, 47, 64, 65, 78, 84, 93, 117 - Ridge Ruin, 90 - Rings, Ball Court, 127, 128 - Rio Grande Area, 102, 107, 110 - Roosevelt 9:6, 124, 125 - Rosa Phase, 75, 165 - Rubber Ball, 133 - - - S - Salado Culture, 137-144 - San Felipe, 185 - San Francisco Phase, 153-155 - San Ildefonso, 186 - San Jon, 22 - San Juan, 114, 186 - Sandals, 30, 33, 34, 56, 69, 73, 89, 105 - Sandia Cave, 20 - Sandia Pueblo, 186 - Santa Ana, 185 - Santa Clara, 186 - Santo Domingo, 185 - Santa Fe, 114, 115 - Scalp, 46 - Scoops, 40 - Sedentary Hohokam, 120, 124, 132-137 - Shell Artifacts - Beads, 34, 89, 130, 157, 161 - Bracelets, 56, 70, 130, 132, 139, 157, 161 - Etched, 136, 137 - Painted, 135 - Pendants, 89, 130, 161 - Needles, 130 - Rings, 132 - Trumpets, 139 - Showlow Ruin, 16 - Sinagua People, 163-166 - Sipapu, 18, 52 - Slips, _see_ Pottery - Snaketown Site, 121-124, 150 - Snares, 37 - Social Organization, 19, 64, 71, 78, 79, 82, 115, 125, 127, 138 - Southwest, defined, 11 - Spaniards, 113-117 - Squash, 37, 70 - Starkweather Ruin, 152 - Stockades, 75 - Stone Artifacts, - Axes, 55, 70, 73, 75, 104, 105, 139, 155, 157 - Beads, 56, 69, 124, 132, 135, 139 - Hoes, 70, 155, 161 - Knives, 105, 161 - Manos, 40, 70, 157 - Mauls, 55, 73, 155 - Metates, 36, 40, 70, 73, 93, 135, 151, 153, 155, 157, 159 - Mortars and Pestles, 135, 161 - Palettes, 123, 124, 129, 134, 157 - Projectile Points, 70, 124, 129, 130, 135, 139, 153, 155, 157, - 161, 168 - Rings, 130 - Shaft-Smoothers, 104, 105, 139 - Vessels, 123, 124, 130, 135, 139, 157 - Stratigraphy, 13 - SU Site, 151, 152 - Summaries, 56-57, 75-76, 106-107, 146-147, 161-162 - Sunset Crater, 164, 166 - Swarts Ruin, 158 - - - T - Tabeguache Caves, 26, 29 - Taos, 186 - Temper, _see_ Pottery - Tesuque, 186 - Texas, 73, 112 - Tiguex, 114 - Tonto Basin, 137 - Tonto National Monument, 184 - Towers, 64, 91, 94 - Trade, 12, 13, 34 - Tree-rings, _see_ Dendrochronology - Trumpets, 139 - Tubes, _see_ Bone Artifacts - Tump Straps, 41, 42 - Turkeys, 55, 70, 73, 75, 89, 121, 159 - Turquoise, 56, 89, 90, 124, 161 - Tuzigoot National Monument, 166, 184 - Twined-woven Bags, 42-44, 45, 105 - Tyuoni, 110, 111 - - - U - Unfired Clay Vessels, 44, 45, 52 - Unit Houses, 61, 63, 64, 72, 79 - Utes, 114 - - - V - Vargas, Diego de, 115 - Ventana Cave, 26, 142, 143, 144 - Village of the Great Kivas, 101 - - - W - Walnut Canyon National Monument, 184 - Walpi, 185 - Warfare, 40, 71, 79, 80, 82 - Weaving, 33, 41-43, 89, 108, 134, 143, 144, 156 - Whistles, 46 - White Dog Cave, 35 - Woodland Pottery, 103 - Wupatki National Monument, 184 - - - Y - Yuma Points, 22 - Yuman Culture, 167 - - - Z - Zia, 185 - Zuni Area, 101, 110, 113, 144, 185 - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Added headings and Table of Contents entries to bring them into - correspondence. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PREHISTORIC INDIANS OF THE -SOUTHWEST *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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text-indent:-3em; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; text-align:left; } -p.t15, div.t15,.t15 { margin-left:19em; text-indent:-3em; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; text-align:left; } -p.lr, div.lr, span.lr { display:block; margin-left:0em; margin-right:1em; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; text-align:right; } -dt.lr { width:100%; margin-left:0em; margin-right:0em; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:0; margin-top:1em; text-align:right; } -dl dt.lr a { text-align:left; clear:left; float:left; } - -.fnblock { margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:2em; } -.fndef, p.fn { text-align:justify; margin-top:1.5em; margin-left:1.5em; text-indent:-1.5em; } -.fndef p.fncont, .fndef dl { margin-left:0em; text-indent:0em; } -.fnblock div.fncont { margin-left:1.5em; text-indent:0em; margin-top:1em; text-align:justify; } -.fnblock dl { margin-top:0; margin-left:4em; text-indent:-2em; } -.fnblock dt { text-align:justify; } -dl.catalog dd { font-style:italic; } -dl.catalog dt { margin-top:1em; } -.author { text-align:right; margin-top:0em; margin-bottom:0em; display:block; } - -dl.biblio dt { margin-top:.6em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:justify; clear:both; } -dl.biblio dt div { display:block; float:left; margin-left:-6em; width:6em; clear:both; } -dl.biblio dt.center { margin-left:0em; text-align:center; text-indent:0; } -dl.biblio dd { margin-top:.3em; margin-left:3em; text-align:justify; font-size:90%; } -p.biblio { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; } -.clear { clear:both; } -p.book { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; } -p.review { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; font-size:80%; } -p.pcap { margin-left:4em; text-indent:-4em; text-align:justify; margin-top:0; font-size:90%; } -p.pcapc { margin-left:4.7em; text-indent:0em; text-align:justify; } -dl.pcap { font-family:sans-serif; font-size:80%; margin-left:2.5em; margin-top:1em; } -span.attr { font-size:80%; font-family:sans-serif; } -span.pn { display:inline-block; width:4.7em; text-align:left; margin-left:0; text-indent:0; } -</style> -</head> -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest, by H. M. Wormington</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: H. M. Wormington</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: July 11, 2021 [eBook #65822]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PREHISTORIC INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST ***</div> -<div id="cover" class="img"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Prehistoric Indians of the Southwest" width="800" height="1227" /> -</div> -<div class="box"> -<h1>PREHISTORIC INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST</h1> -<p class="center"><i class="smaller">by</i> -<br />H. M. WORMINGTON -<br /><i class="smaller">Curator of Archaeology</i></p> -<div class="img" id="imgx1"> -<img src="images/p02.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="301" /> -<p class="pcap"><span class="smallest">SEAL OF COLORADO MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY · 1900 -<br />NIL SINE NUMINE</span></p> -</div> -<p class="center"><span class="smaller">APPENDIX: OUTSTANDING EXHIBIT-SITES, MODERN PUEBLOS, LOCAL MUSEUMS -<br />By Erik K. Reed -<br />Regional Archaeologist, National Park Service</span></p> -<hr class="dwide" /> -<p class="center small">THE DENVER MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY -<br />Denver, Colorado</p> -<p class="center small">Popular Series No. 7 <span class="hst">Seventh Printing, 1966</span> -<br />First Edition, 1947</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_3">3</div> -<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">PREFACE</span></h2> -<p>During the past 25,000 years the Southwest has been invaded -many times. Now each year comes a fresh invasion—an invasion of -those who have succumbed to its beauty and strange, inexplicable -charm. There is something infectious about the magic of the Southwest. -Some are immune to it, but there are others who have no resistance -to the subtle virus and who must spend the rest of their lives -dreaming of the incredible sweep of the desert, of great golden mesas -with purple shadows, and tremendous stars appearing at dusk from -a turquoise sky. Once infected there is nothing one can do but strive -to return again and again.</p> -<p>For many, a good portion of this charm lies in the intangible -presence of the “Ancient Ones”, the people who lived in these enchanted -deserts and plateaus through many centuries. One can see the -places where they lived and often one finds bits of pottery which show -the immemorial striving for beauty of some long dead craftsman. It -is natural to want to know more of these prehistoric people and how -they lived and it is the aim of this book to try to tell that story; not -in technical terms intelligible only to the professional scientist but in -a way that will make it of interest to the layman and the undergraduate -student. It is also an attempt to give at least a partial answer to the -two questions which inevitably arise when one considers the cultures -of antiquity—“How do you know these things?” and, “How old are -they?”</p> -<p>There is always the hope, too, that publications such as this may -serve a further purpose. If more people understand some of the complexities -of excavation and realize how much information may be obtained -by a trained investigator, perhaps there will be less of the unscientific -“pot-hunting” which leads to the looting of ancient sites and -which every year is destroying an untold amount of irreplaceable data.</p> -<p>Constant references to source material, which are characteristic of -technical publications, are impractical in a book of this nature, for they -spoil the continuity of the narrative. It would be unfair, however, not -to give credit to the many fine archaeologists whose work has provided -this knowledge, and it is desirable for the reader to know which publications -to consult if he seeks more detailed information. Numbers in -fine print which appear throughout the text refer to publications, -listed under corresponding numbers in the bibliography, from which -the information under consideration was derived.</p> -<p>Although every effort has been made to avoid the use of unfamiliar -<span class="pb" id="Page_4">4</span> -terms, this has not always been possible. A <a href="#c45">glossary</a> of technical terms -will be found in the back of the book.</p> -<p>The task of writing this book has been made a pleasant one by -the fine cooperation of archaeologists and anthropologists. It is doubtful -if the members of any other profession would have given more -unstintingly of their time and have been more wholeheartedly willing -to help and cooperate in every possible way. I am deeply indebted to -Dr. Harold S. Colton, Dr. Edward T. Hall, Jr., Dr. Emil W. Haury, -Dale S. King, Dr. Erik K. Reed, Charles Steen, Dr. Walter Taylor, -and Dr. Ruth Underhill for checking and criticizing the manuscript -or portions of it. Their suggestions have been of the greatest possible -value. They are not, however, responsible in any way for any archaeological -sins of commission or omission which may follow.</p> -<p>I am most grateful to Earl H. Morris for graciously furnishing -hitherto unpublished data on his excavation of Basketmaker houses -and to Harold S. Gladwin and Emil W. Haury for permitting me to -use information contained in personal letters.</p> -<p>The kindness of F. H. Douglas, who put his excellent library at -my disposal, is greatly appreciated. Without his assistance, and that -of Marian Sheets who helped to assemble the necessary references, the -work could never have been completed.</p> -<p>My thanks are due to the American Museum of Natural History, -the Arizona State Museum, Columbia University Press, Gila Pueblo, -the Laboratory of Anthropology, Mesa Verde National Park, the Museum -of Northern Arizona, the National Park Service, Peabody Museum -of Harvard University, and the Taylor Museum for providing needed -photographs. I am also very grateful to Gila Pueblo, the Laboratory -of Anthropology, the Museum of Northern Arizona, and the Smithsonian -Institution for permission to reproduce plates and figures from -their publications.</p> -<p>To Mary Chilton Gray, I wish to express my appreciation of her -fine execution of the cover design and the line drawings. The pattern -used on the cover is derived from an encircling band on a Mesa Verde -bowl. The services of Walker Van Riper, who devoted many hours -to checking spelling and punctuation in the manuscript and to proof-reading, -were of immeasurable assistance. I am also greatly indebted -to Nedra McHenry, to Harvey C. Markman and to Margaret Roush -for their assistance in proof-reading. Dr. Alfred M. Bailey and Albert -C. Rogers gave valuable aid in the preparation of photographs.</p> -<p>Most especially I am grateful to my husband, George D. Volk, for -<span class="pb" id="Page_5">5</span> -his unfailing interest and understanding and for the preparation of the -maps and the execution of the lettering on illustrations.</p> -<p>My sincere thanks are due to Dr. Alfred M. Bailey, Director of -the Colorado Museum of Natural History, who made it possible for -this book to be written and published, and to Charles H. Hanington, -President of the Board of Trustees, for his constant interest in the -project.</p> -<p><span class="lr"><span class="sc">H. M. Wormington</span></span></p> -<p>Denver, Colorado</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_6">6</div> -<h2 id="toc" class="center">TABLE OF CONTENTS</h2> -<dl class="toc"> -<dt class="small"><span class="smaller">PAGE</span></dt> -<dt><a href="#c1">Preface</a> 3</dt> -<dt><a href="#c2">Chapter I—Introduction</a> 11</dt> -<dt><a href="#c3">Chapter II—The Most Ancient Cultures</a> 20</dt> -<dd><a href="#c4">Sandia</a> 20</dd> -<dd><a href="#c5">Folsom</a> 20</dd> -<dd><a href="#c6">San Jon</a> 22</dd> -<dd><a href="#c7">Yuma</a> 22</dd> -<dd><a href="#c8">Gypsum Cave</a> 22</dd> -<dd><a href="#c9">Cochise</a> 22</dd> -<dd><a href="#c10">Tabeguache Cave</a> 26</dd> -<dt><a href="#c11">Chapter III—The Anasazi Culture</a> 27</dt> -<dd><a href="#c12">General Remarks</a> 27</dd> -<dd><a href="#c13">The Basketmaker Period</a> 27</dd> -<dd><a href="#c14">The Modified-Basketmaker Period</a> 49</dd> -<dd><a href="#c15">Summary</a> 56</dd> -<dd><a href="#c16">The Developmental-Pueblo Period</a> 57</dd> -<dd><a href="#c17">Peripheral Areas</a> 72</dd> -<dd><a href="#c18">Summary</a> 75</dd> -<dd><a href="#c19">The Great Pueblo Period</a> 76</dd> -<dd><a href="#c20">The Largo-Gallina Phase</a> 102</dd> -<dd><a href="#c21">Athapaskan People</a> 105</dd> -<dd><a href="#c22">Summary</a> 106</dd> -<dd><a href="#c23">The Regressive and Historic Pueblo Periods</a> 107</dd> -<dt><a href="#c24">Chapter IV—The Hohokam Culture</a> 118</dt> -<dd><a href="#c25">General Remarks</a> 118</dd> -<dd><a href="#c26">The Pioneer Period</a> 120</dd> -<dd><a href="#c27">The Colonial Period</a> 124</dd> -<dd><a href="#c28">The Sedentary Period</a> 132</dd> -<dd><a href="#c29">The Classic Period</a> 137</dd> -<dd><a href="#c30">The Recent Hohokam</a> 144</dd> -<dd><a href="#c31">Summary</a> 146</dd> -<dt><a href="#c32">Chapter V—The Mogollon Culture</a> 148</dt> -<dd><a href="#c33">General Remarks</a> 148</dd> -<dd><a href="#c34">Bluff Ruin</a> 150</dd> -<dd><a href="#c35">The Pine Lawn Phase</a> 151</dd> -<dd><a href="#c36">The Georgetown Phase</a> 152</dd> -<dd><a href="#c37">The San Francisco Phase</a> 153</dd> -<dd><a href="#c38">Bear Ruin</a> 155</dd> -<dd><a href="#c39">The Three Circle Phase</a> 157</dd> -<dd><a href="#c40">The Mimbres Phase</a> 158</dd> -<dd><a href="#c41">Summary</a> 161</dd> -<dt><a href="#c42">Chapter VI—The Sinagua People</a> 163</dt> -<dt><a href="#c43">Chapter VII—The Patayan Culture</a> 167</dt> -<dt><a href="#c44">Conclusion</a> 169</dt> -<dt><a href="#c45">Glossary</a> 170</dt> -<dt><a href="#c46">Bibliography</a> 174</dt> -<dt><a href="#c47">Appendix by Erik K. Reed</a> 181</dt> -<dd><a href="#c48">Outstanding Exhibit-Sites</a> 181</dd> -<dd><a href="#c49">Modern Pueblos</a> 185</dd> -<dd><a href="#c50">Local Museums</a> 186</dd> -<dt><a href="#c51">Index</a> 187</dt> -</dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_8">8</div> -<h2><span class="small">LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</span></h2> -<dl class="toc"> -<dt class="small"><span class="smaller">PAGE</span></dt> -<dt><a href="#fig1">1. Diagram to illustrate chronology-building with tree-rings</a> 15</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig2">2. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter II</a> 21</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig3">3. Projectile points of the most ancient cultures</a> 23</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig4">4. Folsom diorama</a> 25</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig5">5. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter III</a> 28</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig6">6. Basketmaker mummy</a> 30</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig7">7. Basketmaker diorama</a> 32</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig8">8. Basketmaker and Modified-Basketmaker sandals</a> 34</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig9">9. Atlatl and grooved club</a> 39</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig10">10. Weaving techniques</a> 41</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig11">11. Basketmaker coiled baskets</a> 42</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig12">12. Basketmaker carrying basket with tump strap</a> 43</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig13">13. Basketmaker twined-woven bags</a> 44</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig14">14. Mummies of two varieties of Basketmaker dogs</a> 47</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig15">15. Modified-Basketmaker diorama</a> 48</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig16">16. Modified-Basketmaker house after excavation</a> 50</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig17">17. Postulated method of Modified-Basketmaker house construction</a> 51</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig18">18. Modified-Basketmaker figurine and nipple-shaped object</a> 54</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig19">19. Developmental-Pueblo diorama</a> 58</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig20">20. Undeformed and deformed skulls</a> 60</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig21">21. Interior view of a kiva</a> 65</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig22">22. Corrugated pottery</a> 66</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig23">23. Black-on-white pottery, Developmental-Pueblo period</a> 67</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig24">24. Neck-banded vessel, Developmental-Pueblo period</a> 68</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig25">25. Developmental-Pueblo and Great-Pueblo sandal</a> 69</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig26">26. Rosa pit house after excavation</a> 74</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig27">27. Great Pueblo Diorama</a> 77</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig28">28. Types of Great-Pueblo masonry</a> 83</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig29">29. Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National Monument, New Mexico</a> 85</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig30">30. Chaco black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period</a> 88</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig31">31. Cliff Palace, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado</a> 92</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig32">32. Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period</a> 95</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig33">33. Betatakin, Navajo National Monument, Arizona</a> 98</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig34">34. Black-on-white pottery from the Kayenta area, Great-Pueblo period</a> 100</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig35">35. Largo surface house and artifacts</a> 103</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig36">36. Cavate dwellings and talus houses at Bandelier National Monument</a> 109</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig37">37. Tyuonyi, Bandelier National Monument</a> 111</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig38">38. Glazed ware from the Rio Grande area, Regressive Pueblo period</a> 112</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig39">39. Biscuit ware from the Rio Grande area, Regressive Pueblo period</a> 113</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig40">40. Hopi maiden</a> 116</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig41">41. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter IV</a> 119</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig42">42. Hohokam figurines</a> 123</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig43">43. Hohokam house and ball court, Colonial period</a> 126</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig44">44. Red-on-buff Hohokam vessel, Colonial period</a> 128</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig45">45. Hohokam carved stone vessel, Colonial period</a> 130</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig46">46. Hohokam ornaments of carved shell</a> 131</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig47">47. Red-on-buff Hohokam jars, Sedentary period</a> 133</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig48">48. Hohokam stone palette, Sedentary period</a> 134</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig49">49. Hohokam etched shell, Sedentary period</a> 136</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig50">50. Salado polychrome ware</a> 138</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig51">51. Big house built by the Salado people, Casa Grande National Monument</a> 141</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig52">52. Child’s cotton poncho from Ventana Cave, Desert Hohokam</a> 143</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig53">53. Pima House in 1897</a> 145</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig54">54. Map showing sites referred to in Chapter V</a> 149</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig55">55. Postulated reconstructions of the dwelling units of three Mogollon phases</a> 154</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig56">56. Mimbres black-on-white pottery</a> 160</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig57">57. Map showing distribution of cultures referred to in Chapters VI and VII</a> 164</dt> -<dt><a href="#fig58">58. Montezuma Castle National Monument</a> 165</dt> -</dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_11">11</div> -<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">CHAPTER I</span> -<br />INTRODUCTION</h2> -<p>Before beginning any discussion of the Southwest it is best to decide -exactly what we mean by the word, for it means many things to -many people. For the geographer it has one meaning, for the economist -another, and for those who study its ancient inhabitants still another. -It is in the latter sense that we shall interpret it. To the archaeologist, -that is, to the scientist who studies and seeks to interpret the life and -times of prehistoric man, the Southwest usually means New Mexico, -Arizona, southern Utah, and the southwestern corner of Colorado. -Interpreting the term in its broadest sense, he may include the remainder -of Utah, southeastern Nevada, southwestern Texas, and northern -Mexico. State lines and international boundaries are, of course, -recent man-made devices and we must consider this region, not in terms -of present political units, but on a cultural and geographic basis.</p> -<p>In the centuries since the Spaniards first arrived the presence of -the many imposing ruins which dot the Southwest has naturally led to -much speculation about their inhabitants, and the collecting of antiquities -has been inevitable. The collecting instinct is such that some relationship -between man and the pack rat might well be postulated if -it were not that man takes without leaving anything in place of what -he has removed.</p> -<p>From the time when the ruins of the prehistoric dwellings of the -Southwest were first observed, until about 1880, there was a period of -exploration and the more obvious places of archaeological interest were -described and superficially investigated. From then, until approximately -1910, much sound work was done but there was an unfortunate tendency -toward digging up specimens for their own sake rather than for -the information which they could reveal. In the last thirty-five years -or so, however, the emphasis has come to be more on the acquiring of -information and less on the collection of examples of material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. -This has led to the excavation of less physically spectacular ruins, increasing -cooperation with workers in related fields of science, and more -careful planning of attacks on specific problems.</p> -<p>In a sense the development of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a> in the Southwest may -be compared with the putting together of a great jig-saw puzzle. First -came the period of general examination of the pieces, then a concentration -on the larger and more highly colored pieces, and finally a carefully -<span class="pb" id="Page_12">12</span> -planned approach to the puzzle as a whole with serious attempts to fill -in specific blank areas. After all, archaeology as a science can justify -its existence only as it serves to increase and deepen our knowledge of -that strange, and to us most fascinating mammal—man.</p> -<p>Archaeologists in the Southwest have been particularly fortunate -for a number of reasons. Perhaps most important is that climatic conditions -have made possible the preservation of much material which in -most climates would have disappeared in a relatively short time. Under -sufficiently arid conditions the bacteria of decay cannot survive and -the lack of humidity in the Southwest has insured the survival of much -material which would normally be lost. Another thing for which -archaeologists may be grateful is that pottery-making came to be so -well developed in this area, for pottery fragments are almost indestructible. -Furthermore, pottery is a most sensitive medium for reflecting -change. Since it is fragile there is constant breakage which leads to the -frequent manufacture of new pieces and this accelerates the rate of -technical change. Archaeologists have learned to recognize certain styles -which are characteristic of specific areas and periods and it is remarkable -how much information ancient vessels will reveal about the people -who made them.</p> -<p>In the course of the following discussion the reader will no doubt -grow weary of the word ‘pottery’. However, before he decides that the -ancient Southwesterners did nothing but sit around and make pottery -or that the writer is the victim of a pottery mania, it might be profitable -for him to cast an observant eye about the room in which he is -sitting. After the passage of five hundred or a thousand years how -much would survive, if one discounted material not available in the -most ancient times such as metal, glass, and plastics? High at the -top of the list will be dishes, ashtrays, and vases of china or porcelain—the -modern counterparts of prehistoric pottery. Also, it may readily -be seen that there are differences in style between older and more recent -objects. A vase purchased this year is likely to differ in many respects -from one acquired even as little as twenty-five or fifty years ago.</p> -<p>An amazing amount of information can also be derived from the -microscopic study of pottery. Trained investigators can examine thin -sections under a microscope and identify the materials used in manufacture -and often locate their sources. With this information it is then -possible to determine whether pottery was locally made or imported. -This tells us a great deal about the cultural relationships of ancient -people, for trade implies contact between people which will affect other -<span class="pb" id="Page_13">13</span> -phases of their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. In prehistoric times, when people lacked rapid -means of transportation and communication, human groups were naturally -isolated as they can never be again, but even then cultural units -were affected by the activities of the inhabitants of other regions. Accordingly, -we cannot see the ancient life of the Southwest in true perspective -if we do not know something of the inter-relations of the -various cultures.</p> -<p>One of the great boons to southwestern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a> has been <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">dendrochronology</a>—a -system which has made it possible to establish an absolute -count of years through the pattern combinations of annual -growth rings of trees. The inevitable question which arises in connection -with anything prehistoric is “How old is it?”, and prior to the -introduction of tree-ring dating it was difficult to answer except in -relative terms, for in the Southwest we are dealing with a people who -left no written records. It is remarkable, however, how much had -been accomplished in establishing relative <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> through the -use of stratigraphic studies and the cross-checking of sites.</p> -<p>It is on the principle of <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Stratification">stratification</a></i> that most archaeological -work must rest. The word means the characteristic of being in layers -or strata. The usefulness of stratigraphic studies lies in the fact that -in any undisturbed deposit the lowest layer or stratum will be the -oldest since it was laid down first. This may be shown graphically by -piling books on a table, one by one. The book at the bottom of the -pile must inevitably have been put in place before the ones on top. -The same principle is applied to ancient cultures. If the remains of -one people are found underlying those of another, those on the bottom -are older.</p> -<p>Rarely are the remains of many cultures found lying directly -over each other in a complete series but through correlation between -sites the sequence may be established. For example, if in one place -we find remains of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> A underlying those of Culture B and in -another place find material from Culture B underlying that of Culture -C we may postulate that C is more recent than A even though the -two are not found together. In still another place C may be found -to underlie D and eventually a long sequence will be established, -although it may not be present in its entirety in any one place.</p> -<p>Objects acquired through trade are also useful in dating sites. -For example, if we know the relative or absolute date at which a -certain type of pottery was being made at one site, then find pieces -<span class="pb" id="Page_14">14</span> -of this ware at a site which we are trying to date we may assume at -least some degree of contemporaneity.</p> -<p>Stratigraphic studies, of course, do not provide us with absolute -dates and for those we must turn to <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">dendrochronology</a> or tree-ring -dating.<a class="fn" href="#bd23">[23]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd121">[121]</a> The story of the development of this method is a strange -one. It is a tale of an astronomer and archaeologists, of buried treasure -that was only wood, of sun spots, and of purple chiffon velvet. Most -important of all was the astronomer, for it was in his keen mind that -the idea was born that was to lead to one of the most exciting scientific -discoveries of our time.</p> -<p>The astronomer was Dr. A. E. Douglass, who was engaged in -the study of the effect of sun spots on climatic conditions. The available -meteorological records, of course, went back only a relatively few -years and it soon became apparent that a much longer record must be -obtained to be of any real value. In searching for information about -climatic conditions for past centuries, Dr. Douglass thought of pines, -for they may reach a great age and the presence or absence of adequate -rainfall, particularly in a climate like Arizona’s, will greatly affect the -development of a tree. Every year a new layer of wood is added to -the entire living surface of a pine. The size of these layers, which -show up as rings when the tree is cut and viewed in cross-section, -varies with the amount of food and moisture which the tree has -obtained in the course of the year. A dry year will produce a thin -ring and a wet year will produce a wide one. By cutting down old -trees it was thus possible to learn what the climatic conditions had -been during the years of their life. None of the pines which were -still living, however, had existed for more than a few hundred years, -and the giant sequoias of California which would have covered a -longer span did not reflect climatic change in the same way.</p> -<p>Fortunately, through the study of living trees, Dr. Douglass had -learned that the tree-rings over a period of years formed a distinct -pattern which could be recognized when found on most conifers. Next -he began to search for trees which had been cut perhaps many years -before, but which contained a pattern which fitted some early portion -of that tree whose cutting date was known. This led him to beams -made from whole logs which have been a characteristic feature of -Southwestern architecture for many centuries. By finding old beams -whose outer rings formed the same pattern as the inner rings of living -trees the known <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> was increased. Through correlating the -patterns of progressively older trees with younger ones the pattern -was finally established for the period between 1280 and 1929.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_15">15</div> -<div class="img" id="fig1"> -<img src="images/p03.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="510" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 1—Diagram to illustrate chronology-building with tree rings. Because of space limitation the number of rings in the overlapping specimens has -been arbitrarily reduced. (After Stallings.<a class="fn" href="#bd121">[121]</a> Courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology.)</p> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>THE RING PATTERNS MATCH AND OVERLAP BACK INTO TIME</dt> -<dt>A THIS WAS A LIVING TREE WHEN CUT BY US</dt> -<dd class="t">DATE OF LAST RING IS THAT OF YEAR WHEN WE CUT TREE</dd> -<dt>B THIS BEAM CAME FROM A HOUSE</dt> -<dd class="t">THIS DATE OBTAINED BY COUNTING BACK FROM BARK OF A</dd> -<dt>C THIS BEAM CAME FROM AN OLD HOUSE</dt> -<dd class="t">THIS DATE OBTAINED BY COUNTING BACK FROM BARK OF A THROUGH B</dd> -<dt>SPECIMENS TAKEN FROM RUINS WHEN MATCHED AND OVERLAPPED AS INDICATED PROGRESSIVELY EXTEND THE DATING BACK INTO PREHISTORIC TIMES</dt></dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_16">16</div> -<p>Next Dr. Douglass began to examine beams from prehistoric sites. -From these a continuous sequence of tree-ring patterns was established -for a period of 580 years. Unfortunately though, it could not be -correlated with the sequence starting in 1280. Relative dates could -be obtained and it could be determined how many years had intervened -between the occupation of different sites but there was as yet -no way of correlating these dates with the Christian calendar. The -next step was to seek to bridge the gap between the floating <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> -of relative dates and that which carried up to the present day and -gave absolute dates.</p> -<p>The search for the missing sequence was begun in the Hopi villages -in Arizona where one, Oraibi, has been continuously occupied -since before the coming of the first white men in 1540. The fact that -many of the logs had been cut with stone axes indicated a considerable -age. The Hopis, as might be expected, were not overly enthusiastic -about the arrival of American scientists who wanted to saw cross-sections -from the beams of their buildings and bore holes in other -timbers where cutting was not practical. Dr. Douglass did much to -solve this problem by presenting the chief with yards and yards of -beautiful purple chiffon velvet which delighted him. Dr. Douglass -and his associates also did a great deal to mollify the Indians by -treating their ancient customs with respect. In many cases, for -example, they placed bits of turquoise in holes made in extracting cores -in order to “appease the spirit of decay”. One remarkable piece of -timber was found which gave an extraordinarily clear series of rings -from 1260 to 1344. What made it of particular interest was not only -that it lengthened the known <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> but that it had been in continuous -use from the time it was cut until 1906 when the section of -the village in which it was found was abandoned.</p> -<p>Many beams were studied, but no others were found whose inner -rings predated 1300. The search was next begun in ruins of villages -traditionally occupied by the Hopis prior to moving to their present location. -Of particular interest was the Showlow ruin, for pottery finds -suggested that it had been the home of Hopis in pre-Spanish times and -its proximity to a great pine forest suggested that wood must have -been readily available for building purposes. It was here that one of -the most famous pieces of wood in the world was found.</p> -<p>The decaying, partially burned, piece of wood to which the field -number HH39 was given was not impressive in appearance but it was -a treasure, more valuable to those who found it than any buried pirate -<span class="pb" id="Page_17">17</span> -gold for which adventurers might dig. As it was examined the climatic -conditions of year after year were revealed, new ring combinations were -established and the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> was carried back to 1237 A.D., the year -in which this tree had begun its life. A comparison with the ring patterns -of the floating chronology showed that its 551st ring checked -with that for 1251 in Beam HH39. June 22, 1929, the date on which -this beam was found, is a red letter day in the history of American -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a>, for from that day it became possible to date many ruins -in the Southwest, not only in a comparative sense, but in terms of -the Christian calendar. Actually, of course, the floating and the absolute -chronology had already overlapped but the evidence had been -based on such small fragments as to be unconvincing. Duplication of -ring patterns may occur if only a few rings are used. It is only if a -pattern covering fifty or more rings is available that one may be assured -of correct dating. It was not until the discovery of Beam HH39 -that final proof was available.</p> -<p>In the years which have elapsed since 1929 much further work -has been done by Dr. Douglass and his associates, who include many -brilliant students whom he has trained. The tree ring <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> now -stretches back to 11 A.D.</p> -<p>Great as was the importance of being able to establish absolute -dates for a people who had left no written records, this was not the only -contribution made by what have been aptly called “the talkative tree-rings”.<a class="fn" href="#bd23">[23]</a> -The life of man, and particularly primitive man, is greatly -influenced by climatic conditions and in an arid climate such as that -of the Southwest the difference between drought and adequate rainfall -may, quite literally, be the difference between life and death.</p> -<p>It is naturally an inestimable boon to the archaeologist to know -the conditions under which the people he is studying lived and it -enables him to understand many things, such as periods marked by -expansion or by the abandonment of certain areas, which would otherwise -be unintelligible.</p> -<p>Important as <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">dendrochronology</a> is, it is far from being the only -outside science upon which archaeologists must depend. The records -left by Spanish historians, who found the Pueblo Indians in the 16th -century still untouched by European civilization and living essentially -the same sort of life as their ancestors, have provided invaluable -information. Also of great importance has been the work of ethnologists, -scientists who analyze the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of living primitive people. In -the Southwest archaeologists are particularly fortunate, for in many -<span class="pb" id="Page_18">18</span> -cases descendents of the prehistoric people whom they study are still -living in the same general area and under very similar circumstances. -In spite of the outside influences to which they have been subjected -there is still much to be learned from them. The knowledge of these -people garnered by the historian and the ethnologist, added to that -obtained by the archaeologist, gives us a far better picture of the life -of prehistoric times.</p> -<p>Although a study of material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> tells a great deal about a -people, there is much of their social, political and religious life which -it cannot reveal unless supplementary information is available. There -are grave dangers inherent in too great a concentration on material -culture. It has been said of the archaeologist that “sometimes he cannot -see the people for the walls”<a class="fn" href="#bd125">[125]</a> and it is the people themselves, -after all, who are important.</p> -<p>Two examples will show how <a class="gloss" href="#g_Ethnology">ethnology</a> and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a> may complement -each other. In certain prehistoric sites are found circular -underground rooms with highly specialized characteristics. The objects -found in these are usually non-utilitarian so that, even if no further -information were available, archaeologists would consider them chambers -having some religious significance. However, thanks to the fact -that similar rooms or kivas, as they are called, are still in use in the -modern Pueblo villages, the archaeologist may not only be sure of -their ceremonial nature, but he is in a position to understand more -of their significance through studying their function in modern Pueblo -society. One point demonstrates very clearly how, through correlating -ethnological and archaeological evidence, it is possible to understand -something of the religious beliefs of people who died hundreds of years -ago leaving no written records.</p> -<p>In prehistoric kivas are found small tubelike pits in the floors. -If no other information were available the archaeologist would be -forced to fall back on simply calling these holes “ceremonial”. The -quip that when archaeologists do not know what a thing is they designate -it as ceremonial is sufficiently close to the truth to be uncomfortable. -In many modern kivas, however, the same type of hole is -found. It is symbolic of the mythical place of emergence or route -from the underworld from which it is believed that the first people and -animals came into the world. Archaeologists refer to it by the Hopi -name <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">Sipapu</a></i>. Taking into account the conservatism and dependence -on tradition of religions in all parts of the world in all times, it is not -too rash to assume that the builders of the prehistoric kivas held some -beliefs similar to those of their present day descendents.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_19">19</div> -<p>Similarly, by equating what we know of the social organization -of the Pueblo Indians of today with the evidence from prehistoric times -we may postulate that an essentially democratic form of government -existed in this section of America long before the signing of the Magna -Carta and many centuries before the signers of the American Declaration -of Independence were born. It may be asked, what possible -information can be gained from ruins which would indicate a democratic -way of life. In all the ruins which have been examined all the -living quarters were essentially equal. Most anthropologists feel that -had there been a marked differentiation between classes, or if all -power had been lodged in the hands of a limited number of individuals -this would have been reflected in the dwellings. Certain leaders and -priests undoubtedly had authority, as they do among the Pueblo -Indians of today, but there is no evidence of an autocracy or a ruling -class.</p> -<p>This is, obviously, a greatly simplified explanation of some of the -many techniques employed by archaeologists in seeking to reconstruct -the life of ancient times. No one approach will suffice, but by utilizing -many methods numerous scattered bits of information are obtained. -These are studied and correlated and at length it is possible to produce -an account which is at least a reasonable approximation of the -truth.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_20">20</div> -<h2 id="c3"><span class="small">CHAPTER II</span> -<br />THE MOST ANCIENT CULTURES</h2> -<p>At least 25,000 years ago there were men in New Mexico who -lived in caves and hunted animals, many of which no longer exist. -Over 10,000 years ago there were already distinct groups of people -in the Southwest, some of whom were primarily hunters and some of -whom were largely dependent on the gathering of wild foods. Since -the most ancient cultures of North America have already been covered -in detail in a previous book in this series,<a class="fn" href="#bd130">[130]</a> only a very brief resume -will be given here.</p> -<h4 id="c4">Sandia</h4> -<p>The earliest <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Western Hemisphere, about which we -have any information, is the <i>Sandia</i>,<a class="fn" href="#bd64">[64]</a> so named because the cave -whose deposits showed that it had been occupied by men about 25,000 -years ago is located in the Sandia Mountains of New Mexico. In the -bottom layer of this cave were found fairly large, crudely flaked stone -spear points with a more or less leaflike shape and a slight basal -inset on one side. With these points were found bones of prehistoric -horse, bison, camel, mastodon, and mammoth, probably the debris from -meals of ancient hunters who lived in the cave. Space does not permit -a detailed consideration of the geological studies<a class="fn" href="#bd9">[9]</a> which enable us to -assign a date to this early occupation, but above the layer in which -the Sandia points were found there were other layers which included -one of calcium carbonate and one of yellow ochre. Geologists can -interpret the climatic conditions under which such deposits were formed -and they have correlated them with geologic periods when such conditions -prevailed. Great humidity, such as is indicated by the Sandia -Cave deposits, is characteristic of certain areas during glacial stages -and the lowest level of Sandia Cave has been assigned to the period -preceding the last major ice advance in the Pleistocene Period or Ice -Age. This glaciation is believed to have occurred about 25,000 years ago.</p> -<h4 id="c5">Folsom</h4> -<p>The most famous of the ancient cultures is the <i>Folsom</i> whose name -is derived from the town of Folsom, New Mexico, near which the first -generally accepted American discovery of man-made objects associated -with the bones of extinct animals was made.<a class="fn" href="#bd25">[25]</a> Prior to this find, which -was made in 1926, it had been believed that man had not reached the -New World more than a few thousand years before the beginning of -the Christian era. At the Folsom site, however, were found finely -flaked projectile points in clear association with the articulated bones -of a type of bison known to have been extinct for many thousands of -<span class="pb" id="Page_21">21</span> -years. These were fluted or grooved points characterized by the removal -of longitudinal flakes from either face. Geological evidence from -the Lindenmeier Site in Colorado, which was a camp site of the makers -of the grooved points, indicates that the Folsom people lived between -10,000 and 25,000 years ago.<a class="fn" href="#bd11">[11]</a> This conclusion was reached by correlating -the valley bottom in which the site occurs with river terraces -and moraines, which in turn could be related to glacial stages. A number -of important discoveries of fluted points have been made in the -Southwest. Two notable sites are the one near Clovis, New Mexico, and -Burnet Cave in the Guadalupe Mountains.<a class="fn" href="#bd65">[65]</a></p> -<div class="img" id="fig2"> -<img src="images/p04.jpg" alt="" width="900" height="911" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 2—Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to in Chapter II.</p> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Burnet Cave</dt> -<dt>2. Clovis</dt> -<dt>3. Cochise sites</dt> -<dt>4. Folsom</dt> -<dt>5. Gypsum Cave</dt> -<dt>6. Lindenmeier Site</dt> -<dt>7. Sandia Cave</dt> -<dt>8. San Jon</dt> -<dt>9. Tabeguache Cave</dt> -<dt>10. Yuma</dt></dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_22">22</div> -<h4 id="c6">San Jon</h4> -<p>Probably contemporaneous with the Folsom people were others -who made thick, roughly flaked, square-based points with parallel -sides. These points were first found near the town of San Jon, New -Mexico, and are named after it.<a class="fn" href="#bd114">[114]</a></p> -<h4 id="c7">Yuma</h4> -<p>From a somewhat later period we -have evidence of ancient hunters who made some of the most beautifully -flaked stone projectile points that have ever been created. These -points, which were first found in Yuma County, Colorado, are known -as <i>Yuma</i> or <i>Parallel Flaked Points</i>. They are of two types.<a class="fn" href="#bd130">[130]</a> One -is marked by the removal of long narrow spalls running obliquely -across the blade and the other is characterized by the removal of shell-shaped -spalls from either side which tends to give the point a diamond -shaped cross-section.</p> -<h4 id="c8">Gypsum Cave</h4> -<p>Evidence of another early hunting <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Southwest was -found in Gypsum Cave, Nevada.<a class="fn" href="#bd47">[47]</a> Here were found lozenge-shaped -projectile points, about two inches long, with small convex stems. They -were associated with the remains of now extinct ground sloth and -llamalike camels. The time of the first occupation of Gypsum Cave -may have been several thousand years B.C. One thing which makes -this find of particular interest is that, due to the protection afforded -by the cave, some normally perishable material was preserved. Painted -dart shafts and foreshafts were found and also a piece of basketry. -Lacking direct association with Gypsum Cave type points or extinct -animal remains, it is impossible to state with certainty that the basketry -belonged to this ancient culture, but there is every reason to -believe that it did, since it was found under a stalagmitic growth and -is of a type different from that of later cultures.</p> -<h4 id="c9">Cochise</h4> -<p>While hunters roamed the plains farther north there were other -people, with a different type of economy, living in what is now southeastern -Arizona and southwestern New Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd118">[118]</a> This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, to -which the name <i>Cochise</i> has been given, is believed to have begun -over 10,000 years ago and to have lasted until 500 B.C. or later. The -chief characteristic of the Cochise culture is the extensive use of -grinding stones which suggests that the people were primarily dependent -on the gathering of wild grains, nuts, roots, and similar foods. -The finding of some split and burned animal bones in the sites where -they lived indicates that they did hunt, but the lack of projectile points -in the earliest period and their scarcity until the most recent <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> -provides additional evidence that the economy was based on food -gathering rather than on hunting.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_23">23</div> -<div class="img" id="fig3"> -<img src="images/p05.jpg" alt="" width="604" height="999" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 3—Projectile points of the most ancient cultures. a. Sandia, b. Folsom, c. -San Jon, d. Eden Yuma, e. Oblique Yuma, f. Gypsum Cave.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_24">24</div> -<p>As may be imagined, we know comparatively little about the -most ancient inhabitants of this continent. However, when one considers -the thousands of years which have elapsed and how little of -their material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> could be preserved since they had neither pottery -nor metals, it is rather remarkable that we know as much as we do. -At least we know something of the tools and weapons which they used, -the animals which they hunted, and the conditions under which they -lived.</p> -<p>Apparently the earliest Americans had a rather simple <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> -and did not practice agriculture nor have fixed habitations. Little is -known of their physical appearance since only two skeletons have been -found in this country which are accepted as being of relatively great -antiquity by any considerable number of competent scientists.<a class="fn" href="#bd69">[69]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd70">[70]</a> What -evidence we have suggests that the first men to enter the new world -were sufficiently modern in morphological type to differ very little in -appearance from many present day Indians.</p> -<p>The question naturally arises: Where did the aboriginal inhabitants -of America come from? Man did not evolve on this continent; -therefore he must have come to this hemisphere from the Old World -where he had existed for many thousands of years. All evidence points -to migrations from Asia and the logical route is by way of Bering -Strait where the two continents are separated by only fifty-six miles -of water broken by three islands. Later migrants may also have arrived -from Asia following a route through the Aleutian Islands. It must be -emphasized that it is not believed that there was only one immigration. -Actually there must have been many and they apparently continued -into relatively recent times.</p> -<p>From the time of the earliest cultures until the early centuries -of the Christian era we have little knowledge of prehistoric life in -America. Work is being done and reports are expected which will -eventually clarify much which is now shrouded in darkness. It is not -that the Southwest was uninhabited at this period, it is just that we -know very little about it. It may readily be seen how difficult it is to -assemble evidence for this time. There was undoubtedly only a very -simple material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> with little save stone tools which would survive. -Even though we find implements of this period, however, how are we -to assign them to their proper chronological position? With the most -ancient cultures some approximation of age may be made on the basis -of association with the remains of extinct animals, the climatic conditions -indicated by deposits containing artifacts, and other geological -data. In the case of fairly recent cultures, the invaluable tree-rings -come to our aid and through stratigraphic studies the chronological -positions of the cultures immediately preceding them can be established. -For the intermediate period only stratigraphy can help us -very much and stratigraphic evidence is hard to find. In the Cochise -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, a sequence lasting until about 500 B.C. has been worked out -and the report on Ventana Cave in Arizona, when it is published, will -undoubtedly give us much additional information.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_25">25</div> -<div class="img" id="fig4"> -<img src="images/p06.jpg" alt="" width="2600" height="1576" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 4—Folsom diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_26">26</div> -<h4 id="c10">Tabeguache Cave</h4> -<p>In the Tabeguache drainage of southwestern Colorado have been -found caves containing stratified deposits, the lowest of which are -believed to be quite old although considerably more recent than the -really ancient cultures previously discussed.<a class="fn" href="#bd66">[66]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd67">[67]</a> These deposits contained -lined and unlined firepits and there were little holes, dug in the -cave floor, filled with ashes and charcoal. These are thought to have -been too small to have served any utilitarian purpose and it has been -suggested that they may have been ceremonial in nature. Also found -were grinding stones and a distinctive type of long slender <a class="gloss" href="#g_ProjectilePoint">projectile point</a> -with side notches to which the name <i>Tabeguache Point</i> has been -applied. There was no pottery.</p> -<p>Obviously, a great deal of work will have to be done and probably -many years will elapse before we have any clear picture of what was -happening in various parts of the Southwest prior to the time to which -we assign the letters A.D. If only all the descendants of the first -people had stayed in the same place and placed their cultural remains -neatly on top of those of their ancestors, archaeologists would find -everything more simple, though probably rather dull.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_27">27</div> -<h2 id="c11"><span class="small">CHAPTER III</span> -<br />THE ANASAZI <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2> -<h3 id="c12">GENERAL REMARKS</h3> -<p>Once we pass on to a time which is separated from our own by -hundreds instead of thousands of years we are on firmer ground. Two -main <i>basic cultures</i> have been differentiated by archaeologists and it -now seems probable that two more may be recognized. The best known -and the first to be considered is often called the Anasazi. This is a -Navajo name for the “ancient ones” and is applied to the prehistoric -inhabitants of the plateau area of the Southwest which includes the -drainages of the San Juan, Little Colorado, Rio Grande, Upper Gila -and Salt Rivers, much of Utah and some of eastern Nevada. The term -<i>plateau</i> must not be interpreted as referring to a plain. Actually, it is -a vast expanse of territory with a greater elevation than the surrounding -areas, but with many drainage sources which have formed gorges -in the tableland. It contains prairies, mountains, and terraced mesas.</p> -<p>The Anasazi cultural sequence is a continuous one but can be -divided into successive horizons: the earlier of which are called <i>Basketmaker</i> -and the later ones, <i>Pueblo</i>. The end of the Basketmaker era -is placed at approximately 700 A. D. in most areas, but it is as yet -impossible to give any beginning date for it. The earliest date provided -by tree-rings for wood from a Basketmaker site is 217 A.D.,<a class="fn" href="#bd122">[122]</a> but -the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was well established by that time. Some charred wood -found in a primitive Basketmaker site near Durango, Colorado, has -yielded information which is still considered tentative but which seems -to indicate occupation well before the birth of Christ.<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a></p> -<p>The beginning date for the Pueblo era coincides with that given -for the end of the Basketmaker period which preceded it. No terminal -date may be given, for Pueblo Indians still live in New Mexico and -Arizona.</p> -<h3 id="c13">THE BASKETMAKER PERIOD<a class="fn" href="#bd1">[1]</a></h3> -<p>The first evidence of the Basketmaker people was discovered in -1893 when ninety bodies accompanied by a great many finely woven -baskets were found in a cave in Butler Wash in southeastern Utah. -It was apparent that these people were older than the builders of the -cliff houses, and of a different <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, and the profusion of baskets led -to the term, Basketmakers, being applied to them to differentiate them -from the later people. The name soon found its way into scientific -literature and has continued to be used. It soon became apparent, -<span class="pb" id="Page_28">28</span> -however, that all the Basketmakers were not of the same age, and -archaeologists found that they had to have names to distinguish the -different cultural periods.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig5"> -<img src="images/p07.jpg" alt="" width="884" height="900" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 5—Map of the Southwest showing sites, towns, and areas referred to in -<a href="#c11">Chapter III</a>.</p> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Ackmen</dt> -<dt>2. Alkali Ridge</dt> -<dt>3. Allantown</dt> -<dt>4. Aztec</dt> -<dt>5. Betatakin</dt> -<dt>6. Butler Wash</dt> -<dt>7. Canyon de Chelly</dt> -<dt>8. Canyon del Muerto</dt> -<dt>9. Chaco Canyon</dt> -<dt>10. Durango</dt> -<dt>11. El Paso</dt> -<dt>12. Flagstaff</dt> -<dt>13. Gallina Creek</dt> -<dt>14. Governador Wash</dt> -<dt>15. Hopi Villages</dt> -<dt>16. Kayenta</dt> -<dt>17. Keet Seel</dt> -<dt>18. Kiatuthlana</dt> -<dt>19. Kinishba</dt> -<dt>20. La Plata River</dt> -<dt>21. Largo River</dt> -<dt>22. Lowry Ruin</dt> -<dt>23. Mesa Verde</dt> -<dt>24. Pecos</dt> -<dt>52. Piedra River</dt> -<dt>26. Puye</dt> -<dt>27. San Juan</dt> -<dt>28. Santa Fe</dt> -<dt>29. Taos</dt> -<dt>30. Tyuonyi</dt> -<dt>31. Village of the Great Kivas</dt> -<dt>32. Zuñi</dt></dl> -<div class="pb" id="Page_29">29</div> -<p>In 1927 the leading archaeologists of the Southwest gathered at -Pecos, New Mexico, and worked out a system of terminology.<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a> An -early stage characterized by a nomadic life with no knowledge of -agriculture had been postulated although no direct evidence had been -found. This hypothetical period was named <i>Basketmaker I</i>. The early -semi-agricultural, semi-hunting <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> which produced fine baskets -but no pottery, and for which there was evidence, was called <i>Basketmaker -II</i>. To the third and final <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>, when pottery was made, the -term <i>Basketmaker III</i> was assigned. Clear-cut evidence for Basketmaker -I has been lacking and the term is little used although the -finds in the Tabeguache Caves may be attributed to this period. A -simpler terminology than that proposed at the Pecos Conference has -since been suggested and it will be used in this book.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> The term -<i>Basketmaker</i> is applied to the people formerly assigned to Basketmaker -II and their immediate successors are called <i>Modified Basketmakers</i>.</p> -<p>The Basketmakers were widespread over the Southwest and remains -of their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> have been found in Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, -and Colorado. We know them best from the San Juan Drainage. -It is probable that they really reached their highest development -here, but we must also take into consideration the fact that here we -have ideal conditions for the preservation of much normally perishable -material, and this gives us far more information than is available for -many sections of the country.</p> -<p>Many Basketmaker remains are found in caves along cliff faces. -The term cave, although widely used, however, is perhaps misleading, -for it has a connotation of darkness and of deep enclosed places. -Actually the so-called Basketmaker caves are fairly shallow rock -shelters, worn in the rock by the action of water and wind, and open -to the sun. In them are found ash and dust deposits which contain -the bodies of the ancient inhabitants and their possessions.</p> -<p>Many references are found to Basketmaker “mummies”. It is -quite true that, due to the aridity of the climate and the protection -offered by the shelters, which make it difficult for the bacteria of -decay to survive, many of the bodies were “mummified” with the -dehydrated flesh still on the bones and the hair looking much as it did in -life. These must not be confused with Egyptian mummies, however, -which were preserved by artificial means and highly specialized techniques. -It is simply a happy accident that these people buried their -dead in places which permitted the preservation of their bodies.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_30">30</div> -<div class="img" id="fig6"> -<img src="images/p08.jpg" alt="" width="626" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 6—Basketmaker mummy. (Courtesy Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)</p> -</div> -<p>Probably, though, in the Southwest as in ancient Egypt, belief -in a life after death is shown by the mortuary offerings placed in the -graves. With the bodies are found baskets, food, weapons, and various -personal possessions. With almost every corpse is found a pair of new, -unworn sandals. This would suggest that they were not a possession -of the deceased but a special offering which, it is logical to assume, -was designed for use in a later life.</p> -<p>We may now return to the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> as archaeologists -<span class="pb" id="Page_31">31</span> -have reconstructed it from the evidence which they have painstakingly -dug out of the dust and ashes of rock shelters which had not echoed -with the sound of human activity for many centuries. The problems -which these ancient people faced stagger the imagination of modern -man. They had no metal, no pottery, no cotton or wool, no draught -animals. Really all they did have was their own ingenuity to wrest -the necessities of life from a none too favorable environment. It is -remarkable how, by utilizing wood, bone, stone, plant fibers, and -even their own hair, they not only produced all that they needed to -survive, but also provided a base from which arose the high culture -which culminated in the great communal dwellings of later times.</p> -<p>Were we able to project ourselves back into the time of the Basketmakers -and watch the people of that day we should find men and -women not too different from many Indians of today. The Basketmakers -were rather short. They had coarse, black hair which, while -straight, had slightly more of a tendency to waviness than that of -present day Indians. Their skins were brown and they had little -body hair.</p> -<p>What clothing the Basketmakers wore, besides sandals, is not -certain. Woven bands, sometimes referred to as “gee strings,” have -been found in a number of sites but no mummy has ever been found -buried with any loin covering. Many little “aprons”, consisting of -waist cords to which was attached a fringe of strings of cedar or -yucca fiber, have been found. Some of the longer ones, usually of -cedar bast, were used as menstrual pads, but there are also a few -shorter, finely woven, little aprons which probably served as skirts -for women. Their scarcity, however, would suggest that they were -not considered essential garments. Since the country in which these -people lived is cold in the winter and can become quite chilly after -nightfall even at other seasons of the year, they undoubtedly had some -covering to give them warmth. Almost every body is found wrapped -in a blanket made of fur and it is probable that these served as wraps -and blankets for the living as well as shrouds for the dead.</p> -<p>The manner in which these coverings were constructed is most -ingenious. Strings were made of yucca fibres, then narrow strips of -rabbit fur were wrapped around them. These fur covered strings were -then tied together in close parallel rows, producing a light warm blanket. -Sometimes they were ornamented with borders made of cords which -had been wrapped with strips of bird skins. Some mantles of tanned -deerskin were also made and it may be that there were some woven -robes, for a few fragments of woven cloth have been found. These -fragments bear patterns similar to those shown on the chests of individuals -depicted in Basketmaker paintings on cliff faces, and they may -have been parts of shirts or ponchos. It is also possible, however, that -the designs shown in pictographs simply indicated body painting.<a class="fn" href="#bd38">[38]</a></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_32">32</div> -<div class="img" id="fig7"> -<img src="images/p09.jpg" alt="" width="1322" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 7—Basketmaker diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_33">33</div> -<div class="img" id="imgx2"> -<img src="images/p09a.jpg" alt="" width="850" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Diagram showing the method of making a fur-cloth blanket. The upper figure -shows the construction of a fur strip; the lower shows the manner in which the -strips were held together.</p> -</div> -<p>The major item in the limited Basketmaker wardrobe was sandals. -Anyone who has walked much in the canyon country of the Southwest -can readily see how vital such equipment would be, and apparently the -Basketmakers devoted much time and energy to keeping themselves -shod. Sandals were woven of cord made from the fibers of yucca and -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a>, a plant related to the milkweed. They were double-soled, -were somewhat cupped at the heel, and had a square toe which was -sometimes thickened, but was usually ornamented with a fringe of -buckskin or shredded juniper bark. To attach them to the foot there -were heel and toe loops with a cord passing between them. These cords -were often made of human hair. Hair was also sometimes used to provide -the secondary warps in the sandals themselves. A few pairs of -<span class="pb" id="Page_34">34</span> -large coarse sandals have been found coated with mud and it is thought -that they may have served as overshoes for wear in bad weather.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig8"> -<img src="images/p10.jpg" alt="" width="835" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 8—a. Basketmaker sandal. b. Modified-Basketmaker sandal.</p> -</div> -<p>Whatever the Basketmakers may have lacked in clothing, they -compensated for with jewelry and ornaments. Our information is derived -not only from mortuary finds but also from pictures painted on -cliff faces by the Basketmakers themselves. Hair ornaments were widely -used. Most of them consisted of bone points tied together to form -comblike objects and topped with feathers. Feathers have also been -found made into little loops and worn as pendants. Beads of all sorts -were among the favorite means of decoration. They were used in making -necklaces and as ear pendants. Some were of stone, carefully ground -and polished, some of bone, sometimes engraved. Seeds and acorn -cups were also used to make necklaces. Shells were very widely used, -and it is interesting to note that many of them were olivella or abalone -which can have come only from the Pacific coast.</p> -<p>It seems unlikely that either the Basketmakers or their contemporaries -along the coast were much given to transcontinental tours when -their only means of transportation was their own sandal-shod feet, but -the shells prove some sort of contact. Probably it was a contact by trade -<span class="pb" id="Page_35">35</span> -carried on through the peoples who inhabited the country between the -two locales.</p> -<p>This preoccupation with ornamentation might suggest some degree -of vanity, and it is probably true that Basketmaker men gave a good bit -of time and thought to their personal appearance. Basketmaker women, -however, seem to have been a practical lot, far more concerned with -material for their weaving than with their own appearance. The hair of -female mummies is hacked off to a length of two or three inches. Of -course cutting with a stone knife could hardly be expected to provide -a particularly glamorous hair-do, and the fact that strands of hair -seem to have been cut off at different times, presumably as the need -for weaving material arose, added nothing to the general effect. -While Basketmaker women would hardly furnish “pin up” material -according to our standards, they presumably seemed attractive to -Basketmaker men which, after all, was far more to the point.</p> -<p>Basketmaker men usually wore their hair long and formed into -three bobs tied with a string, one on either side of the head and one in -the back. In some cases the hair was clipped away to form an exaggerated -part and tonsure, and from the hair at the top of the head was -formed a queue about the thickness of a pencil, which was wound with -cord for the entire length. The reason for this variation in hair dressing -is not known. Perhaps the rare form with the clipping and the -queue had some ceremonial significance, or was a mark of rank. Brushes -made of yucca fibers have been found, which we know were used for -the hair. Human hair is found clinging to them and they are a form -still used by some modern Indians.</p> -<p>Having determined how these people looked we may now turn to -the consideration of how they lived. For a great many years lack of -evidence of house construction, coupled with the fact that most Basketmaker -caves do not contain any great amount of ash and refuse, led to -an acceptance of the belief that the Basketmakers either had no dwellings, -or perhaps erected flimsy brush shelters which had since disappeared. -Recent excavations near Durango, Colorado, however, have -yielded evidence of well developed Basketmaker houses. Dates, tentatively -assigned, fall in the early part of the fourth century. Doubtless, -in other parts of the Anasazi province there were many other Basketmaker -houses which have been destroyed by erosion, root, and frost -action. Some of those found in the Durango area were in a cave and -others on a terrace which had been made by cutting into the talus and -<span class="pb" id="Page_36">36</span> -removing the earth until a level surface large enough to accommodate -the intended dwelling was produced.</p> -<p>“The house floors ranged in diameter from eight to thirty feet. -They were saucer-shaped, formed of adobe mud not too smoothly -spread over the surface of the excavation. The rim of the saucer was -plastered against a series of short horizontal foot logs, laid to conform -to the arc of the circle. These served as the foundation of the wall, -the construction of which may be characterized as wood-and-mud -masonry. Sticks and small timbers were laid around horizontally, and -the interstices were crammed full of adobe to produce a strong, tough -shell. The wall leaned somewhat inward as it rose to a convenient -head height. Roofs were cribbed. Since the roof rested directly on the -wall there was no necessity for stout vertical supporting timbers such -as have been found in dwellings of the succeeding period.</p> -<p>“In no instance did a room boundary remain to a height sufficient to -reveal the position, size, or shape of the entrance. At the approximate -center of each floor was a heating pit (heating pit is used advisedly, -because fire does not seem to have been maintained in the pits). -Metates, varying from basin to trough shape, were a normal feature -of each living surface. Interior storage devices occurred with great -frequency. Some were merely slab-lined pits dug into the floor. -Others were mud domes built entirely above the floor. The most common -variety consisted of a combination of the two—a sub-floor, slab-lined -basin surmounted by a mud dome with an opening in the top.”<a class="fn" href="#bd96">[96]</a></p> -<p>Even before these discoveries were made it had been known that -the Basketmakers had some knowledge of construction. In the caves -or shelters they built cists which provided storage space for corn and -which often served a secondary purpose as a final resting place for the -dead. Some were lined with grass and bark and may have been used -as temporary sleeping places. The cists were oval or circular pits, -usually dug in the cave floor. The average diameter was between three -and five feet and the average depth about two feet. There were also -larger cists which reached a diameter of over eight feet and were four -feet deep. Some were divided into bins by slab partitions. Cists were -sometimes simply pits but in other cases they were lined with stone -slabs and reinforced with adobe. Covers were usually provided. For -the smaller cists they were normally only sandstone slabs. The larger -cists often had more elaborate roofs of wood and plaster and some even -had above-ground superstructures of poles, brush, and bark, sometimes -capped by adobe.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_37">37</div> -<p>Clothing and shelter are, of course, subordinate to man’s main -physical need—the need for food. In the period in which we first find -evidence of the Basketmakers they were no longer solely dependant on -hunting and the gathering of wild foods but had two cultivated crops, -corn and squash. Where the Basketmakers gained their knowledge of -agriculture is not known with certainty. Everything seems to point -to the first domestication of corn far to the south in Central<a class="fn" href="#bd126">[126]</a> or -South America and it Is believed that knowledge of corn and its cultivation -spread to the north by <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a>.</p> -<p>Most of the corn cultivated by the Basketmakers was a tropical -flint with small ears. Agricultural implements were so primitive that a -modern farmer would be appalled at the thought of using them, even -under the most favorable climatic conditions. They consisted simply -of digging sticks of hard wood some forty-five or more inches in length. -In most cases two thirds of the stick was round and the remainder was -worked down to form a thin blade a few inches wide, with a rounded -point and one sharp edge. Others had plain flattened points instead -of blades.</p> -<p>The implements available, as well as climatic conditions, naturally -influenced planting techniques which remained unchanged for many centuries. -Probably several kernels were placed in a hill at a depth of a -foot or more. This type of planting gives the seeds access to the subsurface -water on which they must depend to a great extent in a climate -like the Southwest’s. Fields were usually in the flood plains of intermittent -streams, and if there was any irrigation it was of the flood type.</p> -<p>Corn was undoubtedly stored for the winter and for emergency -use in case of crop failures. Shelled corn found in skin bags and in -baskets suggests that selected seed may have been kept for the following -year’s planting. Squash plants were apparently grown not only -to provide food, but the fruit, when hollowed out, served as vessels. -Other vegetable foods were provided by nature and included roots, -bulbs, grass seeds, sun flower seeds, pinyon nuts, acorns, berries, choke -cherries, and probably yucca and cactus fruit. The suggestion, that -cactus fruit served as food, stems from a find which shows clearly the -detective methods which archaeologists employ to gather evidence from -tiny clues. No cactus fruits have been found in Basketmaker refuse, -but a cactus seed was found in the decayed molar of a skull.</p> -<p>Meat was undoubtedly an important component of the diet and -quantities of animal bones are found in all sites. Many smaller animals -such as rabbits, prairie dogs, gophers, badgers, and field mice, and -<span class="pb" id="Page_38">38</span> -some birds were snared or netted. The Basketmakers developed some -remarkable snares and nets. One particularly interesting net, found at -White Dog Cave near Kayenta, weighed twenty-eight pounds, and contained -nearly four miles of string.<a class="fn" href="#bd38">[38]</a> It was two hundred and forty feet -long, over three feet wide, and somewhat resembled a tennis net. It is -thought that such a net was placed across the mouth of a narrow gorge -or canyon and that animals were driven into it and shot or clubbed. -The specimen from White Dog Cave had two sections, one nine and -one six feet long, woven of a hair and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a> mixture which gave -them a darker color. It is thought that this may have been done to -produce the effect of an opening toward which a frightened animal -would rush. Various ingenious snares, many made of human hair, were -also used.</p> -<p>Larger animals, including deer, mountain sheep, and mountain -lion, were also hunted, and their bones and skins utilized as well as -their flesh. These animals were shot with darts propelled by atlatls. -An <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> is a rather remarkable weapon which gives great propulsive -force to the missile and which produces the same effect as would -lengthening the arm of the individual throwing the dart. It consists -of a throwing stick about two feet long, two inches wide and half an -inch thick, with a prong in one end into which was fitted the hollow -butt of a spear or dart. Near the middle were two loops through which -the fingers of the thrower passed. The spear portion consisted of two -parts, a feathered shaft five to six feet long and about half an inch in -diameter with a hollow end which fitted into the prong on the atlatl -and a foreshaft of hard wood, some five or six inches long, tipped with -a stone point. It was set into a hole in the end of the main shaft. This -foreshaft was probably used to prevent the loss of the entire spear or -dart while removing it when the fore part was buried in an animal’s -body. Also, if a wounded animal ran away the shaft proper would -shake loose from the imbedded foreshaft and fall out.</p> -<p>Polished stones are often found lashed to the under-sides of -atlatls. It may be that they were designed to act as weights to give -proper balance to the weapon, but another possibility, suggested by -their unusual shapes and careful finish, is that they were charms or -fetishes and served no utilitarian purpose.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_39">39</div> -<div class="img" id="fig9"> -<img src="images/p11.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="571" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 9—a. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">Atlatl</a>, b. Reverse side of atlatl showing stone, c. Dart showing shaft (mid-section removed), foreshaft, and point, d. Method -of using atlatl, e. Grooved club.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_40">40</div> -<p>Often found associated with atlatls are curved sticks two to three -feet long, marked by longitudinal grooves, extending from the handle -to the top and usually with one or more interruptions in the lines. -These are sometimes referred to as rabbit-sticks and it was first thought -that they represented a form of non-returning boomerang such as is -used in hunting rabbits by the Hopi Indians. Now, however, they are -believed to be “fending sticks” such as were used by the Maya for defense -against the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a>.<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> A dart or spear thrown with an atlatl moves -fairly slowly and could be deflected by the skillful use of such a club. -They could also serve as weapons in close fighting. There is not much -evidence of violent death among the Basketmakers, but there is some -and the atlatl must have been used to kill men as well as animals. Although -the Basketmakers did not use the bow and arrow, they apparently -were in contact with people who did. In Canyon del Muerto in -Arizona evidence of a massacre of Basketmakers was found. Among the -bodies which had been allowed to decay before burial was that of an old -woman with an arrow foreshaft between the ribs and skin of her left -side.<a class="fn" href="#bd92">[92]</a></p> -<p>Once the Basketmakers had acquired their food, there naturally -arose the question of cooking it. Meat presented no real problem, for -it could be baked or roasted without culinary vessels or could even be -eaten raw. Dried corn, however, which comprised so important a part -of the Basketmaker diet, was something else again. From the grinding -stones found in Basketmaker sites we know that corn was ground, as -it is by Indians even today. To grind corn only simple implements are -needed. The dry corn is placed on a flat stone, known as a <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Metate">metate</a></i>. -The kernels are then pounded and rubbed with a stone, of a size which -can be held easily, called a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Mano">mano</a>. Once the corn is made into meal it -can be moistened and formed into little cakes to be baked on hot -stones.</p> -<p>Probably, even without having any utensils which would seem -suitable for cooking to us, it was possible for the Basketmakers to -cook a variety of foods by boiling or stewing. To speak of boiling foods -when the only available container is a basket may seem incredible but -it can be done. The Basketmakers, as their name implies, made many -baskets. These were remarkably fine and often so closely woven as to -make suitable receptacles for liquids. Even though the baskets could -hold water, however, the problem remains as to how they could be -heated, since the baskets obviously could not be subjected to fire. The -technique employed by other people faced with the same problem has -been to drop hot stones into the liquid, replacing them with other hot -stones as they cool, until the necessary temperature is achieved. Skin -receptacles can also be used in the same way. In Basketmaker sites are -found scooplike wooden objects, charred, and with worn edges. They -<span class="pb" id="Page_41">41</span> -are excellent digging implements and were probably used in digging -cists, but the charring suggests that they may have been used in pairs to -lift hot rocks from the fire and drop them into baskets or skin bags in -which food was being stewed.</p> -<p>The most distinctive feature of the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, as is -implied by the name, was the making of basketry. Most baskets were -made by the coiled technique in which a basket is built up from the -base by a growing spiral coil. As the basket progresses, each coil is -sewed to the one below with a thin splint. The coil itself consists of -two rods, usually willow, and a bundle of fibrous material. In sewing -the coils together a bone awl is used to pass the splint through the -fiber bundle.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig10"> -<img src="images/p12.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="349" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 10—Weaving techniques. a. coiling, b. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Twining">twining</a>, c. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Twilling">twilling</a>.</p> -</div> -<p>The most common basket forms were shallow trays anywhere -from three inches to three feet in diameter. Smaller baskets tended to be -deeper than the larger models. There were also bowl forms, with -steeply flaring sides and flat bottoms, which may have been used for -cooking. Small baskets with restricted openings, which are called trinket -baskets, were probably used to store seeds and small objects. Two -distinctive forms are carrying and water baskets. Both are large, with -flaring sides and pointed bottoms. Water baskets had smaller constricted -openings, presumably to keep the water from splashing out. -They were lined with pitch made of pinyon gum. Some of the other -baskets are so tightly woven as to hold water, but these specialized -forms were specially treated, possibly because water was kept in them -for a sufficiently long time that, without the protection of the pitch, -they would have become water-logged and lost their usefulness.</p> -<p>Both the carrying and water baskets are so shaped as to fit -against the shoulders and it is believed that they were carried on the -back, probably with a tump strap running from the basket over the -<span class="pb" id="Page_42">42</span> -forehead of the bearer. This type of woven strap, which is commonly -found in Basketmaker sites, is a device which helps to support and -keep in place a burden carried on the back while leaving the hands -free. It would be particularly useful in cases where there were cliffs -to be negotiated and it was essential to be able to utilize hand holes -pecked in the rock faces. Some of the water baskets are nearly two feet -high and could have held some two or three gallons of water. Since -all the water used in the caves would have to be carried up from -streams below, or brought down from mesa tops where rain water had -accumulated in natural basins or depressions, supplying the needs of -a household would be no light chore, and the Basketmakers must have -needed all the help which their tump straps provided.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig11"> -<img src="images/p13.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="517" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 11—Basketmaker coiled baskets. (Courtesy Peabody Museum, -Harvard University.)</p> -</div> -<p>Although baskets and carrying straps were utilitarian objects, -their decorative possibilities were not overlooked. Many of the baskets -had red and black designs formed by dyeing the sewing splints.</p> -<p>Another technique which was employed, primarily for the production -of bags and to a limited extent in the making of baskets, was -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Twining">twining</a>. In twining, splints or threads are intertwined around a foundation -of radiating rods or threads. Twined bags are very characteristic -of the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. These are soft, seamless sacks which vary -in size from a few inches to two or more feet in length. They are egg-shaped -with slightly pointed bottoms and somewhat constricted necks. -Usually they were made of the fiber of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a>, but some yucca -fiber was also used. Most of the bag was of the warm yellowish brown -of the undyed fiber but decoration was provided by dyeing some of the -<span class="pb" id="Page_43">43</span> -threads red or black and weaving in designs in horizontal bands. There -was no introduction of specially dyed elements. When a change in -color was desired, weft threads were simply rubbed with color. Possibly -the finished article was treated in some way to fix the dye. Burden -or tump straps and narrow sashes were also twined-woven and similarly -decorated.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig12"> -<img src="images/p13a.jpg" alt="" width="1425" height="1455" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 12—Basketmaker carrying basket, with tump strap. (Courtesy -Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)</p> -</div> -<p>A few examples have been found in which the designs were painted -on finished bags. These painted designs were placed on the bag interior -as well as on the exterior and ingenious markers were woven into -the fabric to serve as guides for duplicating the pattern on the reverse -side.<a class="fn" href="#bd37">[37]</a> The smaller bags have been empty when found. Medium sized -ones have been found containing corn meal and something resembling -dried fruit. The largest ones were often split and used for mortuary -wrappings, particularly for children. Other bags were woven of cedar -<span class="pb" id="Page_44">44</span> -bast. They had a large mesh and could have contained only large -objects.</p> -<p>Another type of bag represented in Basketmaker sites is made of -skin. Most of these were formed from the skins of two small animals, -usually prairie dogs. The animals were skinned forward from the back -legs to the nose. The two skins were then sewed together with the neck -of the bag formed by the two heads. They are usually found to contain -oddly-shaped stones or other objects thought to have some ceremonial -significance.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig13"> -<img src="images/p14.jpg" alt="" width="1209" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 13—Basketmaker twined-woven bags. (Courtesy Peabody Museum, -Harvard University.)</p> -</div> -<p>Although the Basketmakers did not have true pottery, they did -have some sun-dried clay dishes. These usually contained a vegetable -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">temper</a> or binding material, such as cedar bark, to prevent cracking, -and were molded in baskets. It is not known whether the idea of -pottery, but not the technique for producing it through firing, had -reached the Basketmakers from some other people, or if the idea of -making the sun-dried dishes was one which they developed themselves. -Most archaeologists believe that the whole concept of clay containers -came from other people, but it is not impossible that the idea developed -from the practice of putting clay in baskets while constructing cists.<a class="fn" href="#bd93">[93]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> -If clay were left for some time in a basket it would naturally harden -and, if the center portion had been scooped out, the hardened residue in -the basket would produce a vessel of sorts. Toward the close of the -<span class="pb" id="Page_45">45</span> -Basketmaker period some vessels were made without molds, and sand -began to replace vegetable fibers as a tempering material.</p> -<p>Most of the information we have about the Basketmakers we owe -to their burial practices and to their habit of placing extensive mortuary -offerings with their dead. There may have been some graves in -the open, but these have not been found. Those we know are from -caves. Where cave floors were covered with rocks, bodies were sometimes -placed in crevices. Usually, however, they were placed in pits -or cists which had originally been constructed for storage. There were -many multiple burials and up to nineteen bodies have been found in -a single grave, although two or three is the normal number. Usually -all the bodies seem to have been buried at the same time and, since -there is rarely any indication of violence, we may assume that epidemics -must sometimes have occurred. It is rare that the cause of death can be -determined, but in an occasional case, it is possible. The body of one -young man was found with a bladder stone, large enough to have caused -death, lying in his pelvic cavity.<a class="fn" href="#bd37">[37]</a></p> -<p>The bodies were tightly flexed, with the knees drawn up almost -to the chin. This must have been done soon after death occurred and -before the body had stiffened. Bodies were usually wrapped in fur blankets, -but occasionally tanned deer skins were used. In some cases a -large twined bag split down one side provided an inner covering. A -large basket was usually inverted over the face. In addition to these -and other baskets, mortuary offerings included sandals, beads and -ornaments, weapons, digging sticks and other implements, and cone-shaped -stone pipes. It is not known what was smoked in these pipes, -but some form of wild tobacco may have been used. It is unlikely that -they were smoked for pleasure. More probably the blowing of smoke -had some ceremonial significance, as it does with many living Southwestern -Indians who connect smoke clouds with the rain clouds which -play such an important part in their lives and which are accordingly -represented in their religious rites. Bodies were sometimes incased in -adobe, but this was rather rare. Usually the pit was lined with bark, -grass, or fiber, and the body covered with the same material.</p> -<p>Some quite unusual graves have been found.<a class="fn" href="#bd37">[37]</a> One contained the -mummy of a man wearing leather moccasins, the only ones ever found -in a Basketmaker site. This individual had been cut in two at the -waist and then sewed together again. Another interesting burial was -that of a girl about eighteen years old and a young baby.<a class="fn" href="#bd76">[76]</a> Under the -shoulders of the girl’s mummy was the entire head skin of an adult. -<span class="pb" id="Page_46">46</span> -The scalp and facial skin had been removed in three pieces, dried or -cured in some way, then sewed back together again. The hair was -carefully dressed, and the face and tonsure part of the scalp painted -with red, white, and yellow. It had apparently been suspended around -the girl’s neck and may have been some sort of a trophy.</p> -<p>There was a high mortality rate for children and infants. Their -burials were handled somewhat differently from those of adults. Young -children were sometimes buried in baskets, sometimes in large bags. -Babies were usually buried in their cradles. These were ingeniously -constructed with a stick bent to form an oval and filled with a framework -of rods placed in a criss-cross arrangement and tied. The cradles -were padded with juniper bark and covered with fur-cloth blankets, -often made of the white belly skins of rabbits. Babies were tied in the -cradle with soft fur cord. The cradle could be carried on the mother’s -back, hung on a branch, propped against a rock or tree, or laid on the -ground. Diapers were made of soft juniper bark. Pads were used to -prevent umbilical hernia. These were made of wads of corn husks or -grass or a piece of bark, wrapped in a piece of prairie dog skin and tied -in position with a fur cord. The umbilical cord was dried and tied to -a corner of the outer blanket used in the cradle.</p> -<p>The only domesticated animal which the Basketmakers possessed -was the dog, and two burials have been found where dogs were interred -with people.<a class="fn" href="#bd38">[38]</a> One large dog resembling a collie was buried with a -man, and a smaller black-and-white dog which looked rather like a -short haired terrier was found with a woman. Since these dogs are not -related to coyotes and other doglike animals found in America, it is -believed that they must have been domesticated in the Old World and -accompanied their masters when they came to this hemisphere. Probably -the dogs were pets, for the scarcity of their bones in refuse heaps -indicates that they were not eaten. Some dog hair was used in weaving, -but not to a sufficient extent to make it seem probable that dogs -were kept entirely for the purpose of providing material.</p> -<p>The exigencies of survival cannot have left the Basketmakers too -much leisure, but all of their time cannot have been taken up by work. -Undoubtedly religious ceremonies occupied them to some extent. Rattles -made of deer hoofs and bone were probably used to set the rhythm of -ceremonial dances. These may have been worn around the waist or -ankles or mounted on handles. Whistles have been found made of -hollow bird bones. There is reason to believe that the Basketmakers -were not unfamiliar with gambling. Gaming sticks and bones, similar -<span class="pb" id="Page_47">47</span> -to those used by modern Indians, have been found in Basketmaker -sites. The sticks are of wood, about three inches long, flat on one side -and convex on the other, and marked with <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> lines. The gaming -bones are lozenges about one inch long and roughly oval in shape. -Doubtless even in that far off time the canyons sometimes echoed with -the prehistoric version of “Seven come eleven, baby needs some -sandals.”</p> -<div class="img" id="fig14"> -<img src="images/p15.jpg" alt="" width="1014" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 14—Mummies of two varieties of Basketmaker dogs. (Courtesy -Peabody Museum, Harvard University.)</p> -</div> -<p>On cliff faces are found pictures, sometimes <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> but more -usually painted, which are attributed to the Basketmakers. These -usually show square-shouldered human figures or hand prints. The -latter were normally made by dipping the hand in paint then placing -it against the surface to be marked, but in some cases they were painted. -The significance of these and later pictographs is not known, although -there are innumerable theories. The most probable explanation seems -to be that they had some religious significance but it is also possible -that they were records, were designed to give information, or were done -for amusement.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_48">48</div> -<div class="img" id="fig15"> -<img src="images/p16.jpg" alt="" width="1342" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 15—Modified-Basketmaker diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_49">49</div> -<h3 id="c14">THE MODIFIED-BASKETMAKER PERIOD<a class="fn" href="#bd1">[1]</a></h3> -<p>During the succeeding period, there was a continuation of the -same <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a>, but there was great development and sufficiently -important changes occurred to warrant recognition by the application -of another name. The later <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> is known as the <i>Modified-Basketmaker -period</i> or as <i>Basketmaker III</i>. Some archaeologists believe that -the cultural changes were so great that it would have been better if -the term “Basketmaker” had not been applied to both periods.</p> -<p>The Modified Basketmaker period is marked by the beginning of -a sedentary life and the establishment of regular communities. The -essential continuity of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> makes it difficult to assign specific -dates to the period. A typical Basketmaker site is readily differentiated -from a Modified Basketmaker site, but it is difficult to give a precise -year for the time when the transition from one to the other occurred. -The beginning is usually placed between 400 and 500 A. D. The earliest -date yet established by tree-rings for a Modified-Basketmaker site is -475 A. D.<a class="fn" href="#bd87">[87]</a> There is general agreement that, in most places, the Modified-Basketmaker -period ended about 700 A. D., but some archaeologists -place the terminal date as late as the ninth century for certain areas.</p> -<p>One difficulty in trying to establish fixed dates for cultural phases -is that change and development were not equal in all areas. Dates which -may be correct for the main, or nuclear, area may be entirely incorrect -if applied to peripheral regions where development was slower and -fewer changes were made. During Modified Basketmaker times the -San Juan drainage was still the nuclear area, but the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was quite -widespread and extended north into Utah, as far west as southwestern -Nevada, and south to the Little Colorado in Arizona, and beyond Zuñi -in New Mexico.</p> -<p>The Modified Basketmakers usually lived in villages made up of -irregularly grouped houses with granaries clustered about them. In -some cases there were only a few dwellings, in others there were as -many as a hundred. Houses were usually of the pit variety, sometimes -built very close together but not contiguous. The earliest structures -were circular, but later they became more oval and eventually a rectangular -form prevailed. At first houses were entered through a passageway -leading from the ground outside. Sometimes there was a small -antechamber at the outer end of the entrance passage. The pit depth -varied from three to five feet and the diameter of the structures ranged -between nine and twenty-five feet. The pit walls were sometimes -plastered, but more often they were lined with stone slabs. Occasionally -<span class="pb" id="Page_50">50</span> -a few rows of adobe bricks were placed over the slabs. In some -cases a combination of slabs and plaster was used, in others, poles or -reeds covered with mud formed the wainscoting.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig16"> -<img src="images/p17.jpg" alt="" width="1038" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 16—Modified-Basketmaker house after excavation. -(Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<p>The pit was covered by a conical or truncated superstructure with -a hole in the center, designed to permit smoke to escape from the fireplace -on the floor below. Later in the period the entrance passageways -were so reduced in size as no longer to permit the passage of a human -body, and entrance to the houses seems to have been through the hole -or hatchway in the roof in which was placed a ladder leading to the -room below. The roof surface may, in some cases, have provided extra -living space since metates, manos, and pottery, have been found overlying -roof timbers. Usually the basis of the superstructure was formed -by four posts, imbedded in the floor, and supporting a platform of -horizontal timbers. Smaller timbers or poles, set into the ground, -leaned against the platform and others were laid horizontally across it. -The whole was covered with mats or brush, then topped with a layer -of plaster and earth reinforced with twigs, grass, and bark.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_51">51</div> -<div class="img" id="fig17"> -<img src="images/p17a.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="359" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 17—Postulated method of Modified-Basketmaker house construction. -(After Roberts,<a class="fn" href="#bd105">[105]</a> Courtesy Smithsonian Institution.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_52">52</div> -<p>The side entrance was retained in a reduced form, apparently to -provide ventilation. An upright slab, often found standing between the -fire pit and the passage opening, is believed to have served the purpose -of keeping the inrushing air from putting out the fire, and is known as -a <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a></i>. There was often a bench or shelf running around the inside -of the house. This was sometimes omitted along the south side. -Some storage bins were built against the walls of the house.</p> -<p>Floors were usually of hardened clay, but in a few cases they were -paved with stone slabs. A basinlike fire pit with a raised rim lay near -the center of the floor. Extending from the south side of the pit to the -walls there were often ridges of mud. These were later replaced, in -some areas, by partitions, sometimes several feet high, made of slabs or -adobe. Metates are commonly found in the southern section, and it -has been suggested that this may have been the women’s part of the -house. A short distance on the other side of the fire pit is a small hole, -known as the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">Sipapu</a>. Similarly placed holes in present day ceremonial -structures of the Pueblo Indians represent the mythical place of emergence -from the underworld from which the first people came to the -earth. The partitioning of the Modified-Basketmaker houses may have -served to segregate religious from secular activities. It is believed that -originally each house had its own shrine. In later times highly specialized -structures were built for ceremonial practices. This is foreshadowed -in the Modified-Basketmaker period for one site belonging to this -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a> has been found which contained a larger structure, similar to -the houses, but apparently not used as a dwelling place.<a class="fn" href="#bd105">[105]</a></p> -<p>Toward the end of the period in some areas, particularly in Southwestern -Colorado, some surface houses were built which presaged the -type of structure found in the next period. Villages have been excavated -in which separate pit houses were still used for living quarters, -but there were also some dwellings which were above ground and had -contiguous rooms.<a class="fn" href="#bd83">[83]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a></p> -<p>Another important development in this period was the manufacture -of true pottery. Some unfired forms were still made. Sometimes -they were molded in baskets and in other cases they were started in -baskets and finished by a coiling technique. To produce a vessel by -this method, a thin rope of clay is formed, then wound around in a -circle with each row or coil being attached to the one preceding it. -Each added ring adds to the height of the vessel wall. If a smooth -surface is desired, the depressions which mark the joining of the coils -are obliterated. The Anasazi achieved this by scraping with a thin -gourd or wooden implement, or sometimes with a piece of broken -pottery. The principle of the potter’s wheel was never discovered in -the Southwest.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_53">53</div> -<p>At one time it was felt that pottery making might have been a -local development of the Modified Basketmakers, but this theory has -been largely abandoned although it has not really been disproven. -The belief most generally held is that knowledge of pottery manufacture, -as well as maize, originally spread from Middle America to the -Southwest by <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a>. Some archaeologists now believe that the -Modified Basketmakers may have learned about pottery from people -living in southwestern New Mexico who were making pottery at an -earlier date.</p> -<p>The first Modified-Basketmaker pottery was crude and limited in -form with many globular shapes somewhat reminiscent of those of -gourds or baskets. Perforated side lugs were very characteristic. The -dominant ware was a light to medium gray with a coarse granular -paste tempered with quartz. This occasionally became black from -smoke carbon. Exteriors were often marked with striations, suggesting -that the vessels were rubbed with a bunch of grass while still wet. -There were some bowls with interior decorations applied with black -paint. The paint is believed to have been made by boiling the juice -of some plant, such as bee weed, which still provides pigment for Indian -potters. Brushes were probably made by chewing the end of a -yucca splint until the fibers separated and were soft and flexible. Designs -appear to have been taken, to a great extent, from basketry. They -usually consist of bands or ribbonlike panels and the most common -design elements are dots, small triangles, rakelike appendages, and -crude life forms.</p> -<p>No kilns were used and pottery was probably fired with a conical -pyre of firewood placed around the vessels. When the air is kept out -and there is no excess of oxygen in the atmosphere in which pottery -is fired, a white or gray colored background, such as is found in Basketmaker -wares, results. Such pottery is said to have been fired in a -<i><a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a></i>. When air is allowed to circulate and there is an -excess of oxygen in the atmosphere, red, brown, or yellow pottery is -produced, and the vessels are characterized as having been fired in an -<i><a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a></i>.<a class="fn" href="#bd15">[15]</a></p> -<p>In a few sites there has been found a highly polished red ware, -sometimes plain and occasionally with designs in black, and a pottery -with red designs on a brown or buff background.<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> These wares are -much better made than those previously described and this, coupled -with their rarity, indicates that they were foreign to the Modified-Basketmaker -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. It has been suggested that they may have been -<span class="pb" id="Page_54">54</span> -imported from the south and that the red pottery, which owes its red -color to firing in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>, may be the product of the -Mogollon people, of southwestern New Mexico and southeastern -Arizona, who will be discussed in a later section. Certain Modified -Basketmaker vessels were covered with a wash of red pigment which -was applied after firing and which was impermanent. This is known -as <i>fugitive red</i>. The theory has been advanced that this may represent -an attempt on the part of the Basketmakers to produce red pottery -without knowing the firing technique which was responsible for it.<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a></p> -<div class="img" id="fig18"> -<img src="images/p18.jpg" alt="" width="933" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 18—Modified-Basketmaker figurine and nipple-shaped object.</p> -</div> -<p>There are two other classes of articles made of clay, sometimes -lightly fired but more often unbaked. These are human figurines and -nipple-shaped objects believed to be cult objects with no utilitarian -purpose. The figurines almost invariably represent human females. -Faces are indistinct except for the nose, which, like the breasts, is -clearly marked. Arms, if shown at all, are sketchily indicated. Legs are -scarcely ever shown. Necklaces and pendants are indicated by punctures -and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> lines. The nipple or funnel-shaped objects are hollow -cornucopias, about two inches long, decorated with punctations. They -are perforated at the base, which suggests that they were once tied to -something, possibly masks or clothing. There are many theories as to -the significance of these traits. It has been suggested that they may have -come with the introduction of maize and may be connected with fertility -rites.</p> -<p>Pottery did not entirely supplant basketry and many fine baskets -<span class="pb" id="Page_55">55</span> -continued to be made. There was greater use of red and black designs -than in the previous period. Sometimes these were woven in and sometimes -they were painted. Sandals reached their highest level of development -at this time. They were finely woven of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Apocynum">apocynum</a> string -over a yucca cord warp. Fringing was abandoned, and the toe was -marked by a crescent-shaped scallop. The heel was puckered. Soles -were double with designs worked in colored cord in zones on the upper -surface and raised designs on the underside produced by variations in -weave or by knotting. Carrying bands continued to be very finely woven -but twined bags degenerated.</p> -<p>Fur blankets were still manufactured but the use of feather cord -became progressively more common. Some blankets were made partially -of fur cord and partially of feather cord. Strips of bird skin were -no longer used exclusively in the manufacture of the latter type. Small -downy feathers were employed, as well as heavier feathers from which -the stiffer part of the quill had been removed. Much turkey plumage -was utilized, and it is believed by some archaeologists that turkeys were -domesticated at this time,<a class="fn" href="#bd87">[87]</a> although others do not think that domestication -took place until later. There is no agreement as to whether -turkeys were kept to provide food. It is most generally believed that -they were not eaten.</p> -<p>At this time new varieties of corn were cultivated, which tended to -be somewhat larger than the earlier forms, and the people’s diet was -changed to some extent by the introduction of beans as a food crop. -The addition of beans to the daily fare may have been quite important -for it would increase the protein content of the diet. Such a crop also -indicates a more settled life, for, while corn may be planted and then -left for long periods of time, beans require almost constant attention.</p> -<p>Atlatls were still the principal weapons, but late in the period the -bow and arrow came into use. This new and superior weapon may -have been brought by small groups of newcomers to the Southwest or, -perhaps, simply the idea spread to the Anasazi from neighboring people. -In any case, the bow is believed to have been introduced from some -other area. Two new implements which also appeared at this time -were grooved mauls or hammers and axes notched for hafting. Before -the introduction of axes it is believed that timbers for house construction -were felled by fire.</p> -<p>Much of our information about these people still comes from -burials. These were more often single interments than was the case in -the preceding period. There were no definite cemeteries in the villages, -<span class="pb" id="Page_56">56</span> -and bodies were placed wherever it was most convenient, often in refuse -heaps where digging was easiest. In caves the dead were commonly -laid in abandoned cists or in crevices. Baskets were still the chief -mortuary offerings, but some pottery was placed with the dead, as well -as a variety of other objects including ornaments, pipes, food, gaming -sets, and flutes. The latter are of particular interest, for they indicate -some knowledge of music. In the grave of one old man, believed to have -been a priest or chief, were four finely made flutes. They could still be -played when they were excavated and had a clear, rich tone. A characteristic -offering, found in almost all graves, is a pair of new unworn -sandals. Ornaments interred with the dead show that turquoise was -now being used for beads and pendants. It was sometimes employed -with shell pieces for mosaic work set in wood. In other cases it was -combined with whole shells, as in one magnificent cuff, found on the -wrist of an old woman, which was five inches wide and consisted of -hundreds of perfectly matched olivella shells with a fine turquoise in -the center.<a class="fn" href="#bd2">[2]</a></p> -<p>One of the most interesting of all interments was the famous -“burial of the hands” in Canyon del Muerto in Arizona.<a class="fn" href="#bd92">[92]</a> This find -consisted of a pair of hands and forearms lying side by side, palms -upward, on a bed of grass. Wrapped around the wrists were three -necklaces with abalone shell pendants, one of which was as large as the -hand itself. An ironical, yet strangely pathetic offering, consisted of -two pairs of some of the finest sandals which have ever been found. -Over the entire burial lay a basket nearly two feet in diameter. Doubtless -a fascinating story lies behind this strange grave, but what it was -we shall never know. Of all the theories which have been advanced the -one which best explains this remarkable occurrence is that the individual -may have been caught under a rockfall and that only the hands -and forearms could be released and given suitable burial; but of course -all this is pure conjecture.</p> -<h3 id="c15">SUMMARY</h3> -<p>In summarizing the Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a> as a whole, we may say -that the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was fully established in the San Juan drainage in the -early centuries of the Christian era, and it may have been developing -for quite some time. Later it spread to include a larger area. This part -of the Anasazi sequence ended, in most places, at the beginning of the -eighth century.</p> -<p>The earliest people were dependent on both hunting and agriculture. -<span class="pb" id="Page_57">57</span> -The only propulsive weapon used was the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> or dart-thrower. -Squash and corn were the only two crops produced. Houses had saucer-like -floors of adobe, wood-and-mud masonry walls with a log foundation, -and cribbed roofs. These people made beautiful baskets and -sandals, produced some exceptionally fine twined-woven bags, and made -blankets of fur-covered cord. Fired pottery was not manufactured but -some unfired clay vessels were produced.</p> -<p>In the second part of the period the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was more widespread -and developed, and was modified in various ways. Several types of -corn were grown, and beans were added to the list of cultivated foods. -Pit houses were the usual form of dwelling, and village life began. -Baskets were still widely made. Sandals reached their highest point -of development, but twined-woven bags degenerated. Cord used in the -making of blankets came to be more commonly wrapped with feathers. -Fired pottery was manufactured, and the bow and arrow came into use. -This was a most important period, for it provided the foundation for -the later culture which, some centuries later, achieved a golden age that -marked one of the high points of aboriginal development in North -America.</p> -<h3 id="c16">THE DEVELOPMENTAL-PUEBLO PERIOD</h3> -<p>Following the Basketmaker era comes the Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>, the -second major subdivision of the Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. The name comes from -that given to the village Indians by the Spaniards. “Pueblo” is simply -the Spanish word for a community of people, but in the Southwest it has -come to have a definite connotation and is used to refer to communal -houses and towns and to the inhabitants, both prehistoric and modern.</p> -<p>The Pueblo period, like the Basketmaker, is divided into various -phases. Under the classification decided on by archaeologists, meeting -at the conference at Pecos in 1927, five phases were recognized. The -earliest was called <i>Pueblo I</i> and was defined as “the first stage during -which cranial deformation was practiced, vessel neck corrugation was -introduced, and villages composed of rectangular living-rooms of true -masonry were developed.” The next was named <i>Pueblo II</i> and was -characterized as “the stage marked by widespread geographical extension -of life in small villages; corrugation, often of elaborate technique, -extended over the whole surface of cooking vessels.”<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a></p> -<p>At the present time many archaeologists group both phases under -the name <i>Developmental Pueblo</i>.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> This term, which is used in this -book, seems apt, for this was a period of transition which led to the -classic Pueblo era. In many ways the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was still a generalized -one, as was the one which preceded it, but specialization, which was to -become so marked later, was already beginning. Sites belonging to this -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> are found throughout the Plateau area.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_58">58</div> -<div class="img" id="fig19"> -<img src="images/p19.jpg" alt="" width="1327" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 19—Developmental-Pueblo diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park. (Courtesy of Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_59">59</div> -<p>Assigning dates to this period is rather complicated. It might be -thought that in dealing with somewhat more recent sites, where tree-ring -dates are more commonly available, it would be easy to say that -a specific period began at a definite time and ended at another. Actually, -such is not the case, for development was far from uniform in -all places. In some sections the period which we define as Developmental -Pueblo began toward the end of the seventh century; in other -areas the earliest date which can be given is in the middle of the ninth -century. Terminal dates are equally variable. In some regions this -period had ended and the next <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of development had begun by the -middle of the tenth century, and in others this change did not take -place until the twelfth century. In general, the dates 700 to 1100 A. D. -may be assigned to the Developmental Pueblo phase, but this represents -a simplification of a very <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> situation.</p> -<p>For many years it had been thought that the people of Basketmaker -and those of Pueblo times were of entirely different physical -types. The Basketmakers were considered dolichocephalic, or long-headed, -and the Pueblos were believed to be brachycephalic, or broad-headed. -The first appearance of the latter was thought to mark the -advent of an entirely different racial group which became dominant -and caused the disappearance of the earlier inhabitants of the region. -It was not believed that the Basketmakers were entirely exterminated, -but rather that many were assimilated and absorbed by the new group -while some were killed and others driven into peripheral areas. Some -archaeologists and anthropologists still hold this theory.</p> -<p>Recently, however, a long and detailed study of fairly large groups -of crania of both people has been made.<a class="fn" href="#bd119">[119]</a> The results of this investigation -suggest that, while there are some differences between the two -series, they are not of great significance and that, therefore, the -Basketmakers and the Pueblos were basically the same people. This -is confirmed by cultural evidence, for, although changes occurred, there -is a strong continuity of development from Basketmaker to early Pueblo -times. Possibly there was some coming in of new people, who introduced -new ideas which gave impetus to the cultural development; but -it is now difficult to accept the theory of a mass invasion by a racially -different group and of a radical change in physical type. In the light -<span class="pb" id="Page_60">60</span> -of this new evidence some archaeologists feel that the term “Anasazi” -should be dropped, and the entire <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, including the Basketmaker -and Pueblo phases, should be called “Pueblo” or “Puebloan.”<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a></p> -<p>One factor which tended to make the Pueblo people seem extremely -broad-headed was the habit of deforming the skull posteriorly, a -practice which became almost universal in Pueblo times. A skull -markedly flattened in back inevitably appears broader than one which -is undeformed. This effect is believed to have been produced by strapping -babies against hard cradle-boards or by using a hard head-rest. -The soft skull of the infant was flattened by pressure in the back and, -as the bones grew and hardened, this deformity became permanent.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig20"> -<img src="images/p20.jpg" alt="" width="755" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 20—a. Undeformed skull, b. Deformed skull.</p> -</div> -<p>The question naturally arises: Why did people wish to have deformed -skulls? We cannot be sure of the answer, of course, but it seems -possible that it represents nothing more than a matter of fashion and a -change in ideals of beauty. Even in our own society there are fashions -in physical appearance as well as in clothing and adornment. One need -only compare the corn-fed curves of the Floradora sextette with the -emaciated lines of “flappers” of the 1920’s to realize that we have -little eccentricities of our own which might seem incomprehensible to -a prehistoric Indian.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_61">61</div> -<p>Important changes which mark the transition between the Basketmaker -era and Pueblo times occurred in the realm of architecture. -There are also differences between the first half of the Developmental -Pueblo period, sometimes known as “Pueblo I,” and the second half -which is sometimes called “Pueblo II.” In a general way we can -trace the evolutionary development from pit houses, with associated -granaries, to the fairly <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> surface domiciles and subterranean -ceremonial chambers of the final <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of the period.<a class="fn" href="#bd113">[113]</a> Progress did -not follow the same pattern in all places, however, nor did all similar -changes occur at the same time.</p> -<p>As was noted in the preceding section, a few surface houses were -built in the Modified-Basketmaker period, but this type of architecture -did not become well established until Developmental-Pueblo times. In -the beginning of the period, in most areas, pit houses were still the usual -form of dwelling. To the west and north of these houses, granaries were -built with superstructures in the form of truncated pyramids. Sometimes -stone slabs and sometimes crude masonry were used in their -construction.</p> -<p>Later, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> structures as well as pit houses served as dwellings. -The name <i>jacal</i> is applied to a type of construction in which walls are -made of poles set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe. -At first, walls sloped inward, as they had in the superstructures of the -earlier granaries from which it is believed that this type of house was -derived. Later, walls were perpendicular and the jacal construction was -sometimes combined with masonry. Still later, masonry was used almost -exclusively. As time went by, floors became progressively less depressed. -In early forms, rooms were not connected, but eventually contiguous -rooms became the rule, and, in the course of time, there arose -multiroomed structures, sometimes called <i>unit houses</i>. Associated with -these were highly specialized subterranean structures, used for religious -purposes, but apparently derived from the old domiciliary pit house.</p> -<p>It cannot be stressed too strongly that these are all general statements, -designed solely to show evolutionary trends during this period. -Actually the situation is far more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> than this would indicate. In -some sections, big pueblos were built very early in the period.<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> In -peripheral regions, pit houses continued to be used as dwellings long -after they had ceased to serve such a purpose in the main area, and, -even in the nuclear portion, the rate of progress was by no means constant, -nor was it always in the same direction. For a somewhat clearer -<span class="pb" id="Page_62">62</span> -picture, it is best to consider some of the different places where excavation -of Developmental-Pueblo sites has been undertaken.</p> -<p>At Kiatuthlana, Arizona,<a class="fn" href="#bd107">[107]</a> forty miles southwest of Zuñi, pit -houses and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> structures were contemporaneous during early Pueblo -times. The latter were flat-roofed, four-sided buildings, trapezoidal, -rather than rectangular, in outline. Some were single rooms, and others -had three or four chambers.</p> -<p>In the Piedra district of southwestern Colorado<a class="fn" href="#bd106">[106]</a> are found <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> -buildings in clusters of from three to fifteen. The different structures -were often close, but did not touch. A number of clusters, laid in a -crescent shape around a circular depression, comprised a village. These -depressions are thought by some to have served as reservoirs, or possibly -sometimes as plazas or dance courts. Others hold the opinion, -based on the results of more recent excavations in other areas, that -they may contain pit houses.<a class="fn" href="#bd41">[41]</a> The earliest houses were pits with sloping -jacal walls. Later the floors were merely depressed, and walls -were perpendicular. This type was eventually combined with two-room -storage buildings of crude masonry. Next, the jacal construction disappeared -and the rooms made of masonry were enlarged and became -dwellings instead of storerooms.</p> -<p>In the nearby region of the La Plata drainage,<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> houses in the -beginning of the period differed little from those of Basketmaker times, -except that they were somewhat more massive and more masonry was -used. There was some <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> construction, but usually a variant form -was employed in which only a few widely spaced wooden supports were -used. Sometimes the entire wall consisted of clay pressed into position -with the hands, and the posts were absent. Stones were sometimes -added to the clay, and some crude <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a> has been found. -Stone slabs commonly formed the wainscoting. Houses were usually -grouped in a crescentic form along the north and west sides of a depression -containing a subterranean chamber. No dance courts or plazas -have been found.</p> -<p>During the latter part of Developmental-Pueblo times in the La -Plata area, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> and slab construction were replaced by stone and -adobe, and walls became more massive. At first the adobe was considered -the important mass and only a few stones were incorporated, -but, as time went by, the ratio changed and stone predominated with -mud serving only as a mortar. Crescent-shaped room-placement changed -to a rectangular structure.</p> -<p>In the Ackmen-Lowry region<a class="fn" href="#bd82">[82]</a> of southwestern Colorado most -<span class="pb" id="Page_63">63</span> -early Developmental-Pueblo sites consisted of one or two above-ground -rooms associated with a pit house which may have served as a domicile -as well as provided a place for the celebration of ceremonies. The surface -structures were of slabs topped by masonry, or were of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> construction. -Later houses were built of <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a> and usually contained -from four to six rooms. The associated pit houses seem to have been -used exclusively as ceremonial chambers. Also found in this area was -a good-sized Pueblo, known as Lowry Ruin, which was occupied late in -Developmental-Pueblo times as well as during the succeeding period. -Thirty-five rooms have been uncovered, but there is evidence that the -pueblo was modified six or seven times, and it is estimated that probably -no more than fifteen or eighteen rooms were occupied at any one time.</p> -<p>At Alkali Ridge in southeastern Utah,<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> thirteen sites have been -excavated which have yielded valuable information about architectural -development. Ten of these contained Developmental-Pueblo structures. -In this area, even as early as the eighth century, pueblos with as -many as three hundred above-ground storage and living rooms were -being built in association with large and small pit houses. These pueblos -consisted of long curving rows of contiguous rooms with the larger -dwelling units in front of the small chambers used for storage. A variety -of wall types was used, often in combination. They include upright -stone slabs, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a>, and some <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a>.</p> -<p>During the latter half of Developmental-Pueblo times in this area -there were buildings made of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">jacal</a> with stones imbedded in the adobe. -Those found range in size from one to twelve rooms, and some may -have been larger. There were also structures of <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a>. Some -of these contained only one or two rooms but others may have been -fairly large.</p> -<p>In excavations near Allantown, in eastern Arizona,<a class="fn" href="#bd112">[112]</a> the evolution -from simple masonry granaries to multi-roomed houses, and the -development from simple, partially subterranean houses to highly specialized -kivas, or ceremonial buildings, is clearly shown. There the -change from domiciliary pit house to unit house seems to have occurred -in the period between 814 and about 1014 A. D. This, however, was a -slower development than in other areas. In the Chaco Canyon area of -New Mexico, for example, great communal houses, with several stories -and hundreds of rooms, of which the unit-type house seems to have -been the forerunner, apparently were started by 1014.</p> -<p>Unit houses, which were commonly built in the second part of -Developmental-Pueblo times and in the following period, were above-ground -<span class="pb" id="Page_64">64</span> -structures built of stone and adobe. They were one story in -height and usually contained from six to fourteen rooms. These rooms -were sometimes placed in a long row, sometimes in a double tier, and, -in other cases, were arranged in the shape of an “L” or rectangular “U”.</p> -<p>Unit houses are occasionally referred to as <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Clan">clan</a> houses</i>, for some -archaeologists believe that they may have been occupied by single -family groups. Present day social organization in the western pueblos -is based on clans, and it is believed that this is of long standing and -probably extends far back into prehistoric times. Descent is traced in -these pueblos in the maternal line. In such villages a clan is a group -made up of individuals descended from the same female ancestor. -Houses belong to the women, and a family group which lives together -usually consists of a woman and her daughters and their families. The -husbands belong to other clans. They live with their wives’ groups, -but their religious affiliations are with their own clans. The kivas, or -ceremonial chambers, belong to the men of the clan and serve as club -rooms as well as providing a place where secret religious rites may be -performed.</p> -<p>In Developmental-Pueblo times, kivas were very similar in form -to those used at the present time in the eastern pueblos. They were -circular, subterranean structures which lay to the south or southeast -of houses. Walls were of masonry, and there were encircling benches -in which pilasters were often incorporated. Roofs were normally cribbed, -and entrance was usually through the smoke-hole in the center; although, -in some unit-type sites in southwestern Colorado, stone towers -are found containing manholes which led into tunnels connecting with -kivas.<a class="fn" href="#bd83">[83]</a></p> -<p>It is interesting to note the apparent derivation of kivas from the -old domiciliary pit houses which had, at least in a rudimentary form, all -of the features of the later religious structures and which also lay in -the same position in relation to the surface masonry structures. It is -believed that originally each house had its own shrine. When special -structures came to be built exclusively for the performance of religious -rites, the people clung to the old form of building, although their dwellings -were developing in a different direction. There is an innate conservatism -and traditionalism in religion which is well represented in -architecture. In our own cities, where we erect medieval cathedrals -and sky scrapers, we can see a lag of from four to seven centuries between -religious and secular architecture.</p> -<p>In some parts of the Southwest, kivas were not the only places -<span class="pb" id="Page_65">65</span> -available for the performance of religious rites. At Allantown<a class="fn" href="#bd112">[112]</a> was -found a great circular area, paved with adobe and enclosed on three -sides by upright stone slabs, which is believed to have been a dance -court. On the north side is a platform or dais. Probably in that long -ago time there were many days and nights when moving feet beat out -the intricate rhythms of the dance against the hard packed adobe, as -the gods were importuned to bring life-giving rain for the crops.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig21"> -<img src="images/p21.jpg" alt="" width="1036" height="797" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 21—Interior view of a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> showing distinctive features. Note the -ventilator, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a>, fire-pit, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">sipapu</a>, bench, and pilasters.</p> -</div> -<p>In addition to the houses, kivas, and dance courts, there were also -brush shelters with firepits, ovens and storage places. These probably -provided outdoor cooking facilities during the summer.</p> -<p>In the field of pottery, important changes were taking place, and -specialization was increasing all through the Anasazi area. Developmental-Pueblo -pottery had a finer paste and was better made than -that of Modified-Basketmaker times. Some tempering was done with -pulverized potsherds. More different types were represented. Plain gray -ware was still made. Pottery with black designs on a white background -was very common, except in the Alkali Ridge<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> area of southeastern -Utah where early Developmental-Pueblo painted pottery had -a pinkish-orange ground color with designs in red paint. In referring to -<span class="pb" id="Page_66">66</span> -painted pottery it is customary to mention first the color of the design -and then the color of the background, as, for example, <i>black-on-white</i> -or <i>red-on-orange</i> ware. Minor types of Developmental-Pueblo times -included a lustrous black-on-red ware and bowls with more or less -polished black interiors and brownish or reddish exteriors. The differentiation -between culinary and non-culinary pottery became more -marked. The former came to be characterized by corrugations in the -clay, and the latter chiefly by painted designs.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig22"> -<img src="images/p22.jpg" alt="" width="1205" height="1442" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 22—<a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">Corrugated Pottery</a>. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<p>Specialization in particular areas is best shown in the black-on-white -wares. There are two main groups—an eastern one which centered -around the Chaco Canyon area of New Mexico, and a western -one which centered around the Kayenta region of Arizona.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> Both -extended far beyond these nuclear areas. The former was characterized -by a wide use of mineral paint. Designs stand out from the background. -Possibly they were applied after the vessel had been polished. -In the western form, designs were usually applied with a paint made -<span class="pb" id="Page_67">67</span> -from plant juices and they seem to fade into the surface of the vessel. -This may be due in part to the application of paint before the polishing -of the vessel had been completed.</p> -<p>In all sections there was a greater variety of forms and designs -than in the preceding period. Designs were no longer confined to the -interiors of bowls and ladles but were placed on all kinds of vessels. -Basketry patterns were still used, but others were taken from textiles, -and still others seem to have been developed only for the medium of -pottery. Designs show a certain lack of skill in execution, but they -were elaborate and boldly conceived. There is every evidence of people -still experimenting with a new medium. The principal elements were -parallel lines, sometimes straight and in other cases stepped or wavy; -zig-zags, triangles, checkerboards, and interlocking frets. Both curvilinear -and rectilinear designs were used. In the latter part of the -period parallel lines were scarce, and elements became broader and -heavier.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig23"> -<img src="images/p22a.jpg" alt="" width="986" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 23—Black-on-white pottery. Developmental-Pueblo period.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_68">68</div> -<div class="img" id="fig24"> -<img src="images/p23.jpg" alt="" width="756" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 24—Neck-banded vessel. Developmental-Pueblo Period. -(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<p>Techniques of production and finishing differed from those of -Modified-Basketmaker times. The practice of using slips developed. -A <a class="gloss" href="#g_Slip">slip</a> is a coating of very fine, almost liquid, clay which is smeared -on a finished vessel before firing to give a smooth even finish. In the -second part of the period, spiral coiling began. In the earlier forms, -short clay fillets, which made only one turn around the vessel, were -used. With the spiral technique, longer rolls of clay were used and -each made several circuits around the vessel. During the first half -of the period, vessels were either entirely smoothed or, in the case of -many culinary vessels, the bottom was smoothed while the neck portion -was characterized by flat, relatively broad, concentric clay bands. -These neck-banded jars are quite characteristic of early Developmental -Pueblo. During the second part of the period corrugated ware -appeared. This is pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions -resulting from a coiling and pinching technique of manufacture have -not been obliterated. Sometimes the corrugations were embellished -by indentations produced by pinching the clay between the fingers or -by incising them with the fingernail or some small implement. In this -way simple patterns were formed. The use of this type of pottery for -cooking may stem from the fact that this is the only type of decoration -which would not soon be obliterated by soot. Objects made of -<span class="pb" id="Page_69">69</span> -clay also included tubular pipes or cloud-blowers. Stone and wood were -also sometimes used in making these objects.</p> -<p>Baskets continued to be made, although pottery vessels were used -for many purposes for which baskets had formerly been employed. -The number of baskets made undoubtedly diminished, and the large -flat trays so characteristic of Basketmaker times seem to have almost -entirely disappeared. The great decrease in number of baskets made, -however, may be more apparent than real, for most Developmental-Pueblo -sites are in the open and little perishable material remains. -Examples which have been found indicate that the coiling technique -continued and designs became more elaborate. Twilled baskets were -also manufactured.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig25"> -<img src="images/p23a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="846" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 25—a. Developmental-Pueblo sandal, -b. Great-Pueblo sandal.</p> -</div> -<p>Sandals of fine string, with coarse patterns on the under side, were -still being woven. They had rounded toes. A new material and new -techniques in weaving appeared with the introduction of cotton at this -time. Cotton was grown and used to produce thread which was woven -into fabrics with looms. Fur and feather blankets, primarily the latter, -were still being made, but light cotton blankets were probably also -worn. It is thought that kilts and breech cloths were made of the -same material. Various ornaments, including beads, pendants, and -<span class="pb" id="Page_70">70</span> -bracelets, were worn. The former were largely of colored shales, turquoise, -and alabaster. Some bracelets were of glycymeris, a shell which -must have been imported from the Gulf of California.</p> -<p>Cotton was the only addition to the list of cultivated plants, but -squash and beans continued to be grown. Corn was still the staple -food. It was ground on scoop-shaped trough metates. In one case -three graded manos, of varying degrees of roughness, were found with -one <a class="gloss" href="#g_Metate">metate</a>. This foreshadowed the later Pueblo practice of having -mealing bins with series of metates ranging in texture from relatively -coarse to very fine. Corn was first coarsely ground on the roughest -metate, or with the roughest <a class="gloss" href="#g_Mano">mano</a>, and then worked over with progressively -smoother stones until a very fine meal resulted. Crudely -flaked hoes began to be used in cultivating the crops. Some were -hafted, but many were not.</p> -<p>Meat continued to be included in the diet. Bear, elk, buffalo, -wolf, mountain sheep, deer, and rabbits were among the animals hunted. -The bow and arrow were almost universally used. Arrowheads were -well flaked, usually long and narrow, with long, sharp barbs. Late in -the period a new type appeared which became increasingly numerous -later. These points were short, broad, and notched at right angles.</p> -<p>Dogs and turkeys were the only domesticated animals. One reason -for the belief that they were not kept to provide food is that they -have been found buried with mortuary offerings. Corn was provided -for the turkeys and bones for the dogs which were buried. There was -also pottery, sometimes miniature vessels, sometimes sherds rubbed -down to form shallow vessels.</p> -<p>Axes are relatively scarce, but are found in this period. Edges -were smoothed by grinding. On the whole these were not very efficient -cutting implements, for the edges were quite dull.</p> -<p>Human burials varied widely according to locality. For the most -part they are found in refuse heaps. These characteristic mounds, as -the name indicates, were formed of the refuse thrown away by the -inhabitants of a village and are composed of ashes, dirt, broken pottery, -and general debris. There was no disrespect for the dead in -burying them in such a place; it was simply that, with the primitive -implements available, it was desirable to make interments where digging -was easiest. The difficulties of excavation also led to the placing -of bodies, in some cases, in abandoned storage pits or houses. Children -are often found buried under floors near firepits, possibly because -<span class="pb" id="Page_71">71</span> -mothers felt that the dependence of an infant extended to the soul -and they wished to keep it near.</p> -<p>Bodies were inhumed in a more or less flexed position. There -was no fixed orientation, as there was in later periods. Undoubtedly -there were some mortuary offerings of a perishable nature, but these -have not survived. Pottery was placed in graves in many cases. At -Kiatuthlana<a class="fn" href="#bd107">[107]</a> there was a strong degree of consistency in the offerings. -Each grave contained a culinary jar covered by a bowl with a -blackened interior, and a black-on-white bowl. Certain graves contained -more than three pieces of pottery, but they were in multiples -of three, with an equal number of each type.</p> -<p>There are some very puzzling features about the disposal of the -dead in Developmental-Pueblo times. In most of the San Juan area -and in the Kiatuthlana region the number of graves found is about -what would be expected on the basis of the population indicated by -habitations. In other places, however, and particularly in the La Plata -region,<a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> only a very few burials have been found and they undoubtedly -represent only a fraction of the deaths which must have occurred. -What happened to the remaining bodies is a question which has not -been answered. Some particularly baffling finds are: skulls buried -without bodies, and bodies buried without heads. In the case of skull -burials it has been suggested that warriors may have been killed some -distance from home. Bringing the entire body back would have been -impracticable, and only the heads were returned to be given suitable -burial among the kinsmen of the dead individual. This, however, does -not explain the headless skeletons which are also found, for it seems -unlikely that the body of an enemy which had been left behind, after -the head had been removed, would be given burial.</p> -<p>At Alkali Ridge<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> there was the usual baffling scarcity of burials -in early Developmental-Pueblo times, and no evidence of cremation. -A number of burials were found in the later <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>, however, and they -provide an interesting example of how much we can learn of how -people lived from a study of their physical remains. Evidence of various -bone diseases indicates that the Alkali Ridge people suffered from -malnutrition and vitamin deficiencies. The fact that one individual, -so badly crippled that she could not have been a productive member -of the community, lived to be sixty years old or more, tells us that -these people were willing to care for handicapped members of their -group. The communities must have been subject to hostile attack. -Two individuals appear to have died from blows on the head. One of -<span class="pb" id="Page_72">72</span> -these men had also been shot by an arrow, and scratches on his head -indicate that he had been scalped. Evidence of local inbreeding is -provided by the finding of three people with fused ribs, a very rare -abnormality not likely to appear so frequently except in a highly -inbred group.</p> -<h3 id="c17">Peripheral Areas</h3> -<p>Outside of the central area of the Anasazi region there were other -developments during this period. In marginal areas, certain phenomena -are almost invariably present. There will be some lag in the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a> -of new traits, and in some ways the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the marginal section -will be less advanced. Early elements may survive for a long time. -Traits which are chronologically distinct in the main area may arrive -together in the outlying sections. Other features may not spread or -may be rejected by the people of the peripheral area. In general, there -is a progressive fading of the basic pattern as one goes farther away -from the nucleus. Certain traits may have been acquired from other -cultures, and there is usually also a tendency to develop new traits -and to modify and adapt those which have been imported, in accordance -with local needs.</p> -<p>All of these characteristics are to be found in the region north -and northwest of the Colorado River which is known as the <i>Northern -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a></i> of the Southwest. During Developmental-Pueblo times a -number of early traits persisted in the Northern Periphery after they -had disappeared in the San Juan country. People continued to live -in earth-covered pit houses and lodges after these had been replaced -by surface masonry structures farther south. In some cases the side -passage still served as an entrance instead of being reduced in size -for use as a ventilator. Slab cists, identical with Basketmaker structures, -were quite common. In the south and east of the periphery -some unit houses were built during late Developmental-Pueblo times, -but they were far inferior to those of the main district. Much crude, -gray pottery was produced, and fugitive-red paint was widely used. -Clay figurines and nipple-shaped objects, characteristic of the Basketmaker -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, continued to be widely made in the north long after -they had disappeared in the nuclear area. Gaming bones are among -the most common artifacts. Throughout, there is an amalgamation of -traits which were separate elsewhere. In some cases early pottery -types are found associated with houses of a later type; in others it is -the pottery which is more advanced than the houses.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_73">73</div> -<p>Certain features characteristic of the main Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> either -did not reach the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a>, or were not accepted by the -inhabitants. North of the San Juan drainage, sandals and cotton cloth -were not produced. The turkey was not domesticated. There were -no grooved axes and mauls. True kivas have not been found, although -there are some structures which are believed to have been used for -ceremonial purposes.</p> -<p>Other features, which are characteristic of the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a>, -are not found farther south. Many of these are clearly shown in sites -found in the drainage of the Fremont River of Utah.<a class="fn" href="#bd97">[97]</a> Here leather -moccasins replaced sandals. These were made of mountain sheep hide -with the hair left on. The portion of the hide containing the dewclaws -of the sheep was attached to the sole in such a way that the dewclaws -served as hobnails. Clay figurines, most of which depicted human -females, were quite elaborate. Also characteristic of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, were -remarkably fine rock paintings and pecked drawings of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Katchinas">Katchinas</a> or -supernatural beings. In the field of pottery, traits which characterize -northern peripheral wares include raised or appliquéd ornaments and -punched designs. Another distinguishing feature is a unique form of -grinding stone, sometimes called the <i>Utah-type</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Metate">metate</a>. This is a -shovel-shaped stone with a deep trough and a platform at one end -containing a secondary depression.</p> -<p>Although the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a> is basically Southwestern -in character and is largely of Modified-Basketmaker and early -Developmental-Pueblo origin, it seems probable that the Anasazi was -not the only influence and that there was some immigration and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">diffusion</a> -of ideas from the east and the north. People living farther to -the north may also have affected the life of the inhabitants of the -Periphery in other ways. At approximately the end of Developmental-Pueblo -times, most of the marginal area was abandoned. Some archaeologists -think that this was due to pressure from northern nomadic -tribes. Only along the Colorado River, did northerly sites continue to -be occupied during the following period.</p> -<p>Anasazi traits also penetrated to other peripheral areas. Evidence -of Anasazi influence is found in southwestern Texas sites, particularly -those of the Big Bend area, occupied after about 900 A.D. Modified -Basketmaker and Pueblo traits are also found in sites in the valleys -of the Muddy and Virgin rivers in southeastern Nevada. In the Nevada -sites<a class="fn" href="#bd46">[46]</a> both pit dwellings and above-ground houses with many rooms -have been found. Most of the painted pottery is black-on-gray but -some black-on-white and black-on-red wares also occur. Culinary ware -was corrugated. As in Utah, there were no axes, and the turkey does -not appear to have been domesticated.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_74">74</div> -<div class="img" id="fig26"> -<img src="images/p24.jpg" alt="" width="1337" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 26—Rosa pit house after excavation. (Courtesy Columbia University Press.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_75">75</div> -<p>One of the most interesting marginal manifestations is known as -the <i>Rosa <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a></i>.<a class="fn" href="#bd41">[41]</a> Rosa sites have been found in the drainage of the -Governador Wash which lies between the towns of Aztec and Dulce in -north-central New Mexico. Between about 700 and 900 A.D. this region -was occupied by people who lived in very large pit houses. They were -also familiar with surface construction and had above-ground granaries, -made of adobe, which sometimes contained several contiguous rooms. -Houses and granaries were surrounded by stockades made of posts -interlaced with brush. Pottery was not very well made, and consisted -to a great extent of undecorated ware. Many of the vessels were -started in baskets. The small amount of decorated pottery which was -produced seems to represent imitations of other already developed -types.</p> -<p>The bones of a great many dogs and turkeys are found in the -rubbish heaps and it is thought that they may have been an important -element in the diet of the people. Dogs, however, probably had some -significance other than as a source of food, for some were so old and -toothless that they may have died of old age. Also, dogs were found -buried in every grave.</p> -<p>Burial customs differed from those of other areas. In some cases, -bodies seem to have been exposed and allowed to decompose, at least -partially, before the bones were buried. There was no deformation -of the skull in any of burials uncovered.</p> -<h3 id="c18">SUMMARY</h3> -<p>Returning to the subject of the Developmental-Pueblo period in -the nuclear portion of the Anasazi region, we may summarize by saying -that this was a time of transition. Pit houses were first used as -dwellings, and then, becoming more highly specialized, were used as -ceremonial structures. Surface granaries gave rise to above-ground -houses. Walls were first predominantly of poles and adobe, later of -masonry. Large structures with numerous contiguous rooms became -increasingly common. Pottery improved in quality and an increasing -number of wares were represented, including corrugated cooking ware. -Axes and hoes were added to the assemblage of implements. Cotton -began to be grown, and fabrics were produced by loom weaving. These -statements, however, only indicate general trends, for there was no -<span class="pb" id="Page_76">76</span> -real uniformity of cultural development. There were differences between -various sections of the country, and there were also variations -within the same area. With the end of Developmental-Pueblo times, -however, all of the basic Pueblo traits were established, and the stage -was set for the flowering of the high <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the next period which -has been called the “Golden Age” of the Anasazi.</p> -<h3 id="c19">THE GREAT-PUEBLO PERIOD</h3> -<p>The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> which followed Developmental-Pueblo times is the one -best known to the general public, for it was during this time that there -were built the great communal houses, whose impressive ruins in our -National Monuments and Parks draw thousands of fascinated visitors -every year. This is the period of the Cliff Dwellers who built the -remarkable structures of Mesa Verde and then, apparently, disappeared -into the mists of time. Much of the mystery which surrounds these -people in the public mind is unnecessary, but there is still enough of -the remarkable in their achievements, and in their disappearance from -their old haunts, to intrigue the imagination.</p> -<p>This period is also known as <i>Classic Pueblo</i> or <i>Pueblo III</i>, but is -now aptly called the <i>Great-Pueblo</i><a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> period, for it marks the time when -this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> reached the pinnacle of its development. Its general characteristics -were summarized in the Pecos classification which defined -Pueblo III as: “the stage of large communities, great development of -the arts, and growth of intensive local specialization.”<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a></p> -<p>There is some disagreement as to the date which should be assigned -to the beginning of Great-Pueblo times, for cultural development -was not equal in all sections of the Plateau. In some areas, -people were still living as they had in Developmental-Pueblo times, -while, in others, Great-Pueblo traits were well established. Since -specialization became so marked that various cultural centers must -be considered separately, it is best, in most cases, to give dates for -this period in terms of specific areas. There is, however, some agreement -as to the ending date. In general it may be said that Great-Pueblo -times began, in most places, about 1050 A.D. and lasted until the -end of the thirteenth century, when the whole northern portion of the -Plateau was abandoned.</p> -<p>The greatest change from the preceding period was in the realm -of architecture. There were a great many unit houses, in which a -fairly large percentage of the population lived, but big “apartment -houses,” up to five stories in height and containing hundreds of rooms, -were also built. This change naturally affected not only the living -conditions of the people, but influenced their whole life, for people -living together in a closely-knit community will develop differently -from the way they would in widely scattered settlements.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_77">77</div> -<div class="img" id="fig27"> -<img src="images/p25.jpg" alt="" width="1317" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 27—Great-Pueblo diorama in the Museum at Mesa Verde National Park showing -Spruce Tree House. (Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_78">78</div> -<p>When a population is broken up into small independent units and -scattered over a wide area, there is not likely to be any need or desire -for overall government, and authority is usually vested in the person -of the head of the family or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Clan">clan</a>. As the size of the group increases -and life becomes increasingly <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a>, some centralization of power -is inevitable. Cooperation between individuals and groups of individuals -becomes not only desirable but essential. In such an undertaking -as the building of a huge structure, containing hundreds of -rooms, there must be cooperation. With the occupation of such a -building, when as many as a thousand people may be living under -one roof, the need for working together continued. With greater cooperation, -leisure is likely to increase, although sometimes this greater -freedom is limited to a ruling caste which makes great demands on the -time of other individuals. This does not appear to have been the case -among the ancient Pueblo people as they seem to have had an essentially -democratic form of government.</p> -<p>With added leisure, there is usually increasing development in the -arts and in religion. As more time can be devoted to religious practices, -ceremonies tend to become more elaborate and more formalized. -Often a priestly caste will arise which, as in the case of the concentration -of secular power, may result in autocracy. The Pueblos seem to have -avoided this danger too. The many kivas suggest that religion and -its ceremonial expression must have played a strong part in their daily -lives, as it does today. Undoubtedly there were priests who were figures -of importance in the community, but there is no evidence that they -wielded an autocratic power which gave them great material advantages -over other members of the group.</p> -<p>Community living will have other far-reaching influences. When -only a small family group is living together, it must be almost entirely -self-sufficient and must produce practically everything which it uses. -As the group increases in size, specialization also tends to increase. -For example, a woman who makes exceptional baskets, but is not a -particularly skillful potter, may come to specialize in the making of -baskets which she can exchange for pottery made by someone who -produces a finer ware. Familiarity with the work of others will also -stimulate development, for new ideas will have a wider distribution and -competition will serve as a stimulating factor.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_79">79</div> -<p>There was no basic change in type of structure, for the great -houses were, in a sense, much enlarged and modified unit houses. The -great change lay in the joining together of great numbers of people. -It must not be thought, however, that all of the people lived in huge -communal dwellings such as those of Mesa Verde or Chaco Canyon. -Actually many groups continued to live in unit houses at a considerable -distance from the main centers, and many of the so-called great houses -contained only a small number of rooms. The really big houses were -in the minority and would appear to have been capable of sheltering -only a small fraction of the total population.</p> -<p>There was undoubtedly a general trend toward a coalescence of -the population, however, and it is interesting to speculate on the reason -for this tendency. The fact that the great houses were admirably suited -to defense has given rise to the theory that the people began to move -together for protection against an outside enemy. There can be no -doubt that the need for defense was taken into consideration in the -building of the big structures, but this cannot be the whole answer. -There is some evidence of violence, but not a great deal. The utmost -care was taken in the construction of the great houses, and much time-consuming -work went into decoration. When danger threatens, speed -becomes the primary consideration, and the amenities of life are sacrificed. -There were many small houses in which a good portion of the -population lived, and these were not always in locations suitable for -defense. Since defense obviously was a consideration in the minds of -the builders of the great houses, and since there is some evidence of -violence and bloodshed, we cannot discount the role which warfare may -have played in architectural development, but it seems certain that -this was not the only factor which influenced this development.</p> -<p>Another interesting theory has been proposed.<a class="fn" href="#bd81">[81]</a> It is based on the -fact that, not only was there great building activity during this period, -but also that there was much restlessness and moving about. Walls -were torn down and rebuilt, and many buildings were abandoned and -new ones erected, without any reason that is apparent from archaeological -evidence. It has been suggested that this restlessness and the -intensity with which building activities were pursued may have been -an outlet for the repressions and inhibitions of a group which had a -cultural pattern with set rules against violence and excess. There is -great variation among the different groups which make up the Pueblo -Indians of today, but, in many cases, they have a cultural pattern that -upholds the golden mean and discourages all extremes.<a class="fn" href="#bd4">[4]</a> Such a way -<span class="pb" id="Page_80">80</span> -of life might well produce certain repressions which would result in a -general restlessness and desire for change and activity.</p> -<p>The chief objection to this theory lies in the defensive character -of the great houses, which would suggest that violence was not unknown. -In times of war, desire for change and action is readily satisfied, and -socially approved reasons are provided for breaking away from many -of the established rules of society. Undoubtedly, though, the urge which -resulted in the creation of great community dwellings which were in -essence city-states, came to some extent from within the people themselves -and was not entirely the result of outside influences. Many -factors undoubtedly played a part, but the building of the big houses -must, in some measure, be regarded as an architectural vogue which, -to a great extent, stemmed from the desires as well as the needs of -the people.</p> -<p>The causes which led to the abandonment of the great houses and -which resulted in the end of this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of Pueblo development are -just as difficult to understanding as are those which led to their being -constructed in the first place. By 1300 A.D., the entire northern section -of the Plateau had been deserted. This was not the result of a -single mass migration, but rather of a wide general movement. First -one big center and then another was deserted. Even in these centers -themselves, all the inhabitants did not leave at the same time; rather -it seems that small groups drifted away, a few at a time. Eventually, -though, the entire northern frontier was deserted, and no living person -who had contributed to the growth and flowering of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> remained. -Naturally, this strange departure has given rise to much -conjecture. It would be pleasant to be able to say that such and such -a cause produced this result. Unfortunately, anything connected with -the human race is rarely quite so simple.</p> -<p>The invaluable tree-rings have not only provided us with dates -for various events, but have given us information about climatic conditions -which undoubtedly had a tremendous effect on the movements -of the people with whom we are concerned. From tree-ring records we -know that during the centuries when the hopes and fears of the prehistoric -Pueblo Indians were centered on their crops there were bad -years as well as good ones. We know of periods when rainfall was -below normal, and of others when there were real droughts. Most of -these were of short duration, however, until the disastrous period between -1276 and 1299 when there was practically no rain, and the -Southwest suffered an extremely severe drought. It was during this -<span class="pb" id="Page_81">81</span> -period that the northern frontier was finally abandoned, and the people -moved to new localities. Some archaeologists have felt that the disappearance -of the Pueblos from their old homes can be traced entirely -to this disastrous drought. If all the communities had been abandoned -at the same time, this would be a logical assumption. Actually, the -time of the abandonment of all of the main centers does not fall between -these two dates. Some were deserted prior to the beginning of -the great drought and a few continued to be occupied after the dry -period had begun.</p> -<p>One of the most interesting theories yet advanced is based on -the suggestion that a really severe drought was not necessary to upset -the economy of the Pueblo farmers.<a class="fn" href="#bd10">[10]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd39">[39]</a> Some dry farming was practiced -and there was some ditch irrigation, but the greatest dependence -seems to have been on flood-water farming in valley bottoms. This is a -system whereby water is simply diverted and distributed through the -fields when floods come down the valley. During periods when rainfall -is deficient, although not sufficiently so to warrant the use of the -term drought, steep channels, known as <i>arroyos</i>, are cut into flood -plains; the water-table is lowered, and flood-water fields become useless. -Not only may the fields themselves be dissected by the arroyo -cutting, but water can no longer be diverted for flood irrigation. If, -as seems probable, the great drought was only the climax of a period -of increasing dryness when much farmland was lost through arroyo-cutting, -it is not hard to understand why the Pueblo farmers might -move on to more favored localities.</p> -<p>Another theory advanced to explain the departure of the ancient -agriculturists, and one which has enthusiastic supporters, is that they -were driven from their homes by fierce nomadic tribes who were -attracted by the wealth of food stored in their granaries.<a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a> Much of -this thinking is based on what we know of nomadic raids in general, -and the records of the terrible Navajo and Apache depredations from -the middle of the seventeenth century until their comparatively recent -subjugation by the United States Army. For years it has been the -practice simply to accept the belief that fierce warlike tribes had -preyed on the peaceful Pueblos for centuries. More recently, however, -some searching questions have been asked, and this theory is under -close scrutiny.<a class="fn" href="#bd80">[80]</a></p> -<p>It is granted that the type of construction employed in the Great-Pueblo -era indicates some need for defense, but it does not show -against whom the defense was needed. Assuming that there were -<span class="pb" id="Page_82">82</span> -nomadic tribesmen, ready and anxious to carry away the patiently -accumulated wealth of the Pueblos, we must ask ourselves what advantage -they would have had over their victims which would have -enabled them to carry out their depredations. If the nomads had -been mounted, as they were in later times, they would have had the -advantages of speed and mobility which are essential for surprise attacks—the -only type which would be of much avail against a heavily -fortified structure. Only much later, however, were horses introduced -into the Southwest; and at this time the attackers would have had to -travel on foot.</p> -<p>Greater numbers, or superior organization, might have given them -an advantage, but we can hardly believe that the nomads were as -numerous or had as good an organization as that of the people of the -Pueblos. The region in which they presumably lived would certainly -not support a large population, and particularly one with an essentially -parasitic economy which did not produce. With such an economy, -people cannot live too close together without exhausting the available -resources, and a thinly spread population is unlikely to be highly -organized.</p> -<p>Great physical superiority may be another factor in the winning -of battles between people who have not yet become so civilized as -to have machines which will enable one individual to kill thousands -of his fellow men. Any physical superiority, however, would seem to -rest with the sedentary people who had an assured food supply. Moreover, -their life was still sufficiently rugged so that there can hardly be -any question of their having been greatly weakened by soft living.</p> -<p>Doubtless, there were sporadic raids by nomads, and these may -have had a cumulative effect in upsetting Pueblo economy. The role -played by periods of arroyo-cutting and by droughts can certainly -not be overlooked. These may well have done more than reduce the -food supply. When food is scarce, raids are more likely to occur, and -it is entirely probable that the relationship between various groups -deteriorated as prosperity decreased. Toward the end of Great-Pueblo -times we find increasing signs of warfare in the form of burned buildings -and unburied bodies, many of which show evidence of violence. -The latter are of the characteristic Pueblo type, however, and would -seem to indicate warfare between people of the same blood.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_83">83</div> -<div class="img" id="fig28"> -<img src="images/p26.jpg" alt="" width="500" height="1096" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 28—Types of Great-Pueblo masonry. a. Chaco, -b. Mesa Verde, c. Kayenta.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_84">84</div> -<p>The most logical theory seems to be that many factors contributed -to the great change which occurred in the Anasazi province. Doubtless, -climatic conditions were the great underlying cause, but there may -have been others. We cannot afford to confine our attention entirely -to material causes, but must take into consideration even the possibility -that fears, engendered by religious beliefs, may have played a -part. All this, however, is largely in the realm of conjecture, for, with -no written records, there can be no first hand information.</p> -<p>Whatever the causes, the end of the Great-Pueblo period was -marked by a redistribution of population and a general trend toward -concentration in places where conditions were most favorable. While -the chief movement was from the north, there was also some withdrawing -from the south. By the beginning of the following period, -which is sometimes known as the <i>Regressive-Pueblo</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>, much territory -throughout the Plateau area was deserted. Main population centers -were confined to the central area of the Plateau. This includes the Little -Colorado drainage, particularly the section in the vicinity of the -Hopi mesas and the Zuñi region, and the Rio Grande drainage.</p> -<p>Although there were certain traits which characterized the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> -as a whole during the Great-Pueblo period, there was a somewhat -different development in each of the three main culture centers which -flourished at this time. In each of these there was an intense local -specialization in architecture and in pottery making.</p> -<p>The latter, in fact, became so highly specialized that products of -the various areas may be identified no matter where they may be -found. No two pieces of pottery of each kind will be exactly alike, -but they all conform to a common ideal. It must be stressed that, -by <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> center</i>, we do not mean an entirely restricted area, but -rather a nuclear section in which specialization was most intense and -from which influence spread, often over a large area.</p> -<p>The oldest settlement, and one which continued to be a cultural -leader with far-reaching influences for centuries, lies in the Chaco -Canyon of New Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd61">[61]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> The Chaco River is a tributary of the -San Juan which flows through northwestern New Mexico. Within the -canyon are found twelve large ruins, which include some of the most -spectacular of the ancient buildings erected in North America, and -innumerable smaller ruins. The twelve great communal buildings were -more or less rectangular, oval, or D-shaped structures, with up to four -stories on three sides, and a single-storied row of rooms which bowed -out to the southeast. Within the walls was a great open court or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a> -which contained numerous kivas. Other kivas were incorporated within -the building mass. It is interesting to note that the traditional underground -character of the ceremonial chamber was preserved through -filling in the space between the circular walls of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> and the -straight walls of the other rooms.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_85">85</div> -<div class="img" id="fig29"> -<img src="images/p27.jpg" alt="" width="1348" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 29—Pueblo Bonito, Chaco Canyon National Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_86">86</div> -<p>One of the largest and most famous Chacoan structures is called -Pueblo Bonito.<a class="fn" href="#bd71">[71]</a> It was a town, consisting of a single building, which -covered over three acres of ground and contained at least eight hundred -rooms. It has been estimated that it could have sheltered 1200 -inhabitants, and it was the largest “apartment house” in the world -until a larger one was erected in New York in 1882. Building had -begun at Pueblo Bonito as early as 919 A.D., but it did not reach its -final form until 1067 A.D. or later. It is believed that the more definitely -planned settlement may have been the work of new and more -progressive people who moved into the area.</p> -<p>Pueblo Bonito, as it stands today after archaeologists have cleared -away the dust of centuries and exposed it to view, is truly a remarkable -structure. Even in ruins, it is not too difficult to picture it as it -must have been during those long ago times when it was one of the -great cultural centers of the Southwest. On three sides of the center -court was the main building, terraced back from a one-story level in -front to four stories in the rear. With each succeeding row of rooms -the height was increased by one story. Extending from the ends and -enclosing the side to the south was a one-story row of rooms. Outside -of this single tier was the rubbish heap around which retaining walls -were built. The center court contained numerous kivas, and others -were incorporated in the building mass.</p> -<p>In addition to the regular kivas, whose diameter rarely exceeded -twenty-five feet, there have also been found in Chaco Canyon, Aztec, -and other sites with Chacoan architecture, big circular structures with -diameters of from forty to sixty feet ringed by a concentric row of -small rooms. These are known as <i>Great Kivas</i>. They are thought to -have been religious edifices which served an entire community, while -the smaller kivas probably belonged to various clans or societies. -Great Kivas, though in a simpler form, were apparently present as -far back as Modified-Basketmaker times when most rites were performed -in dwellings, but a larger place was needed for ceremonies in -which the people of a whole community or district participated.</p> -<p>Architecture in general reached its highest development in Chaco -Canyon, and there was real beauty as well as solidity of construction. -The walls were massive, although there was a decrease in thickness -with succeeding stories, as the weight resting upon them was -reduced. The most distinctive type of masonry consisted of a center -<span class="pb" id="Page_87">87</span> -portion of stone and adobe or rubble, faced on two sides by a veneer -of horizontally laid thin, tabular stones. These are so perfectly fitted -together that a knife blade can scarcely be inserted between them. -Sometimes this particular type of stone was not available and it was -necessary to use more massively bedded stones which had to be -dressed to the proper shape, but the masonry was uniformly good. -Great beams, stripped of bark and beautifully dressed, were placed -across the chambers. Small poles, which were finished with equal -care, were placed at right angles to the main beams and so spaced -as to form patterns. Over these lay carefully fashioned mats of peeled -willow, followed by a cedar splint layer. A thick coat of earth overlay -the entire mass, forming a floor for the room above as well as a roof -for the one below.</p> -<p>The use of big logs, which do not bear the scars indicative of -transportation over a long distance, and the common use of willow, -which must have been abundant, suggest conditions different from -those of today. It is not known with certainty whether there has been -a real climatic change. Many believe that, when hoofed animals were -introduced by the white man, the grass cover was destroyed, and that -this led to the cutting of arroyos which carried off flood waters and -lowered the underground seepage and as a result the land became -progressively drier, but others believe that there were earlier periods -of arroyo-cutting.</p> -<p>Although severe erosion did not occur until a later time, it was -a process with which the ancient inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito were -familiar. Overlooking the Pueblo was a tremendous rock with an -estimated weight of 30,000 tons, detached from the cliff and seeming -so precariously balanced as to threaten the building. At the foot of the -rock the prehistoric inhabitants erected a brace of wood and stone -masonry. At first glance it seems a rather pathetic effort, but actually -it may not show any ignorance on the part of the ancient Bonitians, -but rather a familiarity with certain engineering principles which suggested -that protecting the base of the rock would curtail erosion and -help to prevent the threatened disaster. The fears of the prehistoric -inhabitants were never realized in their time, for it was not until January -22, 1941, that the threatening rock finally fell. It damaged one -hundred feet of the back wall of the pueblo and twenty-one adjacent -rooms.</p> -<p>Rooms in Chaco-Canyon structures were relatively large and high -ceilinged, with plastered walls. The inner rooms, which lacked light -<span class="pb" id="Page_88">88</span> -and air, were used for storage. Household activities were not confined -to the rooms, for the roofs of the lower tiers provided additional living -space, and much work, such as the preparing of food, the making of -pottery, and the flaking of arrowheads, probably took place in the open. -Fire places are rare in the rooms, and it seems likely that much of the -cooking was done outside—in the courts and on the roofs. At first -there were doorways and high windows in the outer wall, but these -were later blocked off with masonry. The single gateway in the front -of the pueblo was first greatly narrowed and then entirely closed, so -that the great house could be entered only by means of a ladder which, -if necessary, could be withdrawn. This is some of the best evidence -of the fear of attack which must have existed.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig30"> -<img src="images/p28.jpg" alt="" width="837" height="600" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 30—Chaco black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period. (Courtesy -The American Museum of Natural History; Taylor Museum photograph.)</p> -</div> -<p>In its own way, pottery reached as high a point of development -as did architecture. The main wares were black-on-white and corrugated. -The former was thin and hard, usually a good white, but sometimes -a light gray. Designs were, for the most part, hatchured patterns -with the thin filling lines surrounded by heavier boundary lines. -Band decorations were widely used. Bowls, pitchers, and ladles were -the most usual shapes, but cylindrical vases and <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> pots with -human figures were not unknown. The cooking ware was corrugated and -usually consisted of large jars with wide mouths. This pottery -<span class="pb" id="Page_89">89</span> -was very well made, with attractive patterns produced by making -sharp, clear-cut, indentations in the corrugations. Some red pottery -has also been found.</p> -<p>Neither the architecture nor the pottery which we refer to as being -of the Chaco-Canyon type was limited to the narrow confines of the -canyon itself. They are also represented in such places as the great -ruin at Aztec, New Mexico,<a class="fn" href="#bd94">[94]</a> and at various other sites in the San -Juan area. In some cases, particularly in northeastern Arizona, architecture -was Chacoan in character, but pottery was not.</p> -<p>At Chaco Canyon, and in other Great-Pueblo centers, various -minor arts also flourished. Feather cloth continued to be made, and -still provided robes and blankets for the living and wrappings for the -dead. Flocks of domesticated turkeys were kept to provide feathers, -and parrots and other brilliantly colored birds were brought from the -south. Cotton fabrics were steadily increasing in importance. Some -large blankets were woven which must have required the use of an -upright loom. Colored yarns were used, and there was some painting -of finished fabrics. Variations in weaving also provided decoration. -There is no evidence that the people wore any tailored garments, but -the remains of a poncho with a slit for the head has been found. There -were also some garments of dressed buckskin, in addition to those of -feather and cotton cloth.</p> -<p>Some sandals with notched toes were woven of fine cord, but this -art had degenerated and decoration was less elaborate, both as regards -colored and raised patterns. Most sandals were of plaited yucca leaves, -and many had square toes. Twined-weaving does not seem to have -survived. Coiled baskets were still produced, but they were not plentiful. -They were of a finer weave than those of the preceding periods -but had fewer colored designs. Yucca ring baskets were extremely common. -These were made by fastening the outer edges of a bowl-shaped -mat, made of twilled yucca leaves, over a wooden ring. Twilled mats -of rushes or reeds, were made in quantity and were widely used as -floor and roof coverings. Tubular pipes were made of both clay and -stone. These are rarely found whole, and it is thought they may have -been intentionally broken—possibly to avoid profanation after use in -sacred rites.</p> -<p>It was in the field of ornaments that the minor arts of the Chaco -people reached their highest development. Olivella-shell beads were -still widely used, and there were also stone beads and stone and shell -pendants carved into the form of birds and animals; but it was turquoise -<span class="pb" id="Page_90">90</span> -which provided the material for the finest ornaments. Some -beautiful mosaics were made of turquoise, and it was also used in the -making of beads. One incomparable necklace found at Pueblo Bonito -contained twenty-five hundred beads and four pendants of magnificent -sky blue stones.<a class="fn" href="#bd71">[71]</a> All were shaped and polished with a skill that would -do credit to a modern jeweller with all his highly specialized tools. An -unbelievable amount of work must have gone into the production of -such an ornament when only stone tools were available. Unfortunately -we do not have many such specimens—due to the mystery which surrounds -the final disposition of the remains of the ancient inhabitants -of Pueblo Bonito.</p> -<p>Although burials are commonly found in the refuse heaps associated -with the small dwellings of Chaco Canyon, the majority of the dead -of the great communal houses have never been found. Occasional -burials have been found but not enough to account for even five per -cent of the deaths which must have occurred during the period of occupation. -Many of the graves which have been found in abandoned -rooms had already been looted by pre-archaeological grave robbers. -The few undisturbed interments which have been discovered suggest -that grave offerings were extremely rich, and, with such an incentive, -archaeologists have searched far and wide for the ancient cemeteries, -but, as yet, without success. There is no indication that cremation was -practiced, so there is still hope that some day we may find the spot -where the ancient people laid the dead to rest, and so learn more of -their arts and crafts.</p> -<p>Some idea of the remarkable finds which may yet be made may -be gained from a burial found in Ridge Ruin, a Great-Pueblo site about -twenty miles east of Flagstaff, Arizona.<a class="fn" href="#bd88">[88]</a> Here was found the body of -a man interred with over six hundred articles, many of which show the -most remarkable workmanship. They included pottery, beautiful baskets, -fine turquoise mosaics, stone and shell ornaments, and hundreds -of finely flaked arrowheads. This was of course an unusual burial, and -many of the offerings were ceremonial objects such as would be placed -in a grave only under extraordinary circumstances, but it gives some -idea of the wealth of material which may yet be found and which will -contribute to our knowledge of the ancient Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p> -<p>The great dwellings of Chaco Canyon apparently were abandoned -in the twelfth century, and there is no doubt a fascinating story connected -with the abandonment of these huge buildings which were -erected with so much labor and finished with such care. It is a story -<span class="pb" id="Page_91">91</span> -which we do not yet fully understand, and, to a great extent, we can -only guess at the causes which underlay the migration. It was probably -the first <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> of the general movement which eventually involved -the entire population of the northern part of the Southwest, but it is -even more difficult to account for than some of the later migrations, -for there were no particularly severe droughts at this time. There -were some dry years, however, which may have led to disastrous arroyo-cutting.</p> -<p>Some of the most famous of all buildings of this period are -those of Mesa Verde,<a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd95">[95]</a> whose location in high cliffs has led to -the use of the name “Cliff Dwellers” for the people who lived here -from the middle of the eleventh century until the latter part of the -thirteenth. Mesa Verde is a large plateau in the drainage of the Mancos -River in southwestern Colorado. Here in great, high caves, protected -by massive sandstone overhangs, but open to the sun, were built huge -houses which were really cities. These pueblos were in many essentials -like those of Chaco Canyon and other open sites, but they seem to -have grown by accretion rather than according to a fixed plan, and the -shape of the structures was largely determined by that of the caves -which sheltered them.</p> -<p>There are certain unmistakable differences between the architecture -and pottery of Chaco Canyon and of Mesa Verde. As in the case -of the Chaco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, Mesa Verde traits were not confined to the type -locality, but had a far-reaching influence. Numerous ruins with the -same basic characteristics, but not necessarily in caves, are found along -the Mancos River and for some distance to the east and to the west. -After the abandonment of the Mesa Verde proper, the influence became -quite important in the south.</p> -<p>At Mesa Verde walls were thinner than in the Chacoan houses. -This can probably be traced to the material used, as well as to the fact -that the cave ceilings somewhat limited the height of the buildings, and -with the reduced strain, thick walls were not needed. Flat tabular -stones were not available, and walls were constructed of massive stone -which was shaped into large, loaflike, blocks by pecking. Walls were -of solid rock with no center fill of rubble or earth, and little mortar -was used.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_92">92</div> -<div class="img" id="fig31"> -<img src="images/p29.jpg" alt="" width="1343" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 31—Cliff Palace, Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado.</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_93">93</div> -<p>Of the many ruins in Mesa Verde National Park the most famous, -and also the largest, is Cliff Palace.<a class="fn" href="#bd125">[125]</a> With its many rooms and great -stone towers it does give the impression of a palace, but this is of course -a misnomer. Far from being the palace of a ruler, it was the home of -hundreds of farmers and their families. Cliff Palace is a terraced building -reaching to four stories in height in some places and containing -over two hundred rooms and twenty-three kivas. The rooms were small, -often irregularly shaped, and had low ceilings. Not all of them were -used as living quarters. Some were used for storage. Storage must have -been of great importance, since grain designed for winter food, as well -as seed corn, had to be preserved. Also, it is probable that these ancient -farmers accumulated large reserves to tide them over years when the -crops failed, as do their present-day descendants. Other rooms contained -boxlike structures of stone slabs which held metates, and these -are thought to have been milling rooms in which the corn was ground. -The living rooms, each one occupied by one family, were small and -probably none too comfortable.</p> -<p>Some rooms were entered through the roofs but others had doors -and windows. Even when doors were present, they were small and high -above the floor and were probably reached by ladders. Few of the -rooms contained fireplaces. The smoke from a fire in a small room -with inadequate ventilation would present a definite problem, but life -in the winter in an unheated room in a high canyon would not seem -particularly appealing to present-day Americans. The walls of the -houses were neatly plastered, sometimes colored and sometimes embellished -by well painted designs.</p> -<p>The small size of the rooms has often given rise to a belief that -the inhabitants were abnormally small. Actually the people were of -normal size, but they probably did not spend much time in the rooms. -Much of the life of the great house must have centered about the open -courts and terraced roofs. When the men were not working in the -fields or hunting on the mesa tops, they must have spent much time in -their kivas, which may have served as habitations for the unmarried -men and general meeting places, as well as providing a setting for the -religious rites. While we cannot be sure what these ceremonies were, -it seems certain that they were concerned with the well-being of the -crops, which must be the first concern of all farmers, and that their -form and content must have been greatly influenced by the ever present -need of water which has always dominated life in the Southwest.</p> -<p>Most of the kivas were small circular structures, about thirteen -feet in diameter, with the wall set back a foot or more, some three feet -above the floor, to form an encircling bench. On this bench were six -masonry pilasters which helped to support a cribbed roof. The spaces -between pilasters formed recesses. The one to the south was the -<span class="pb" id="Page_94">94</span> -deepest and contained the ventilator flue. The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a>, which stood -between it and the center fire pit, was usually of masonry, but sometimes -of wattle work. In addition to these circular kivas, which were -the normal type, there were also circular or rectangular rooms with -rounded corners which seem to have had a ceremonial nature, although -they lacked the usual <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> features and were not subterranean, though -surrounded by high walls. For the most part kivas lay in the front of -the cave, but there were also some in the rear.</p> -<p>In addition to the various rooms and kivas there were also towers, -sometimes incorporated in the building-mass of the great house, and -sometimes built separately. They had various shapes, including round, -oval, D-shaped, and rectangular. Some were two stories high. There -were doorways in the side, but no windows. There are many theories -as to the use of these towers, but there are some objections to all of -them. One is, that they were designed as observation posts to watch -for enemies, or as fortresses. They are usually loop-holed and, when -found at a distance from the dwelling, are often on easily defended -points which command a good view of the adjoining terrain. This, -however, is not invariably the case, for some of the isolated towers are -so placed that there would be little visibility, and defense would be extremely -difficult. Many are far too small to have served as fortresses. -Another theory is that they may have had some ceremonial use, and -may have served as solar observatories to obtain calendrical data essential -in the planting and harvesting of crops and fixing of dates for -religious rites connected with these activities. Some, however, are located -in spots not suitable for making such observations.</p> -<p>Across the canyon from Cliff Palace is a remarkable surface-structure -known as “Sun Temple”, which some archaeologists consider -an elaborate form of tower. This is an unroofed D-shaped building -with double walls over twelve feet high. The space between the walls -is divided into small rooms, and there are ten other rooms at the west -end of the building. There is one <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> in this western section and two -others in the big center court enclosed by the walls.</p> -<p>Life in Mesa Verde, as in all the Pueblo area, depended on agriculture. -There was dry farming on the mesa tops, but irrigation was -particularly well developed here.<a class="fn" href="#bd7">[7]</a> A broad, shallow ditch, some four -miles long, and with a very regular gradient has been found on the -Mesa Verde. Apparently water was turned out on the cornfields from -this ditch. There were also check dams which caught the run-off of -heavy summer rains and made it available for the crops. They served -<span class="pb" id="Page_95">95</span> -a further purpose in conserving soil which might otherwise have been -washed away. Reservoirs were present and must have also provided -water for the fields, but they have not yet been studied sufficiently for -us to have much information as to their construction or use.</p> -<p>Mesa Verde pottery is as distinctive as its architecture. Fine corrugated vessels -were made, and a small percentage of imported red -pottery was present, but the outstanding ware was black-on-white. This -pottery has certain distinctive features which make it easy to recognize. -The walls are fairly thick, and rims tend to be square and flat. The -background is a pearly white with grayish undertones. Most vessels -have been so carefully polished that they have a glossy surface which -sometimes almost gives an impression of translucence. The decoration, -applied with black paint, is usually in the form of geometric patterns, -although a few bowls show life-forms in their designs. Band patterns -were extremely common, and many large solid elements as well as -hatchured patterns were used. The latter tend to be much coarser than -those on Chaco pottery. The most distinctive forms were flat-bottomed -mugs, which resemble beer steins, and “<a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> jars.” The latter are -vessels in the form of a somewhat flattened sphere, with fitted covers -resting on an inner rim, as do those of modern sugar bowls. There were -also many bowls, ollas (water jars), ladles, canteens, and seed jars.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig32"> -<img src="images/p30.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="334" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 32—Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery of the Great-Pueblo period. -(Courtesy Mesa Verde National Park.)</p> -</div> -<p>The minor arts of Mesa Verde seem to have been much like those -of Chaco Canyon, but neither material nor craftsmanship appears to -have been as good. Again, the scarcity of burials has reduced the -chances of obtaining much valuable information. In open sites they -have been found occasionally in refuse heaps, but more often they -occur in pits under floors of houses which continued to be occupied, -or in abandoned rooms. At Mesa Verde a few burials have been found -<span class="pb" id="Page_96">96</span> -in refuse heaps behind the houses, a few under the floors of abandoned -rooms, and others in the cracks and crevices of the talus slope in front -of the caves. There is also some evidence of occasional cremations.<a class="fn" href="#bd24">[24]</a> -On mesa tops, have been found a few stone rings overlying calcined -human bones, and one room in Cliff Palace was found to contain ashes -and human bones. There is no evidence, however, that cremation was -widely practiced, and the few graves which have been found would -account for only a small fraction of the deaths which must have occurred -during the period of occupancy. It is believed probable that -most burials may have been in the refuse heaps in front of the caves -and that they have weathered away.</p> -<p>The last building date we have for Mesa Verde is 1273, but it is -possible that the great houses may have been occupied for some time -after this. The final date of departure probably falls within the period -of the disastrous drought of 1276 to 1299, when the farmers of Mesa -Verde must have been fighting a losing battle against overwhelming -odds. The departure seems to have been an orderly one, for the people -took most of their possessions with them. There does not seem to have -been any one, great migration. Rather it appears that first one section, -and then another, was abandoned as one or more small groups moved -on. The abandonment of the cliff houses has given rise to many fantastic -stories, and there has grown up a certain belief that the “Cliff -Dwellers” more or less disappeared into thin air. Certainly there is -enough mystery connected with this strange departure, but great numbers -of people do not simply vanish. Actually, they moved farther -and farther south, and perhaps to the southeast and southwest, looking -for more favorable locations. As they mingled with other groups they -lost their identity, but doubtless there is still a strain of Mesa Verde -blood in the present Pueblo Indian population. Perhaps the Indian, -whom we see selling jewelry in the lobby of some modern Southwestern -hotel, had ancestors who helped build the ancient city which we know -as Cliff Palace.</p> -<p>In addition to sites which were occupied by people with a Chacoan -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> and those inhabited by people with Mesa Verde affiliations, -there are others which show both influences at different periods. Lowry -Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd81">[81]</a> not far from Mesa Verde in southwestern Colorado, contains a -Pueblo and a Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> with Chacoan Masonry. The early pottery -was not entirely like that found in sites in the Chaco Canyon itself, -but closely resembled it. It must be emphasized that <i>Chacoan</i> is simply -a term which refers to a generalized culture, and not just to the sites -<span class="pb" id="Page_97">97</span> -of the type locality. In the top portion of the fill of some rooms at -Lowry Ruin is found Mesa Verde black-on-white pottery. It is not -known whether this indicates the presence of Mesa Verde people, or -if only the pottery, or perhaps even the technique, was introduced. We -do know, however, that Lowry Pueblo was occupied, abandoned, and -then reoccupied a number of times from the time when it was first built, -late in the eleventh century, until it was finally deserted, about the -middle of the twelfth century. This is one of the sites which does much -to upset certain theories as to the causes of the abandonment of the -northern frontier. It was not prepared for defense, and had entrances -on the ground level, and there is no indication of any violence. Final -abandonment came long before the great drought of 1276 to 1299.</p> -<p>An even more famous site is that of Aztec,<a class="fn" href="#bd94">[94]</a> now a National Monument, -which lies one mile north of the town of Aztec, New Mexico. -Here were built a big communal house and Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> with Chacoan -masonry. The ground plans were almost identical with those of Chettro -Kettle, one of the important structures of Chaco Canyon. The main -building was in the shape of a square “U”, with an arc-shaped row of -rooms in front. More famous than the Pueblo itself is the “House of -the Great Kiva.” This remarkable structure was essentially circular, -and consisted of a large kiva surrounded by a concentric ring of arc-shaped -surface-rooms. The kiva, which was encircled by two benches -or shelves, was forty-one feet across at floor level and forty-eight feet -in diameter at the level of the second bench. In the floor were two -large, masonry-lined, sub-floor vaults and a masonry box, midway between -the south ends of the vaults, which is believed to have been a -fire altar. The twelve rooms surrounding the kiva are not stained and -littered, as are the usual living quarters, so it seems certain that they -were strictly ceremonial chambers. On the south side is an alcove, -opening directly into the kiva, which is thought to have been a shrine -room. A rectangle of masonry in the center of the alcove was presumably -a permanent altar.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_98">98</div> -<div class="img" id="fig33"> -<img src="images/p31.jpg" alt="" width="1423" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 33—Betatakin, Navajo National Monument, Arizona. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_99">99</div> -<p>Some of the living rooms in the pueblo bear evidence of Mesa -Verde workmanship, and almost 95% of the pottery is of the Mesa -Verde type. This gave rise to the belief that Aztec was a hybrid settlement -of people of both cultures. Excavation proved that the explanation -was not quite so simple. The original builders of the Pueblo and -Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> had Chacoan connections. They occupied the Pueblo for -many years, then, taking their possessions with them, they moved away. -Why they left, or where they went, we do not know. For a long time -the Pueblo was abandoned, then a group of Mesa Verde people arrived -and moved in. They changed and modified many of the rooms -in accordance with their own customs. The rooms which they built -were smaller and the masonry was of the typical Mesa Verde type, -as was the pottery. After this immigration the great house was occupied -for a long time. At first the people were quite prosperous, but -eventually there came a period of depression and disintegration. Building -techniques became progressively worse, and there was an equal -deterioration in pottery making. Living quarters were no longer -cleaned. Many women and children died, and, when they were buried -few, if any, mortuary offerings were placed with them. The end came -when the pueblo was intentionally fired and destroyed. Whether this -was done by the people themselves, or by enemies who attacked them -when they were no longer able to defend themselves, we do not know.</p> -<p>In the vicinity of Kayenta, Arizona, which lies to the south of the -San Juan and west of both Mesa Verde and Chaco Canyon, was a third -cultural center with far-reaching influences.<a class="fn" href="#bd3">[3]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a> Here are found both -cliff houses and pueblos in the open. Two of the largest and most -famous cliff dwellings are Keet Seel and Betatakin. These were among -the last of the great houses of the San Juan area to be occupied. Tree-ring -dates for Betatakin range between 1260 and 1277, and those for -Keet Seel between 1274 and 1284. By the latter date the remainder of -the northern frontier had been almost entirely deserted.</p> -<p>The masonry throughout was quite inferior. It was somewhat -better in the open sites, which were characterized by loose aggregations -of houses, than in the cliff houses. On the whole, masonry was marked -by the use of irregularly shaped stones, inaccurate coursing, and the -use of great quantities of adobe mortar. Also, wattlework walls, that is, -walls formed of upright poles through which were interwoven smaller -sticks, were quite common. One of the chief differences between the -Kayenta area and other cultural centers lies in the kivas. In open -sites and in some cliff houses, of which Bat Woman House is a good -example, only circular kivas are found, but they lack the pilasters -characteristic of such structures in other sections. At Keet Seel there -are some kivas, but many of the ceremonial structures are of another -type, sometimes called <i>kihus</i>. These are square above-ground chambers -which contain the characteristic fire pits and deflectors of kivas, but -have a door instead of an air shaft. At Betatakin this is the only type -of ceremonial room.</p> -<p>Pottery from this area differs in many respects from that of the -<span class="pb" id="Page_100">100</span> -eastern sites. <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">Corrugated pottery</a> was made, but it displays poorer -workmanship and less graceful shapes than examples from Chaco and -Mesa Verde. Black-on-white ware was excellent, with a good paste -and a clear <a class="gloss" href="#g_Slip">slip</a>. The decoration is fine and quite distinctive. Elaborate -patterns, primarily interlocking keys, frets, and spirals, were used. The -elements, painted in black, are so close together and so heavy that little -of the white background shows and a negative design results, giving -the impression of a white design on a black background. What little -of the white background does appear is often hatched or cross-hatched, -giving what has been described as a “mosquito bar” effect. The principal -forms were ollas, bowls, and ladles. Seed jars and small handled -jugs were also made, but they were not as common. An important -form was the colander, a type of utensil which was confined to this -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig34"> -<img src="images/p32.jpg" alt="" width="1016" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 34—Black-on-white pottery from the Kayenta area. Great-Pueblo period. -(Courtesy Museum of Northern Arizona.)</p> -</div> -<p>The most distinctive Kayenta pottery was a polychrome ware on -which, as the name implies, multiple colors were used. The base color -was orange or yellow, and designs were applied in black, red, and -white paint. There was a wide use of broad, red bands outlined in -black or in black and white. Coarse <a class="gloss" href="#g_Hatchures">hatchures</a> divided into groups, with -<span class="pb" id="Page_101">101</span> -other design elements between the groups, were quite common. There -was an abundance of this ware, although bowls and small handled jugs -were the only forms represented.</p> -<p>Very few burials have been found in the cliff houses. A small -number have been uncovered in unoccupied sections of the caves, in -the talus slope in front, and in small shelters nearby. In open sites -closely flexed bodies accompanied by mortuary pottery have been found -in oval pits dug in the rubbish heaps.</p> -<p>Although attention is naturally centered on the San Juan region, -where the Great Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> had its most spectacular development -and where the most extensive excavations have been carried on, the -remainder of the Plateau Province cannot be overlooked.</p> -<p>Sixteen miles from Zuñi, in the Little Colorado drainage, is a famous -site, known as the “Village of the Great Kivas.”<a class="fn" href="#bd108">[108]</a> Here were -found three communal dwellings and two Great Kivas. Of the latter, -only one has been excavated. It was bordered with rooms but had no -true peripheral chambers. Both are larger than the Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a> at Aztec. -The one which has been excavated is fifty-one feet in diameter, and -the unexcavated one is seventy-five feet across. In addition to these -structures and some small kivas associated with the largest building, -there were two rectangular rooms with kiva features. These are similar -to the fraternity chambers used in Zuñi at the present time. The construction -of the village was begun in the eleventh century by people -with a Chacoan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. After a time, due to the arrival of new people, -the community increased in size. It is thought that these people came -from the south, possibly from the Upper Gila region.</p> -<p>To the west, in what we now know as the Hopi country, good-sized -Pueblos were being constructed. There was much black-on-white -and gray <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">corrugated pottery</a> and, in the latter part of the period, fine -pottery with black designs on an orange background was made. Kivas -were rectangular or D-shaped. To the south and east of this region a -particularly fine polychrome ware was being made. Black and white -designs were applied on an orange-red background.</p> -<p>Still farther south, in the vicinity of Fort Apache, Arizona, is -Kinishba, a Great-Pueblo site occupied between 1050 and 1350 A. D. It -combined three pueblos, of which two have been excavated. The main -building is an irregularly rectangular structure, built around a big -central court, which seems to have grown by accretion rather than according -to fixed plan. The masonry was not particularly good. The -stones were not carefully shaped, and there was an extensive use of -<span class="pb" id="Page_102">102</span> -mortar. Many fine ornaments were made. Kinishba appears to have -been something of a trade center, and pottery characteristic of many -different areas is found here. One distinctive type of pottery which -was made locally was a polychrome ware with red and black designs -on a buff background.</p> -<p>The Rio Grande drainage, to the east, did not become a very important -province until the following period, but there is evidence of -the presence of a scattered population as far back as Developmental-Pueblo -times. Eventually, migrations from the north brought in many -new people. Prior to that time architecture was not highly developed. -There was little <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a>, but extensive use of adobe. Some -rather inferior black on white pottery of a generalized type and a poor -corrugated ware were manufactured, and a little black-on-red pottery -was imported.</p> -<p>In the Mimbres drainage of southwestern New Mexico, lived a -group of people who, during the Great-Pueblo Period, made some of -the most remarkable pottery that has ever been produced. Although -they are often considered as part of the Anasazi, much of their development -was due to two other cultures as well. Because of this, discussion -of the Mimbres people and their achievements will be postponed -until the other cultures have been considered.</p> -<h3 id="c20">The Largo-Gallina <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a></h3> -<p>In the Largo drainage of north-central New Mexico some extremely -interesting remains of a Pueblolike people have been found.<a class="fn" href="#bd91">[91]</a> Chronologically -they fit into Great-Pueblo times, but they are not entirely -Anasazi in <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. The name <i>Largo</i> has been given to this cultural -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>. Tree-ring dates have been obtained in Largo sites, and it is possible -to place the period of occupation as extending from the beginning -of the twelfth to the middle of the thirteenth century.</p> -<p>The inhabitants of these sites lived in both pit and surface houses. -These structures are relatively large. The latter have massive walls -of uncoursed masonry up to four feet thick. All dwellings contained -low-walled storage bins. Although more evidence will be needed before -definite conclusions may be reached, it seems possible to show a -definite architectural development from pit houses to the thick walled -surface houses of uncoursed masonry which were followed by others -with <a class="gloss" href="#g_CoursedMasonry">coursed masonry</a> walls. Other, presumably later, structures may -be described as small pueblos, but these have not yet been thoroughly -investigated.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_103">103</div> -<div class="img" id="fig35"> -<img src="images/p33.jpg" alt="" width="1054" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 35—Largo surface house.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="imgx3"> -<img src="images/p33a.jpg" alt="" width="1016" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Largo artifacts, -a. pointed-bottomed pot, b. axe, c. arrow-shaft smoother. -(Courtesy Laboratory of Anthropology.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_104">104</div> -<p>Black-on-white pottery, which was Puebloan in character, was -made, but most of the utility ware was unlike anything made elsewhere -by the Anasazi. These vessels had pointed bottoms and were decorated -with fillets at the rim or just below. They were not scraped, but were -smoothed by holding a mushroom-shaped object inside the vessel, while -it was still plastic, and striking the exterior with a wooden paddle. This -is known as the <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_PaddleAndAnvil">paddle-and-anvil</a></i> technique. These vessels resemble -Woodland pottery from the eastern United States and Navajo cooking -pots.</p> -<p>Other distinctive artifacts included axes of a triple-notched type -which required a T-shaped hafting, arrow-shaft smoothers, and elbow-shaped -pipes. The smoothers are large pieces of fine grained rock with -deep grooves in which arrow shafts were rubbed in the process of shaping -them. On the bowls of the pipes were two little leglike projections -which served to provide a base when they were not in use. There was -an extensive use of antler.</p> -<p>To the east of the Largo country and on the other side of the continental -divide are found similar sites which represent the same <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. -This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> has been called the Gallina.<a class="fn" href="#bd63">[63]</a> Both phases are often -considered together and referred to as the <i>Largo-Gallina</i>.</p> -<p>In the Gallina country there is the same combination of pit houses -and surface structures as in the Largo sites. Most sites are in good -defensive positions, but this is not true of all of them. Sites usually -consist of three or four house units grouped together, although single -houses also have been found. Most of these dwellings are towerlike -structures, square in outline but with rounded corners. They range -from eighteen to twenty feet in diameter and have walls still standing -to a height of from twelve to seventeen feet. These walls were extraordinarily -massive, being in some cases as much as six feet thick. House -interiors were characterized by flagstone floors and the wide use of -storage bins with sandstone covers. The bins were usually on the south -side. In most houses, there was an adobe bench encircling the northern -part of the room. Fine murals had been painted above the bench in -one house. On the whole, these structures resemble square kivas to -which bins have been added, although they were used as homes and not -as ceremonial chambers. Roofs consisted of a pole and adobe foundation -with flagstones providing a shingled effect. Entrance appears to have -been through the roof which, due to the great height of the buildings, -must have been reached by ladders or platforms. In addition to the -<span class="pb" id="Page_105">105</span> -towerlike buildings there are also pit houses which are found in conjunction -with them.</p> -<p>Anasazi traits include twilled yucca sandals, coiled basketry, -feather-cloth, twined-bags, and black-on-white pottery. Axes, shaft-smoothers, -and pipes, resemble those found in Largo sites and the cooking -pots with the pointed bottoms are the same. Chisel-like objects -made of deer and elk antler and unusual stone knives were also found. -The latter were leaf-shaped blades with notches in the sides close to the -center. One end was pointed and the other somewhat blunted. It is -the latter end which seems to have been used while the pointed end -was hafted.</p> -<p>In general, the Largo-Gallina seems to be a Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a>, probably -derived from the Rosa phase<a class="fn" href="#bd41">[41]</a> of the Governador area, which was -subjected to foreign influences, probably from the north. Similarities -between Largo-Gallina and Navajo utility vessels may indicate some -relationship.</p> -<h3 id="c21">Athapaskan People</h3> -<p>We may next consider the problem of the Navajos and Apaches -who figured so prominently in Southwestern history. They are relative -newcomers in the area and it is only within recent years that they have -stirred the interest of many archaeologists, although the Navajos have -been literally haunted by ethnologists for a long time.</p> -<p>Both Navajos and Apaches speak dialects of the Athapaskan -language which is spoken by many groups in northwestern Canada. At -some time in the relatively recent past, groups of Athapaskan-speaking -people left their northern homeland and drifted southward, some going -along the coast and others wandering farther east. Some reached -the Southwest and the descendants of these migrants are the Indians -whom we know as Navajos and Apaches.</p> -<p>There are many theories as to the route which they followed. Recent -finds, in the Colorado Rockies, of circular structures of dry-laid -masonry which are non-Pueblo in character and which resemble certain -Navajo houses or hogans, suggest that at least some of the migrants may -have followed the main mountain ranges.<a class="fn" href="#bd68">[68]</a> It is also possible that -they may have moved south through the Great Basin west of the Rocky -Mountains, or along the High Plains east of the mountains. Pottery -finds give 1100 A. D. as the earliest date for the hoganlike structures -in the Colorado mountains. It is not certain that these houses were -built by Athapaskan people, however, and there is no definite knowledge -as to just when the Athapaskans reached the Southwest and first came -<span class="pb" id="Page_106">106</span> -into contact with the Pueblo Indians. The earliest tree-ring date yet -obtained in the Pueblo area from any site which we may be sure is -Navajo is from the Governador area and falls in the middle of the -sixteenth century.<a class="fn" href="#bd40">[40]</a> If the Navajos arrived as early as 1200 A.D. they -may have influenced the Largo-Gallina people and have been influenced -by them, but this is still a moot question. A relatively early arrival -might also aid in explaining the withdrawal of the Pueblos from the -northern area.</p> -<h3 id="c22">SUMMARY</h3> -<p>We may summarize the Great-Pueblo period as follows. It was -the period in which the Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> attained its highest development, -and it was marked by intense local specialization. Most of the -basic aspects of the culture had already been well established, but there -was tremendous improvement and amplification. Unit houses continued -to be occupied throughout the period but there was a general coalescence -of the population. The trend was toward concentration in great, terraced -communal houses, up to five stories in height, and large enough -to shelter hundreds of people. Some were built in the open and others -in large natural caverns in cliffs. Small kivas, presumably used by small -groups such as clans, were incorporated in the houses or placed in the -central court. There were also Great Kivas, larger and more elaborate -structures, believed to have served an entire community. There was -local variation in architectural details, both as regards masonry types -and house structures.</p> -<p>Pottery was remarkably fine and designs were often quite elaborate. -There was such specialization that the products of various centers -are readily distinguished. Culinary ware was corrugated. Among the -decorated types, black-on-white predominated but there was some black-on-red -ware and some black bowls with red interiors, and in the Kayenta -district and farther south <a class="gloss" href="#g_PolychromePottery">polychrome pottery</a> was widely made. Late -in the period black-on-orange wares became important in the Little -Colorado drainage.</p> -<p>Much progress was made in the weaving of cotton cloth. Ornaments -were highly developed and turquoise was widely used. Remarkable -mosaics as well as beads and pendants were manufactured. Some -coiled baskets were still made but yucca ring baskets were the leading -type.</p> -<p>Although it is only in the realm of material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> that we have -concrete evidence, there can be little doubt that the heights reached -in the production of material things must have been reflected in the -<span class="pb" id="Page_107">107</span> -whole life of the people. There is every reason to believe that an essentially -democratic form of government prevailed, but communal living -must have required a high degree of organization. Doubtless religion -played a great part in the life of the community and had far-reaching -influences.</p> -<p>In the latter part of the thirteenth century, the Southwest seems -to have had a dry period, marked by arroyo cutting that destroyed -farmland, which was followed by a disastrous drought. These factors, -with possible raids by nomadic warriors, internal discord, and probably -others of which we are ignorant, led to a general withdrawal of population -from many areas and a concentration in the central portion of the -Plateau.</p> -<h3 id="c23">THE REGRESSIVE AND HISTORIC-PUEBLO PERIODS</h3> -<p>The period which followed the Great-Pueblo era and which lasted -until historic times was called <i>Pueblo IV</i> under the Pecos Classification. -It was defined as “the stage characterized by contraction of area occupied; -by the gradual disappearance of corrugated wares; and, in -general, by decline from the preceding cultural peak.”<a class="fn" href="#bd74">[74]</a> At the present -time it is often referred to as the <i>Regressive-Pueblo</i> period.<a class="fn" href="#bd110">[110]</a> This -term is not really satisfactory. Admittedly, the latter part of the -thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century was a period -of great instability, migrations occurred, and centers of population -shifted. Once the shift had been made, however, important new communities -developed in the drainages of the Little Colorado and the Rio -Grande, and a renaissance began. It seems entirely possible that the -Pueblo people might have achieved another remarkably high cultural -stage had it not been for the arrival of the Spaniards in 1540.</p> -<p>Even after Europeans arrived in the Southwest, the native <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> -was far from being completely submerged, and, while aboriginal progress -was retarded, it was not entirely stopped. Since the first advent -of white men in the Southwest until the present day, the Pueblos have -fought what sometimes appears to be a losing battle against the encroachment -of European, and later, of American culture. Actually -the battle has not yet been entirely lost. We shall never know how the -Pueblo people might have developed, and what heights they might have -reached had they been left to their own devices. At least, though, they -have not been entirely assimilated by the civilization which has engulfed -them, and they have succeeded in retaining some of their old way of -life.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_108">108</div> -<p>It might seem that as soon as written records become available -for a period it should be classed as historic rather than prehistoric. The -Pueblo Indians, however, were sufficiently successful in withstanding -outside influences that the terminal date for the Regressive-Pueblo -period is usually given as 1700, and only the period from 1700 to the -present is called the <i>Historic-Pueblo</i> period.</p> -<p>The trend during Regressive-Pueblo times was toward larger -houses. In the Hopi area the early houses were characterized by fine -masonry and covered about an acre of ground. Later they became much -larger and, in some cases, covered from ten to twelve acres of ground. -These houses were sometimes made up of long rows of buildings with -plazas between them. Kivas were rectangular, with a niche at one end -of the room containing a bench. The normal size was about ten or -fourteen feet square. On the floor, which was usually paved with stones, -are found loom blocks. These are sandstone blocks with depressions -designed to hold poles on which the warp threads are wound. The finding -of these loom blocks in prehistoric kivas is most interesting, for, -among the Hopi even today, the weaving is done by the men in the -kivas. The use of commercially woven fabrics for most clothing has -naturally curtailed the practice of this craft, but ceremonial clothing -and fine white blankets which serve as wedding robes are still woven -in the kivas.</p> -<p>The early pottery was largely black-on-yellow, but some polychrome ware -was made, and there was also plain cooking pottery and some -corrugated. The latter became progressively less widely used, and later -cooking ware is almost entirely plain. In some later sites some of the -black-on-yellow ware is marked by a distinctive stippling technique as -black paint was splattered over the yellow background. During the -period from 1400 to 1625 some of the most beautiful pottery ever made -in the Southwest was being produced in the Hopi country. This is a -polychrome ware which bears exceptionally fine designs, which include -geometric and life forms and particularly graceful patterns, applied -in red and black paint on a yellow background. Over forty years ago, -archaeologists were excavating ancient villages in the Hopi country and -finding examples of this beautiful ware. A woman of the village of -Walpi, named Nampeyo, was the wife of one of the workmen employed -by the expedition. She was already a fine potter, and she recognized -the great artistry represented by these ancient vessels. She began to -use similar designs and continued to produce remarkably fine pottery -for over thirty years, although, for much of that time, her sight was -failing and eventually she became blind, and the final painting of the -graceful vessels which she had shaped had to be entrusted to others. -The influence of this talented woman can still be seen in the fine pottery -made by Hopi women of the First Mesa.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_109">109</div> -<div class="img" id="fig36"> -<img src="images/p34.jpg" alt="" width="1298" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 36—Cavate dwellings and talus houses at Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_110">110</div> -<p>In the Zuñi district houses and kivas were much like those of the -Hopi country. Pottery in this area was largely decorated with glaze -paints. These are vitreous mixtures obtained by the use of lead in the -paint. Glaze paints were difficult to apply and had a tendency to run -or settle in masses. As a result, designs were poor, but the use of glazes -was confined to decorations and entire vessels were not covered.</p> -<p>In the Rio Grande drainage, people with an earlier Pueblo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> -were just beginning to come together into large communities when -this period began. Doubtless, the advent of people from other parts -of the Plateau province did much to intensify this trend. As time went -by, houses became larger and fewer in number. <a class="gloss" href="#g_Tuff">Tuff</a> blocks and adobe -were widely used in their construction and there was some use of -<i>cavate</i> dwellings. These are rooms, excavated into the back walls of -caves, which have porchlike chambers in front.</p> -<p>Two famous Regressive-Pueblo sites in this region, which are known -to many tourists, are Puye,<a class="fn" href="#bd62">[62]</a> on the Pajarito Plateau, and Tyuonyi in -El Rito de los Frijoles.<a class="fn" href="#bd60">[60]</a> Beams from Puye have yielded tree-ring dates -ranging from 1507 to 1565. This settlement, perched on a huge mass -of yellowish gray <a class="gloss" href="#g_Tuff">tuff</a>, consists of two aggregations of buildings. Forming -a quadrangle on top of the mesa, were four, terraced community -houses built around a court. There were also houses built in and -against the cliff walls, usually at the top of the talus slope. At Tyuoni, -whose dates range between about 1423 and 1513, there is a great communal -house which was, in part, two stories high and roughly circular -in form. It was made of tuff blocks. Three small kivas were built in -the center court or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a>. A few hundred yards to the east of the ruin -lies a large <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a>. For a little over a mile along the canyon wall were -cave rooms dug into the cliff and rows of small houses built of tuff -blocks. Some of the cave rooms had porchlike structures erected in -front of them, but others did not.</p> -<p>The largest and strongest pueblo during this period was Pecos, -which lay at the headwaters of the Pecos River in northern New -Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd73">[73]</a> The first buildings were erected shortly before 1300, and -final abandonment did not come until 1838. Such a long record is, of -course, of tremendous archaeological importance, and it is indeed fortunate -that some of the most extensive and painstaking excavations -ever undertaken in the Southwest were at this site. There was evidence -of at least six distinct towns. Great masses of pottery have been excavated, -with careful attention being paid to stratigraphy, and very detailed -studies have been made.<a class="fn" href="#bd75">[75]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd77">[77]</a> Well over a thousand skeletons -have been obtained and given careful study.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_111">111</div> -<div class="img" id="fig37"> -<img src="images/p35.jpg" alt="" width="2572" height="1568" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 37—Tyuonyi, Bandelier National Monument, New Mexico. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_112">112</div> -<p>Throughout the Rio Grande area, glazed wares were widely made. -The earlier forms had glazed designs applied on red vessels. Later, -light colored vessels were used. A series of six different types of glazed -wares, which were chronologically sequent, have been identified. By -1540 decorations were very carelessly applied and glazed wares were -not of a high quality. It was not, however, until the latter part of the -seventeenth century that they disappeared altogether and were replaced -by light colored vessels, with designs in dull red and black paint, much -like those made by the many present-day Indians.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig38"> -<img src="images/p36.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="537" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 38—Glazed ware from the Rio Grande area. Regressive-Pueblo -period. (Courtesy School of American Research.)</p> -</div> -<p>In the northern Rio Grande area black-on-white pottery died out -to a great extent and was largely replaced by what we know as Biscuit -Ware.<a class="fn" href="#bd90">[90]</a> This name is derived from the resemblance of this pottery to -china in the “biscuit stage” of manufacture. Biscuit ware is a thick -pottery with a soft crumbly paste tempered with volcanic <a class="gloss" href="#g_Tuff">tuff</a>. The -background is a light gray or tan, and somewhat coarse designs are -applied in black paint. Corrugated culinary ware was replaced by -plain black pottery.</p> -<p>In southeastern New Mexico, and extending into Texas, a distinctive -ware made during this period is found. This has a brown <a class="gloss" href="#g_Slip">slip</a>. -<span class="pb" id="Page_113">113</span> -Bowl exteriors are undecorated, but the interiors have designs applied -in red and black. Associated with it, is a plain brick-red ware.</p> -<p>The story of the Spanish conquest of the Southwest, which was -interrupted by a revolt of the Pueblos in 1680, is as dramatic a tale as -history can produce. Although 1540 is the date usually given for the -first meeting between the Pueblo Indians and the Spaniards, it was -actually in 1539 that the first contact occurred. In that year a Franciscan -monk, Fray Marcos de Niza, accompanied by a Moor named -Esteban, started north from Mexico to investigate tales of large and -wealthy cities which were rumored to lie in that direction. Esteban -went on ahead, and, reaching what is now New Mexico, was slain by -the Indians. Fray Marcos did not dare to proceed, but caught a -glimpse of one of the pueblos of Zuñi from a distance, and returned -with tales of great cities.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig39"> -<img src="images/p36a.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 39—Biscuit ware from the Rio Grande area. Regressive-Pueblo -period. (Courtesy School of American Research.)</p> -</div> -<p>In 1540 an expedition was organized under the leadership of -Francisco Vasquez de Coronado to search for the fabulous “Seven -Cities of Cibola” in the north. After a long and difficult journey the -expedition reached Hawikuh, one of the Zuñi villages. The disappointment -of the adventurers may well be imagined, for here was no city of -gold, ready to yield its wealth to the invaders, but a community of -simple farmers who, not only had no riches, but had little conception -of the role that wealth could play in society. Later, Coronado moved -<span class="pb" id="Page_114">114</span> -his forces to Tiguex on the Rio Grande, another Pueblo town. Trouble -soon developed, and the Indians were massacred. The Spaniards then -moved on to the Pueblo of Pecos, and there followed an expedition into -the Plains as the search continued for the fabulous and mythical golden -cities. In 1542, Coronado and his men withdrew to New Spain, and -the Pueblos were left in peace for forty years. After 1580, various -expeditions entered the Pueblo domain, and in 1598 it became a part -of the Spanish dominions. In 1609 the city of Santa Fe was founded.</p> -<p>From the beginning there was a clash between the two cultures. -The Pueblos resisted as best they could, but they were no match for -the more highly organized Spaniards with their superior weapons and -their inestimable advantage of being mounted. The colonizers and -missionaries who entered the country looked upon the Indians as a -subject people; there were abuses and many excesses, and the Indians -were shamefully exploited. Corn, the all-important staple of the Indians, -was requisitioned, and Spanish horses trampled Pueblo corn -fields. Every effort was made to break down the prevailing form of -government. Missionaries were determined to destroy the old religion -and make converts among the natives. The principle, that the end -justifies the means, was developed in its most pernicious form. There -were floggings and hangings, and Indians were sold into slavery. All -in all, it is a disgraceful page in history. Even the most cursory glance -at our own record of dealings with various Indian groups, however, -suggests that we are hardly in a position to “cast the first stone.” -Under the circumstances, even the smallest pebble would be excessive.</p> -<p>The presence of the Spaniards had other far-reaching and disastrous -effects on the Pueblos. They had no immunity to European diseases, -and many died. Worst of all, however, was the increasing pressure -of fierce nomadic tribes. Tribes, such as the Utes, the Comanches, -the Navajos and the Apaches, had been something of a menace before, -but, as they acquired horses, stolen from the Spaniards, their mobility -was greatly increased, and they became a scourge, sweeping over the -Southwest, killing, pillaging, and destroying.</p> -<p>In 1642, there was a mild revolt of the Pueblo Indians against the -Spaniards in which the Governor of the territory was killed, but they -were not well organized and the revolt was soon put down. It was not -until 1680 that a successful revolt took place. This dramatic episode -in Southwestern history has been called “the first American Revolution.” -The success of the undertaking was largely due to Popé, an old medicine -man of the Pueblo of San Juan. When the Spaniards first appeared -<span class="pb" id="Page_115">115</span> -there were some seventy villages. By 1680 the number had been -greatly reduced. Added to the difficulties imposed by the lack of a -common language, was the separation of the Pueblos, not only as regards -distance, but in another and more important sense. As has already -been pointed out, each of the pueblos was essentially a separate -city-state with its own government, and, to some extent, its own <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. -Popé, however, succeeded in interesting the people of the scattered -communities in the common cause. First, the people of Taos were -enlisted and then, one by one the other pueblos were added to the list, -until all were united, including even the far off and peaceful Hopi.</p> -<p>At last, all was in readiness and a knotted cord was sent throughout -the Pueblo domain, each knot representing one day which was to -elapse before the warriors were to arise and cast out the invaders. -Somehow the Spaniards learned of the plot, and the revolt took place -a little earlier than had been planned. None the less, some four hundred -people were killed, and the survivors fled to the garrison at Santa -Fe. Santa Fe continued under siege until supplies and water were exhausted. -When the town could no longer be held, troops and civilians -marched away, without opposition from the Indians, and took refuge -in the vicinity of what is now the city of El Paso, Texas.</p> -<p>For twelve years the Spaniards were kept out of the Pueblo country, -although various attempts were made to retake the area. Even with -the removal of the hated Spaniards, these were not happy times for the -Pueblos. Mounted nomads as well as Spanish troops were a constant -threat, and many groups were forced to move to mesa tops where defense -was somewhat easier. As if all this were not enough, there came -a severe drought which, to such people, can mean only suffering and -starvation. At last in 1692, the land of the Pueblos again became a -part of the Spanish domain. This time the conquest was bloodless. Don -Diego de Vargas accomplished this remarkable feat largely by a display -of force, coupled with a policy of turning the suspicions of the -Pueblos against each other. United they had been able to drive out -the invaders; divided they were powerless to prevent their return. It -is a story to ponder carefully in these times.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_116">116</div> -<div class="img" id="fig40"> -<img src="images/p37.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="1177" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 40—Hopi maiden. Similar hair dresses are shown on figures in -Developmental-Pueblo pictographs and on Mimbres pottery. -(Courtesy Museum of Northern Arizona.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_117">117</div> -<p>Some Indians refused to accept Spanish domination and moved to -the almost inaccessible Governador country of northern New Mexico -where they lived among their traditional enemies, the Navajo, for some -fifty years. Many Pueblo traits which appear in Navajo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> may -stem from this contact. Other refugees joined the Hopis who were never -reconquered. The reconquest did not by any means mark the end of -all trouble. There continued to be periodic uprisings in the Rio Grande -area, and the Spaniards did not have an easy time. In addition to their -troubles with the Indians of the Pueblos, there was a constant threat -from various wild predatory tribes. There was also much internal dissension -as a result of a conflict between church and state. In 1821 -the Pueblo homeland became part of the Republic of Mexico, and then, -in 1848, New Mexico became a territory of the United States.</p> -<p>Throughout the period from 1540 until the present day, the Pueblos -have been subjected to the influences of alien cultures. Some traits of -these cultures they have accepted, others they have rejected. They have -learned to keep livestock, they cultivate many fruits and vegetables -unknown to their ancestors, they use metal tools and machinery. -Machine-made fabrics are widely used, and there is an ever increasing -trend toward wearing the white man’s apparel. Pottery is still made, -and interesting new wares have been developed, but it is made to be -sold and, in Indian homes, most of the beautiful old vessels have been -replaced by metal and china containers.</p> -<p>Nominally the people of the Pueblos are Christians, and there is -no village without a chapel in which the people worship. There are -kivas too, however, and sometimes openly, sometimes secretly, the old -rites are practiced and the old gods are worshiped. Houses may have -windows and galvanized roofs, but basically the architecture is the -same. There is some dissension in various villages, but in many there -is still a remarkable group unity. On the surface, there is an ever -growing tendency for the Pueblo Indians to become more like the white -neighbors who surround them, but it would be naive to believe that -the old <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> has disappeared completely. Perhaps some day it will, -but the end is not yet. Those who know and understand the way of -the “ancient ones” admit the inevitability of change, but they feel that -there is much to be learned from the old way of life.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_118">118</div> -<h2 id="c24"><span class="small">CHAPTER IV</span> -<br />THE HOHOKAM <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2> -<h3 id="c25">GENERAL REMARKS</h3> -<p>While the inhabitants of the Plateau were developing the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> -described in the previous section, other groups in other parts of the -Southwest were evolving along somewhat different lines. The next -<a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> to be considered is that of the Hohokam, the people of -the Desert Province whose center lies in the Middle Gila Basin and -which includes the drainages of the Salt and Gila Rivers of southern -Arizona.</p> -<p><i>Hohokam</i> is a Pima word which means “those who have vanished.” -The ancient agriculturists, to whom this name has been given, -lived in this semi-arid land for many centuries, and, through the use of -canals, made a remarkable adjustment to an unfavorable environment. -For a long time it was thought that they represented a regional variation -of the Pueblo pattern, for the more spectacular ruins contained -great communal houses of Pueblolike construction. Associated with -these were small crude houses of wattle and daub construction. The -large Pueblo houses were thought by some archaeologists to be temples -or palaces, and the small houses were believed to be the homes of serfs -or peons. When it was noted that different kinds of pottery were associated -with the different types of houses, it became apparent that the -situation was more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> than had been thought. Archaeological -excavations finally brought the true explanation to light. During the -first part of the fourteenth century, Pueblo people moved into the -homeland of the Hohokam, bringing with them the techniques and traditions -of their own <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> which differed in many respects from those -of the original inhabitants. The two groups lived together, but, to a -great extent, each preserved the elements of its own culture.</p> -<p>There were certain similarities between the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of the Hohokam -and that of the Pueblos, but there were many differences. Both were -agricultural people, but they used different types of corn and beans,<a class="fn" href="#bd12">[12]</a> -and there were certain differences in their farming techniques. Pottery -was widely made in both societies but there were marked differences in -manufacturing techniques and in color. Architectural development was -entirely different. There were many differences in minor arts; for -example, shell work was very highly developed among the Hohokam, -and bone was used for tools much less than by the Pueblos. Probably -there were physical differences between the two people, but our information -on this subject is very scanty, for the Hohokam did not bury -their dead, as did the Anasazi, but practiced cremation.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_119">119</div> -<p>There is a strong possibility that the Hohokam developed from -the ancient food-gathering <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, known as the <i>Cochise</i>, which had -flourished in this same general region for many centuries.<a class="fn" href="#bd54">[54]</a> The possibility -has also been mentioned that the Hohokam may have come to -southern Arizona from the east with an already established pattern.<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a> -Of course, the culture continued to evolve, but almost all of the basic traits which -characterize it were present in the earliest times of which -we have any record.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig41"> -<img src="images/p38.jpg" alt="" width="891" height="900" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 41—Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to in <a href="#c24">Chapter IV</a>.</p> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Casa Grande</dt> -<dt>2. Grewe Site</dt> -<dt>3. Los Muertos</dt> -<dt>4. Roosevelt 9:6</dt> -<dt>5. Snaketown</dt> -<dt>6. Tonto National Monument</dt></dl> -<p>The question of dates for the Hohokam is, unfortunately, far more -complicated than in the case of the Basketmakers and Pueblos. The -wood available for house construction was usually cottonwood or mesquite, -<span class="pb" id="Page_120">120</span> -woods which are not suitable for tree-ring dating. Through stratigraphic -studies it has been possible to find the chronological place of -various phases in relation to each other, but the establishment of an -absolute <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">chronology</a> in terms of the Christian calendar is quite difficult, -since it must be based almost entirely on cross-checking of pottery between -Hohokam and Anasazi sites. There is a considerable divergence -between the dates suggested by different archaeologists, or even by the -same archaeologist at different times. There is nothing to criticize in -the fact that an archaeologist may give one date at one time and an -entirely different one at another. Archaeologists, like all scientists, are -seeking for the truth, and as new evidence is uncovered old estimates -must often be changed and new ones made. First estimates placed the -beginning of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> in Arizona at about 300 B. C.<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a> Later this -date was revised upward by 900 years.<a class="fn" href="#bd28">[28]</a> According to the most recent -publication on the Hohokam, which contains approximate dates which -will be used throughout the following discussion, this culture in the Gila -Basin is believed to date back to about the beginning of the Christian -era.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a></p> -<p>There were several stages of development in the Hohokam, just as -there were in the Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> with its six principal stages, ranging -from Basketmaker to Historic-Pueblo times. The first is known as the -<i>Pioneer</i> for this was the formative stage of the culture. The <i>Colonial</i> -period which followed was, as the name implies, one in which colonies -were established. During the next period, to which the name <i>Sedentary</i> -has been given, the culture was fully developed. The term <i>Classic</i>, -which is applied to the following period, is really a misnomer, for the -cultural peak of the Hohokam had passed. It was, however, a time of -high cultural development during which Pueblo and Hohokam people -lived side by side in the Desert Province. Little is known of the -Hohokam following the end of the Classic period when, about 1400 -A. D., the Pueblo people moved away, but it is possible that the present -Pima Indians may be descendants of the ancient Hohokam or that at -least some Hohokam blood flows in their veins. A people with a variant -form of the Hohokam culture who lived farther south may have been -the forerunners of the present Papago Indians.</p> -<h3 id="c26">THE PIONEER HOHOKAM</h3> -<p>The Pioneer period, according to recent estimates, began about -the time of Christ and lasted for some five or six hundred years. It is -possible, however, that these dates may have to be revised again, as -<span class="pb" id="Page_121">121</span> -more information becomes available. At present, unfortunately, this -earliest period is known from only one site. This is a large site, called -Snaketown,<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd28">[28]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a> which lies in the Gila Indian Reservation twelve miles -southwest of Chandler, Arizona. It was occupied from Pioneer until -Sedentary times, and has yielded a tremendous amount of information. -It is extremely fortunate that this important site has been excavated -with exceptional care and has been splendidly reported upon.</p> -<p>The Snaketown area is more arid than most other places occupied -in prehistoric times and contains a stream that is now only intermittent, -although it was probably perennial during the prehistoric period. Lumbering -in the mountains and overgrazing have doubtless contributed -materially to the desiccation of the region, but even in prehistoric times -it must have been extremely dry. There is no evidence of the construction -of irrigation canals which were so characteristic of later phases, -but it seems possible that they may have existed at this time, although -in a less well developed form, for without irrigation it would have been -almost impossible for prosperous villages to arise in such a poor environment. -Little is known, however, of the agricultural attainments -of the people at this time. In fact, no corn has yet been found which -may be attributed to this period, although it is certainly reasonable to -suppose that it was being cultivated. The scarcity of bones of food -animals indicates that meat did not play a very important part in the -diet. Turkey bones are extremely rare. It is believed that turkeys were -never domesticated by the Hohokam.</p> -<p>All Hohokam houses were earth lodges with much the same general -plan. They were single-unit structures, usually with depressed -floors. Entrance was through a covered passage or vestibule, normally -in the middle of one side. Walls were constructed of poles, brush, and -mud. The roofs, which consisted of rafters overlaid by smaller timbers, -were supported by upright posts set in the floor. During Pioneer times -houses were larger than in any other Hohokam period and in some -cases were up to thirty-five feet square. Some archaeologists believe -that the largest houses may have been occupied by more than one -family.<a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a><sup>c</sup> Others feel that it is more probable that they were ceremonial -structures.<a class="fn" href="#bd30">[30]</a> During most of the time, four or five roof supports were -employed, but there was one <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> early in the period when a great -many posts set in rows were used and it is hard to see how such a house -could have been lived in at all. So much skill was required to erect -these houses that they certainly must not represent the people’s first -attempt at housebuilding, and there was undoubtedly an earlier phase -for which evidence has not yet been found.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_122">122</div> -<p>No material has been found which may be attributed to a pre-ceramic -period, unless the Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> proves to be ancestral to -the Hohokam. Pottery is found in even the earliest Pioneer levels. The -Hohokam did not have any <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">corrugated pottery</a>. All their wares were -smooth and were produced by the paddle-and-anvil technique. When -this method is used to shape and finish a piece of pottery, a round or -mushroom-shaped object, known as an anvil, is held inside the vessel -to receive the force of the blow, while the exterior is struck with a -wooden paddle. Air was permitted to flow over the pottery while it -was being fired, producing an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>.</p> -<p>There are important differences between the pottery making -methods of the Hohokam and those of the Anasazi. As has been previously -noted, among the Anasazi, the final step in the finishing process -was to shape and smooth the vessel through scraping with a gourd -or pottery spoon, and most pottery was fired in a <a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a>.</p> -<p>The earliest Hohokam pottery found is simple but well made. At -first only plain undecorated wares in gray, brown, or red were produced. -The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">temper</a> contained flecks of mica which show through the surface. -Bowls were usually red. Jars, which had a capacity of about two -gallons, were normally gray or brown. Before long, painted decorations -began to be applied. Designs were simple rectilinear or curvilinear -forms. Hatching was widely used. Decoration was in a maroon-red -paint on a grayish background, and the red portion was sometimes -polished. As time went by, the background became a buff color rather -than a gray. Because of this distinctive color combination, the term -<i>Red-on-Buff</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> was originally applied to the Hohokam.<a class="fn" href="#bd32">[32]</a> During -Pioneer times, some polychrome ware was made and it is believed that -this may mark the first appearance of the use of multiple colors in the -Southwest. This pottery has red and yellow designs on a gray background. -In many cases grooves were <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> on bowl exteriors before -the paint was applied. Even after painted pottery was introduced, it -never made up more than twenty per cent of the total pottery of the -Pioneer era.</p> -<p>Figurines, depicting human beings, as well as bowls and jars, -were made of clay. These are known from the earliest times. They are -quite similar to those of the Mexican Plateau, and it is thought that -they may have been introduced from there, together with the knowledge -of the cultivation of corn. These figurines have ridgelike noses pinched -up from the base, and eyes and mouths represented by slits and dots. -These were always modelled rather than made in molds. Some have -<span class="pb" id="Page_123">123</span> -funnel-shaped heads and may have served as containers. Figurines were -usually fired, but this was not invariably the case.</p> -<p>Even from the earliest times the Hohokam appear to have cremated -the dead, a practice which anthropologists always deprecate. These -ancient people could hardly know how much they would inconvenience -certain men in the twentieth century by their funerary habits, and -undoubtedly they would not have cared. Bones and ashes are rarely -found in the Pioneer period but some have been recovered from pits -and trenches. The actual cremation is not believed to have taken place -here. There were offerings of crushed burned pottery, and late in the -period some stone objects were used.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig42"> -<img src="images/p39.jpg" alt="" width="627" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 42—Hohokam figurines. a. Pioneer period. -b. Colonial Period. c. Sedentary Period.</p> -</div> -<p>From the earliest times the Hohokam were skilled workers in -stone. Two distinctive traits were: the manufacture of “palettes” and -of stone jars. The palettes have been so called, although we are not -sure of their actual function, because the center portions contain traces -of ground pigment and there is usually a slight depression which might -have resulted from grinding and mixing. They are the most common -<span class="pb" id="Page_124">124</span> -of Hohokam funerary offerings. In Pioneer times, they were much -simpler than in later periods. At first they were plain stone slabs, but, -by the close of the period, they were being made with raised borders. -The polished stone vessels were sometimes plain, sometimes <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a>, and -in one case the incisions had been filled with paint. Late in the period -carved life-forms appeared. One <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> represents the figure of a man -squatting and holding a shallow basin. Other stone implements include -manos and metates, mortars and pestles, and highly polished -grooved axes with raised ridges on either side of the groove. As has -been previously noted, there was a scarcity of projectile points. Most -of those which have been found are light enough to suggest the possibility -of the use of the bow and arrow. There are also some heavy, -stemmed points which may have been dart-points or knives.</p> -<p>Some stone was used in the manufacture of ornaments, although -shell was more abundantly utilized for this purpose. Beads and pendants -were carved from stone, and there was some use of turquoise, -particularly in mosaic work. No ear plugs have been found in levels -earlier than those of the Sedentary period, but they are shown on -Pioneer figurines, and it seems reasonable to suppose that they may -have been worn at that time. Shells provided many ornaments. Whole -shells were utilized as beads by grinding off the ends to make it possible -to string them; some disc beads were made. Bracelets were made -of shell. They were usually thin and rather fragile and were not carved -until late in the period.</p> -<p>Bone was much less widely used by the Hohokam than by the -Anasazi, but one distinctive type of object was made of this material. -This is an <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> bone tube, usually decorated with rectilinear designs -but sometimes utilizing curvilinear patterns and occasionally life-forms. -There are some indications that these tubes were painted. Their use -has not been determined.</p> -<p>Pipes were not made by the Hohokam in any period. Since these -people were not as dependent on the vagaries of the weather as were -the Anasazi, who depended to a great extent on flood irrigation, it is -entirely logical that cloud symbols should not have been as important -to them.</p> -<h3 id="c27">THE COLONIAL HOHOKAM</h3> -<p>The Colonial period, which lasted from perhaps 600 to about 900 -A. D., is better known than the Pioneer, for it is represented at two -other excavated sites in addition to Snaketown. These are Roosevelt -<span class="pb" id="Page_125">125</span> -9:6, at Roosevelt Lake, Arizona,<a class="fn" href="#bd48">[48]</a> and the Grewe Site which lies just -east of Casa Grande National Monument.<a class="fn" href="#bd120">[120]</a> By the end of Colonial -times all of the distinctive traits which characterize the Hohokam were -fully developed, and some had even begun to decline. The most spectacular -accomplishment of this period, and for that matter of the whole <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, -was the construction of a great system of irrigation channels which -diverted water to the fields from the rivers.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a> At their first appearance, -the canals were so well developed that it seems impossible that this -marks the first attempt at such a project. Possibly the system had been -developed in Pioneer times, or, perhaps, it had been perfected elsewhere -first, but evidence to bolster either theory is still lacking. By 700 A. D., -the canal system was well established and became increasingly bigger -and more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> until the peak was reached between 1200 and 1400 -A. D.</p> -<p>The whole project is really amazing when one considers the tremendous -amount of work which went into the construction and maintenance -of the canals. The latter must have required almost as much -effort as the original excavating, for silt was constantly being deposited. -Canals were up to thirty feet wide and ten feet deep, and in the Salt -River Valley they have been found to have an aggregate length of 150 -miles. It staggers the imagination when one stops to think that this tremendous -engineering feat was carried out with only the crudest of stone -and wooden tools. The scope of such a project and the end toward which -so much effort was directed tell us a great deal about the people who -planned it. Undoubtedly such an undertaking indicates strong leadership -and careful organization. Great numbers of people must have -participated, and it undoubtedly took much careful planning to direct -their labors. There must also have been some centralization of authority, -since the canals served various settlements and these groups must -have had some organization to direct their efforts toward the common -good.</p> -<p>Here, as among the Anasazi, however, there is no evidence of a -ruling class with a higher standard of living than that of their subordinates. -The scope of the canal project suggests comparisons with -the erection of the huge pyramids of Egypt or the great temples of -the Maya. There is a tremendous difference, however, in the ends -toward which all this vast human effort was directed. In Egypt, men -slaved to construct tombs for despotic rulers, and, in the land of the -Maya, they labored to erect temples, doubtless for the greater glory -of the priesthood as much as for the gods who were worshipped. In -the arid reaches of the Hohokam homeland, however, the canals, which -were built and kept open with so much labor, were for the benefit of -the people.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_126">126</div> -<div class="img" id="fig43"> -<img src="images/p40.jpg" alt="" width="1124" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 43—Hohokam house of the Colonial period.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="imgx4"> -<img src="images/p40a.jpg" alt="" width="1235" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Large -ball court at Snaketown, Colonial period. (Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_127">127</div> -<p>The homes of the people continued to be simple structures consisting -of single units. They were much like those of the Pioneer -period but were smaller and rectangular with rounded corners. Usually -they were constructed over a shallow pit, but some had elevated floors -supported by stones. A fire pit lay in the floor just in front of the -entrance. It is not known whether there were smoke holes or not. Walls -were formed of slanting poles, and the interiors were lined with reeds. -The roof rested on a central ridge pole supported by two main posts. -There is evidence of outside kitchens, small brush structures containing -a fire pit, much like those still used by the Pimas.</p> -<p>Houses and kitchens were not the only structures which were -erected at this time, for ball courts made their first appearance during -this period. These were large unroofed, oval areas, oriented east and -west, and open at both ends. They were up to two hundred feet in -length and were surrounded by walls believed to have been between -fifteen and twenty feet in height and possibly higher. The earth banks, -which formed the walls, sloped and were about twenty degrees off the -perpendicular. The floor, which was well below ground level, was formed -from smooth <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a> deposits. Two stones set in the ends and one in -the center apparently served as markers. They were very accurately -placed and the one in the middle lies in the exact center. These are very -much like the ball courts of the Maya, except that the latter had stone -walls. There are a number of theories as to where these courts first -originated. They may have been developed by the Maya and copied -by the Hohokam, or they may have reached the Maya from the -Hohokam. A third possibility is that both people received the idea -from some still unknown source.</p> -<p>There is no way of knowing just what game was played by the -Hohokam, but it is reasonable to suppose that it was much like that -played in the courts farther south, and we know something of the rules -from ancient manuscripts. The game was played with one, two, or -more players on each side. The object was to knock a ball through -rings set in the walls. Hands and feet could not be used, and the ball -could be struck only with the knees, thighs, or buttocks. No rings -have been found in the Hohokam courts, but it is probable that they -would have been made of wood or some other perishable material, since -the earth walls would hardly support great stone rings such as are -<span class="pb" id="Page_128">128</span> -found in some of the Mayan courts. It is quite possible that the game -was connected with religious rites, as it was among the Maya.</p> -<p>Much red-on-buff and plain brown or buff pottery was manufactured. -Most of the decorated vessels have designs formed by the repetition -of small elements. These are often enclosed by small circles, and -there was also a wide use of borders or fringes of short, oblique, parallel -lines. The small elements included both geometric and life forms. -There was a marked transition from the more rigidly formalized designs -of the Pioneer period to the freer designs of later times. The practice of -incising pottery declined and finally disappeared altogether. Firing -clouds, which result when vessels come in contact with fuel while being -fired, are quite common, and give the pottery a mottled appearance. -Many figurines were made. They almost always depicted females. -Early in the period they were made all in one piece, but later -the head and body were made separately. The heads became more true -to life. Clothing, leg and ankle bands, and, sometimes the eyes, were -indicated by appliqué.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig44"> -<img src="images/p41.jpg" alt="" width="986" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 44—Red-on-buff Hohokam vessel of the Colonial period. -(Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)</p> -</div> -<p>Pottery and figurines served as offerings for the dead. Small -<span class="pb" id="Page_129">129</span> -sherds were still common, but whole vessels also began to be used. -There were three types of cremations. Sometimes bones, ashes, and -offerings are found in pits dug into the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a> and it appears probable -that the actual burning took place there. In other cases they are found -in trenches. Sometimes burning took place elsewhere and later the -burned remains were placed in small holes close together. In addition -to objects made of clay, stone projectile points and palettes are usually -found in the cremations.</p> -<p>Palettes, which were the most consistent offering, were made of -thin schistose rock. There is a clear differentiation between the center -portion and the border which is ornamented with grooves. Some have -sculptured edges in the form of birds, snakes, and other animals. There -are also <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> types in which the outline of the palette is in a life-form. -Palettes were most numerous early in the Colonial period and later -declined in importance. One extremely interesting feature of many of -these objects is that on the mixing surface of heavily burned palettes -from cremations is found a vitreous substance which, on analysis, -proved to be a lead mixture. It is not certain whether the use of lead -ore was intentional or accidental, but in any case the Hohokam never -learned to exploit this as metal. It has been suggested that the change -in the lead mixture from a dull color to a brilliant red with metallic -globules may have been observed as the palettes burned on the funeral -pyres and that it came to have a ceremonial significance. It is entirely -possible, however, that the palettes had simply been used for grinding -a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Compound">compound</a> containing lead, which was used to provide pigment, prior -to the burning. They may have been used to mix facial or body paint.</p> -<p>Some of the most remarkable stone work found in Hohokam sites -consisted of mosaic plaques or mirrors inlaid with angular pieces of iron -pyrites which had a reflecting quality. These were common funerary -offerings, and as a result most of the specimens obtained are badly -damaged. None the less, one can still appreciate the amazing work -which went into their construction. These plaques or mirrors range -between three and eight inches in diameter. On one surface are thin -sheets of iron pyrites crystals carefully fitted together. How these thin -plates were obtained is a complete mystery, for pyrites crystals are -usually cubic and so hard that they cannot be scratched with a knife. -In some cases the crystal encrustation covered the entire face, in others -edges were beveled. Edges and backs were sometimes decorated with -something which resembles <a class="gloss" href="#g_Cloisonne">cloisonné</a> work, although the technique -differed. First a base coat of a gray material was applied, and then this -<span class="pb" id="Page_130">130</span> -was covered with a thicker layer of some black substance. A design -was cut into this with a sharp implement, and then the sunken portion -was half filled with thick white paint. Next, paint in a variety of -colors was added to fill the depression, or, in some cases, was even built -up slightly above the level of the black background portion.</p> -<p>These mirrors are almost exactly like those found in sites in Central -America. It is thought that the best examples found in Hohokam -sites were imported from the south,<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a> although it is possible that some -crude imitations may have been made by the Hohokam themselves. -The material necessary would have been available to them, for sizeable -pyrites crystals are found near Tucson.</p> -<p>Many stone vessels were made. They were usually carved in bas -relief and both realistic and life-forms were used. Desert reptiles were -the most common figures. Other objects made of stone included -abraders for use in shell work, metates which were not very precisely -shaped, a few stone finger-rings, and projectile points. These were long -slender points which were barbed and serrated.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig45"> -<img src="images/p42.jpg" alt="" width="1222" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 45—Hohokam carved stone vessel of the Colonial period. -(Courtesy Arizona State Museum.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_131">131</div> -<div class="img" id="fig46"> -<img src="images/p42a.jpg" alt="" width="1198" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 46—Hohokam ornaments of carved shell. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_132">132</div> -<p>Shell was very widely used. A few needles made of shell have -been found, but this was apparently not considered a utilitarian -material and it was most often used in the manufacture of ornaments. -Shell beads and pendants continued to be used, and many bracelets -were made. These were made of Glycymeris shells which are nearly -circular and, when cut in cross-section, provide a suitable arm band. -Carving did not reach its peak until the following period, but fine -bracelets were produced. Birds, snakes, frogs, and geometric forms -furnished the designs. The most frequent motif is a bird-and-snake -combination. The snake’s head is in the bird’s mouth and the body of -the snake forms the band. This quite probably had some special ceremonial -significance. Carved rings, which first appeared at this time, -are usually in the form of snakes. They were never as abundant as -bracelets. There was some mosaic work with shell, but this art did not -fully develop until later. Birds and snakes, often in combination, were -the usual subjects for carving on bone.</p> -<h3 id="c28">THE SEDENTARY HOHOKAM</h3> -<p>During the Sedentary period, which lasted from about 900 to -1200 A. D. there was some withdrawal from the outlying districts and -a greater concentration of population in a smaller area, although there -was also some northward extension of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. There was some -regional specialization during the latter part of the period, for the -inhabitants of the upper or eastern portion of the Gila Basin developed -somewhat differently from those of the central area. This was possibly -the result of the influence of Pueblo people who lived in the Tonto -Basin about one hundred miles to the northwest, and it presaged the -changes which were to occur in the next period when some of these -people moved into the Hohokam area, bringing with them their distinctive -culture.</p> -<p>Houses in the main area were roughly rectangular in outline, but -the ends were somewhat rounded and the sides slightly convex. Floors -were encircled by low, mud rims, six inches or less in height, which -were probably designed to keep water out of the houses. Some had -parallel-sided entrance ways, but others had a bulbous vestibule with -a low step at the end. Late in the period, in the eastern part of the -Gila Basin, there were some rectangular surface houses with walls of -adobe, containing sporadic stones, over a pole framework. In some -cases, villages were enclosed by walls and are referred to as <i>compounds</i>. -This name is taken from the term which is applied to the -walled or fenced enclosure of a house or factory in the orient.</p> -<p>The irrigation system was enlarged and improved. Ball courts were -still being built but they seem to have been considerably reduced in -size by the end of the period. They were oriented north and south and -<span class="pb" id="Page_133">133</span> -the ends were closed. One interesting find, made in a Sedentary site -with an estimated date of 1100 A. D., was a rubber ball buried in a -jar.<a class="fn" href="#bd52">[52]</a> Analysis showed the rubber to be of American origin, unvulcanized -and unrefined. There is no way of proving that this ball was -used in playing the game for which the courts were designed, but it -seems entirely possible that it was.</p> -<p>At this time some Hohokam people moved north into the Flagstaff -area. They introduced ball courts and other distinctive traits of -their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.<a class="fn" href="#bd86">[86]</a></p> -<div class="img" id="fig47"> -<img src="images/p43.jpg" alt="" width="1563" height="684" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 47—Red-on-buff Hohokam jars of the Sedentary period. -(Courtesy Gila Pueblo.)</p> -</div> -<p>In the field of pottery, forty per cent of all that was produced was -of the red-on-buff variety. There was a great elaboration of designs and -some appear to have been taken from woven fabrics. Panels, negative -designs, and patterns tied together by interlocking scrolls, were all -common. There was a great variety of shapes which included three and -four-legged trays. Jars increased tremendously in size, and a few had -a capacity of almost thirty gallons. Bowls were also quite large. Some -plain buff ware was manufactured, but it was not common. Less than -one per cent of the total pottery assemblage consisted of bowls with -heavily slipped and polished reddish brown interiors and mottled brown -or gray exteriors. From the eastern area come bright red bowls with -smoke-darkened, black interiors.</p> -<p>Figurines were of two types. For the most part they consisted -of heads which were apparently attached to bodies made of cord-wrapped -fiber. These have not survived, but their presence is indicated -by impressions in the clay of the heads. The faces are quite realistic -and probably represent an attempt at portraiture. Other figurines, -<span class="pb" id="Page_134">134</span> -made of buff clay and painted with red, show full figures, seated, with -hands resting on the knees.</p> -<p>It is most unfortunate that practically none of the textiles produced -at this time have lasted through the centuries. A few fragments -have been found which give us tantalizing glimpses of a highly developed -craft. Apparently very fine cotton textiles with intricate -weaves were produced. No baskets have survived the passage of the -years, but ash casts have been found which show that the making of -baskets was well developed.</p> -<p>Cremation was still the accepted method of disposing of the dead, -although a few burials have been found. Apparently inhumation was -tried on a very small scale, but it did not supplant cremation. Bodies -and offerings were usually burned, and then the unconsumed portions -gathered together and put in small pits dug in the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a>. In some -cases, bodies and offerings were left in the pit in which they were -burned, and the pit covered with earth. In the eastern part of the Gila -Basin, unconsumed bones and offerings were placed in small pottery -urns and buried with a small bowl or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sherd">sherd</a> covering the mouth of the -urn.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig48"> -<img src="images/p44.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="666" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 48—Hohokam stone palette of the Sedentary period. -(Courtesy Arizona State Museum)</p> -</div> -<p>Mosaic plaques or mirrors were still used. Palettes continued to -serve as mortuary offerings, but they had decreased in number and -had greatly degenerated. Raised borders disappeared and only <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> -lines remained to differentiate the rim and the mixing surface. Some -palettes have been found in the area around Flagstaff in a site dated -<span class="pb" id="Page_135">135</span> -as late as 1278, so the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> seems to have persisted in the north longer -than in the Hohokam province where it appears to have originated.</p> -<p>Stone vessels continued to be made, but they too were decadent. -Carving in relief was largely replaced by incising. Life-forms in relief, -when they do appear, are highly conventionalized. Many of the vessels -are of steatite. There were some <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> vessels, representing animals -and birds, which had shallow basins hollowed out of the backs. Metates -and mortars and pestles were well shaped. Some hoes first appeared -during Sedentary times, and it is thought that they may have been -intrusive. Stone projectile points were long and slender and beautifully -flaked. About half had lateral notches and the others were unnotched -forms characterized by deep serrations. Stone was widely used as a -material for ornaments. A great variety of disc beads were manufactured -and the first ear plugs are found in sites of this period, although, -as has been previously noted, they are seen on Pioneer figurines and -quite possibly had been worn since the earliest times. Some particularly -interesting finds include stone objects believed to have been nose-buttons -or labrets. Figurines do not show the use of nose-buttons, but -they do show ornaments just below the corners of the mouth and these -may have been worn through the fleshy part of the chin. Ornaments -worn through the nose or chin strike us as strange, for they have never -won approval in our particular society, but they have been quite common -in other parts of the world. In any case, a glimpse at a woman’s hat -shop today offers convincing proof that anything can become fashionable -and socially acceptable.</p> -<p>Shell work, already so well developed among the Hohokam, -reached its peak in Sedentary times. Mosaic work, in which both shell -and turquoise were used, achieved its highest development. The technique -employed must be described as overlaying, rather than as inlaying, -for depressions were not cut to receive the pieces which, instead, -were laid on the surface. Due to the placing of these mosaics in the -cremation fires, we know little of their composition beyond the fact -that shell was usually used to provide a base for the overlay. Individual -pieces were cut in the forms of animals or geometric figures. Disc -beads, characterized by large perforations, and pendants were widely -made. For the latter, the trend was away from life-forms and toward -geometric figures. Many finely carved bracelets were made. Shells with -painted designs appear first in Sedentary levels, but, due to the impermanent -nature of the paint, there is no assurance that this technique -may not have been developed some time before.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_136">136</div> -<p>The most interesting treatment of shells is exemplified by those -with designs applied by an etching process. The Hohokam may have -been the first people to discover the technique of etching, for they were -using it about the eleventh or twelfth century and the earliest recorded -use of the process is on a coat of armor made in Europe in the -15th century.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a> Among the Hohokam the process does not appear -to have continued beyond Sedentary times. It was probably never very -commonly used and the difficulty of controlling the medium may have -contributed to an early abandonment. Painting and etching were sometimes -combined, for an example has been found of a shell etched with -geometric designs and painted with red and green pigment.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig49"> -<img src="images/p45.jpg" alt="" width="907" height="900" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 49—Hohokam etched shell. Sedentary period. -(Courtesy Arizona State Museum)</p> -</div> -<p>Since shell is nearly pure calcium carbonate it is easy to see why -portions exposed to the action of acid would be eaten away, but we have -no way of being sure exactly what the technique used may have been. -<span class="pb" id="Page_137">137</span> -Experiments conducted in the laboratories of Gila Pueblo, however, have -shown how such results could have been obtained with available materials.<a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a> -The problem of finding a suitable acid was first considered. -Obviously, for the ancient Hohokam, the problem could not be solved -by running down to the corner drugstore. For the purposes of the experiment, -a mild acetic acid solution was produced by fermenting juice -from the fruit of the giant cactus. Portions of a shell were covered -with pitch, a material which resists acid, and the shell immersed in the -acid for seventy-two hours. When it was removed, the pitch-covered -portion stood out in relief while the exposed parts had been partially -eaten away, duplicating the effect found on the prehistoric shells.</p> -<p>Bone tubes continued to be made, but they were plain and undecorated. -Other bone artifacts include daggerlike objects with carved -heads, which may have served as hair ornaments. Usually the carving -represented the heads of mountain sheep or a bird-and-serpent motif.</p> -<p>It was in the Sedentary level at Snaketown that the first objects -made of metal were found. These were little copper bells, pear-shaped -and split at the bottom, which very much resemble sleigh-bells. A great -many identical bells are found in Mexico and it seems probable that -the Snaketown examples were imported from there.<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a> In the Anasazi -area many copper bells were imported from the south. Most of them -are dated at between 1300 and 1400 A. D., although some have been -found which were brought into Pueblo Bonito and Aztec at an earlier -date.</p> -<h3 id="c29">THE CLASSIC HOHOKAM</h3> -<p>The Classic period of the Hohokam, which lasted from about -1200 to 1400 A. D. or not long thereafter, was a remarkable era which -has been referred to as “the Golden Age of southern Arizona”. As has -been previously noted, however, <i>Classic</i> is hardly an accurate designation -since we are no longer dealing with a pure Hohokam <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. It -was during this time that Pueblo traits and, later, Pueblo people themselves -entered the Hohokam homeland.</p> -<p>The newcomers, whose influence had been felt even before they -themselves arrived, were a group known as the Salado people. The -Saladoans are believed to have originated in the Little Colorado area, -which they left to move farther south into the Tonto Basin around -1100 A. D.<a class="fn" href="#bd56">[56]</a> About 1300 they again moved farther south and entered -the domain of the Hohokam. They brought with them their own distinctive -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> which differed in some ways from the classic Pueblo of -<span class="pb" id="Page_138">138</span> -the San Juan area and was far different from that of the Hohokam. -They built thick-walled, multi-storied communal houses of adobe, in -walled compounds. Their pottery included coiled and scraped polychrome wares -in red, black, and white. They practiced inhumation, or -burial of the dead.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig50"> -<img src="images/p46.jpg" alt="" width="694" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 50—Salado polychrome ware. -(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<p>The coming together of the Salado people and the Hohokam is -really remarkable. There is no evidence of an invasion nor of violence. -Instead, these two culturally different people seem to have come together -in a friendly manner and lived together in the same communities -in peace and amity. Each group, to a great extent, clung to its own -way of life, yet together they achieved a distinctive <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. It was -during this period that the canal system reached its highest development. -Doubtless the newcomers, who had had no real irrigation system -before, contributed their labor to the common project of building and -maintaining the canals which were built to serve their villages.</p> -<p>In the Hohokam <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> proper there were certain changes. Pottery -included plain buff ware and a pebble-polished bright red ware, -usually in the form of bowls with black interiors, as well as the ubiquitous -<span class="pb" id="Page_139">139</span> -red-on-buff. In the latter, the red paint was thinner and less brilliantly -colored than in earlier times. Jars and pitchers, the latter an -innovation of this period, were the commonest forms. Jars with a capacity -of over thirty gallons have been found. Painting was characterized -by poor brush work. Most designs were rectilinear and practically no -life-forms were used. A few figurines, representing both human beings -and animals, have been found at Los Muertos, a Classic site, but they -were too few to have been important in the culture. There is, of course, -the possibility that some were made of perishable materials instead of -clay and hence have not survived.</p> -<p>Most Salado pottery during this period was a polychrome ware -with red, black, and white. Red was sometimes used as a decorative -color, and sometimes formed a part of the background. Bowls and jars -predominated, but ladles and mugs were also made, and there were -some <a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">effigy</a> vessels, usually in the form of birds. Some <a class="gloss" href="#g_CorrugatedPottery">corrugated pottery</a> -was also made.</p> -<p>There was a definite decline in some of the arts of the Hohokam. -Carved stone vessels and palettes were no longer made. Pyrites mirrors -are not found in this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>. Shell work continued to flourish, although -etching had disappeared. Heavy bracelets were made and true inlay and -ceremonial shell trumpets<a class="fn" href="#bd5">[5]</a> made their first appearance. These were -west-coast conch shells with a hole ground into the tip of the spire. -Blowing into the shell through this hole produces a trumpetlike sound.</p> -<p>Axes, both single and doublebitted, were beautifully made, and -represented stone work at its peak. Projectile points were thin and well -made. Usually they were long and triangular. Most of them had -notches chipped at right angles but a few were unnotched. Edges were -not serrated, as they had been in earlier times. Stone implements, presumably -of Salado origin, were added to the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a>. These included -adzes, picks, chisels, crushers, club heads, flakes with serrated edges -which served as saws, jar stoppers, pottery scrapers, and shaft straighteners.</p> -<p>Ball courts were greatly reduced in size by Classic times and it -seems probable that the game played in them had lost much of its -popularity. This belief is confirmed by the absence of a ball court at -Los Muertos, one of the largest and most important villages. It seems -likely that provisions would have been made at such a settlement for -a sport which enjoyed much popular support. A ball court was found -at Casa Grande, another important Classic site, however, so this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> -had apparently not disappeared entirely.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_140">140</div> -<p>It was in the realm of architecture that the greatest changes occurred. -Even in Sedentary times, in the eastern part of the Hohokam -area, there was a tendency for houses to become surface structures. -During the early part of the Classic period, surface houses, sometimes -with contiguous rooms, were built by the Hohokam. These changes -were probably due to Salado influence, although the people themselves -had not yet arrived in the area. Walls were still extremely thin and of -typical Hohokam construction, so houses were no more than one story -high.</p> -<p>With the arrival of the Salado people, the building of multi-storied -houses with massive walls, enclosed in compounds, began. Two of the -best known of these are El Pueblo de Los Muertos. (The City of the -Dead)<a class="fn" href="#bd56">[56]</a> which, before its destruction by farmers, lay a few miles south -of Tempe, Arizona, and Casa Grande,<a class="fn" href="#bd26">[26]</a> a great ruin, now a National -Monument, which lies nine miles west of Florence, Arizona.</p> -<p>Los Muertos covered a large area and contained thirty-six communal -buildings and many small houses. It was a settlement which -could not have existed without irrigation, and ditches have been traced -which brought water to it from the Salt River. The largest single building -was a great rectangular house enclosed on all four sides by a massive -wall which reached a thickness of seven feet in some places. Some -of the outer walls of the big house achieved a comparable thickness. -In addition to the main structure, the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Compound">compound</a> contained plazas and -small house clusters. Another ruin contained two large house clusters. -Here some of the rooms had very thin walls, as do the Hohokam houses -of Sedentary and early Classic times.</p> -<p>At Los Muertos the Hohokam and the Salado people apparently -lived side by side, each clinging for the most part to their own traditions. -This divergence was particularly marked in the disposal of the -dead. The Saladoans usually buried their dead under house floors or -in the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a>. The body was normally extended, with the head to the -east. Pottery, jewelry, and some stone artifacts served as grave offerings. -The Hohokam continued to practice cremation. The dead were -placed on wooden gratings over shallow pits, and the grating was consumed -with the body. The unconsumed bones and ashes were placed -in jars and buried in special plots near the refuse heaps. There seems -to have been some borrowing between the two groups, for occasionally -inhumations are found accompanied by the red-on-buff pottery of the -Hohokam, and a few cremations have been found with Salado offerings -or in polychrome vessels. This borrowing, however, seems to have been -sufficiently limited to make it possible, on the basis of the numbers -of burials and cremations, to estimate what the comparative ratio of -Hohokam to Salado people may have been. On this basis, the Hohokam -appear to have outnumbered the foreign element by a ratio of -three to one.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_141">141</div> -<div class="img" id="fig51"> -<img src="images/p47.jpg" alt="" width="1346" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 51—Great House built by the Salado people. Casa Grande National Monument, Arizona. -(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_142">142</div> -<p>The famous site of Casa Grande consists of a group of ruins made -up of house clusters surrounded by <a class="gloss" href="#g_Compound">compound</a> walls. Both thin-walled, -single-roomed houses and multiple-roomed structures with massive -walls are represented. Of the latter, the outstanding example is -a building known as the “Great House” which lies in an enclosure -called Compound A. The Great House is four stories high, but only -eleven rooms are represented. Originally there were five additional -rooms on the ground floor, but these were filled in to form an artificial -terrace. The rooms are arranged with one on the top floor and five -rooms on each of the two lower stories. Some rooms were entered by -small doors, and others through the roof. There were no windows. The -walls of the Great House now stand some thirty-four feet above ground -level and are over four feet thick. No forms were used, and the wall -was constructed by a process of piling up layers of stiff <a class="gloss" href="#g_Caliche">caliche</a> mud. -Each course was patted into shape and then allowed to dry to receive -the next course. The final finish was obtained by plastering with a -thin mud mixture made with sieved caliche.</p> -<p>While the foregoing refers to the Hohokam who lived in the river -valleys, there was another group who lived farther to the south in the -desert region known as the Papagueria.<a class="fn" href="#bd57">[57]</a> Here agriculture was more -limited, for the only form of irrigation was by ditches designed to divert -rain water to the fields. With a less favorable environment, the -standard of living was lowered and the reduction of leisure time resulted -in a poorer development of arts and crafts. Although the material -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was not as rich as in the more favored river valleys, any loss -is more than compensated for, from the archaeological point of view, -by the fact that the greater aridity of this region has made possible -the preservation of much normally perishable material. The ancient -desert dwellers further endeared themselves to archaeologists by forsaking -cremation about the beginning of the eleventh century.</p> -<p>A remarkable site, known as <i>Ventana Cave</i>,<a class="fn" href="#bd55">[55]</a> which lies in the Papago -Indian Reservation, has yielded great quantities of very fine material, -including some forty burials, and the final report of this valuable -discovery is eagerly awaited. Preliminary reports indicate that the ancient -inhabitants of this region strongly resembled the Papago Indians -who still occupy it. The early people were fine weavers and made cotton -cloth which, together with rabbit-fur blankets and sandals, provided -them with clothing.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_143">143</div> -<div class="img" id="fig52"> -<img src="images/p48.jpg" alt="" width="1345" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 52—Child’s cotton poncho from Ventana Cave. Desert Hohokam, eleventh or twelfth century. -(Courtesy Arizona State Museum.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_144">144</div> -<p>One strong difference between the Hohokam of the river valleys -and those of the desert area lies in the fact that the Salado people did -not penetrate into the desert section and the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of this region -accordingly remained relatively untouched. This isolation seems to have -been deliberately achieved by the desert dwellers who erected strings -of forts of rough laid stone on volcanic hills to protect their domain. -Environment may well have played a strong part in the reaction of -the two groups of Hohokam to new people. With their meager resources -the people of the Papagueria could hardly accept additions to -the population, while the more prosperous group to the north, blessed -with the water which means so much in the Southwest, could afford -to be friendly.</p> -<h3 id="c30">THE RECENT HOHOKAM</h3> -<p>About 1400 A.D., the Salado people left the Gila country. It is -thought that some may have moved east as far as eastern New Mexico -and southeast into Chihauhua. Others from the Upper Gila may have -drifted north into the Zuñi area. We cannot be sure of the reason for -their departure, but one theory, which has been advanced, is that they -may have been forced out by the arrival of the Apaches.<a class="fn" href="#bd27">[27]</a> What happened -to the Hohokam themselves we do not know. Possibly they remained -in the same district and eventually sites belonging to the period -after 1400 may be found. It is also possible that they may have moved -to the inhospitable reaches of the Papagueria which would have afforded -greater protection against an enemy.</p> -<p>Although there is a gap in our information, the belief is widely -held that the Hohokam may have been the ancestors of the present -Pima Indians and possibly the Papago, related tribes who speak -mutually intelligible dialects of the Piman language. The most convincing -argument for this theory is that the Pimas were well established -in the Gila Basin, the old Hohokam homeland, when they were discovered -by the Spaniards in 1530. The Papago still occupy the desert -region of the Papagueria. In general, the way of life of these people -was not too different from that of the Hohokam. They were agriculturists, -dependent on irrigation, lived in one-room houses, and their pottery -was somewhat similar to that of the Hohokam. Quite possibly, -other racial strains are present and other groups contributed to the -Pima and Papago <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, but it seems highly probable that the Hohokam -was one of the most important elements.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_145">145</div> -<div class="img" id="fig53"> -<img src="images/p49.jpg" alt="" width="1368" height="800" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 53—Pima House in 1897. (Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_146">146</div> -<h3 id="c31">SUMMARY</h3> -<p>We may characterize the Hohokam as follows: They were a prehistoric -agricultural people of southern Arizona who may have been the -descendants of the western branch of the ancient food-gathering people -of the Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>. They made an amazing adjustment to an unfavorable -environment through the use of an extensive canal system. -They lived in one-room houses of wattle-and-daub construction with -depressed floors and covered side passages or vestibules. Some big -houses built during the earliest period may have sheltered more than -one family or they may have been ceremonial structures. There were -large courts where it is thought that a ball game similar to that of the -Maya was played.</p> -<p>Pottery was made by the paddle-and-anvil technique and fired in -an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>. Undecorated plain ware was mostly buff, -although ranging in shade from gray to brown. Decorated pottery -usually had designs in red paint on a buff background. In an early -period there was a rare polychrome ware which had red and yellow -designs on a gray background. Figurines were also made of clay.</p> -<p>Stone work was well developed. Stone vessels, often with fine carving, -were widely made. Well carved palettes are a distinctive <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> of the -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. Mosaic plaques or mirrors, made of pyrites crystals, believed -to have been imported from the south, were often used as funeral offerings.</p> -<p>Shell was widely used in the manufacture of ornaments, particularly -bracelets. It was usually ornamented by carving, but in a few -cases an etching technique was employed. Weaving was apparently well -developed, but only a few specimens have been preserved, so our information -on this point is scanty.</p> -<p>Disposal of the dead was by cremation. Funerary offerings were -burned with the body, and included pottery, figurines, palettes and -pyrites mirrors. Ashes, calcined bones, and offerings were gathered -together after the cremation and buried. Burial was at first in trenches, -later in pits or urns.</p> -<p>About 1300 A. D., Pueblo people moved into the Hohokam country -and for the next hundred years the two groups lived together. There -was some amalgamation of the two cultures, but in most important -<span class="pb" id="Page_147">147</span> -respects they remained distinct in spite of the closeness of the association. -About 1400 A. D. the newcomers moved away. We have no clear -information as to just what happened to the Hohokam after that time, -but it is possible that they may have remained in the same general -vicinity and have been the forerunners of the Pima and Papago Indians -who occupied that territory at the time of the arrival of the -Spaniards.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_148">148</div> -<h2 id="c32"><span class="small">CHAPTER V</span> -<br />THE MOGOLLON <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2> -<h3 id="c33">GENERAL REMARKS</h3> -<p>Writing about the Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> is rather like dealing with a -time bomb. It is impossible to ignore it, but one has the uncomfortable -feeling that whatever one does about it is likely to be wrong. In -the relatively few years which have elapsed since it was first suggested -that it was a separate entity<a class="fn" href="#bd89">[89]</a> and not just a regional variation of the -Basketmaker-Pueblo pattern, there have come to be many theories.<a class="fn" href="#bd102">[102]</a> -Many archaeologists are convinced that it must be given the status of -a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> comparable to that given to the Anasazi and the Hohokam,<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd84">[84]</a> -but there are some who feel that it should be regarded as -a variant of the Anasazi, and others who consider it the result of an -early fusion of Anasazi and Hohokam.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> Unfortunately, too few sites -have been excavated to evaluate fully all the conflicting theories. It -has been said that “The Mogollon appears to be an illegitimate whose -paternity is still under scrutiny.”<a class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</a></p> -<p>We do know that a group of people lived in west-central New -Mexico and east-central Arizona who were largely contemporaneous -with the Anasazi and the Hohokam and shared some traits with both -cultures, particularly the former. At least during the earliest periods, -however, they had a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> distinctive enough to cause many archaeologists -to feel that it is impossible to equate them with any other group.</p> -<p>Although the origins of the Mogollon are still shrouded in mystery, -one likely theory, which has been advanced by those who favor the -belief that the Mogollon is a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a>, is that the Mogollon people -may be descendants of the eastern branch of the ancient food gatherers -of the Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>.<a class="fn" href="#bd54">[54]</a> Their stone work is similar, and, while the -earliest Mogollon people did practice agriculture and hunting, they too -seem to have had an economy based to a great extent on the gathering of -wild plant foods. Apart from the problem of origins, there is the further -consideration of determining to what extent the early Mogollon -people were influenced by other people and to what extent they -influenced others. This is one of the most important questions with -which Southwestern archaeologists are struggling today.</p> -<p>Much further work will be necessary before even a partially satisfactory -answer is found. For the present, there are a few facts and -innumerable conjectures. In a publication of this nature, all that may -be attempted is to outline the available factual material and indicate -some of the theories to which it has given rise.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_149">149</div> -<div class="img" id="fig54"> -<img src="images/p50.jpg" alt="" width="884" height="900" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 54—Map of the Southwest showing sites referred to in Chapter V.</p> -</div> -<dl class="undent pcap"><dt>1. Bear Ruin</dt> -<dt>2. Cameron Creek Village</dt> -<dt>3. Galaz Ruin</dt> -<dt>4. Harris Village</dt> -<dt>5. Mattocks Ruin</dt> -<dt>6. Mogollon Village</dt> -<dt>7. Starkweather Ruin</dt> -<dt>8. SU site</dt> -<dt>9. Swarts Ruin</dt></dl> -<p>The name assigned to the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was derived from the Mogollon -range of mountains which lies in the district in which many of the -chief ruins have been found. The principal sites which have been excavated -lie in the valleys of the San Francisco and Mimbres rivers in -west-central New Mexico, in the Forestdale Valley of Arizona, and in -southeastern Arizona. It is probable that, as further work is done, the -geographical range of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> may be further increased. The area -in which Mogollon remains have already been found is a large one, -equally as extensive as the Basketmaker. Proponents of the theory -that the Mogollon is a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> point out that it is an important -fact that it has geographic substance.<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_150">150</div> -<p>It would be pleasant to be able to divide the Mogollon into clear-cut -periods with established dates and full lists of the traits which -characterize each stage. Unfortunately, this cannot be done. It has -been possible to determine, in a general way, the stages of cultural -development in certain sites in New Mexico where there was some degree -of uniformity. In other areas, however, conditions were different, -and it is impossible to say that at any given time all the Mogollon people -had the identical type of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, although there are enough points -of similarity to permit us to assign them all to the same general group. -It seems probable that, as further work is done, separate regional chronologies -will be worked out as has been done for the Pueblo sequence -where we recognize significant differences between cultural centers such -as Chaco, Mesa Verde, and Kayenta.<a class="fn" href="#bd59">[59]</a> For the present these regional -variations add to the complexity of the problem. A further complication -arises from the fact that even those who recognize the Mogollon as a -<a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> feel that it is only during the earliest times that they are -dealing with a relatively pure culture, and that after 700 or 800 A. D. -the Mogollon Culture was beginning to be assimilated by the Anasazi, -and that there were also Hohokam influences.</p> -<p>Dates for Mogollon sites are very difficult to determine, for only -a few tree-ring dates are available. One find tends to suggest a considerable -antiquity for the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. At Snaketown, in the earliest -Pioneer level, was found a polished red ware, which, through petrographic -analysis, has been shown to contain materials not used at -Snaketown, but identical with those of wares from Mogollon sites.<a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a><sup>d</sup> -This pottery is better made than the early Hohokam pottery and would -suggest that the Mogollon people had been making pottery for some -time prior to the beginning of the Christian era. Another possibility -which has been suggested is that both they and the Hohokam obtained -pottery from some other source which has not yet been identified.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a></p> -<h3 id="c34">BLUFF RUIN<a class="fn" href="#bd58">[58]</a></h3> -<p>The earliest dendrochronologically dated Mogollon site yet found -lies in the Forestdale Valley of Arizona. Tree-rings indicate that it was -occupied about 300 A. D. As far as it is possible to judge on the basis -of the very meager information available in publications at this time, -the people who lived at this site, which is known as Bluff Ruin, had -a very simple <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. They lived in round pit houses which were entered -through the side. The little pottery which has been found is -plain brown ware.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_151">151</div> -<h3 id="c35">THE PINE LAWN <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a><a class="fn" href="#bd84">[84]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd85">[85]</a></h3> -<p>At present the Mogollon in New Mexico is divided into four -periods. To the first has been assigned the name <i>Pine Lawn <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a></i>. It -is known only from one location, the SU site which lies about seven -miles west of Reserve, New Mexico. The site name was taken from a -local cattle brand. No wood suitable for dating has been found, so it -has been necessary to estimate the time of occupation on typological -evidence. On this basis, it is thought that the SU site was inhabited -prior to 500 A. D.</p> -<p>Most of the inhabitants of the SU site lived in very shallow pit -houses. These were so irregular in shape, and there was such variation -in size and construction, that it has been suggested that the indications -are that house building was a relatively new <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a>. The greater number -of the pit houses were entered by inclined passageways opening to the -east. There were no deflectors such as are found in Basketmaker -houses.</p> -<p>A few surface houses with wattle-and-daub walls have also been -found. They are similarly irregular in shape and size. House floors, -both in pit and surface structures, contained pits. There were usually -several of these and in one case as many as eight. The largest were -over three feet in diameter. Most were empty, and it is thought that -they served as storage spaces, but a few contained burned stones and -bones and may have been used for cooking. Few houses contained fire -pits such as are normally found in Anasazi dwellings.</p> -<p>Pottery consisted of three undecorated wares which, like all early -Mogollon pottery, were produced by a coiling and scraping technique -and fired in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>. Included are a burnished buff -to reddish-brown ware, a thick unpolished brown, and a polished red. -All were made of the same type of clay and this argues against the -polished red pottery having been of foreign manufacture as has sometimes -been suggested.</p> -<p>Stone and bone artifacts were not very carefully worked, and many -materials seem to have been utilized without much modification. Stone -tools and implements strongly resemble ancient Cochise specimens. -Many grinding stones were found and quite a number of them were -basin-shaped types such as were used in the preparation of wild plant -foods. There were some simple paint-grinding stones. Little unworked -bone was found and this bears out the theory that no great amount of -hunting was done. Worked specimens were largely made from the long -<span class="pb" id="Page_152">152</span> -bones of deer. They include pinlike objects and awls. Some of the -latter had notches cut in the side.</p> -<p>A total of forty-six burials has been uncovered. Some bodies were -buried outside of the houses and some within the walls. These were -usually flexed and most of them had been placed in pits. Only a few -artifacts were found with the skeletons, and it appears that the practice -of burying offerings with the dead was not well established. The -skeletons were poorly preserved and have not yielded much information. -Deformation of the skull was rare, and, when present, was very -slight. It has been suggested that the poor condition of the bones, as -compared with animal bones from the same site, may reflect deficiencies -in the people’s diet.</p> -<p>The succeeding periods have been found best represented at Mogollon -Village,<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> about ten miles north of Glenwood, New Mexico; at -Harris Village,<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> a quarter of a mile east of Mimbres, New Mexico; and -at Starkweather Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> three and a half miles west of Reserve, New -Mexico.</p> -<p>The excavation of these sites has yielded evidence of occupation by -prehistoric people who practiced agriculture but who were more dependent -on hunting than their neighbors to the north and west. Corn was -cultivated, but there is no evidence of beans or squash. They used the -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> or dart-thrower, as well as the bow and arrow. There is no evidence -that turkeys were domesticated, although bone remains indicate -that they were hunted.</p> -<h3 id="c36">THE GEORGETOWN <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3> -<p>The earliest period represented at these sites is known as the -<i>Georgetown</i>. The estimated dates are from 500 to 700 A. D.<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> Some -archaeologists do not agree, and feel that 700 A. D. is the earliest date -which may be given for the first Mogollon settlements in New Mexico.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> -During Georgetown times dwellings were small, roughly circular, pit -houses which were entered by inclined passageways. A fire pit lay midway -between the center of the room and the entrance. Roofs were -supported by a main pole in the center of the structure and secondary -poles along the walls. One larger pit house was found at Harris Village -which, it is thought, may have been used for ceremonial purposes. It -did not contain the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Deflector">deflector</a>, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">sipapu</a>, or benches which characterize -most Pueblo kivas. It differs from the Georgetown domiciliary structures -not only in size but in the greater length of the entrance passage -and the possession of a straight front wall.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_153">153</div> -<p>Most pottery was undecorated. Only four sherds of painted pottery, -which consisted of a crude gray ware with broad red lines, were -found. The predominant types were a plain buff or brown ware and a -polished red ware such as were found at the SU site. A few of the -former fall in the category of textured pottery. This is pottery which -has been embellished through techniques, such as scoring, incising, or -punching, which change the character of the surface. There are no -corrugated types in the early Mogollon, but a few pieces have banded -necks, or have been scored. Textured pottery became increasingly -common in later periods.</p> -<p>Metates were made of unshaped stone blocks and were basin-shaped. -Projectile points were short and broad stemmed. Large stemmed -blades and stemmed drills were also made. Pipes were made of -clay. They were short and were formed in one piece.</p> -<p>Little is known of the physical type of the people and their burial -customs, since only one grave has been found which may be attributed -to this period. This contained the skeleton of an adult male with a -slightly deformed skull who had been buried beneath the floor of a -Georgetown house at Starkweather Ruin.</p> -<h3 id="c37">THE SAN FRANCISCO <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3> -<p>Following the Georgetown in New Mexico comes the <i>San Francisco</i> -stage for which the dates 700 to 900 A.D. have been tentatively -suggested.<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> A few datable logs have been found in structures assigned -to the latter part of the period. The approximate age is given in round -numbers with the terminal date as 900, although two logs gave dates -of 927. The terminal date for the Georgetown and the beginning date -for the San Francisco stage are by no means firmly established.</p> -<p>There are such distinct changes between Georgetown and San -Francisco times, particularly as regards architecture, that an intervening -period has been postulated. Excavations in Arizona are thought -to provide evidence to substantiate this belief, but there are as yet no -published accounts. It has also been suggested that the marked changes -were due to outside influences, possibly both Anasazi and Hohokam. -Still another theory advanced to account for the architectural changes -at the beginning of the San Francisco stage is that the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> was -modified by the addition of a Colonial Hohokam house type.<a class="fn" href="#bd99">[99]</a> It is -generally agreed that after about 700 or 800 A.D. the Mogollon was a -highly mixed culture, but there are many questions which cannot be -answered until more evidence is available. Whatever the explanation, -<span class="pb" id="Page_154">154</span> -many culture traits, notably house types, did change.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig55"> -<img src="images/p51.jpg" alt="" width="656" height="204" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 55—Postulated reconstructions of the dwelling units of the three -Mogollon phases represented by the houses in the Harris Village. -(After Haury.<a class="fn" href="#bd50">[50]</a> Courtesy Gila Pueblo.) -a. Georgetown.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="imgx5"> -<img src="images/p51a.jpg" alt="" width="656" height="205" /> -<p class="pcap">b. San Francisco.</p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="imgx6"> -<img src="images/p51c.jpg" alt="" width="656" height="198" /> -<p class="pcap">c. Three Circle.</p> -</div> -<p>The small, roughly circular houses were replaced by deep rectangular -pit houses with roofs supported by a main center pole and -auxiliary poles along the long axis. Most had side entrances, but in -some cases the entrance was through the roof. Some of the wood taken -from these houses has yielded tree-ring dates. At Mogollon Village four -houses, believed to have been occupied at the close of the period, contained -datable logs. The dates fell between 896 and 908 A.D. At -<span class="pb" id="Page_155">155</span> -Starkweather Ruin, a house attributed to the San Francisco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> -yielded two logs with dates of 927 A.D.</p> -<p>In addition to the domiciliary structures, there were larger houses -thought to have been of a ceremonial nature. These were kidney-shaped -as a result of the drawing in of the sides at the entrance. They -did not have ventilators. Storage pits were rare in houses but occurred -frequently between the structures. They were usually undercut, so that -they were wider at the bottom than at the top.</p> -<p>The same pottery types found in the Georgetown <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> continued -to be made and red-on-brown and red-on-white painted wares were also -produced. Textured pottery increased in importance and included -banded, punched, and scored forms.</p> -<p>Basin-shaped metates persisted, but there were also troughed -forms, closed at one end. Grooved mauls are found in San Francisco -levels. Grooved axes are not found in all sites, but some were obtained -from the San Francisco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a> at Starkweather Ruin. Other -stone work included broad-bladed hoes, roughly shaped stone vessels -and both long and short pipes. Projectile points, blades, and drills -were like the earlier types. A distinctive implement, and an important -feature of the Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, was a form of bone awl with a notch -cut a short distance below the head. Shell work was rare, but a few -beads and bracelets made of this material have been found.</p> -<p>Graves are usually found scattered between the structures, although -at Starkweather Ruin two adult burials were found below a -house floor. Offerings were scarce, but in some cases vessels were -broken and the pieces scattered in the grave. This foreshadows the -practice of “ceremonial killing” of pottery which became so marked -later. It is believed that this was done to permit the release of the -spirit or soul of the pottery. While inhumation was the chief method of -disposing of the dead, cremation was practiced in a very few cases and -the ashes and unconsumed bones placed in pits. This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> may have -been derived from the Hohokam to the west. A study of the skeletal -remains indicate that the people had relatively low, broad heads and -did not practice deformation.</p> -<h3 id="c38">BEAR RUIN<a class="fn" href="#bd53">[53]</a></h3> -<p>In the seventh and eighth centuries another site of great interest -was occupied in east-central Arizona. This site, which is known as the -Bear Ruin, lies in the Forestdale Valley some eight miles south of -Showlow. Tree-ring dates were obtained from three beams. The dates -<span class="pb" id="Page_156">156</span> -fall in the middle of the seventh century. These logs may have been -cut at any time during the building period, however, and it is only -through finding pottery of known age that archaeologists have arrived -at the dates of 600 to 800 A.D. for the estimated age of occupation.</p> -<p>Bear Ruin is important because it shows hybridizing and blending -of Mogollon and Anasazi traits. Probably the Mogollon was the original -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> on which were superimposed certain Anasazi traits. -Eventually the former is thought to have been so completely overlaid -by the latter as to practically disappear, not only here, but also in -other parts of the territory.</p> -<p>The people who lived in Bear Ruin, in the days when it was not -a ruin but an inhabited village, were equally dependent on hunting -and agriculture. They lived both in round and rectangular pit houses. -Seventeen of these have been excavated, and it is thought that this -may represent about fifty per cent of the village.</p> -<p>Most of the houses resemble those of the Anasazi area, yet some -are like Mogollon houses and others show a combination of Anasazi -and Mogollon elements. None contained either masonry or slab linings. -A large <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a> was found on the outskirts of the village. It contained -a grooved trench, dug into the floor, which, it is thought, may have -provided a fastening for the lower beams of looms.</p> -<p>Cooking was apparently done over large rock hearths in and -about the houses. The technique employed may have been to fill pits -with rocks which were then heated. Food wrapped in some insulating -material, such as grass, was then placed in the pit and covered with -hot rocks topped with earth. This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> is one of those which, it has -been suggested, may have been derived from the ancient Cochise -people.</p> -<p>The Bear Ruin people did not make any painted pottery, but this -must have been a matter of choice, for they were familiar with the -painted wares of the Anasazi, Mogollon, and Hohokam, which they -imported. A great percentage of the indigenous pottery was the plain -buff to reddish-brown ware so plentiful in all early Mogollon sites. One -distinctive type of pottery found in the Forestdale Valley is characterized -by a black interior and a brown or reddish-brown exterior -marked by black fire clouds. These clouds or smudges are the result -of pottery coming in contact with fuel during the firing process. Another -Forestdale type is a gray to light-brown ware which may represent -a fusion of Basketmaker gray ware and Mogollon buff ware. A -third is a red-brown pottery mottled by fire clouds.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_157">157</div> -<p>The dead were buried in shallow pits scattered throughout the -village. Bodies usually lay on the back in a semi-flexed position with -the heads to the northeast. Most of the graves contained mortuary -offerings, usually pottery. One child was found buried with seventeen -vessels. Nine of these were miniatures and were possibly his toys. -Due to soil conditions, bones were poorly preserved. What evidence -could be obtained from them indicates the presence of a mixed population, -such as would be expected on the basis of the mixture of traits -shown in the material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p> -<h3 id="c39">THE THREE CIRCLE <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3> -<p>In New Mexico further changes took place during the <i>Three -Circle</i> stage which followed the San Francisco. Pit houses were somewhat -smaller and shallower and were all rectangular and often stone-lined. -Roofs were usually supported by four main posts placed near -the corners. Sometimes the supports were incorporated in the wall. In -some cases, the side entrances were short and sometimes started with a -step. Besides the domestic structures, there were also larger rectangular -pit houses with long inclined entrances which are thought to have been -of a ceremonial nature.</p> -<p>Troughed metates entirely replaced the basin-shaped variety. -Manos were shaped and four-sided in form. Axes were sometimes -notched and sometimes grooved for hafting. Stone vessels were still -simple, but were sometimes ornamented with <a class="gloss" href="#g_Incised">incised</a> patterns. Serrations -on both edges characterized the arrow points which were long -and narrow-stemmed. Stone palettes appear in this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Horizon">horizon</a>. They may -have been inspired or introduced by the Hohokam, or they may have -evolved from the simple paint grinding stones such as those found in -the SU site. Stone pipes and short clay pipes with fitted stems have -been found.</p> -<p>With the exception of red-on-brown pottery, wares already described -continued to be made. A black-on-white pottery, which apparently -shows a Pueblo influence from the north, was added to the -assemblage. Textured pottery became more important.</p> -<p>Shell was widely used as a material, although only a few species -were represented. Olivella shells and double-lobed pieces of cut shell -were used as beads. Thin bracelets were made of glycymeris shell. -Some beads were tubular forms made of bone. Others were made from -hackberry seeds, and one infant was found buried with hundreds of -these.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_158">158</div> -<p>In general, burials were like those of the preceding period. Cremations -continued to be very rare.</p> -<h3 id="c40">THE MIMBRES <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">PHASE</a></h3> -<p>More and more the Mogollon people were affected by outside -cultural influences. By about 950 or 1000 A.D. their <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> had been -so greatly altered and was submerged to such an extent that the resulting -blend may be considered a new entity and given another name. -This <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">phase</a> or culture is called the <i>Mimbres</i>. It was named after the -Mimbres River, for this valley seems to represent the focal point of the -culture. The greatest development centers in Grant County, New -Mexico, where excavated sites include the Swarts Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd21">[21]</a> the Mattocks -Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd98">[98]</a> the Galaz Ruin,<a class="fn" href="#bd8">[8]</a> and Cameron Creek Village.<a class="fn" href="#bd6">[6]</a></p> -<p>In these sites is found evidence of rapid changes in the construction -of dwellings. The earliest houses were Mogollon-type pit houses, -sometimes slab-lined. These were followed by semi-subterranean and -single surface houses with rubble masonry. In the latest stage, houses -were built entirely above the surface. They were one-story pueblolike -buildings consisting of clusters of rooms. In some cases there were no -more than five rooms, in others there were more than fifty. The -larger structures sometimes had inner courts or plazas and at Swarts -Ruin, where there are two big houses, there was a large dance <a class="gloss" href="#g_Plaza">plaza</a> -between the two buildings. Walls were built of masonry, often made -of river boulders. Roofs were made of beams covered with brush, -grass, reeds, and adobe. Some contained trap-doors, covered with stone -slabs, which provided a means of entrance. In one architecturally advanced -building there were windows. In the rooms were fireplaces and -rock-walled storage bins. Kivas were rectangular, underground chambers.</p> -<p>One interesting <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> of the Mimbreños was the practice of burying -the dead under the house floors, although the houses continued to be -occupied. In one room a total of thirty-two, sub-floor burials were -found. Although this practice was the most common one, it was not -always followed, for there were some burials outside of the houses -and in the fill of unoccupied rooms, and a few cremations have been -found.</p> -<p>Archaeologists are very grateful to the ancient Mimbres people -for their habit of burying pots with the dead, for it is to this that we -owe our knowledge of some of the most beautiful and interesting pottery -that has ever been made. A few old people and children were -<span class="pb" id="Page_159">159</span> -buried without offerings, but most bodies had one or more bowls placed -over the head. Metates and manos were also often placed in women’s -graves, and there was some jewelry. One interesting feature of burial -pottery, apart from the magnificent skill which went into its decoration, -was the presence of a hole, usually punched into the pot with a -sharp instrument, or sometimes drilled. It is believed that this was -done to release the spirit or soul of the vessel which was thought to -be a part of the maker. The ceremonial killing of pottery probably took -place at the grave, for the piece knocked out of a pot is often found -associated with it in the burial. Metates were often similarly treated.</p> -<p>The plain burnished-buff and polished-red wares of the Mogollon -continued to be made, but black-on-white pottery assumed the greatest -importance, and fine corrugated cooking ware began to be produced. -There is also some polychrome ware with red and black designs -on a white background. It was in the field of black-on-white ware that -the ancient Mimbreños reached an artistic peak which has seldom, if -ever, been surpassed in the medium of pottery. The black-on-white -color combination at once suggests Pueblo influence. Certain design -elements are reminiscent of the Hohokam, however.</p> -<p>Bowls were the usual shape. Designs were sometimes positive, -sometimes negative. They were of two types, geometric and naturalistic. -Both are equally remarkable. The geometric designs are very -beautiful and are characterized by an extraordinary sureness of touch -which is revealed by the accuracy of spacing and the precision of line. -In one case, for example, twenty-seven parallel lines are to be found -in a band less than two inches in width. The bowls with naturalistic -designs show the same fine sense of composition. Some depict charming, -surrealist creatures which Dali might be proud to claim, but -others are quite realistic. The forms shown include birds, insects, -quadrupeds, fish, and human beings.</p> -<p>From these we can gather certain clues to help us reconstruct -something of the way of life of the people who painted them. Turkeys -were among the birds most commonly represented, but a lack of turkey -bones in the refuse heaps suggests that they were not used for food. -Remains of fish, which are also commonly represented, have not been -found, but this may, of course, be due to the fragility of their bones. -Most useful are the designs showing human beings. There are some -narrative scenes which show such activities as men fighting bears, -setting snares, dancing, and picking bugs from corn plants. From pictures -of people, we may learn something of the clothing which was -worn. Men are shown wearing breech cloths. Women are sometimes -represented wearing a fringed sash and sandals. Some are shown wearing -blankets which extend below the waist and with fringed sashes -hanging down in back. Their hair was worn in whorls on the side, -much like the present head dress of unmarried Hopi girls. We know -from burials that skull deformation was widely practiced, and this -adds to our knowledge of the appearance of the people. Jewelry was -rather widely worn. It is shown on human figures painted on bowls, -and examples are found in graves. Beads were made of stone and -shell. Turquoise was used in the manufacture of beads, in inlaying, -and in making pendants which were worn as ear bobs. There were -many bracelets and carved pendants of shell.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_160">160</div> -<div class="img" id="fig56"> -<img src="images/p52.jpg" alt="" width="518" height="991" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 56—Mimbres black-on-white pottery. Note hole in center -of upper bowl which shows that the vessel has been “killed.” -(Courtesy School of American Research.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_161">161</div> -<p>Stone implements include grooved axes, hoes, large knives, projectile points, -and manos and troughed metates. Some interesting -artifacts are mortars and pestles believed to have been used for crushing -nuts and seeds. Some mortars were holes dug into rock outcrops -and boulders. A considerable number of palettes have been found. -Bone was widely used in the manufacture of awls. Some of these have -decorated heads carved in the form of mountain sheep.</p> -<p>During the twelfth century the Mimbres people left their old -haunts. The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> may have persisted for some time in some of the -outlying districts to the south but the main area was left unoccupied. -During Regressive-Pueblo times it was inhabited for a time by Pueblo -people, but there were no occupied villages at the time of Coronado. -Why the Mimbreños deserted this fertile valley, we do not know. There -is no evidence of warfare and no sign of a hurried departure. When -the people moved they must have had time to gather their belongings -together and take them with them, for only heavy stone artifacts were -left behind. We do not know where these people went after leaving -the Mimbres Valley. The best guess seems to be that they moved south -into Mexico where they were assimilated and absorbed by other groups, -and that they lost their identity among the people of Chihuahua.</p> -<h3 id="c41">SUMMARY</h3> -<p>We may summarize the Mogollon problem as follows: In west-central -New Mexico and east-central Arizona have been found certain -sites which do not follow entirely the same pattern as Anasazi or Hohokam -sites. There are a number of possible theories to explain the -development of the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> represented by these sites. It may have -been derived from the Anasazi, it may represent an early fusion of -<span class="pb" id="Page_162">162</span> -the Anasazi and Hohokam cultures or, it may be a separate cultural -entity which possibly developed from the eastern branch of the ancient -Cochise Culture. During the earliest periods it had certain traits -which, in the opinion of many archaeologists, make it necessary to consider -it a separate <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a>. Houses were of the pit house type -with long sloping entrances. Agriculture was practiced, but there was -a great dependence on the gathering of wild foods and on hunting. -The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> was used, as well as the bow. Pottery was made by a coiling -and scraping technique, was fired in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>, and was -usually well polished. A painted ware with red designs on a brown -background and a red-on-white ware were later added and textured -pottery increased in importance. Pipes were made of clay and of stone. -Bone awls were often notched on one side. The dead were usually -buried outside the houses. There were some cremations.</p> -<p>From about 700 or 800 A.D. on, there is evidence of more and -more outside influences. By around 950 or 1000 A.D. there were so -many changes in the Mimbres Valley that the resulting blend is often -referred to as a separate <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. Single pit houses were replaced by -multi-roomed pueblolike structures built above the ground. Black-on-white -pottery was the dominant ware and reached a high degree of excellence. -The dead were usually buried under house floors. Cranial -deformation was widely practiced. The Mimbres Valley was deserted -in the middle of the twelfth century and we can only conjecture where -the people who had inhabited it went.</p> -<p>As may readily be seen, the whole Mogollon problem appears to -be very <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a>. This is always the case when a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> or an area is -first investigated and the long job of studying it is in its initial stages. -Apparently the Mogollon people influenced their neighbors to the -north and to the west, and were influenced by them, but we are not -yet in a position to evaluate these trends.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_163">163</div> -<h2 id="c42"><span class="small">CHAPTER VI</span> -<br />THE SINAGUA PEOPLE<a class="fn" href="#bd18">[18]</a></h2> -<p>In northern Arizona have been found many remains of prehistoric -people who were contemporaneous with and had certain traits -in common with the Anasazi, and it was originally thought that they -all belonged to this <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. Later, and more intensive, studies have -shown that the problem is more <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> than was first believed. Apparently -various tribes were represented, and at present archaeologists -are not in agreement as to the cultures to which all of these groups -should be assigned.<a class="fn" href="#bd29">[29]</a> The people of the Kayenta region were Anasazis, -but in north-central and northwestern parts of the state lived other -people whose affiliations are not yet known with certainty. It has -been suggested that the best known group may represent a branch of -the Mogollon but it has not been definitely assigned to this culture.</p> -<p>This group is called the <i>Sinagua</i>. It first occupied the area about -the San Francisco Mountains and, later, the Verde Valley. The characteristic -pottery is a brown utility ware of paddle-and-anvil manufacture, -fired in an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a>. The surface is smoothed and -sometimes polished. Tree-ring dates have not been satisfactorily established -for the earliest period, but, on the basis of pottery finds, it has -been estimated that the San Francisco Mountain area was occupied -between 500 and 700 A.D. by people who lived in round and rectangular -pit houses with center firepits and long sloping entrances to the east. -Roofs were of sloping poles covered with earth.</p> -<p>These were followed by fairly deep, timber pit houses. Walls were -made of a series of upright poles lashed together, with larger poles set -in corners to provide support for a roof platform. The entire structure -was covered with grass or bark, and earth was banked over it. These -timber pit houses at first had long sloping entrances to the east, but -these were later reduced to serve as ventilators, and entrance was -through the roof.</p> -<p>In locations unsuitable for the construction of pit houses, there -were also surface or near-surface houses. In places where drainage was -poor and the ground was boggy, they were built on artificially constructed -earth mounds some eight to twelve inches high. These have -been called platform or alcove houses. They are roughly rectangular -and have a small extension or alcove which was used as an entrance. -The alcove may have served a further purpose and supplied additional -<span class="pb" id="Page_164">164</span> -storage space, although rectangular surface granaries made of timber -seem to be associated with these houses.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig57"> -<img src="images/p53.jpg" alt="" width="887" height="900" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 57—Map of the Southwest showing probable areas occupied by the Sinagua -group and the Patayan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>. Dotted area, Sinagua; 1. Southern -branch, 2. Northern branch. Hatched area, Patayan; 3. Cohonina branch, -4. Prescott branch. (Based on maps by Colton<a class="fn" href="#bd18">[18]</a><a class="fn" href="#bd19">[19]</a> and McGregor.<a class="fn" href="#bd87">[87]</a>)</p> -</div> -<p>Sometime between 1046 and 1070 A.D., probably in 1066, a -volcano fifteen miles northeast of the present town of Flagstaff erupted. -This volcano, now known as Sunset Crater, covered some 800 square -miles with a black ash, and forced the early inhabitants to flee from -their homes on the lower slopes of the San Francisco Mountains. This -seeming disaster, however, was really a very fortunate occurrence, for -the fine black material strewn over the countryside by the volcano provided -a mulch which aided in conserving moisture and made the practice -of agriculture possible over a wider area.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_165">165</div> -<div class="img" id="fig58"> -<img src="images/p53a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="1178" /> -<p class="pcap">Fig. 58—Montezuma Castle National Monument, Arizona. -(Courtesy National Park Service.)</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_166">166</div> -<p>Not only did the original Sinagua people return to the area, but -Hohokam and Pueblo people moved in too, bringing with them their -own special traits. The Hohokam introduced their type of architecture -and their distinctive ball courts, and the Anasazi introduced the Pueblo -architecture which was adopted by the Sinaguans. At first, masonry -was used to replace timbers in pit houses, but in a very short time the -Sinagua people began building surface masonry dwellings and multi-roomed -pueblos became the rule.</p> -<p>During the years of the great drought of 1276 to 1299, many -more people left the area and moved farther south into the Hohokam -territory where some Sinaguans had already settled. Shortly after -1300 A.D. the Flagstaff area was abandoned. Some people stayed in -the Verde Valley and built large pueblos. This southern branch is -best known from the impressive sites of Tuzigoot<a class="fn" href="#bd13">[13]</a> and Montezuma -Castle, now National Monuments. Others may have gone farther south -and mixed with the Hohokam in the Gila Basin, and some may have -moved to the Little Colorado area and may be among the ancestors of -the present Hopi Indians.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_167">167</div> -<h2 id="c43"><span class="small">CHAPTER VII</span> -<br />THE PATAYAN <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">CULTURE</a></h2> -<p>The prehistoric people who lived in the valley of the Colorado -River below the Grand Canyon are the least well known in the Southwest, -for most information about them has been derived only from -surface surveys. Originally, the term <i>Yuman</i> was applied to these people, -for Indians speaking a Yuman language were found there by the -first white men to visit the area.<a class="fn" href="#bd35">[35]</a> Some archaeologists still use this -term, and it is commonly applied to the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> found in the lower -Colorado River basin and adjacent areas in California.<a class="fn" href="#bd116">[116]</a> Others feel -that it is unwise to apply a linguistic term to a prehistoric culture and -use the term <i>Patayan</i>, a Walapai word meaning “the old people.”<a class="fn" href="#bd16">[16]</a> It -is postulated that the Patayan or Yuman is a <a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">basic culture</a> or root to -which should be given the same status as the Anasazi and Hohokam.</p> -<p>A large population was found in this area when it was visited by -Father Kino in 1700, and it is thought that there must have been a -great concentration of population in this fertile valley and delta for a -long time. In the lower basin of the Colorado River and in the desert -area which adjoins it, has been found evidence of ancient people who -worked in stone but did not make pottery.<a class="fn" href="#bd115">[115]</a> A period followed in -which more territory was occupied and in which pottery was made. -The finding of datable pieces of trade wares in the valley indicates a -period of occupation of some 1500 years by people familiar with ceramics.<a class="fn" href="#bd116">[116]</a></p> -<p>Archaeologists studying the Patayan or Yuman <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> encounter -many difficulties. The culture seems to be characterized by a great -poverty of material remains, possibly because of a greater use of perishable -materials which have not been preserved. Also, until Boulder -Dam was built, the river overflowed its banks every year and covered -the land with a layer of silt, thus burying much evidence of occupation.<a class="fn" href="#bd17">[17]</a></p> -<p>In western and northwestern Arizona, the portion of this area -which lies within the scope of this book, the one group of people which -has been more or less definitely assigned to the Patayan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> is -known only from the finding of distinctive, brown utility-wares. The -main center of this tribe seems to have been in the Colorado River -valley below Black Canyon.</p> -<p>There are also two other groups of northwestern Arizona which -may, or may not, prove to be manifestations of the Patayan pattern. -<span class="pb" id="Page_168">168</span> -The area below the Grand Canyon and north of the San Francisco -Mountains, bounded on the east by the Little Colorado River and on -the west by the Grand Wash Cliffs, was occupied between about 700 -and 1100 A.D. by a group of people to which the name <i>Cohonina</i> has -been applied.<a class="fn" href="#bd16">[16]</a> These people lived both in deep and in very shallow -pit houses with walls made of timber. It has been suggested that the -deep pit houses may represent a Sinagua <a class="gloss" href="#g_Trait">trait</a> and that the near-surface -houses were the true Cohonina form. Masonry was used in the -construction of some of the deep pit houses and granaries and forts. -The latter are large rectangular buildings with thick walls and parapets -which were probably loop-holed. The building of such structures -would suggest unsettled conditions. Some time after 1100 A.D., -masonry pueblos were built.</p> -<p>Cohonina pottery was a gray ware made by the <a class="gloss" href="#g_PaddleAndAnvil">paddle-and-anvil</a> -process, sometimes scraped for final finishing, and fired in a <a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a>. -Red paint was often applied over the surface of the vessel -after firing. It is impermanent and is commonly called “fugitive red”. -Occasionally crude designs were applied with a thin black paint. Jars -were the most common form, but some bowls were also made. Arrowheads -were of a distinctive type. Cohonina points are slender and -roughly triangular, although sometimes the maximum breadth is above -the base. They are serrated and unnotched. Little is known of methods -of disposing of the dead. It is suspected that cremation was practiced, -but that the bones were not gathered after burning.</p> -<p>To the south in the vicinity of Prescott, Arizona, between about -900 and 1000 A.D., lived another group of people.<a class="fn" href="#bd16">[16]</a> They too built -some masonry forts and made gray, paddle-and-anvil pottery with a -coarse <a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">temper</a> containing much mica. Decorations were in black paint. -The firing atmosphere was poorly controlled, and there is a variation in -color from gray to orange or red, although the paste is the same.</p> -<p>If all this seems needlessly confusing, it must be remembered that -even the archaeologists most intimately concerned with the problem -are confused too. Only the most fragmentary evidence has been found, -but they know that an important chapter in the prehistory of the Southwest -lies in the valley of the Colorado River and adjacent areas. They -know that eventually they will be able to read it, and, as a result, they -will have a greatly improved perspective in their attempts to analyze -the whole of prehistoric life in the Southwest. Before the final pages -are deciphered, however, so much remains to be done that very likely -there will be even more confusion before there is clarification.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_169">169</div> -<h3 id="c44">CONCLUSION</h3> -<p>In the preceding chapters an attempt has been made to summarize -our present knowledge of the prehistory of the great area called the -Southwest. Although the Southwest is possibly the best known area -in America, we have barely scratched the surface and great discoveries -lie ahead. For the present there are many gaps in our knowledge. -Doubtless in many cases, data have been incorrectly interpreted. -Archaeological opinions are by no means unanimous on all points. In -the years to come, other archaeologists with greater knowledge and -more refined techniques will reveal new pages of prehistory and re-interpret -many of those which their predecessors have tried to decipher. -The findings of all science must be regarded, “not as rigid dogma, but -as reasonable approximation to truth, certain to be largely extended -and modified in the future.”<a class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</a> Although there is yet much to be learned -and much to be reevaluated, a great deal has already been accomplished -in the realm of Southwestern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a>. Through scattered clues, -carefully assembled and painstakingly studied and correlated it is at -least possible to see something of the growth and development of unfamiliar -cultures.</p> -<p>Inevitably certain questions are asked of those who devote themselves -to such work. “What good is <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">archaeology</a>?” “Why is it important -to know these things?” The best answer seems to be still -another question. “Are we sufficiently sure of the worth of our own -achievements to deny the value of trying to reconstruct another chapter -of human history, even if we have nothing more than pottery and -stone to guide us?”<a class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</a> According to our standards the prehistoric inhabitants -of the Southwest did not achieve civilization. Still, there -might be something to be learned from people so uncivilized that they -believed that the cultivation of the land, the creation of beautiful as -well as useful objects, and keeping in harmony with the great natural -forces of the universe, were more important than the subjugation or -destruction of their fellow men.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_170">170</div> -<h2 id="c45"><span class="small">GLOSSARY</span></h2> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Aborigine">Aborigine</b>—The native inhabitants of a country; in America, the Indians.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Apocynum">Apocynum</b>—A plant, related to the milkweed, which provided fibers -used in weaving.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Archaeology">Archaeology</b>—The scientific study of the material remains of human -life and human activities in prehistoric or ancient times.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Artifact">Artifact</b>—A product of human workmanship. Commonly used by -archaeologists in speaking of prehistoric tools, implements, etc.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Atlatl">Atlatl</b>—An Aztec word meaning spear-thrower. Atlatls are throwing -sticks which have a handle on one end and on the other a spur -which fits into a pit or cup drilled into the basal end of a dart -shaft. When the dart is thrown the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Atlatl">atlatl</a> remains in the hand.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_BasicCulture">Basic Culture</b>—See <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a></i>.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Caliche">Caliche</b>—A crust or succession of crusts of calcium carbonate that -forms within or on top of the soil of arid or semi-arid regions.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Ceramic">Ceramic</b>—Pertaining to pottery and its materials.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Chronology">Chronology</b>—The study of the method of arranging past events or -the material representing them in a sequence of their happenings -in relation to years or in relation to each other.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Cist">Cist</b>—An oval or circular pit, often slab-lined, used for storage. Cists -sometimes served a secondary purpose as depositories for the dead.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Clan">Clan</b>—A social group made up of a number of households, the heads -of which claim descent in either the male or female line from a -common ancestor.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Cloisonne">Cloisonne</b>—A surface decoration produced by outlining a design with -strips of flat wire and filling the interstices with enamel.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Complex">Complex</b>—A group of related traits or characteristics which combine -to form a complete activity, process, or cultural unit.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Compound">Compound</b>—In the Orient, a wall or fenced enclosure containing a -house, buildings, etc. The term is also used to describe the walled -enclosures built during Classic Hohokam times.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_CorrugatedPottery">Corrugated Pottery</b>—Pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions -resulting from a coiling-and-pinching technique of manufacture -have not been obliterated.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_CoursedMasonry">Coursed Masonry</b>—Masonry constructed of stones lying on approximately -level beds.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Cranium">Cranium</b>—Skull (Plural: Crania)</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Culture">Culture</b>—The total activities and beliefs of a group of individuals -<span class="pb" id="Page_171">171</span> -which may be separated from other groups on the basis of differences -in complexes and original differences in geographical and -chronological positions. In an archaeological context, the material -remains of a group of people which represent traits which they -had in common, which differentiated them from other people. -A <i><a class="gloss" href="#g_BasicCulture">Basic Culture</a></i> is, as the name implies, one which provides a base -or foundation for succeeding cultures. It is essentially a cultural -root from which may spring stems and branches.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Deflector">Deflector</b>—An upright slab, standing between fireplace and ventilator -in a pit house or <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">kiva</a>, designed to protect the fire from inrushing -air.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</b>—A system of establishing an absolute count of -years by utilizing the pattern combinations of tree-rings.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Diffusion">Diffusion</b>—The transference of elements of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> from one society -to another.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Effigy">Effigy</b>—An image of a living object.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Ethnology">Ethnology</b>—The scientific study of the cultures of living primitive -peoples.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Hatchures">Hatchures</b>—Short, closely spaced, parallel lines used in pottery designs.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Hogan">Hogan</b>—A Navajo house; one room, domed or conically shaped, made -of logs, sometimes with stone side walls, usually covered with -earth.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Horizon">Horizon</b>—In a site, a level or stratum. In a <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>, a particular level -of development.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Incised">Incised</b>—In pottery, grooved in soft clay with a sharp tool.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Jacal">Jacal</b>—A type of construction in which walls are made of upright -poles set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Katchinas">Katchinas</b>—Supernatural beings in Pueblo Indian mythology, or -masked dancers personifying these beings.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_KilledPottery">Killed Pottery</b>—Pottery in which a hole has been punched or drilled -in order to release the soul or spirit of the vessel which is conceived -as being a part of the maker.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Kiva">Kiva</b>—A ceremonial chamber, usually subterranean and circular.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Mano">Mano</b>—A hand stone, usually roughly oblong, used for grinding grains, -seeds, etc.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Metate">Metate</b>—The grinding stone on which the <a class="gloss" href="#g_Mano">Mano</a> is rubbed.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Moraine">Moraine</b>—An accumulation of earth, stones, etc. carried and finally -deposited by a glacier.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_172">172</div> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_OxidizingAtmosphere">Oxidizing Atmosphere</b>—Pottery is said to have been fired in -an <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">oxidizing atmosphere</a> when air is permitted to circulate around it -during the firing process. This leads to an excess of oxygen in -the atmosphere and produces pottery in shades of red, brown, or -yellow.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_PaddleAndAnvil">Paddle-and-Anvil</b>—A pottery-finishing technique in which coil impressions -are obliterated by striking the exterior of the vessel -with a paddle while holding a round or mushroom-shaped object, -known as an anvil, within the vessel to receive the force of the -blow.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Periphery">Periphery</b>—In archaeological usage, a marginal area, a region lying -immediately beyond the boundaries of a specific area.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Pilaster">Pilaster</b>—A square column forming part of a wall.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Phase">Phase</b>—This term is used in different ways by different archaeologists. -For the purposes of this book, it may be defined as an interval of -<a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> occurring in a specific area at a specific time and associated -with a particular culture. It may also be defined as a group of -sites with similar determinants.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_PolychromePottery">Polychrome Pottery</b>—Pottery bearing three or more colors.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Plaza">Plaza</b>—A public square.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_ProjectilePoint">Projectile Point</b>—An arrow point, spear point, or dart point.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_ReducingAtmosphere">Reducing Atmosphere</b>—Pottery is said to have been fired in a -<a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">reducing atmosphere</a> when air is not allowed to circulate around it during -the firing process. This results in a reduction of the oxygen -content of the atmosphere and produces pottery in shades of white -and gray.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Sherd">Sherd</b>—A fragment of a broken, pottery vessel.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Sipapu">Sipapu</b>—A hole commonly found in the floors of kivas which is symbolic -of the mythological place from which, according to creation -myths, the first people emerged from the underworld.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Slip">Slip</b>—A coating of very fine clay applied to a vessel before firing to -give a smooth finish.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Spall">Spall</b>—A chip or flake removed from a larger piece of stone.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Stockade">Stockade</b>—An enclosure made with posts and stakes.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Stratification">Stratification</b>—The characteristic of being in layers or strata and the -processes by which such material is deposited. A single layer is -called a <i>Stratum</i>, more than one, <i>Strata</i>. When undisturbed the -lowest stratum is the oldest since it was laid down first.</p> -<p class="revint tb"><b id="g_Trait">Trait</b>—Any single element of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Temper">Temper</b>—Non-plastic material added to clay from which pottery is -made to prevent cracking.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_173">173</div> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Twilling">Twilling</b>—A system of weaving in which the woof thread is carried -over one and under two or more warp threads, producing diagonal -lines or ribs on the surface of the fabric or basket.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Twining">Twining</b>—A system of weaving in which splints or threads are intertwined -around a foundation of radiating rods or threads.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Tuff">Tuff</b>—Solidified volcanic ash.</p> -<p class="revint"><b id="g_Typology">Typology</b>—The study of any system of arrangement according to type.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_174">174</div> -<h2 id="c46"><span class="small">Bibliography</span></h2> -<table class="center"> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Amsden, Charles A.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd1">1</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">The Ancient Basketmakers: Southwest Museum Leaflet No. 11, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bartlett, Katharine</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd2">2</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">Material <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a> of Pueblo II in the San Francisco Mountains: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 7, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Beals, Ralph L., G. W. Brainerd and Watson Smith</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd3">3</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Studies in Northeast Arizona: Univ. of Calif. Pub. in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Vol. 44, No. 1, Berkeley, California.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Benedict, Ruth</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd4">4</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">Patterns of Culture: Houghton-Mifflin Co., New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Boekelman, H. 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Arch. and Ethn., Harvard University, Vol. XXI, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bryan, B.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd8">8</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">Excavation of the Galaz Ruin: The Masterkey, Vol. IV, Nos. 6 and 7, pp. 179-189, 221-226, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, Calif.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bryan, Kirk</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd9">9</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Correlation of the Deposits of Sandia Cave, New Mexico, with the Glacial <a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">Chronology</a>: Smithsonian Misc. Col., Vol. 99, No. 23, Washington.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd10">10</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Pre-Columbian Agriculture in the Southwest as Conditioned by Periods of Alluviation: Association of American Geographers, Annals, Vol. 31, No. 4, pp. 219-242.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Bryan, Kirk, and Louis L. Ray</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd11">11</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Geologic Antiquity of the Lindenmeier Site in Colorado: Smithsonian Misc. Col. Vol. 99. No. 2, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Carter, George F.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd12">12</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Plant Geography and Culture History in the American Southwest: Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, No. 5, New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Caywood, Louis R. and Edward H. Spicer</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd13">13</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">Tuzigoot, the Excavation and Repair of a Ruin in the Verde Valley near Clarkdale, Arizona: Office of Southwestern Monuments, National Park Service, Coolidge, Arizona (Mimeographed).</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Cockerell, T. D. A.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd14">14</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">The Function of Psychology: Letter to the Editor, Science, Vol. 103 No. 2670, p. 281, Lancaster, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Colton, Harold S.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd15">15</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">The Reducing and <a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">Oxidizing Atmosphere</a> in Prehistoric Southwestern Ceramics: American Antiquity, Vol. IV, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd16">16</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Prehistoric Culture Units and their Relationships in Northern Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bull. 17, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd17">17</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">The Patayan Problem in the Colorado River Valley: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. I, No. 1, Univ. of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd18">18</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">The Sinagua: A Summary of the Archaeology of the Region of Flagstaff, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 22, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3"> -</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Colton, Harold S. and L. L. Hargrave</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd19">19</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Pueblo II in the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona; Pueblo II Houses of the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 4, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd20">20</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Handbook of Northern Arizona Pottery Wares: Museum of Northern Arizona, Bulletin 11, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Cosgrove, H. S. and C. B.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd21">21</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">The Swarts Ruin, a typical Mimbres Site in Southwestern New Mexico: Peabody Museum Papers Vol. XV, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Cummings, Byron</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd22">22</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Kinishba. A prehistoric Pueblo of the Great Pueblo Period: Hohokam Museums Association and University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Douglass, A. E.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd23">23</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">The Secret of the Southwest Solved by the Talkative Tree-rings: National Geographic Magazine, Vol. 54, pp. 737-770, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Fewkes, J. W.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd24">24</a>) </td><td class="r">1911. </td><td class="l">Antiquities of the Mesa Verde National Park; Cliff Palace: Bulletin 51, Bureau of American <a class="gloss" href="#g_Ethnology">Ethnology</a>, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Figgins, J. 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Haury,<sup>b</sup> E. B. Sayles,<sup>c</sup> and Nora Gladwin.<sup>d</sup></b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd31">31</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Excavations at Snaketown: Material Culture: Medallion Papers, No. XXV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Gladwin, Winifred and Harold S.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd32">32</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">The Red-on-Buff-Culture of the Gila Basin: Medallion Papers No. II, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd33">33</a>) </td><td class="r">1930. </td><td class="l">Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series I: Medallion Papers No. VIII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd34">34</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series III: Medallion Papers No. XIII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd35">35</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">A Method for the Designation of Cultures and their Variations: Medallion Papers, No. XIV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd36">36</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">The Eastern Range of the Red-on-Buff Culture: Medallion Papers XVI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Guernsey, S. J.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd37">37</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">Explorations in Northeastern Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XII, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Guernsey, S. J. and A. V. Kidder</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd38">38</a>) </td><td class="r">1921. </td><td class="l">Basket-maker Caves of Northeastern Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Volume VIII, No. 2, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hack, J. T.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd39">39</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">The Changing Physical Environment of the Hopi Indians of Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXXV, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3"> -</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hall, Edward Twitchell, Jr.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd40">40</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Recent Clues to Athapaskan Prehistory in the Southwest: American Anthropologist, Vol. 46, No. 1, pp. 98-105, Menasha, Wis.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd41">41</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Early Stockaded Settlements in the Governador, New Mexico. A Marginal Anasazi Development from Basket Maker III to Pueblo I Times; Columbia University Press, New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hargrave, Lyndon L.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd42">42</a>) </td><td class="r">1930. </td><td class="l">Prehistoric Earth Lodges of the San Francisco Mountains: Museum Notes, Vol. III, No. 5, Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd43">43</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Guide to Forty Pottery Types from the Hopi Country and the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin No. 1, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hargrave, Lyndon L.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd44">44</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Pueblo II houses of the San Francisco Mountains, Arizona: Museum of Northern Arizona Bulletin 4, pp. 15-75, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Harrington, Mark Raymond</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd45">45</a>) </td><td class="r">1924. </td><td class="l">The Ozark Bluff-Dwellers: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXVI, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd46">46</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">A Primitive Pueblo City in Nevada: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXIX, No. 3, pp. 262-277, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd47">47</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Gypsum Cave, Nevada: Southwest Museum Papers, No. 8, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Haury, Emil W.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd48">48</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Roosevelt 9:6, a Hohokam Site of the Colonial Period: Medallion Papers, No. XI, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd49">49</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">Tree-Rings—The Archaeologist’s Time Piece: American Antiquity, Vol. I, No. 2, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd50">50</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Mogollon Culture of Southwestern New Mexico: Medallion Papers, No. XX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd51">51</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Some Southwestern Pottery Types, Series IV: Medallion Papers, No. XIX, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd52">52</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">A Pre-Spanish Rubber Ball from Arizona: American Antiquity, Vol. II, No. 4, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd53">53</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Excavations in the Forestdale Valley, East-Central Arizona: University of Arizona Social Science Bulletin No. 12, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd54">54</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">A Possible Cochise-Mogollon-Hohokam Sequence: Recent Advances in American Archaeology, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd55">55</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">The stratigraphy of Ventana Cave, Arizona: American Antiquity, Vol. VIII, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd56">56</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">The Excavation of Los Muertos and Neighboring Ruins in the Salt River Valley, southern Arizona: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXIV, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd57">57</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Arizona’s Ancient Irrigation Builders: Natural History, Vol. LIV, No. 7, New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd58">58</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Report on Field Work in Notes and News: American Antiquity, Vol. XII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd59">59</a>) </td><td class="r">1947. </td><td class="l">Personal Communication.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hawley, Florence M.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l"> </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Field Manual of Prehistoric Southwestern Pottery Types: University of New Mexico Anthropological Series, Bulletin 291, Vol. I, No. 4, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hendron, J. W.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd60">60</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Prehistory of El Rito de los Frijoles, Bandelier National Monument: Southwestern Monuments Association, Technical Series, No. 1, Coolidge, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hewett, Edgar L.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd61">61</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">The Chaco Canyon and its Monuments: Handbooks of Archaeological History, University of New Mexico and School of American Research, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3"> -</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hewett, Edgar L.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd62">62</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">The Pajarito Plateau and its Ancient People: Handbooks of Archaeological History, University of New Mexico and School of American Research, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hibben, Frank C.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd63">63</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">The Gallina <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>: American Antiquity, Vol. IV, No. 2, pp. 131-136, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd64">64</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Evidences of Early Occupation in Sandia Cave, New Mexico, and other sites in the Sandia-Manzano Region: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 99, No. 23.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Howard, Edgar B.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd65">65</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">Evidence of Early Man in North America: The Museum Journal, Vol. XXIV, Nos. 2-3, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Hurst, C. T.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd66">66</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">Completion of Excavation of Tabequache Cave II: Southwestern Lore, Vol. II, No. 1, Gunnison, Colorado.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd67">67</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Colorado’s Old Timers: Colorado Archaeological Society, Gunnison, Colorado.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Huscher, Betty H. and Harold A.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd68">68</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">The <a class="gloss" href="#g_Hogan">Hogan</a> Builders of Colorado: Colorado Archaeological Society, Gunnison, Colorado.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Jenks, Albert E.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd69">69</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Pleistocene Man In Minnesota, a Fossil <i>Homo Sapiens</i>: Minneapolis, Minnesota.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd70">70</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Minnesota’s Browns Valley Man and Associated Burial Artifacts: Memoirs, American Anthropological Association, No. 49, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Judd, Neil M.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd71">71</a>) </td><td class="r">1925. </td><td class="l">Everyday Life in Pueblo Bonito: National Geographic Magazine, Vol. XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 227-262, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd72">72</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">Progress in the Southwest: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Volume 100, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kidder, Alfred Vincent</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd73">73</a>) </td><td class="r">1924. </td><td class="l">An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, with a Preliminary Account of the Excavations at Pecos: Papers, Southwestern Expedition, Phillips Academy, No. 1, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd74">74</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">Southwestern Archaeological Conference: Science, Vol. 66, No. 1716, pp. 489-91, Lancaster, Pennsylvania.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd75">75</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Pottery of Pecos: Vol. I, Papers, Southwestern Expedition, Phillips Academy, Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kidder, Alfred Vincent and S. J. Guernsey</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd76">76</a>) </td><td class="r">1919. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Explorations in Northeastern Arizona: Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin No. 65, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kidder, Alfred Vincent and Anna O. Shepard</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd77">77</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Pottery of Pecos: Vol. II, Papers, Southwestern Expedition, Phillips Academy, Yale University Press, New Haven, Connecticut.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Kroeber, A. L.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd78">78</a>) </td><td class="r">1928. </td><td class="l">Native Culture of the Southwest: Univ. of California Pub. in Am. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. XXIII, No. 9, pp. 373-398, Berkeley, Calif.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Linton, Ralph</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd79">79</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Study of Man: D. Appleton-Century Co. New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd80">80</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Nomad Raids and Fortified Pueblos: American Antiquity, Vol. X, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., Lawrence Roys and Gerhardt von Bonin</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd81">81</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">Lowry Ruin in Southwestern Colorado: Anthropological Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr> -<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3"> -</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., Carl Lloyd and Alexander Spoehr</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd82">82</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Field Work in the Ackmen-Lowry Area, Southwestern Colorado, 1937. Anthropological Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 2, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S. and John Rinaldo</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd83">83</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Modified Basket Maker Sites, Ackmen-Lowry Area, Southwestern Colorado, 1938: Anthropological Series, Vol. XXIII, No. 3, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., John Rinaldo, and Marjorie Kelly</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd84">84</a>) </td><td class="r">1940. </td><td class="l">The SU Site, Excavations at a Mogollon Village, Western New Mexico, 1939. Anthropological Series, Vol. XXXII, No. 1, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Martin, Paul S., Robert J. Braidwood, John Rinaldo, Marjorie Kelly and Brigham A. Arnold</b>.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd85">85</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">The SU Site, Excavations at a Mogollon Village, Western New Mexico: Second Season, 1941. Anthropological Series, Vol. 32, No. 2, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>McGregor, John C.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd86">86</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Winona and Ridge Ruin: Part I, Northern Arizona Society of Science and Art, Bulletin 18, Flagstaff, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd87">87</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Southwestern Archaeology: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd88">88</a>) </td><td class="r">1943. </td><td class="l">Burial of an Early American Magician: Recent Advances in American Archaeology, Proceeding of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Mera, Harry P.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd89">89</a>) </td><td class="r">1934. </td><td class="l">Observations on the Archaeology of Petrified Forest National Monument: Laboratory of Anthropology, Tech. Bulletin 7, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd90">90</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l"><a class="gloss" href="#g_Ceramic">Ceramic</a> Clues to the Prehistory of North Central New Mexico. Tech. Bulletin 8, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd91">91</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">Some Aspects of the Largo Cultural Phase, Northern New Mexico: American Antiquity, Vol. III, No. 3, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Morris, Earl H.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd92">92</a>) </td><td class="r">1925. </td><td class="l">Exploring in the Canyon of Death: National Geographic Magazine, Volume XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 262-300, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd93">93</a>) </td><td class="r">1927. </td><td class="l">The Beginnings of Pottery Making in the San Juan Area, Unfired Prototypes and the Wares of the Earliest Ceramic Period: Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd94">94</a>) </td><td class="r">1928. </td><td class="l">The Aztec Ruin: Arch M. Huntington Survey of the Southwest, Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, Vol. XXVI, Pts. 1-5. New York.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd95">95</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Studies in the La Plata District, Southwestern Colorado and Northwestern New Mexico: Appendix by Anna O. Shepard. Carnegie Institution, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd96">96</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Personal Communication.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Morss, Noel</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd97">97</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Ancient Culture of the Fremont River in Utah: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XII, No. 3, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Nesbitt, Paul H.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd98">98</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Ancient Mimbrenos, Based on Investigations at the Mattocks Ruin, Mimbres, Valley, New Mexico: Logan Museum Publications, Bull. No. 4, Beloit, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd99">99</a>) </td><td class="r">1938. </td><td class="l">Starkweather Ruin: Logan Museum Publications Bull. No. 6, Beloit, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Nusbaum, J. L.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd100">100</a>) </td><td class="r">1922. </td><td class="l">A Basket-Maker Cave in Kane County, Utah; with Notes on the Artifacts by A. V. Kidder and S. J. Guernsey: Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American Indian, No. 29, Heye Foundation, New York.</td></tr> -<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3"> -</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Parsons, Elsie Clews</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd101">101</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Pueblo Indian Religion: University of Chicago Publications in Anth. and Ethn., Chicago, Illinois.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Reed, Erik K.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd102">102</a>) </td><td class="r">1942. </td><td class="l">Implications of the Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">Complex</a>: American Antiquity, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Rinaldo, John</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd103">103</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">Conjectures on the Independent Development of the Mogollon Culture: American Antiquity, Vol. VII, No. 1, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd104">104</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">Recent Archeological Developments in the Vicinity of El Paso, Texas: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 81, No. 7, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd105">105</a>) </td><td class="r">1929. </td><td class="l">Shabik’eschee Village, A Late Basket Maker Site in the Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, Bulletin 92, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd106">106</a>) </td><td class="r">1930. </td><td class="l">Early Pueblo Ruins in the Piedra District, southwestern Colorado: Bulletin 96, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd107">107</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Ruins at Kiatuthlanna, eastern Arizona: Bulletin 100, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd108">108</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">The Village of the Great Kivas on the Zuni Reservation, New Mexico, Bulletin 111, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd109">109</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">A Folsom Complex. Preliminary Report on Investigations at the Lindenmeier Site in northern Colorado: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 94, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd110">110</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">A Survey of Southwestern Archeology: American Anthropologist, Vol. XXXVII, No. 1, pp. 1-33, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd111">111</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Archaeology in the Southwest: American Antiquity, Vol. III, No. 1, pp. 3-33, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd112">112</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Archeological Remains in the Whitewater District, eastern Arizona; Part I, House Types: Bulletin 121, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd113">113</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">The Development of a Unit-Type Dwelling: Hewett Anniversary Volume “So Live The Works of Men”, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd114">114</a>) </td><td class="r">1942. </td><td class="l">Archeological and Geological Investigations in the San Jon District, eastern New Mexico: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 103, No. 4, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Rogers, Malcolm J.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd115">115</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Early Lithic Industries of the Lower Basin of the Colorado River and Adjacent Desert Areas: San Diego Museum Papers, No. 3, San Diego, California.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd116">116</a>) </td><td class="r">1945. </td><td class="l">An Outline of Yuman Prehistory: Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, Vol. I, No. 2, pp. 167-198, Albuquerque, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Sayles, E. B.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd117">117</a>) </td><td class="r">1935. </td><td class="l">An Archaeological Survey of Texas: Medallion Papers, No. XVII, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Sayles, E. B. and Ernst Antevs</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd118">118</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">The Cochise Culture: Medallion Papers, No. XXIV, Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Seltzer, Carl C.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd119">119</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh Zunis: Peabody Museum Papers, Vol. XXIII, No. 1, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Stallings, W. S., Jr.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd120">120</a>) </td><td class="r">1937. </td><td class="l">Southwestern Dated Ruins: I, Tree-Ring Bulletin, Vol. IV, No. 2, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd121">121</a>) </td><td class="r">1939. </td><td class="l">Dating Prehistoric Ruins by Tree-Rings: General Series, Bulletin 8, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, New Mexico.</td></tr> -<tr class="pbtr"><td colspan="3"> -</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd122">122</a>) </td><td class="r">1941. </td><td class="l">A Basketmaker II Date from Cave du Pont, Utah: Tree-Ring Bulletin, Vol. VIII, No. 1, Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, Tucson, Arizona.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Steward, Julian H.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd123">123</a>) </td><td class="r">1933. </td><td class="l">Archaeological Problems of the Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a> of the Southwest: Bulletin No. 5, Museum of Northern Arizona, Flagstaff, Ariz.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Underhill, Ruth</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd124">124</a>) </td><td class="r">1947. </td><td class="l">First Penthouse Dwellers of America: Second Revised Edition, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, N. M.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Watson, Don</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd125">125</a>) </td><td class="r">1946. </td><td class="l">Cliff Palace; the Story of an Ancient City: Mesa Verde National Park Museum, Mesa Verde, Colorado.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Weatherwax, Paul</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd126">126</a>) </td><td class="r">1936. </td><td class="l">The Origin of the Maize Plant and Maize Agriculture in Ancient America: Symposium on Prehistoric Agriculture, Bulletin 296, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. M.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Weltfish, Gene</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd127">127</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Preliminary Classification of Prehistoric Southwestern Basketry: Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections: Vol. 87, No. 7, Washington, D. C.</td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd128">128</a>) </td><td class="r">1932. </td><td class="l">Problems in the Study of Ancient and Modern Basketmakers: American Anthropologist, N. S. Vol. XXXIV, No. 1, pp. 108-117, Menasha, Wisconsin.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Woodward, Arthur</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd129">129</a>) </td><td class="r">1931. </td><td class="l">The Grewe Site: Occasional Papers, No. 1, Los Angeles Museum of History, Science and Art, Los Angeles, California.</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="3" class="l"><b>Wormington, H. M.</b></td></tr> -<tr><td class="l">(<a id="bd130">130</a>) </td><td class="r">1944. </td><td class="l">Ancient Man in North America, (Second Revised Edition): Popular Series, No. 4, Colorado Museum of Natural History, Denver, Colorado.</td></tr> -</table> -<div class="pb" id="Page_181">181</div> -<h2 id="c47"><span class="small">APPENDIX</span> -<br />Outstanding Exhibit-Sites, Modern Pueblos, Local Museums</h2> -<p class="center">by -<br />ERIK K. REED -<br /><i>Regional Archaeologist</i> -<br /><i>National Park Service</i></p> -<p>After reading about the prehistoric inhabitants of the Southwest -many people feel that they would like to visit the places where they -lived, examine examples of their ancient arts and crafts, and see their -present-day descendants. No description can produce the feeling that -one experiences when viewing the imposing ruins found in our National -Monuments and Parks. Even a short time spent looking at pottery -and other artifacts in a museum will give a far better idea of their -appearance than will photographs, drawings, or the most detailed -descriptions. A visit to a modern pueblo makes it possible to visualize -something of the life of bygone centuries and to think of the ancient -inhabitants of the area as living, breathing people rather than as lifeless -specimens. The following lists have been prepared in an effort -to help those who wish to visit the Southwest and to learn about its -people through their own experience.</p> -<h3 id="c48">I. OUTSTANDING EXHIBIT-SITES -<br />The San Juan Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a></h3> -<h5>MESA VERDE NATIONAL PARK.</h5> -<p>Great cliff-dwellings and open pueblos of the Classic period. Pit-house, -mesa-top villages and cave remains of earlier periods, Modified -Basketmaker and Developmental Pueblo. One of the major foci of the -Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a> of 300-1300 A. D., and the most accessible and best-exhibited, -interpreted by caravan-tours and an outstanding museum. -Paved entrance-road from Highway U. S.-160 between Mancos and -Cortez, Colorado. Lodge with adequate accommodations open May-October.</p> -<h5>CHACO CANYON NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>The greatest concentration of open pueblo ruins in a valley floor, -another of the major foci of prehistoric Anasazi civilization. The famous -<span class="pb" id="Page_182">182</span> -huge buildings, Pueblo Bonito, Chetro Ketl, Pueblo del Arroyo, etc.; -a restored Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a>, an excavated Modified-Basketmaker village; -and innumerable small pueblo sites. Undeveloped museum. Very restricted -accommodations. In the middle of northwestern New Mexico, -64 miles north of Thoreau (which is on Highway U. S.-66) and 64 -miles south of Aztec, New Mexico (on U. S.-550); 25 miles from -nearest paved road (State 55, Cuba to Bloomfield).</p> -<h5>AZTEC RUINS NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>An excavated great pueblo of the Classic period, twelfth and thirteenth -centuries, built between 1100 and 1125 A. D., with a completely -restored Great <a class="gloss" href="#g_Kiva">Kiva</a>; additional unexcavated pueblo ruins. Lying between -Chaco Canyon and the Mesa Verde, these pueblos on the Animas -River partake of both phases of Anasazi <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">culture</a>. A small museum -adjoining the main ruin. Located close to Highway U. S.-550 and the -town of Aztec, New Mexico.</p> -<h5>CANYON DE CHELLY NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Striking cliff-dwellings and very early remains. In a spectacular -setting of great red-rock canyons occupied by picturesque Navajo -Indians. Tree-ring dates from one of the major sites, Mummy Cave, -range from 348 A. D.—the earliest date in the San Juan drainage—to -1284 A. D., the next-to-last. No museum. The monument and canyon -area extends east of Chinle, Arizona, in the Navajo Indian Reservation. -Chinle is 100 miles from Gallup, New Mexico, or seventy-five miles -(unpaved) from Chambers, Arizona (which is west of Gallup on Highway -U. S.-66). Not accessible in bad weather. An excellent lodge -(Thunderbird Ranch, Chinle, Arizona), but rather restricted facilities.</p> -<h5>NAVAJO NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Betatakin and Keetseel, great cliff-pueblos of the thirteenth century, -picturesquely situated in huge caves in the red sandstone walls -of the Tsegi Canyons, west of Kayenta, Arizona, in the Navajo Indian -Reservation. No museum. No tourist accommodations. (As in all the -other national monuments listed, however, a custodian on duty the -year around, resident at headquarters above Betatakin.) Another 100 -miles, of rather bad road, from Chinle to Betatakin; or 135 miles from -Flagstaff—sixty miles north on paved Highway U. S.-89, about the -same distance on fairly good unsurfaced reservation road, and the last -dozen miles a quite rough trail. Not accessible in winter or in rainy -weather.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_183">183</div> -<h3>The White Mountains Region</h3> -<h5>KINISHBA.</h5> -<p>A large pueblo of the period 1000-1400, largely excavated and -partially restored by the Arizona State Museum, in the Apache Indian -Reservation near Fort Apache, Arizona, twenty miles east of Highway -U. S.-60. No accommodations.</p> -<h3>The Rio Grande Area</h3> -<h5>BANDELIER NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Unusual cliff-ruins and open sites in beautiful Frijoles Canyon, in -the Pajarito Plateau, west of Santa Fe and south of Los Alamos, New -Mexico, seventeen miles from paved highway. Museum. Small lodge -open May-October.</p> -<h5>PUYE.</h5> -<p>Large partially-restored pueblo and small cliff-ruins, in the Pajarito -Plateau, north of Los Alamos, on the Santa Clara Indian Reservation, -fifteen miles from Espanola, New Mexico.</p> -<h5>CORONADO STATE MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Two extensive adobe pueblos, Kuaua and Puaray, the former partially -restored. Museum. Across the Rio Grande from Bernalillo, New -Mexico, just off paved Highway State 44.</p> -<h5>PECOS STATE MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Ruins of the great pueblo, finally abandoned in 1838, and of the -partially-restored Spanish mission of the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries. Close to Highway U. S.-85, about twenty-five miles southeast -of Santa Fe, near modern town of Pecos, New Mexico.</p> -<h5>GRAN QUIVIRA NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Ruins of the pueblo and mission of Humanas, abandoned about -1675. No museum; no accommodations. By a poor road twenty-five -miles south of Mountainair, New Mexico, which is on Highway U. S.-60.</p> -<h5>ABO and QUARAI STATE MONUMENTS.</h5> -<p>Sister missions to Humanas, with extensive unexcavated pueblo -ruins. No museums. Close to U. S.-60 and Mountainair, New Mexico.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_184">184</div> -<h3>The Salado <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">Complex</a></h3> -<h5>TONTO NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Two fourteenth century cliff-dwellings high in a small canyon -overlooking Roosevelt Lake and the Tonto Basin. These well-preserved -ruins have yielded fine and unusual archaeological material: the striking -Salado <a class="gloss" href="#g_PolychromePottery">polychrome pottery</a>, a variety of expertly-made cotton textiles, -even a lot of lima beans. Very small museum exhibit. No accommodations -at the monument. Located near Roosevelt, Arizona, and -the Apache Trail (State Highway 88).</p> -<h5>CASA GRANDE NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>A unique great adobe structure, sole survivor of the large pueblo-like -towers and compounds built by the Salado in the Gila Basin in -the fourteenth century. The site includes several adobe compounds as -well as the Casa Grande itself, and also earlier <i>Hohokam</i> remains—unexcavated -ball-courts and pit-houses. Small museum. On State Highway -87 close to Coolidge, Arizona.</p> -<h5>PUEBLO GRANDE CITY PARK.</h5> -<p>A <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">complex</a> mound, partially excavated, of the late period in the -Phoenix area. On E. Washington Avenue, Phoenix.</p> -<h3>Sinagua Sites</h3> -<h5>WUPATKI NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Large and small pueblos of 1100-1300 and earlier pit-houses; several -Anasazi sites as well as Sinagua—the frontier between these two -cultures was not the Little Colorado, but lay some distance west into -the Wupatki area, and varied from time to time. Still other cultural -influences are observed. One unique feature is a masonry-walled ball-court -beside Wupatki Pueblo and near the monument headquarters, -fifteen miles east of U. S.-89 and forty-five miles from Flagstaff, Arizona. -No museum. No accommodations at the monument.</p> -<h5>WALNUT CANYON NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>Very small cliff-dwellings in sandstone ledges of a narrow chasm -twelve miles east of Flagstaff, not far from Highway 66. No exhibits -installed in Museum. No accommodations at the monument.</p> -<h5>TUZIGOOT NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>An excavated and partially restored hilltop pueblo, which reached -its maximum in the fourteenth century. Comparatively large museum -<span class="pb" id="Page_185">185</span> -housing extensive collection close to Clarkdale, Arizona, and readily accessible -from U. S.-89.</p> -<h5>MONTEZUMA CASTLE NATIONAL MONUMENT.</h5> -<p>A five-story cliff-dwelling of the same period as Tuzigoot pueblo, -near Camp Verde, Arizona, and readily accessible from Highway U. S.-89. -Small museum. No accommodations at the monument. Also included -in this monument is Montezuma Well, nine miles northeast, with -small cliff-dwellings in a limestone sinkhole containing a “bottomless” -lake. Highly unusual archaeological features at Montezuma Well are -cist-graves undercut in soft limestone, and travertine-encrusted prehistoric -irrigation ditches.</p> -<h3 id="c49">II. MODERN PUEBLOS ON (AT LEAST APPROXIMATELY) PRE-SPANISH LOCATIONS</h3> -<p>ORAIBI on the third or northwesternmost Hopi mesa, materially -unchanged for over 600 years, and in a general sense, the other older -HOPI INDIAN pueblos—WALPI on First Mesa, SHONGOPOVI and -MISHONGNOVI on the middle mesa—which have shifted their locations -during the historic period from valley floors to mesa tops. The -villages of Hano (Tewa) and Sichomovi on First Mesa, and probably -also Shipaulovi on Second Mesa, are eighteenth century foundations. -Hotevilla, Bakavi and New Orabi (Kikhochomovi) date from the -break-up of Oraibi only about fifty years ago. Toreva and Polacca are -purely modern towns. Good dirt roads to the Hopi country from -Gallup, Winslow, and Flagstaff. No tourist accommodations.</p> -<p>ZUNI PUEBLO, the one surviving, or reestablished, town of the -six early-historic “cities of Cibola.” Fair road, forty miles south from -Gallup, New Mexico. Very limited tourist accommodations.</p> -<p>ACOMA on its great mesa, one of the most picturesque of all, -little changed since the seventeenth century when the large mission -church was built. Fair road, thirteen miles south of U. S.-66, about -sixty miles west of Albuquerque.</p> -<p>ISLETA, on Highway U. S.-85 about ten miles south of Albuquerque.</p> -<p>The five Keres pueblos southwest of Santa Fe—SANTO DOMINGO, -SAN FELIPE, and COCHITI along the Rio Grande north -of Bernalillo, west of U. S.-85; ZIA and SANTA ANA on the Jemez -River, northwest of Bernalillo and across the stream from State-44.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_186">186</div> -<p>JEMEZ PUEBLO, twenty-five miles northwest of Bernalillo on -State Highway 4.</p> -<p>The five Tewa pueblos north of Santa Fe: TESUQUE, on U. S.-64-285; -NAMBE, in the foothills to the northeast; SAN ILDEFONSO, -on the east bank of the Rio Grande; SANTA CLARA, on the west -bank just below Espanola; SAN JUAN, at Chamita, New Mexico.</p> -<p>TAOS, the one modern terraced pueblo, close to Taos, New Mexico, -and PICURIES in the foothills to the south.</p> -<p>In the Rio Grande drainage, Laguna and Sandia are historic -pueblos only. Laguna was a new foundation, under Spanish direction, -about 1700. Sandia was re-established on or near an earlier location, -in 1745-1750 by Tiwa Indians brought back from the Hopi country by -Spanish priests, after abandonment fifty years earlier of the several -Tiwa pueblos between Bernalillo and Albuquerque.</p> -<h3 id="c50">III. LOCAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUMS IN THE SOUTHWEST</h3> -<dl class="undent"><dt>Santa Fe:</dt> -<dd class="t2">The Laboratory of Anthropology.</dd> -<dd class="t2">The Museum of New Mexico.</dd> -<dt>Albuquerque:</dt> -<dd class="t2">The University of New Mexico Anthropology Museum.</dd> -<dt>Tucson:</dt> -<dd class="t2">The Arizona State Museum at the University of Arizona.</dd> -<dt>Phoenix:</dt> -<dd class="t2">The Heard Museum.</dd> -<dt>Grand Canyon National Park:</dt> -<dd class="t2">The Wayside Museum of <a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">Archaeology</a>.</dd> -<dt>Petrified Forest National Monument:</dt> -<dd class="t2">Small branch museums at Painted Desert Inn and Puerco Ruin.</dd> -<dt>Flagstaff:</dt> -<dd class="t2">The Museum of Northern Arizona</dd></dl> -<h2><span class="small">FOOTNOTES</span></h2> -<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</a>Ref. <a class="fn" href="#bd72">[72]</a>, p. 433. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</a>Ref. <a class="fn" href="#bd14">[14]</a> p. 281. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</a>Ref. <a class="fn" href="#bd31">[31]</a> p. 269. -</div> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_187">187</div> -<h2 id="c51"><span class="small">INDEX</span></h2> -<p class="center"><a class="ab" href="#index_A">A</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_B">B</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_C">C</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_D">D</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_E">E</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_F">F</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_G">G</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_H">H</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_I">I</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_J">J</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_K">K</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_L">L</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_M">M</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_N">N</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_O">O</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_P">P</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_Q">Q</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_R">R</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_S">S</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_T">T</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_U">U</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_V">V</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_W">W</a> <span class="ab">X</span> <a class="ab" href="#index_Y">Y</a> <a class="ab" href="#index_Z">Z</a></p> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_A">A</dt> -<dt>Abandonment, of Northern Frontier, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>-84, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></dt> -<dt>Abo State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -<dt>Acoma, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</dt> -<dd><i>see also</i> Beans, Corn, Cotton, Irrigation</dd> -<dt>Ackmen-Lowry Area, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></dt> -<dt>Alcove Houses, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></dt> -<dt>Alkali Ridge, Utah, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt> -<dt>Allantown, Arizona, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dt> -<dt>Anasazi, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-117;</dt> -<dd><i>see also</i> Basketmaker and Pueblo</dd> -<dt>Ancient Cultures, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>-26</dt> -<dt>Animals</dt> -<dd>Extinct, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></dd> -<dd>Hunted, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></dd> -<dd>Domesticated; see Dogs and Horses</dd> -<dt>Antler Artifacts, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt> -<dt>Apaches, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Archaeology">Archaeology</a></dt> -<dd>Defined, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dd> -<dd>Development of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></dd> -<dt>Architecture, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</dt> -<dd><i>see also</i> Ball Courts, Cists, Forts, Houses, Kivas, Pithouses</dd> -<dt>Arrow points, see Projectile Points</dt> -<dt>Arrow-shaft smoothers, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dt> -<dt>Arroya Cutting, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></dt> -<dt>Athapaskans, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>-106</dt> -<dt>Atlatls, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt> -<dt>Awls, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -<dt>Axes, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt> -<dt>Aztec Ruins, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_B">B</dt> -<dt>Bags</dt> -<dd>Cedar Bast, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></dd> -<dd>Skin, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></dd> -<dd>Twined-woven, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-44, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></dd> -<dt>Ball, rubber, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dt> -<dt>Ball Courts, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></dt> -<dt>Bandelier National Monument, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -<dt>Basketmaker and Modified Basketmaker <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-57</dt> -<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dd> -<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></dd> -<dd>Basketry, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-42, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd> -<dd>Burials, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd> -<dd>Cists, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd> -<dd>Clothing, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd> -<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></dd> -<dd>Figurines, <a href="#Page_54">54</a></dd> -<dd>Food, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></dd> -<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-52</dd> -<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dd> -<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd> -<dd>Physical Appearance, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></dd> -<dd>Tools and Implements, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></dd> -<dd>Weapons, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></dd> -<dd>Weaving, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-43</dd> -<dd>Summaries, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a></dd> -<dt>Basketmaker Period, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>-48</dt> -<dt>Basketry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>-42, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></dt> -<dt>Bat Woman House, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></dt> -<dt>Beads, <i>see</i> Ornaments</dt> -<dt>Beans, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></dt> -<dt>Bear Ruin, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>-157</dt> -<dt>Bells, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt> -<dt>Betatakin, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt> -<dt>Biscuit Ware, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Bluff Ruin, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dt> -<dt>Bone Artifacts</dt> -<dd>Awls, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Beads, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></dd> -<dd>Gaming Pieces, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dd> -<dd>Hair Ornaments, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dd> -<dd>Tubes, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dd> -<dt>Bow and Arrow, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt>Bracelets, <i>see</i> Ornaments</dt> -<dt>Brushes</dt> -<dd>Hair, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dd> -<dd>Paint, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd> -<dt>Burials, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>-72, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>-95, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -<dt>Burnet Cave, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt> -<dt>Butler Wash, Arizona, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_C">C</dt> -<dt>Cactus Fruit, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt> -<dt>Cameron Creek Village, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt> -<dt>Canals, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></dt> -<dt>Canyon de Chelly, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt> -<dt>Canyon del Muerto, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt> -<dt>Casa Grande, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt> -<dt>Cavate Dwellings, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dt> -<dt>Chaco Canyon, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>-91, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></dt> -<dt>Children, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Chronology">Chronology</a>, <i>see</i> Dates</dt> -<dt>Cibola, Cities of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt> -<dt>Cists, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt> -<dt>Clans, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt> -<dt>Classic Hohokam Period, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-144</dt> -<dt>Classic Pueblo Period, <i>see</i> Great Pueblo Period</dt> -<dt class="pb" id="Page_188">188</dt> -<dt>“Cliff Dwellers” <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a></dt> -<dt>Cliff Palace, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-93, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></dt> -<dt>Climate, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</dt> -<dd><i>see also</i> Arroyo Cutting, <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</a>, Droughts</dd> -<dt>Clovis, New Mexico, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt> -<dt>Clubs, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>-40</dt> -<dt>Cochise <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dt> -<dt>Cochiti, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Cohonina Branch, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt> -<dt>Colonial Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>-132, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dt> -<dt>Comanches, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt> -<dt>Conquest, Spanish, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt> -<dt>Cooking, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dt> -<dt>Copper, <i>see</i> Bells</dt> -<dt>Corn, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt>Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt> -<dt>Coronado State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -<dt>Corrugated Ware; <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Cotton, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt>Cradles, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></dt> -<dt>Cranial Deformation, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt>Cremation, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt> -<dt>Culinary Ware, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Culture, defined, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_D">D</dt> -<dt>Dance Courts, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dt> -<dt>Dart Points; <i>see</i> Projectile Points</dt> -<dt>Dates</dt> -<dd>Basketmaker, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></dd> -<dd>Cochise, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd> -<dd>Folsom, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dd> -<dd>Gypsum Cave, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd> -<dd>Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dd> -<dd>Modified Basketmaker, <a href="#Page_49">49</a></dd> -<dd>Mogollon, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Navajos, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></dd> -<dd>Patayan, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd> -<dd>Pueblo, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dd> -<dd>Rosa, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></dd> -<dd>San Jon, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd> -<dd>Sandia, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></dd> -<dd>Sinagua, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></dd> -<dd>Yuma Points, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dd> -<dt>Deformation, of Skulls, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-17, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dt> -<dt>Desert Province, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></dt> -<dt>Developmental-Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-76, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></dt> -<dt>Dice, <i>see</i> Gaming Pieces</dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Diffusion">Diffusion</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dt> -<dt>Dogs, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></dt> -<dt>Douglass, A. E., <a href="#Page_14">14</a>-17</dt> -<dt>Droughts, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></dt> -<dt>Durango, Excavations near, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_E">E</dt> -<dt>Ear Plugs, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Effigy">Effigy</a> Vessels, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dt> -<dt>Egypt, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt> -<dt>El Paso, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Esteban, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Ethnology">Ethnology</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>-18</dt> -<dt>Etching, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_F">F</dt> -<dt>Fabrics, <i>see</i> Weaving</dt> -<dt>Feather Cloth, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt> -<dt>Figurines, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dt> -<dt>Firing, of Pottery, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dt> -<dt>Flutes, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dt> -<dt>Folsom <a class="gloss" href="#g_Complex">Complex</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt> -<dt>Forts, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt> -<dt>Fremont River <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt> -<dt>Fugitive Red, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Fur Cloth, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_G">G</dt> -<dt>Galaz Ruin, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt> -<dt>Gallina <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt> -<dt>Game, Played in Ball Courts, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></dt> -<dt>Gaming Pieces, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dt> -<dt>Geology, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt> -<dt>Georgetown Phase, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dt> -<dt>Glazed Ware, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Governador Area, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Granaries, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt> -<dt>Grewe Site, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt> -<dt>Great Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>-107</dt> -<dt>Grinding Stones, <i>see</i> Manos and Metates</dt> -<dt>Gypsum Cave, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_H">H</dt> -<dt>Hair</dt> -<dd>Dressing, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></dd> -<dd>Use of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dd> -<dt>Hands, Burial of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></dt> -<dt>Harris Village, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></dt> -<dt>Hawikuh, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt> -<dt>Historic Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dt> -<dt>Hoes, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -<dt>Hohokam <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>-147</dt> -<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></dd> -<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></dd> -<dd>Ball Courts, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Basketry, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></dd> -<dd>Cremations, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></dd> -<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dd> -<dd>Figurines, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dd> -<dd>Food, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></dd> -<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></dd> -<dd>Mirrors, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dd> -<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dd> -<dt class="pb" id="Page_189">189</dt> -<dd>Shell Work, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Stone Work, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Summary, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></dd> -<dd>Weaving, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dd> -<dt>Hopi Area, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Horses, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt> -<dt>Houses, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-52, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>-88, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-93, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_I">I</dt> -<dt>Introduction, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>-19</dt> -<dt>Irrigation, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt>Isleta, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_J">J</dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Jacal">Jacal</a> Construction, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></dt> -<dt>Jemez, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Jewelry, <i>see</i> Ornaments</dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_K">K</dt> -<dt>Kayenta Area, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>-101</dt> -<dt>Keet Seel, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt> -<dt>Kiatuthlana, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt> -<dt>Kihus, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></dt> -<dt>Killing, of Pottery, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt> -<dt>Kinishba, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -<dt>Kino, Father, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></dt> -<dt>Kivas, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt> -<dd>Great Kivas, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></dd> -<dt>Knives, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_L">L</dt> -<dt>Laguna, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>La Plata Area, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></dt> -<dt>Largo <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>-105</dt> -<dt>Largo-Gallina Phase, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>-105</dt> -<dt>Lead Ore, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></dt> -<dt>Lindenmeier Site, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></dt> -<dt>Little Colorado Area, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt> -<dt>Los Muertos, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></dt> -<dt>Lowry Ruin, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_M">M</dt> -<dt>Manos, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt> -<dt>Mattocks Ruin, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt> -<dt>Mauls, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></dt> -<dt>Maya, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></dt> -<dt>Mesa Verde, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-96, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></dt> -<dt>Metates, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt> -<dt>Mexico, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -<dt>Mimbres <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>-161</dt> -<dt>Mirrors, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dt> -<dt>Mishongnovi, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Moccasins, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt> -<dt>Modified Basketmaker Period <a href="#Page_48">48</a>-57;</dt> -<dd><i>see also</i> Basketmaker</dd> -<dt>Mogollon <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>-162</dt> -<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd> -<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></dd> -<dd>Bone Work, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Burials, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Clothing, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd> -<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-155, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dd> -<dd>Hunting, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd> -<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Physical Types, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></dd> -<dd>Shell Work, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd> -<dd>Stone Work, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Summary, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a></dd> -<dd>Theories of Origin, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></dd> -<dt>Mogollon Village, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a></dt> -<dt>Montezuma Castle, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Mortars and Pestles, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -<dt>Mortuary Offerings, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt> -<dt>Mosaic Work, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dt> -<dt>Mummies, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_N">N</dt> -<dt>Nambe, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Nampeyo, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dt> -<dt>Navajo National Monument, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></dt> -<dt>Navajos, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Nets, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dt> -<dt>Nevada, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt> -<dt>Nipple-shaped Objects, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></dt> -<dt>Niza, Fray Marcos de, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></dt> -<dt>Nomads, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></dt> -<dt>Northern <a class="gloss" href="#g_Periphery">Periphery</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></dt> -<dt>Nose Buttons or Plugs, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_O">O</dt> -<dt>Oraibi, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</dt> -<dd><i>see also</i> Bone, Shell and Stone artifacts, Turquoise</dd> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_OxidizingAtmosphere">Oxidizing Atmosphere</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_P">P</dt> -<dt>Paints, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></dt> -<dt>Palettes, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt> -<dt>Papagueria, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt>Papago Indians, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt>Parallel Flaked Points, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt> -<dt>Patayan <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt> -<dt>Pathology, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></dt> -<dt>Pecos Classification, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></dt> -<dt>Pecos Pueblo, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt> -<dt class="pb" id="Page_190">190</dt> -<dt>Pecos State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -<dt>Peripheral Regions, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>-75</dt> -<dt>Physical Types, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt> -<dt>Pictographs, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></dt> -<dt>Picuries, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Piedra Region, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></dt> -<dt>Pima Indians, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt>Pine Lawn <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt>Pioneer Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>-124</dt> -<dt>Pipes, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dt> -<dt>Pithouses, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>-52, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt> -<dt>Planting Sticks, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dt> -<dt>Plateau Area, defined, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></dt> -<dt>Polychrome, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Pope, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Pottery,</dt> -<dd>Atmospheres for Firing, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd> -<dd>Biscuit Ware, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd> -<dd>Black-on-gray, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd> -<dd>Black-on-red, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd> -<dd>Black-on-white, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></dd> -<dd>Black-on-yellow, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dd> -<dd>Brown, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></dd> -<dd>Buff, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dd> -<dd>Burnished Buff, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dd> -<dd>Coiled and Scraped, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dd> -<dd>Corrugated, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a></dd> -<dd>Eastern Branch, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></dd> -<dd>Firing, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd> -<dd>Fugitive Red, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd> -<dd>Glazed, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd> -<dd>Gray, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd> -<dd>Importance of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></dd> -<dd>Neck Banded, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></dd> -<dd>Origin, Theories of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dd> -<dd><a class="gloss" href="#g_PaddleAndAnvil">Paddle-and-anvil</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></dd> -<dd>Pointed-bottomed, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></dd> -<dd>Polished Red, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dd> -<dd>Polychrome, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Red-on-buff, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Red-on-gray, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></dd> -<dd>Red-on-orange, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dd> -<dd>Slips, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></dd> -<dd>Spectrographic Analysis of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></dd> -<dd><a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">Temper</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></dd> -<dd>Textured, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd> -<dd>Unfired, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dd> -<dt>Preface, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>-5</dt> -<dt>Projectile Points, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dt> -<dt>Pueblo Bonito, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt> -<dt>Pueblo Culture, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>-117</dt> -<dd>Agriculture, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dd> -<dd>Area, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></dd> -<dd>Basketry, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></dd> -<dd>Burials, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>-72, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></dd> -<dd>Clothing, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a></dd> -<dd>Dates, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></dd> -<dd>Food, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dd> -<dd>Houses, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>-88, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>-93, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dd> -<dd>Kivas, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dd> -<dd>Ornaments, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></dd> -<dd>Physical Types, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></dd> -<dd>Pottery, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>-68, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dd> -<dd>Tools and Implements, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></dd> -<dd>Weapons, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dd> -<dd>Weaving, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></dd> -<dd>Summaries, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></dd> -<dt>Pueblo Grande City Park, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt> -<dt>Puye, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_Q">Q</dt> -<dt>Quarai State Monument, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_R">R</dt> -<dt>Rabbit Sticks; <i>see</i> Clubs</dt> -<dt>Rattles, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></dt> -<dt>Rebellion, Pueblo, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_ReducingAtmosphere">Reducing Atmosphere</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></dt> -<dt>Refugees, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Refuse or Rubbish Heaps, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dt> -<dt>Regressive Pueblo Period, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>-115</dt> -<dt>Religion, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></dt> -<dt>Ridge Ruin, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></dt> -<dt>Rings, Ball Court, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></dt> -<dt>Rio Grande Area, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a></dt> -<dt>Roosevelt 9:6, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></dt> -<dt>Rosa <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></dt> -<dt>Rubber Ball, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_S">S</dt> -<dt>Salado <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>-144</dt> -<dt>San Felipe, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>San Francisco <a class="gloss" href="#g_Phase">Phase</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>-155</dt> -<dt>San Ildefonso, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>San Jon, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt> -<dt>San Juan, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Sandals, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt> -<dt>Sandia Cave, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></dt> -<dt>Sandia Pueblo, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Santa Ana, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Santa Clara, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Santo Domingo, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Santa Fe, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Scalp, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></dt> -<dt>Scoops, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></dt> -<dt>Sedentary Hohokam, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>-137</dt> -<dt>Shell Artifacts</dt> -<dd>Beads, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dt class="pb" id="Page_191">191</dt> -<dd>Bracelets, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Etched, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dd> -<dd>Painted, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></dd> -<dd>Pendants, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Needles, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></dd> -<dd>Rings, <a href="#Page_132">132</a></dd> -<dd>Trumpets, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dt>Showlow Ruin, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></dt> -<dt>Sinagua People, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>-166</dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Sipapu">Sipapu</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dt> -<dt>Slips, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Snaketown Site, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>-124, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></dt> -<dt>Snares, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></dt> -<dt>Social Organization, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></dt> -<dt>Southwest, defined, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></dt> -<dt>Spaniards, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>-117</dt> -<dt>Squash, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></dt> -<dt>Starkweather Ruin, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt>Stockades, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></dt> -<dt>Stone Artifacts,</dt> -<dd>Axes, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd> -<dd>Beads, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Hoes, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Knives, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Manos, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd> -<dd>Mauls, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></dd> -<dd>Metates, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dd> -<dd>Mortars and Pestles, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dd> -<dd>Palettes, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd> -<dd>Projectile Points, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></dd> -<dd>Rings, <a href="#Page_130">130</a></dd> -<dd>Shaft-Smoothers, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dd> -<dd>Vessels, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></dd> -<dt>Stratigraphy, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></dt> -<dt>SU Site, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></dt> -<dt>Summaries, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>-57, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>-76, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>-107, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>-147, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>-162</dt> -<dt>Sunset Crater, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></dt> -<dt>Swarts Ruin, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_T">T</dt> -<dt>Tabeguache Caves, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a></dt> -<dt>Taos, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt><a class="gloss" href="#g_Temper">Temper</a>, <i>see</i> Pottery</dt> -<dt>Tesuque, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></dt> -<dt>Texas, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></dt> -<dt>Tiguex, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt> -<dt>Tonto Basin, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></dt> -<dt>Tonto National Monument, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt> -<dt>Towers, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></dt> -<dt>Trade, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></dt> -<dt>Tree-rings, <i>see</i> <a class="gloss" href="#g_Dendrochronology">Dendrochronology</a></dt> -<dt>Trumpets, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></dt> -<dt>Tubes, <i>see</i> Bone Artifacts</dt> -<dt>Tump Straps, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></dt> -<dt>Turkeys, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></dt> -<dt>Turquoise, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a></dt> -<dt>Tuzigoot National Monument, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt> -<dt>Twined-woven Bags, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>-44, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></dt> -<dt>Tyuoni, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_U">U</dt> -<dt>Unfired Clay Vessels, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a></dt> -<dt>Unit Houses, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></dt> -<dt>Utes, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_V">V</dt> -<dt>Vargas, Diego de, <a href="#Page_115">115</a></dt> -<dt>Ventana Cave, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a></dt> -<dt>Village of the Great Kivas, <a href="#Page_101">101</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_W">W</dt> -<dt>Walnut Canyon National Monument, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt> -<dt>Walpi, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Warfare, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></dt> -<dt>Weaving, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>-43, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></dt> -<dt>Whistles, <a href="#Page_46">46</a></dt> -<dt>White Dog Cave, <a href="#Page_35">35</a></dt> -<dt>Woodland Pottery, <a href="#Page_103">103</a></dt> -<dt>Wupatki National Monument, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_Y">Y</dt> -<dt>Yuma Points, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></dt> -<dt>Yuman <a class="gloss" href="#g_Culture">Culture</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></dt> -</dl> -<dl class="index"> -<dt class="center b" id="index_Z">Z</dt> -<dt>Zia, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -<dt>Zuni Area, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></dt> -</dl> -<h2 id="trnotes">Transcriber’s Notes</h2> -<ul> -<li>Silently corrected a few typos.</li> -<li>Added headings and Table of Contents entries to bring them into correspondence.</li> -<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li> -<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li> -</ul> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PREHISTORIC INDIANS OF THE SOUTHWEST ***</div> -<div 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