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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4819c8a --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #65870 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65870) diff --git a/old/65870-0.txt b/old/65870-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a96177d..0000000 --- a/old/65870-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9670 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Home Life in Tokyo, by Jukichi Inouye - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Home Life in Tokyo - -Author: Jukichi Inouye - -Release Date: July 19s, 2021 [eBook #65870] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Ronald Grenier (This file was produced from images generously - made available by The Internet Archive/University of Toronto - Library.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HOME LIFE IN TOKYO *** - - - - -[Illustration: THE SEVEN HERBS OF AUTUMN. _See Page 302._] -[Transcribers note: See the 4th from last paragraph of chapter 21.] - - - - - HOME LIFE IN TOKYO - - BY - JUKICHI INOUYE - - WITH - NUMEROUS - ILLUSTRATIONS - - TOKYO - 1910 - - - PRINTED BY - THE TOKYO PRINTING COMPANY LTD. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -The object of the present work is to give a concise account of the -life we lead at home in Tokyo. I am aware that there are already many -excellent works on Japan which may be read with great profit; but as -their authors are most of them Europeans or Americans, and naturally -look at Japanese life and civilisation from an occidental point of -view, it occurred to me that notwithstanding the superabundance of -books on Japan, a description of Japanese life by a native of the -country might not be without interest. I believe it is the first time -that such a task has been undertaken by a Japanese, for works in -English which I have so far seen written by my countrymen treat of -abstruse subjects and do not deign to touch upon such homely matters -as are here dealt with. - -The information I have endeavoured to convey in these pages is open, -I fear, to the charge of scrappiness. It is unavoidable from the very -nature of the work, the purpose of which is to select from the wealth -of material in hand such matters as are likely to interest the general -reader. I make no pretension to completeness or comprehensiveness of -treatment. - -I may also explain that I have confined myself in these pages to the -depiction of life in Tokyo. To attempt to include the various customs -that prevail in other parts of the country would to difficult and -tedious. I felt that it would add materially to clearness and -simplicity if I localised my observations; and it was only natural -that Tokyo the capital should be selected for the purpose. - -Finally, I would point out that I have made no distinction in the -grammatical number of the Japanese words used in this book. It may at -times puzzle the reader to find the same words occur, as in Japanese, -in both the singular and the plural; but to the Japanese ear the -addition of the English plural suffix seems to impair the euphony of -Japanese speech. - -JUKICHI INOUYE. - - Tokyo, Japan, - September. 1910. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - -CHAPTER I. - -Tokyo the Capital. - - The youngest of the capitals—Yedo—The feudal government—Prosperity - of Yedo—Its population—The military class—The Restoration—The new - government—National reorganisation—Centralisation—Local - government—Tokyo the leader of other cities—Struggle between Old and - New Japan—The last stronghold of Old Japan. - - —_Page 1._ - - -CHAPTER II. - -The Streets of Tokyo. - - The area and population of Tokyo—Impression of greater - populousness—Street improvements—Narrow streets—Shops and - sidewalks—Road-making—Dusty roads—Lamps and street - repairs—Drainage—Street-names—House-numbers—Incongruities. - - —_Page 12._ - - -CHAPTER III. - -Houses: Exterior. - - Name-plates—Block-buildings—Gates—The exposure of - houses—Fires—House-breaking—Japanese houses in summer and - winter—Storms and earthquakes—House-building—The carpenter—The - garden. - - —_Page 24._ - - -CHAPTER IV. - -Houses: Interior. - - The sizes of rooms—The absence of - furniture—Sliding-doors—Verandahs—Tenement and other small - houses—Middle-sized dwellings—The porch and anteroom—The - parlour—Parlour furniture—The sitting-room—Closets and - cupboards—Bed-rooms—The dining-room—Chests of drawers and - trunks—The toilet-room—The library—The bath-room—Foot-warmers. - - —_Page 40._ - - -CHAPTER V. - -Meals. - - Rice—_Sake_—Wheat and barley—Soy - sauce—_Mirin_—Rice-cooking—Soap—Pickled vegetables—Meal - trays—Chopsticks—Breakfast—Clearing and washing—The kitchen—The - little hearth—Pots and pans—Other utensils—Boxes and - casks—Shelves—The sink and water-supply—The midday meal—The evening - meal—_Sake_-drinking. - - —_Page 56._ - - -CHAPTER VI. - -Food. - - Japanese diet—Vegetables—Sea-weeds and flowers—Fish—Shell-fish—Crabs - and other molluscs—Fowl—Meat—Prepared food—Peculiarities - of food—Fruits—The bever—Baked potatoes and - cracknel—Confectionery—Reasons for its - abundance—Sponge-cake—Glutinous rice and red bean—Kinds of - confectionery—Sugar in Japanese confectionery. - - —_Page 71._ - - -CHAPTER VII. - -Male Dress. - - Japanese and foreign dress—Progress in the latter—Japanese clothes - indispensable—_Kimono_—Cutting out—Making of an unlined dress—Short - measure—Extra-sized dresses—_Yukata_—The lined _kimono_—The wadded - _kimono_—Under-dress—Underwear—_Obi_—_Haori_—The crest—The uncrested - _haori_—_Hakama_—Socks—How to dress Wearing of socks. - - —_Page 82._ - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -Female Dress. - - Attempts at Europeanisation—Difference between Japanese and foreign - dresses—Expense and inconvenience of foreign dresses—Japanese - dresses not to be discarded—How the female dress differs from the - male—Underwear and over-band—_Haori_—_Hakama_—_Obi_—How to tie - it—The dress-_obi_—The formal dress—Home-wear—Working clothes—The - sameness of form—The girl’s dress—Dress and age. - - —_Page 94._ - - -CHAPTER IX. - -Toilet. - - Queues—Hair-cutting—Moustaches and beards—Shaving—Women’s - coiffure—Children’s hair—“Inverted maidenhair”—_Shimada_—“Rounded - chignon”—Other forms—The lightest coiffure—Bars—Combs—Ornaments - round the chignon—Hair-pins—The hair-dresser—The kind of hair - esteemed—Lots of complexion—Girls painted—Women’s paint—Blackening - of teeth—Shaving of eyebrows—Washing the face—Looking-glasses. - - —_Page 107._ - - -CHAPTER X. - -Outdoor Gear. - - Boots and shoes _versus_ clogs and sandals—Inconvenience of - foreign footgear—Shoes and boots at private houses—Clogs and - sandals able to hold their own—How clogs are made—Plain clogs—Matted - clogs—Sandals—Straw sandals—Headgear—Woman’s hood—Overcoats and - overdresses—Common umbrellas—Better descriptions of - umbrellas—Lanterns—Better kinds of lanterns. - - —_Page 122._ - - -CHAPTER XI. - -Daily Life. - - Busy life at home—Discomforts of early morning—Ablutions—Off to - school and office—Smoking—Giving orders—Morning - work—Washing—Needlework—The work-box—Japanese way of - sewing—Ironing—Remaking clothes—Home duties—Bath—Evening—Early - hours. - - —_Page 136._ - - -CHAPTER XII. - -Servants. - - The servant question—Holidays—Hours of rest—Incessant work—Servants - trusted—Relations with their mistresses—Decrease of mutual - confidence—Life in the kitchen—Servants’ character—Whence they are - recruited—Register-offices—The cook—The housemaid—The lady’s - maid—Other female servants—The jinrikisha-man—The student house-boy. - - —_Page 150._ - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -Manners. - - Decline of etiquette—Politeness and - self-restraint—“Swear-words”—Honorifics—Squatting—Kissing—Calls - made and received—Rules for behaviour in company—Inconsiderate - visitors—Woman’s reserve before strangers—Hospitality—Reticence - on family matters. - - —_Page 164._ - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -Marriage. - - Girls and marriage—Young men—The marriage - ceremony—Match-making—Betrothal—The bride’s property—Wedding - decorations—The nuptials—Wedding supper—Congratulations—Post-nuptial - parties—Japanese style of engagement—The advantages of the - go-between system—The go-between as the woman’s deputy—The - go-between as mediator—Marriage a civil contract in Japan—No - honeymoon—The Japanese attitude towards marriage. - - —_Page 176._ - - -CHAPTER XV. - -Family Relations. - - The family the unit of society—Adoption—The wife’s family - relations—The father—Retirement—The retired father—The - mother-in-law—A strong-willed daughter-in-law—Tender - relations—Domestic discord—Sisters-in-law—Brothers-in-law—The - wife usually forewarned—The husband also handicapped—His - burdens—Old Japan’s ideas of wifely duties—The Japanese wife’s - qualities—Petticoat government—The wife’s influence. - - —_Page 195._ - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -Divorce. - - Frequency of divorces—The new Civil Code on marriage - and divorce—Conditions of a valid marriage—Invalid - marriages—Cohabitation—The wife’s legal position—Her - separate property—The rights of the head of the family—Care - of the wife’s property—Forms of divorce—Grounds for divorce—Custody - of children—No damages against the co-respondent—Breaches of - promise of marriage—Few mercenary marriages—Widow-hunting also rare. - - —_Page 208._ - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -Children. - - Child-life—Love of children—Desire for - them—Child-birth—After-birth—Early days—The baby’s food—The - “first-eating”—Superstitions connected with infancy—Carrying of - babies—Teething—Visits to the local shrine—Toddling—Weaning—The - kindergarten and primary school—The girls’ high school—The middle - school—The popularity of middle schools—Hitting—Exercises and - diversions—Collections. - - —_Page 219._ - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -Funeral. - - Unlucky ages—The Japanese cycle—Celebration of ages—Respect for old - age—Death—Preparations for the funeral—The wake—The coffin and - bier—The funeral procession—The funeral service—Cremation—Gathering - the bones—The grave—Prayers for the dead—Return presents—Memorial - services—The Shinto funeral. - - —_Page 235._ - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -Accomplishments. - - Composition—The writing-table—Odes—Songs—The _haiku_—Chinese - poetry—Tea-ceremony—Its complexity—Its utility to women—The flower - arrangement—The underlying idea—Its extensive application—The - principle of the arrangement—Manipulation of the stalks—Drawing - water—Vases—Tray-landscapes—The _koto_—The _samisen_—Its form—Its - scale—How to play it—The crudity of Japanese music—Its unemotional - character. - - —_Page 252._ - - -CHAPTER XX. - -Public Amusements. - - Pleasures—_No_-performance—Playgoing—The theatre—Japanese - dramas—_Gidayu_-plays—Actors—A new school of - actors—Actresses—Wrestling—Wrestlers—The wrestling booth—The - wrestler’s apparel—The Ekoin matches—The umpire—The rules - of the ring—The match-days—The story-tellers’ hall—Entertainment - at the hall. - - —_Page 269._ - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -Feasts and Festivities. - - Festivities in the old days—The New Year’s Day—The - New Year’s dreams—January—February—The Feast of Dolls—The - Equinoctial day—Plum-blossoms—Cherry-blossoms—The flower - season—Peach-blossoms—Tree-peonies and wistarias—The Feast of - Flags—The Fête of the Yasukuni Shrine—Other fêtes—The Feasts of - Tanabata and Lanterns—The river season—Moon-viewing—The Seven Herbs - of Autumn—October—The Emperor’s Birthday—Chrysanthemums and - maple-leaves—The end of the year. - - _Page 287._ - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -Sports and Games. - - Hunting—Horse-racing—Fishing—Outdoor - games—Billiards—_Sugoroku_—Iroha-cards—Ode-cards—_Ken_—Japanese - chess—The moves—Use of prisoners—The game of _go_—Its - principle—Camps—Counting—“Flowers-cards”—Players—How to - play—Claims for hands—Claims for combinations made—Reckoning. - - _Page 305._ - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - The Seven Herbs of Autumn Frontispiece. - _Page._ - A Street in Yedo (From a picture by Settan, 1783–1843) 13 - A Shop in Tokyo 18 - In the Slums 25 - A House and a Gate 27 - A Roofed and a Pair Gate 29 - Door-fastenings 32 - A House without a Gate 36 - A Garden 38 - A Six-matted Room and Verandah 41 - The Porch, open and latticed 45 - An Eight-matted Parlour 47 - A Visitor 49 - A Sitting-room 50 - A Chest of Drawers and a Trunk 52 - Foot-warmers 55 - A Shrine of the Rice-god 57 - A Meal-tray 60 - How to hold Chopsticks 61 - A Meal 63 - The Kitchen 65 - A Skylight and the Kitchen-god 67 - A Well 69 - Raw Fish, whole and sliced 72 - _Sushi_ and _Soba_ 77 - A Box of Sponge-cake 79 - The _Kimono_, rear and front view 86 - The _Obi_, square and plain 88 - The _Haori_ 89 - The _Hakama_ 91 - Socks 92 - The _Obi_ for ordinary wear 98 - The Dress-_obi_ 100 - A Servant with Tucked Sleeves 102 - The Reformed Dress 103 - A Young Lady dressed for a Visit 105 - Queues 108 - The “203-metre Hill” and “Penthouse” 109 - Young Girls’ Hair 110 - The “Inverted Maidenhair” 111 - The _Shimada_ and “Rounded Chignon” 112 - Bars, Combs, and Bands 114 - Ornamental Hair-pins 116 - The Hair-dresser 117 - Plain Clogs 124 - Matted Clogs 126 - Matted Sandals 127 - Straw sandals 128 - Old Headgear 129 - A Hood 130 - An Overdress 132 - Lanterns 134 - The Family in Bed 137 - A Woman smoking 141 - The Starching-board 143 - Needlework 146 - The Servant at the Sliding-door 152 - Cooking Rice 158 - The Housemaid at work 160 - The House-boy 162 - Bowing 168 - Sitting with Crossed Legs 169 - Squatting 170 - Betrothal Presents (From a picture by Sukenobu, 1678–1751) 178 - The Bridal Procession (From a picture by Sukenobu) 180 - The Wedding Party (From a picture by Sukenobu) 182 - The Exchange of Cups (From a picture by Sukenobu) 184 - The Bride’s Cabinets (From a picture by Sukenobu) 186 - The First Meeting and Wedding at the Present Time 188 - A Daimyo’s Wedding 190 - A Lower-class Wedding 192 - Husband and Wife 196 - A Domestic Quarrel and Reconciliation 199 - The First Visit to the Local Shrine (From a picture by Sukenobu) 222 - The “First-eating” (From a picture by Sukenobu) 224 - Carrying Children 227 - Fencing 233 - Offerings before a Coffin 238 - Coffins and an Urn 241 - A Buddhist Funeral Service 242–3 - Service at the Temple 245 - At the Crematory 246 - Graves 247 - A Shinto Funeral Procession 249 - A Shinto Funeral Service 250 - A Writing-table and Book-cases 253 - Tea-making 260 - Flower-vases 262 - A Tray-landscape 264 - The _Koto_ 265 - The _Samisen_ 267 - A _No_-dance 270 - The Entrance of a Theatre 272 - The Stage and Entrance-passage 273 - The Revolving-stage 275 - A Wrestling-match 279 - The Champion’s Appearance in the Ring 281 - The Entrance of a Story-tellers’ Hall 283 - A Story-teller on the Platform 285 - The Treasure-ship 289 - The New Year’s Decorations 290 - The Feast of Dolls 293 - Cherry-flowers at Mukojima 295 - The Feast of Flags 298 - The Fête of Sanno 299 - The Feast of Lanterns 301 - Offerings to the Full Moon 303 - Cormorant-fishing 307 - Angling-stools 308 - _Sugoroku_ 309 - _Iroha_ and Ode-Cards 311 - Playing Ode-cards 312 - The Game of _Ken_ 315 - Japanese Chess 317 - The Game of _Go_ 318 - “Flower-cards” 321 - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -TOKYO THE CAPITAL. - - The youngest of the capitals—Yedo—The feudal government—Prosperity - of Yedo—Its population—The military class—The Restoration—The new - government—National reorganisation—Centralisation—Local - government—Tokyo the leader of other cities—Struggle between Old and - New Japan—The last stronghold of Old Japan. - - -Tokyo is the youngest of the great capitals of the world, for it was -only in 1868 that the present Emperor of Japan left the old city -where his ancestors had for centuries lived in seclusion and made the -Shogun’s stronghold his new home and seat of government. It was a -politic move; because though the Shogun had already resigned his -office and surrendered the absolute authority he had exercised in the -government of the country, there were still many among his followers -who were unwilling to give up their hereditary offices. Had the -Emperor then remained in Kyoto and there established his government, -it would have been comparatively easy for these discontented partisans -of the Shogun to foment an insurrection in the largest city of the -Empire, which might assume serious proportions before it could be -quelled, especially in those days when the means of communication and -transportation were yet very primitive. Hence, it was decided to -remove the central government to the possible hot-bed of disaffection -and, by the strong arm of the newly-constituted administration, to nip -in the bud all signs of rebellion. And so the Emperor and his Court -forsook the city which had been the nominal capital for a thousand -years and took up their abode in the great military centre which was -known as Yedo; but when the Emperor arrived at the old castle of -the Shogun, he gave it the name of Tokyo, or the Eastern Capital, to -distinguish it from the late capital, Kyoto, which is on that account -also spoken of by the people as Saikyo, or the Western Capital. - -But Yedo itself was not very old. Towards the close of the fifteenth -century, a renowned warrior, Ota Dokan by name, built a little castle -in the village of Yedo. Not long after his death, his family became -extinct and others succeeded to the lordship of the little castle. A -century later, Tokugawa Iyeyasu, one of the most powerful daimyo, or -territorial lords, at the time, became master of the Eight Provinces -east of the Hakone Mountains and was on the point of establishing his -government at Kamakura, the capital of the first line of Shogun, when -he was persuaded by his suzerain, the Taiko Hideyoshi, who is best -known to history for his invasion of Korea, to set up his headquarters -at Dokan’s castle-town which possessed great strategic advantages over -Kamakura. Accordingly, in 1590, Iyeyasu came to the village of Yedo -and saw that the castle could be developed into a formidable fortress. -At once he set to work rebuilding it on a gigantic scale. Bounded on -the north and west by a low line of hills, on the south by the Bay of -Yedo, and on the east by marshes, it was in those days of bows and -arrows and hand-to-hand fights almost impregnable. Behind the hills -lay the wide plain of Musashino, across which no enemy could approach -unobserved, while it was equally difficult to make a sudden attack -upon the castle from the sea or over the marshes. The castle covered -upwards of five hundred acres within its inner walls. The swamp was -reclaimed, and merchants, artisans, priests, and men of other crafts -and professions were induced by liberal offers to settle in the new -city. The reclaimed land soon became the principal merchant quarter. - -In 1603, Iyeyasu became Shogun, or military suzerain of the country. -The Shogun was appointed by the Emperor, who delegated to him the -civil and military government of the land. The Emperor made the -appointment nominally of his own will; but in reality he was compelled -to confer the title on the most powerful of his subjects. It was to -Iyeyasu but a confirmation of the influence he already wielded as -the most formidable of all the territorial barons. And thus fortified -by the Imperial nomination, he began at once to take measures for the -general pacification of the country which had for years been plunged -in a terrible civil war. His first step was to consolidate his power; -and it was done with such success that the Shogunate remained in his -family for two hundred and sixty-five years. This predominance of his -family was in a great measure due to his skill in providing against -those evils which had wrecked former lines of Shogun. All these -dynasties had fallen through coalitions of powerful daimyo in -different parts of the country and the consequent inability to cope -with insurrections which broke out simultaneously in various quarters. -To prevent such coalitions Iyeyasu created small fiefs around the -territories of great daimyo and gave them to his own adherents, who -acted as spies upon these daimyo and frustrated any attempts they -might make at conspiracy. The territories along the great highway -between Yedo and Kyoto he also apportioned among his followers, so -that he had always a ready access to the Emperor’s city and could -without difficulty control every movement of the Imperial Court. -Another plan he formed towards the same end, though it was not -actually carried out until the time of his grandson. This was the -compulsory residence of the daimyo in Yedo for a certain term every -other year; the time for reaching and leaving the city was fixed -for each daimyo by the Shogun’s government. Their wives, with rare -exceptions, remained permanently in Yedo and were practically hostages -at the Shogun’s court. - -The effect of this last measure was the increased prosperity of Yedo. -All the daimyo were compelled to keep a house in the city. They built -most of their palaces around the castle, and in the same enclosures -were erected numerous houses for their retainers. Many daimyo had one -or more mansions in the suburbs, not a few of which were noted for -their size and their beautiful grounds. The most celebrated of these -mansions is now the Imperial Arsenal, the garden of which is one of -the sights of Tokyo; and another forms a part of the Palace of the -Crown Prince and is also the place where the Imperial chrysanthemum -party is given every autumn. The building of the daimyo’s mansions, -the number of these lords being at the time about two hundred and -fifty, naturally attracted merchants, artisans, and other classes of -people from all parts of the country. And Yedo rose before long to -be the most flourishing city in Japan. It set the example to all the -other cities of the Empire, for the daimyo copied in their own -castle-towns all that they found to their taste during their forced -sojourn in Yedo. This leading position which the Shogun’s city held in -the feudal days has been retained even in an increased measure by the -capital of New Japan. - -Some idea of the prosperity of Yedo may be formed from the fabulous -accounts of its wealth current among the country-people, who believed -that in the main streets of the city land was worth its weight in -gold. But a more definite proof is to be found in the computations -which were made from time to time with respect to its population. -Estimates based upon official records in the early years of the -Shogunate are very incomplete. Thus, we are told that there were in -1634, 35,419 citizen householders and twenty-three years later, as -many as 68,051, which would give a citizen population, at the rate of -4.2 persons per household, of 148,719 and 285,814 respectively, an -increase which is obviously too great for so short an interval. The -first trustworthy computation is probably that for the year 1721, when -the citizens and their families were said to aggregate about half a -million and the military class, with their servants, were put at a -little over a quarter of a million. Priests, street-vendors, and -beggars with whom the city swarmed did not most likely fall much below -fifty thousand, so that we may without any great error take the total -population at eight hundred thousand. More than a century later, in -1843, that is, a few years before the outbreak of the dissensions -which finally broke up the feudal government, the total population was -calculated from similar sources at 1,300,000, of which 300,000 or -nearly one quarter, belonged to the military class. Old European -travellers put the population of Yedo at various figures ranging from -a million and a half to three millions, but the above computation is -probably as near the truth as we can hope to get; and in view of the -fact that Yedo was a dozen years later torn by factions and was -practically in a state of civil war, we may safely conclude that its -population never exceeded that calculated for the year 1843. - -In the above-mentioned estimate the military population of Yedo is put -at 300,000. It was computed in the following manner:—There were in the -country two hundred and sixty-seven daimyo, every one of whom had two -or more mansions in Yedo. The total number of their retainers and -servants, with their families, in fact, of all who depended for their -subsistence upon these barons, was calculated at over 137,000. The -immediate feudatories of the Shogun who all lived in Yedo, numbered -22,000; and they, with their families and servants, made up 160,000. -From these figures the great influence wielded by the samurai in Yedo -may be readily inferred. - -Though Yedo thus prospered and the Shogun’s rule there seemed firmly -established while thousands of samurai were ready to lay down their -lives for his welfare, contentment was far from universal in the -country. Some of the great daimyo whose ancestors had submitted to -Iyeyasu only because of his overwhelming power, would have gladly -raised the standard against his descendants if they had seen any -chance of success; they knew that two centuries and a half of peace -had enervated the Shogun’s court and luxurious habits corrupted his -government and that it would not be a difficult task to crush him if -they could form a coalition against him. But as yet they did not know -whom to trust among their fellow-daimyo, and discontent smouldered -ready to burst out at the first opportunity. - -And that opportunity came in good time. The arrival of Commodore -Perry’s squadron and the subsequent conclusion of treaties by the -Shogun with the foreign powers are matters of history. Centuries of -isolation had lured the nation into the belief that it could for ever -remain free from all contact with the outside world; the treaties, -therefore, came upon it as a rude awakening from its long-cherished -dream, and the possible consequences of the opening of the country -to foreign trade and intercourse naturally aroused all its fears. A -strong agitation arose in denunciation of the Shogun’s act to which -the Emperor’s sanction had not yet been given, and when orders came -from Kyoto to abrogate the new treaties, the enemies of the Yedo -government saw their opportunity; they turned to the sovereign -who lived hidden from public gaze in his palace and knew that the -salvation of their country could be brought only by the Emperor coming -to his own again and assuming the direct government of his people. -Leaders among these loyalists were the clans of Satsuma and Choshu, -two of the most powerful in Japan, which were later joined by those of -Hizen and Tosa, and many others. The Shogun did his utmost to suppress -these risings; but being at length convinced, by his utter failure, of -his own powerlessness, he resigned his office in 1867 and restored the -reins of government into the hands of his sovereign. - -The Emperor thereupon made Yedo his capital and to it flocked the men -who had helped to overthrow the Shogun’s government. The small bands -of the latter’s adherents who still offered resistance were soon -overcome. The national government was reorganised by men from the -loyal clans. Though the Shogun had been denounced for his friendly -attitude towards foreigners, the new government was even more -cordially disposed towards them. The truth is that though the Shogun’s -enemies were at first all for the expulsion of foreigners out of the -country, wiser heads among them soon came to understand that it would -not be possible to get rid of these unwelcome visitors and return to -the old state of isolation. This conviction was especially brought -home to the great clans of Satsuma and Choshu when Kagoshima, the -chief town of the former, and Shimonoseki, the seaport of the latter, -were bombarded for outrages upon Europeans, one by a British fleet in -1863 and the other by combined squadrons of Great Britain, France, -Holland, and the United States in the following year; and they saw -that the only way for their country to preserve her independence and -secure a footing in the comity of nations was to be as strong as those -powers and advance in that path of civilisation which had given them -such a commanding position in the world. But so long as the Shogunate -stood, they let the anti-foreign agitation take its course; when, -however, it fell and the way was cleared for a reorganised -government, they set to remodelling it on western lines. Then -commenced that process of national renovation which has astonished the -world. - -With the fall of the Shogunate and the reorganisation of the national -government the feudal system was doomed; for such a programme as -Japan had already sketched out for herself was incompatible with that -medieval form of government. This fact was soon recognised by the -daimyo of Satsuma and Choshu, who offered in 1868 to surrender their -fiefs; the generous offer was gladly accepted and their example was -followed by all the other daimyo. But for the time the ex-daimyo were -all appointed governors of their respective fiefs so that they might -aid in bringing their former subjects to a full sense of the new -condition of things. Three years later, in 1871, the clans were -abolished and the whole country was divided into prefectures. The -daimyo and their retainers received government bonds in commutation -of the incomes they had thitherto derived from their fiefs. The -substitution of prefectures for clans was made with the object of -breaking up the clan bias which was prejudicial to national unity and -of giving the central government a more complete control over the -provinces by the appointment to prefectural offices of high officials -from Tokyo. For to prevent disaffection or crush open revolt in the -provinces, it was necessary to centralise as much as possible the -government of the country; and with all its precautions, the new -government had to cope with several little uprisings, culminating in -the Satsuma rebellion which spread over a greater part of the island -of Kyushu and taxed its resources to the utmost. But when this was -quelled, the country enjoyed absolute peace; no internal disorder has -since taken place with the sole exception of a small local trouble in -1884. - -The result of this centralisation was that Tokyo became the centre of -the whole national life. Men seeking office hurried to it; students -entered its schools; the trades and professions seemed to thrive only -in the capital. The measures which the government took at the time -tended still further to make Tokyo attractive. For the Restoration and -the consequent national reorganisation were for the most part the -work of the military class, or rather of the samurai of a few clans -under the guidance of a small group of leaders. The country bowed to -the inevitable; but the people had little or no voice in the matter. -Whatever drastic measures the government might take, the nation -at large could not at a word of command throw off the immemorial -traditions in which it had been brought up; it failed to realise the -drift of the new policy its leaders were entering upon. Consequently, -the first and most important duty of the government was to guide its -people in the path it had taken. New laws were published with minute -instructions; schools of all kinds were established on the western -plan, the higher colleges being located in Tokyo; model government -factories were built in the environs of the city; in short, nothing -that a paternal government could do was omitted to take the people -by the leading-strings. The higher schools were soon filled; their -graduates found ready employment. The country was ruled by a huge army -of officials, who, taking as they did the place of the old samurai -in the popular estimation, commanded respect and deference often -out of proportion to the importance of their posts, which, with -the comparatively high salaries they enjoyed in those days, made -government service the most attractive of all occupations. In fact, -in the early days, Tokyo may be said to have derived its enhanced -prosperity from the superabundance of officials. Then too, men of the -legal, medical, and other professions all opened practice in Tokyo; -only in recent years when every rank has been overcrowded in the city, -have they sought fresh fields in the provinces. - -It was not long, however, before the evils of excessive centralisation -began to make themselves felt; and when the task of national -reorganisation was fairly complete, steps were taken towards -decentralisation. Prefectural assemblies were opened in 1881 as a -preliminary measure to the establishment of the national assembly. In -1888, local self-government was granted to provincial cities, towns, -and villages, and everything was done to promote local prosperity. The -close of the year 1890 saw the opening of the national diet. The war -with China in 1894–5 and that with Russia ten years later brought -on in either case a sudden activity in all departments of commerce and -industry and gave a great impetus to railway enterprise. Many bogus -companies, it is true, were formed at the same time, and their -collapse was a serious set-back to the national economy. But the -undoubted increase of commercial and industrial enterprises has served -to relieve the pressure of population upon Tokyo. Osaka, for instance, -which has for centuries been a great commercial centre, has within the -last few years become as great a centre of industry, with a population -exceeding a million. Kyoto, the old capital, remains somnolent; but -Nagoya and the trade-ports of Kobe and Yokohama are forging ahead. -In short, though Tokyo, as the capital, will probably remain the -largest city in the Empire, it cannot be denied that it is not now so -far in advance of the rest as it was a few years ago. This rise -of great provincial cities is a necessary result of the growth of -manufacturing industries which are bound, if the country is to -prosper, to take the place of agriculture, which is too limited in its -scope in a country of such a moderate extent as Japan. It is indeed -but a repetition of the rise of the great provincial towns like -Birmingham, Sheffield, and Manchester in England in the last century. - -Still Tokyo must take the lead in all that pertains to the adoption -of western civilisation. Osaka and other manufacturing cities will -develop the inevitable but unwelcome phases of western industrialism. -Already the labour problem looms before us, and the government must -before long legislate on the question. There are also signs of -socialistic agitation. But these questions do not affect Tokyo so -seriously as other cities, for the factories on its outskirts are -comparatively few and the land is too valuable for residential -purposes to be occupied by manufactories. - -Tokyo will remain what it has always been, the home of the best -classes in every department of national life. It will always indicate -the high-water mark of oriental culture and occidental influence. -Here, as nowhere else, will be seen that antagonism of the two, the -pressure of western customs and ways of life following on the heels of -the sciences and practical knowledge we are eagerly imbibing from the -West and the resistance of oriental traditions and usages, which -refuse to admit a tittle more than is absolutely necessary to bring -the country to a material and intellectual equality with the foremost -nations of the world. To those who look below the surface nothing -is more interesting in viewing the progress of Japan than this -combination of radicalism and conservatism. The Japanese, for -all his apparent love of innovation, still retains that stolid -self-satisfaction usually associated with the oriental mind, though it -is no rarer in the West. He has long recognised that his country must -advance along the lines taken at the Restoration, but he would have -the development take place without the sacrifice of the national -characteristics which have marked his countrymen from time immemorial. -The agitation which was set up some twenty years ago for the -preservation of these characteristics by those who feared the mania -for everything European which was then at its height would result -in the obliteration of the qualities which have kept Japan in full -vitality through the centuries, still finds an echo in his heart. The -threatened sudden metamorphosis of those days was but a passing whim; -the change is now slower and more subtle, and it is hard to mark the -exact line at which the encroaching tide of European civilisation -shall be made to stop. But the Japanese feels that the line must be -drawn somewhere. The problem is certainly difficult to solve. It -appears hardly possible to reap the fruits of the material and -intellectual progress of the West and yet to shut out the moral and -religious sources of that progress; but for all that, it would be -premature to pronounce it impossible. For we have already done what -seemed at first beyond the verge of possibility. Who, for instance, of -the thousands who nightly thronged to the Savoy Theatre to laugh over -the famous Gilbert and Sullivan opera, would have thought at the time -that a few years thence their country would form a treaty of alliance -with the land of Koko, Yum-yum, and Nankipoo? They would have flouted -the very idea; but that alliance is generally regarded as a natural -outcome of the recent course of events in the Ear East. Would it be, -we wonder, a much harder task to discriminate the elements of European -civilisation? - -There are of course people who find their account in advocating -the rapid adoption of everything European; but their utmost efforts -notwithstanding, there is one citadel which will long resist their -attacks and remain almost as purely Japanese as in the days of their -forefathers. That impregnable citadel is the home; woman is in Japan -as elsewhere the greatest conservative element of national life, and -within her sphere of influence tradition reigns as supreme as ever. -Globe-trotters who advise their friends to visit this country with as -little delay as possible for fear that in a few years Old Japan would -cease to be, do not reckon with our domestic life. Japanese women are -as a class gentle, pliant, and docile; and these qualities stand them -in good stead at home. Whether it be that they manage with all their -demureness to twist their lords round their little fingers or that the -latter are afraid that any change in home life would develop a new -revolting woman who would refuse to be as submissive as they are at -present, the fact remains that with the mass of the nation there has -been little change in the conditions of domestic life. And what these -conditions are and how little the influx of new ideas has affected the -home of Old Japan, it is the object of the following chapters to relate. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE STREETS OF TOKYO. - - The area and population of Tokyo—Impression of greater - populousness—Street improvements—Narrow streets—Shops and - sidewalks—Road-making—Dusty roads—Lamps and street - repairs—Drainage—Street-names—House-numbers—Incongruities. - - -The area of Tokyo is not so great as is generally supposed. The people -of Yedo used to say that their city was ten miles square; but the -extreme length, from north-east to south-west, of Tokyo which does -not differ materially in its limits from the old city, is no more -than eight miles. The actual area is only 18,482 acres, or nearly -twenty-nine square miles. The population fell with the decline of the -feudal government and was under a million in the early days of the new -regime. The registered population returned to one million in 1884. The -municipal census which was taken for the first time on the first of -October, 1908, gave the settled population as 1,622,856, composed -of 872,550 males and 750,306 females, and the number of families -as 377,493. This took no account of the floating population which -probably exceeds a hundred thousand; there is also a large population, -not less than a quarter of a million, which the rise of rents and the -facilities of electric-tramway communication have sent outside the -administrative limits of the municipality; it forms, properly-speaking, -a part of the population of the city. - -Tokyo is therefore a great city; but the stranger who visits its -streets for the first time usually gets an impression of an even -greater populousness. For the streets are always in the evening -teeming with young children; they are not gutter-snipes, but children -of respectable parents, small tradesmen or private persons of slender -means, who let them run about on the public road rather than romp in -their narrow dwellings. But it is not the children alone who -think they have a greater right of way over the roads than the public: -for on summer evenings especially, men and women turn out of doors -and walk about or sit on benches outside their houses. Shops are -completely open and reveal the rooms within, so that whole families -may be seen from the streets; and as most houses are of only one or -two stories, people live for the most part on the ground-floor. Even -in private residences of some pretensions, the thin wooden walls allow -voices to be easily heard on warm days when the rooms are kept open. -So that from the people he sees crowding the houses and the noises he -hears on all sides, the stranger is often deceived into giving the -city credit for a larger population than it actually possesses. - -[Illustration: A STREET IN YEDO. (FROM A PICTURE BY SETTAN, 1778–1843).] - -The streets themselves are worth notice. If the foreigner who comes to -Japan expects to see in such a great capital the asphalt carriageway -and paved sidewalk of his native country, he will be sadly -disappointed, for Tokyo, with all its multitudinous thoroughfares, -cannot boast even the boulevards and avenues of a European provincial -town. In spite of the efforts of the Tokyo municipality, the streets -are still narrow. Their total length is about six hundred miles, with -a width ranging from one yard to fifty, the average being nine yards. -It was decided twenty years ago to widen some three hundred miles of -these roads, giving the largest a width of forty yards for carriageway -with a footway on either side of six yards, and the smallest a -carriageway of twelve yards and a footway one yard wide. The work -is to be accomplished in ninety years. Improvements to this end are -slowly going on. The fact is that the City Fathers missed a great -opportunity in the early years of the new regime when, upon the -desertion of the residences of the daimyo and other feudatories after -the fall of the Shogunate, land could have been purchased for a song, -for it went begging in the heart of the city at less than thirty yen -an acre. Those who were wise enough to buy it have made big fortunes, -for the same land now sells for a hundred thousand yen or more per -acre. Now, however, the municipality cannot command sufficient funds -to purchase the land needed for improvements along the streets -proposed, but buys it up only when it is absolutely necessary to -relieve the congestion of traffic; and elsewhere it waits -patiently until a fire burns down the streets and clears the -required space for it as, in that case, it will not have to give any -compensation for the removal of the houses. - -In the old days, the narrowness of the streets did not interfere with -such traffic as was then carried on. The daimyo and others of high -rank rode in palanquins, and officials went about on horseback; but -the rest of the world walked. The citizens were not allowed to make -use of other legs than their own. Those who had to go about much put -on cheap straw sandals, which were thrown away at the end of their -journey, so that they did not give a thought to the width or the state -of the road as they had in any case to wash their feet afterwards; -while others, of the common people, were, if they met a daimyo’s -procession, thrust to the wall or oftener into the ditch, and they too -cared as little for the width of the thoroughfare. And when a samurai -met another in a narrow lane, it was by no means rare, if their -sword-scabbards touched in passing, for an altercation to arise and -be followed by bloodshed; but as brawls were in their way, they did -not trouble themselves about the widening of the road. Pedestrians, -moreover, could always pick their way in any street, and if they saw -coming towards them a daimyo’s retinue or a company of swash-bucklers, -they usually turned into a side-street. To the happy horsemen and -palanquin-riders the size of a street was a matter of absolute -indifference, for if those on shanks’ mare got in their way, it was -their lookout. But luckily for these walkers there was little else for -them to dodge, for vehicles were comparatively few. The only objects -on wheels were handcarts and waggons drawn by horses or oxen. These -waggons came from the country with bags of rice, fuel, and other -necessaries, and were used, not for their speed which was a snail’s -pace, but for their carrying power. - -In these latter days, however, things have materially changed. Men -to-day would be put to the blush by the hale old survivors of those -pedestrian times, for they have gone to the other extreme. The -conveniences of the jinrikisha, or two-wheeled vehicles drawn by men, -and latterly of electric tramways have sapped all energy out of them, -and we hear little nowadays of walking feats. There were in 1900 -forty-six thousand jinrikisha in Tokyo; but the electric cars, which -began to run a few years later, are driving them out of the city, for -they are now less than one-half of that number. Still, the pedestrian -has need to keep a good lookout on the road, for where, in the absence -of footways, men, women, children, vehicles, and horses move about in -an inextricable jumble, it is a matter for wonder that accidents are -not more frequent. Besides the jinrikisha and electric cars, there are -thousands of handcarts, some drawn by coolies and carrying objects of -every description from household articles to stones for road-making -and trees for gardens, and others drawn by milkmen with their -milk-cans, by apprentices with their masters’ wares, by pedlars with -various assortments to attract the housewife’s eye, or by farm-boys -with vegetables fresh from the field. There are but a thousand waggons -drawn by horses or oxen in Tokyo; but as there are twice as many more -in the surrounding country, they are very much in evidence in the -city since they make their presence unpleasantly obtrusive in narrow -streets. These waggons, however, move slowly and give one time to get -out of their way. In this respect they are better to meet than the -carriages which drive on indifferent to the width of the road; in -narrow streets the latter are preceded by grooms who hustle all -loiterers out of the way. They are only less eagerly shunned than the -motor-cars and the files of handcarts which move leisurely along with -pink flags marked “ammunition” from the Imperial arsenal. - -But the Ishmael of the streets of Tokyo was until lately the bicycle. -A few years ago there were six thousand of these machines in the city; -they were patronised by shop-apprentices who, with large bundles on -their backs, scorched through crowded streets careless of accidents -to themselves or others. These apprentices were therefore in the -policeman’s black books; nor did the jinrikisha-man look upon them -with any favour, for he regarded bicycling as an innovation intended -to defraud him of his fares. But his hostility against the bicycle -melted away when he was confronted by the electric car which has -proved itself the most formidable of his foes. The bicycle, too, has -suffered an eclipse; for apprentices and others of its patrons -find it more expensive to keep it in repair than to travel by the car -at the cost of a penny per trip. The motor-car also made its debut a -few years back and the dust it raises and the smell of petrol it leaves -in its track have brought upon it the anathema of all pedestrians; and -though the police regulations prohibit a motor-car from traversing -streets less than twelve yards wide, it runs merrily through lanes and -small side-streets. It sometimes charges into shops and makes havoc -among their merchandise. The pranks it plays in the hands of unskilful -chauffeurs are not likely to lessen its unpopularity. - -What with carriages, jinrikisha, waggons, handcarts, and bicycles -jostling one another and men, women, and children threading their way -through the labyrinth or fleeing before motor or electric cars, the -more frequented streets of Tokyo present a confused mass of traffic; -but in respect of actual numbers they are really less crowded than -western streets of similar importance. The busy appearance is mostly -due to the absence of sidewalks, and the bustle is increased by the -wayfarers having to run to and fro to get out of the way of the -vehicles. In streets provided with sidewalks one would expect less -confusion; but as a matter of fact, people are so used to walking -among vehicles of all sorts that they prefer sauntering on the -carriageway to quietly pacing the sidewalks; and it is no uncommon -experience to meet a company walking abreast in the middle of the road -and dodging carriages while the sidewalks are almost deserted. - -[Illustration: A SHOP IN TOKYO.] - -Sidewalks are not likely to gain in popularity until improvements are -made in the arrangements of shops. There are no streets in Tokyo which -are known as fashionable afternoon resorts, because the shops are so -constructed that one cannot stop before them without being accosted by -the squatting salesmen. Only in a few main streets are there regular -rows of shops with show-windows against which one could press one’s -nose to look at the wares exhibited or peer beyond at the shop-girls -at the counter; but then business is not done in Japan over the -counter, nor do shop-girls hide their charms behind a window, for the -shops are open to the street and the show-girls, or “signboard-girls” -as we call them, squat at the edge visible to all passers-by and -are as distinctive a feature of the shop as the signboard itself. The -goods are exhibited on the floor in glass cases or in piles, a custom -which is not commendable when pastry or confectionery is on sale, for -standing as it does on the south-eastern end of the great plain of -Musashino, Tokyo is a very windy city, and the thick clouds of fine -dust raised by the wind on fair days cover every article exposed and -penetrate through the joints of glass cases, so that in Tokyo a man -who is fond of confectionery must expect to eat his pound of dirt not -within a lifetime, but often in a few weeks. If one stops for a moment -to look at the wares, he is bidden at once to sit on the floor and -examine other articles which would be brought out for his inspection, -whereupon he has either to accept the invitation or move on. One -seldom cares therefore to loiter in the street. The only shops that -are often crowded by loiterers are the booksellers’ and cheap-picture -dealers’. - -But even more unpleasant than the narrowness of the streets is the -state in which many of them are to be found. In a few streets the -roadway has been dug up and pyramidal stones have been laid on the bed -with the points up; they are then covered with earth and broken stone -and finished with a top-dressing of gravel. They are not, however, -rolled as steam-rollers have only lately made their appearance in -Tokyo; sometimes small stone-rollers, about two feet in diameter, are -drawn over the metal by a dozen coolies, but the work is inefficient -as the pressure of such toy rollers is too slight to make any sensible -impression. For the most part, therefore, newly-made roads are left to -be levelled with the beetle-crushers of the long-suffering public. -The municipality finds it the cheapest way. This is bad enough on the -gravelled road, but the tortures it inflicts on men and beasts of -burden, to say nothing of the rapid wear and tear of vehicles, are -indescribable when the thoroughfare is repaired in the orthodox style. -Whenever the road wants mending, cartloads of pebbles are, according -to this method, brought from the beds of the rivers in the -neighbourhood of Tokyo and scattered over the highway. They are laid -evenly, but not levelled or rolled. The public press them down as they -walk with their clogs, sandals, or boots; immediately any part is -embedded in the soil, that path alone is used till it is beaten -flat, so that one often sees a narrow path meandering in a wide -stone-covered road, along which all traffic is carried on and the rest -of the road is practically unused. When this path is beaten in and -becomes hollow, more cartloads of pebbles are thrown upon it and -the public recommence their patient task of road-levelling. But -fortunately for them, they are materially aided in this benevolent -work by the solstitial rains, which when they come down in torrents, -soon bury the stones in the clayey soil, and for the nonce the people -walk over it rejoicing until the municipality sets them a new task; or -the rains have done their work but too well and the poor pedestrians -find themselves wading through quagmire. - -Indeed, quagmire is what we find in many streets after rain; for the -supply of rubble is necessarily limited as it comes mostly from the -rivers in and about the city, and consequently a majority of roads are -left uncared for. These, after a heavy rain, are covered with a thick -coating of mud, which when the sun has dried it, leaves behind deep -ruts, making the roads more unpleasant to walk on than when covered -with pebbles. In midsummer when the ridges of these ruts have been -pulverised and blown in all directions so that one appears to be -walking on sand, the roads are watered twice or more every day. The -watering is done on high roads by coolies with small hand-drays out of -which water is sprinkled spasmodically, and as the men stop from time -to time to take breath, there are on many spots pools of water in -which one can soil one’s footgear as effectually as on the rainiest -day. But worse still is the watering done by private persons on the -part of the road facing their dwellings. These merely ladle the water -from their pails and sprinkle it in splashes, leaving in the middle of -the street puddles for children to make mud-cakes in. In short, the -great objection to the way in which the streets are watered in Tokyo -is that it is too much for laying the dust, but not enough for -flushing the roadway. - -The pedestrian has therefore to be very careful in selecting the part -of the road to walk on in both wet and fine weather. This is not very -difficult in the daytime; but at night, especially when there is no -moon, the task is hard to accomplish with success; for rarely are -street lamps set up at the public expense, and in most streets the -inhabitants have lamps for their own convenience over their front -doors or gates; but the light of these lamps is very meagre as they -are naturally not intended to guide the stray wayfarer over the road. -But even these are of some service in streets of shops where the front -doors are ranged pretty closely together; in roads, however, where -there are only private houses, the gates being far apart, the lights -are also at some distance from each other and the passenger has mostly -to trust to his luck to keep himself clean. That luck, however, -deserts him at times, for the repairs which the roads seem to undergo -in every part of the city are astonishingly frequent. It is not the -mere mending that is the cause of the trouble, but the constant -pulling up of the roads for laying or repairing gas-pipes, -water-pipes, and what not that so often brings one to an _impasse_. -As, moreover, the authorities work independently of one another, a -road which has been dug up for one purpose and filled in again, may be -pulled up for another. Matters are not likely to improve in the near -future, for before long the telegraph and telephone authorities must -have a hand in digging up the road; at present the wires are overhead, -but the poles are already overweighted and cannot be loaded much more -without serious danger to traffic. Electric-light wires are equally -menacing; and the situation is only aggravated where the electric cars -run through crowded streets of the business quarters. - -The wretched state of the roads after rain is undoubtedly due to -imperfect drainage. The cross-section of the roads has little or no -curvature or gradient, and the gutters, where they have been made, do -not drain off and are only receptacles for muddy stagnant water. They -are occasionally cleaned by heaping the mire on the roadside. And -yet, curious to state, in spite of these insanitary methods, the rate -of mortality in Tokyo is not so high as might be expected. It varies -from twenty to twenty-five per thousand on the registered population -and therefore must be less when the floating population is taken into -account. It shows that Tokyo is not an unhealthy city, and when the -municipality has carried out the plan it has made for a drainage -system, the Japanese capital will probably compare favourably with -most other great cities of the world. - -There is one peculiarity about the streets of Tokyo which deserves -mention, that is, the way they are named. Of course every thoroughfare -has a name given to it; but it differs from streets in other countries -in that name being the designation, not of the thoroughfare itself, -but of the section or piece of land through which it runs. Thus, two -or more thoroughfares which run through the same section are known by -the same name; in a large section there may be a dozen streets running -in all directions and bearing the same name. When a road runs on -the boundary of two sections, the opposite sides would be known by -different names, and a man walking in the middle of such a road would -be perambulating two streets at one and the same time. Some of the -larger sections, if regularly built, are divided on the main road -into subsections by streets crossing them; but irregular streets are -arbitrarily subdivided so that it is often very hard to find one’s -way through them. As many sections are full of tortuous streets with -turnings and alleys, the numbering of houses in a section is often -complicated, and one seldom knows where the numbers begin or end. -Frequently consecutive numbers are to be found in entirely different -directions and in hunting up a number, one has to traverse the length -and breadth of the section before one comes upon it. - -The numbering of houses is further complicated by the fact that the -same number is given often to dozens, and sometimes to hundreds, of -houses. The explanation is that the numbering first took place while -the great daimyo’s mansions were still standing; and when they were -pulled down and cut up into smaller lots, these lots retained the same -numbers. There are in Tokyo at least two of these great estates which -have been divided into nearly a thousand house-lots. It is indeed hard -to see how these houses could be renumbered, because in that case -every division of an estate would necessitate the renumbering of the -whole street, which, in a city like Tokyo where the sizes of houses -are constantly changing, would be simply intolerable. Besides these -divisions of mansions, we must take into account the frequency of -fires. Changes take place not seldom after a fire in the number -of houses in a street, and it would of course be impracticable to -renumber the whole street whenever a portion of it is burnt down. -Sometimes an additional designation, usually a second set of numbers, -is given to a group of houses with the same street-number; but fancy -names, such as are common in the suburbs of London, are hardly ever -given to dwelling-houses. It may therefore be imagined that it is no -light task to look up a friend in an unfamiliar quarter. - -The stranger, then, who visits the streets of Tokyo will find much to -arouse his curiosity in the open, windowless shops, the jinrikisha, -the native dresses of men and women, the throngs of hawkers, and the -ceaseless din of traffic; and at the same time, as he comes to Japan -usually in search of the quaint and _bizarre_, he will perhaps be -disappointed when he sees the countless overhead wires, the electric -trams, omnibuses, and bicycles, European clothes of all shades and -descriptions, and other encroachments of western civilisation, which -he had hoped to leave behind him and which somewhat shock his artistic -sense in their new surroundings. But these inæsthetic innovations -he must put up with, for they are typical of the present stage of -Japanese civilisation, and nowhere else are they more marked than in -Tokyo. The herculean task Japan has set herself leaves her little -leisure to consider its artistic effects; she is too much in earnest -to waste a thought on the awkward cut of the habiliments she is -donning; and only when she has so adapted herself as to fit them -exactly, will she turn her attention to their frills and trimmings. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -HOUSES: EXTERIOR. - - Name-plates—Block-buildings—Gates—The exposure of - houses—Fires—House-breaking—Japanese houses in summer and - winter—Storms and earthquakes—House-building—The carpenter—The - garden. - - -We have already said that the complicated way of numbering streets and -the inclusion of a large group of buildings in one number make it hard -to find any particular house. They necessitate a dreary going to and -fro through a series of thoroughfares, which is very trying to one’s -temper and would in most cases oblige one after a long search to give -it up altogether, were it not for the circumstance that not only -shops and private offices, but also nearly every private house, has -a name-plate nailed over the front door or on the gate-post. If, -therefore, we can, in the course of our wanderings through a street, -alight upon the right number, we can generally find the house, -provided there are not too many with the same number. The name-plate -has usually inscribed on it the number of the house and the name of -its occupant, and his title if he is a peer. Besides the name-plate, -there is on the gate-post the brass-badge of the insurance company if -the house has been insured, to enable the company’s private firemen to -identify the house and give necessary assistance in case of a fire -in the neighbourhood. The gate-post has also the telephone-number -placarded in large figures for the telephone-rate collector’s -convenience. - -Shops and most mercantile offices open directly upon the street; but -with respect to private houses there is no definite rule. Cheap houses -are built in long blocks; of these the worst description is to be -found in back courts; they are of one story, or if of two stories, -the second has a very low ceiling. They are usually in a dilapidated -condition and propped up on all sides; they are in fact our -slums. The smallest of these houses is only twelve feet by nine. A -block may be made up of a dozen such houses, six on either side with a -wall running through the middle from end to end. It is a peculiarity -of our tenement houses which have to be low on account of the -frequency of earthquakes that they are thus divided vertically -into narrow compartments and differ in this respect from the -many-storied houses in the West, which are divided horizontally and -occupied in flats. While the ground-rent is still comparatively low, -this habitation in transverse sections, so to speak, is feasible -for the poor; but even now, as the rent is steadily rising in all -quarters, the tendency is to drive these humble dwellers outside -the city limits. As it is, only in the poorer districts are these -miserable houses to be seen; for in the busier quarters the -ground-rent is already too high for them. But buildings in blocks are -not all of the poorest kind, though it must be admitted that dwelling -in a “long building,” as a block of this description is called, -implies on the face of it life on a humble scale. In the old times -well-to-do retainers, who had large houses of their own in the -country, lived when in Yedo in the “long buildings” surrounding their -lord’s mansion. Small shops are also built in blocks. - -[Illustration: IN THE SLUMS.] - -Though many private houses in the business quarters have no gates, -those of any pretensions in the residential districts where land is -naturally cheaper, are mostly provided with them. It is not usual for -professionals in humbler walks of life and for artisans to live within -a gate; but officials and others of some social standing prefer to -have one to their houses. Sometimes there is a single gate to a large -compound with a number of small houses in it; in such a case the -gate-post is studded with name-plates. Gates, too, vary in size and -form. The most modest are no more than low wicker-gates which can be -jumped over and offer no bar to intrusion. Others are of the same -make, but stand higher so that the interior can be seen only through -cracks. But the most common consist of two square posts with hinged -doors which meet in the middle and are kept shut by a cross-bar -passing through clamps on them. These gates may be of the cheapest -kind of wood, such as cryptomeria, or may be massive and of hard wood. -Another common kind has a roof over it with a single door which is -hinged on one post and fastened on to the other and provided with a -small sliding-door for daily use. The larger pair gates have also -small side-doors for use at night when they are themselves shut. - -[Illustration: A HOUSE AND A GATE.] - -After entering by the gate, we come to the porch; the distance -between them varies with the size and exposure of the house. It is not -true, as has been said by some writers on Japan, that in our houses -the parlour and the garden invariably occupy the rear while the -kitchen is in front. Their position depends upon the exposure of the -house. No people short of savages probably lead a more open-air -life than we do in our wooden houses. Our paper sliding-doors, which -are our only protection against wind and cold in winter, admit both -light and air; and we provide personally against the cold by wearing -wadded clothing and huddling over braziers, while in summer all the -sliding-doors are often removed to let the cool breeze blow through -the house. It becomes, then, an important matter in building or -selecting a house to see that its principal rooms are so arranged as -to get the warm rays of the sun in winter and the cool breezes in -summer. As both these are to be obtained from the south, the principal -rooms are made to expose their open side to that direction. In winter -the exposure of these rooms makes a vast difference in the consumption -of charcoal as the sun shining through the open side warms the rooms -more thoroughly than the braziers can do. Next to the south, the east -is the favourite direction, as the east wind coming over the Pacific -Ocean is milder than the north or west. The west wind, crossing as it -does the snowy ridges of Central Japan, is cold in winter while the -piercing rays of the westering sun make the rooms intolerably hot in -summer; and the north wind is cold in winter and in summer breezes -seldom come from that direction. In short, then, the principal rooms -face the south, if possible, or south-east, or sometimes the east. As -the garden is naturally in front of the principal rooms, its position -depends upon theirs, and it is made to lie, if possible, on the south -side of the house. If the gate is on the north side of the premises, -it is close to the house; but if it is on the south side, the garden -intervenes. It should, however, be stated that some people purposely -make their principal room face north; their reason is that if the -garden lay south of the house, the trees and plants in it would -display their north or rear side to those within, and they are -therefore willing to put up with the cold blasts from the north for -the pleasure of looking at the front and sunny side of their plants. - -[Illustration: A ROOFED AND A PAIR GATE.] - -Most houses in Japan are made of wood. In Tokyo only a little over -one-eighth of the houses are made of other materials, that is, of -brick, stone, or plaster, so that the capital may be said to be a city -of wooden houses. It is therefore, needless to add, often ravaged -by fire. In old Yedo fires were known as the “Flowers of Yedo,” being -as much among the great sights of the city as the cherry-blossoms on -the south-east bank of the River Sumida, the morning-glories of Iriya, -or the chrysanthemums of Dangozaka, for which Tokyo is still noted. -Under the feudal government occurred several fires which burnt -down tens of thousands of houses, and even under the new regime -disastrous fires are not unknown. On two occasions, in 1879 and -1881, over ten thousand houses were destroyed; but the last great -conflagration took place in 1892 when four thousand buildings were -devoured by the flames. Since then, though fires have been frequent -enough, their ravages have been more limited, thanks to a more -efficient system of fire-brigades and plentiful supply of water. -During the last few years the average number of houses annually -destroyed has been about seven hundred, which cover an area of seven -and a half acres; and as the total area of buildings in Tokyo is -three thousand seven hundred acres, the fires destroy every year one -five-hundredth part of the city. The actual loss of property is not so -great as might at first sight be supposed; for it is a notorious fact -that houses in Tokyo are not so carefully constructed as in Kyoto and -other cities, and the greater risks from fire incurred in the capital -discourage the building of costly houses unless they are to stand on -extensive grounds. Formerly it was calculated that the average life -of a house was about thirty years; but now the lesser frequency of -fires would give them a much longer lease. This is comforting to -house-owners; but it must be confessed that wooden houses more than -thirty years old are not pleasant to live in. The timber, unless -extremely well-seasoned, becomes warped and the pillars of the house -get out of the perpendicular, with the result that the sliding-doors -refuse to close flat upon them but leave a space at the top or bottom -through which the cold wind whistles at will in winter. This is the -case even with carefully-built houses, while in others the defects -are still more glaring. The jerry-builder’s hand is conspicuous in -most houses to let, and the rent is high compared with the cost of -construction. The landlords protest that they have to charge a high -rent as whole blocks may be swept away in one night through malice -or stupidity. And there is something to be said for their argument, -especially as fire insurance is still far from universal, for it -is strange when one comes to think of it that there are not more -destructive fires. It is so easy to burn down a wooden house. A rag -soaked with kerosene is enough to destroy any number of houses -and is the favourite means with incendiaries who hope to steal -household goods which are brought out in confusion into the street -whenever there is a fire in the neighbourhood. Besides, a slight act -of carelessness or neglect may lead to a terrible conflagration; a -candle left too near a paper sliding-door was the origin of the great -fire of 1892 already mentioned. Similarly, a kerosene lamp or a -brazier overturned, a pinch of lighted tobacco or an unextinguished -cigar-end, an over-heated stove or a piece of red-hot charcoal dropped -on the floor, these are among the commonest causes of fires; and even -the cheap Japanese matches, of which as the splints are not dipped in -paraffin, at least half a dozen are needed to light a cigarette in the -open air, are responsible for as many fires every year. Since such -slight accidents may at any time lead to great disasters, the -inhabitants, as they go to bed, are never sure, especially in crowded -quarters, of still having a roof over their heads next morning. They -may be aroused from their slumbers by the dreaded triple peal of the -alarm-bell and find the neighbouring street or next door wrapped in -flames, and just manage to run out of their houses with nothing but -the clothes on their backs. We are, however, so used to the fire-alarm -that if the peals are double to indicate that the fire is in the next -district, we only get out of bed to look at it from idle curiosity and -turn in again unless our house is leeward of the burning district or -we have to run to the assistance of a friend there; and if the bell -gives only single peals, which signify that at least one district -intervenes between the burning street and the fire-lookout, we turn in -our beds and perhaps picture to ourselves the lively time they must be -having in that street. A fire is, on account of its uncertainty and -suddenness, only less feared than an earthquake, and the general -feeling among the citizens is that of insecurity. - -There is, however, still another element of insecurity in wooden -houses. House-breaking is by no means difficult in Tokyo. In the -daytime the front entrance is generally closed with sliding-doors -which can, however, be gently opened and entered without attracting -notice unless some one happens to be in an adjoining room. The -kitchen door is usually kept open, and it is quite easy to sneak -into the kitchen and make away with food or utensils. Tradesmen, -rag-merchants, and hawkers come into the kitchen to ask for orders, to -buy waste-paper or broken crockery, or to sell their wares, so that -there is nothing unusual in finding strange men on the premises. -Sometimes these hawkers are really burglars in disguise come to -reconnoitre the house with a view to paying it a nocturnal visit. -At night, of course, the house is shut and the doors are bolted or -fastened with a ring and staple, but very seldom locked or chained. -As the doors are nothing more than wooden frames with horizontal -cross-bars, on which boards less than a quarter of an inch thick are -nailed, it would not be difficult to cut a hole with a chisel large -enough for the hand to reach the bolt or the staple or to clear the -whole space between the cross-bars for the body to pass through. But -quieter methods are generally preferred. Single burglars usually come -in by the skylight, closed at night by a small sliding-door, which -does duty as chimney in the kitchen, or crawl under the floor which -is some two feet from the ground, by tearing away the boarding under -the verandah and come up by carefully removing the loose plank of the -floor, under which fuel is kept in the kitchen. If the burglars are in -a gang, they naturally come in more boldly than these kitchen sneaks. -Once inside, the thief has the run of the house as all the rooms -communicate by sliding-doors and are never locked, and the whole -household is at his mercy. Since, then, houses are so easy of entry, -it might be supposed that burglaries are very frequent in Tokyo; that -such is not the case is probably due to the somewhat primitive methods -pursued by these gentry and to the effective detective system of the -police authorities. The strict police registration of every inhabitant -and the easy access of all the rooms in a house make concealment very -difficult, and the criminal is readily shadowed as he wanders from -place to place throughout the Empire. - -[Illustration: DOOR-FASTENINGS.] - -To this general insecurity from fire and burglary all wooden houses -are subject; but if we take into consideration the actual number of -homes which fall victims to them, we are compelled to conclude that -though the feeling of insecurity may always be present, the chances of -its being realised are somewhat remote, so that it is not so bad as it -looks in these respects to live in the wooden houses of Tokyo. Fires -are most frequent in winter from braziers being then in use and -kerosene lamps being in requisition for longer hours every evening, -and burglaries, too, increase in the same season from the sufferings -of the poor being intensified. But in the summer heat the Japanese -house is extremely pleasant. The whole house is open and lets the cool -breeze blow from end to end; bamboo screens are hung in front of the -verandah where it is exposed to the burning rays of the sun. On the -second story we sit in thin cotton garments and feel the breeze all -over the body, and look down upon the landscape garden before us -or beyond at the peerless Mount Fuji on the south-west or at Mount -Tsukuba on the northern edge of the Musashino plain. It is especially -enjoyable when fresh from a hot bath, we squat or loll on the mats, -fan in hand, and engage in desultory talk or in a quiet game until the -sun sinks and wine and fish are brought before us. The Japanese house -is an ideal summer villa when we can rest ourselves from the heat and -dust of the busy city. But in the city itself it is far otherwise. The -dust blows in with every gust, and the house, to be properly kept, -must be swept several times a day. The narrowness of the streets and -lowness of the ceilings give the shops in crowded quarters -insufficient light, though more than enough of dusty air. But in -winter we feel the inadequacy of wooden houses; it is next to -impossible to keep out the cold effectually; a room never gets -thoroughly warmed. The wind blows in through the crevices of the -sliding-doors, for the edges on which these doors meet are flat and -never dovetailed. The paper of the doors is porous, and through its -pores the air gets in; there is certainly this to be said for it that -in a Japanese room one need never fear asphyxiation, however much -charcoal may be burning in the braziers. These braziers are for -warming the hands and the face if one crouches over them; but for the -body, we get the warmth from the abundance of wadded clothing. We can -therefore keep fairly warm if we merely sit on the mats; but directly -we move or stand up, the cold attacks us. Most Japanese are, however, -used from childhood to these cold rooms and do not feel the chill. -Many of them think nothing of sitting for hours in a cold draught. - -A Japanese wooden house looks pretty when new; but after some years -when the outside is weather-beaten, the pillars begin to warp and the -walls to crumble, its charms, too, are on the wane. A well-built house -may be comfortable for twenty or at most thirty years, after which it -is uninhabitable without considerable repairs. The few private houses -which still remain that were built before the Restoration are at best -rain-proof, and afford little protection against wind. There are -certainly public buildings, such as shrines and temples, which have -survived many centuries and are not unfrequently picturesque as they -peer through their groves; but a close inspection would soon reveal -the repairs they have undergone, pillars repainted, roofs retiled, -gable-ends regilt, and the interior generally renovated. There is -wanting in Japanese dwelling-houses that poetical charm which age -lends to brick and stone buildings in the West with their dark-stained -casements and ivy-mantled walls; and time which mellows and imparts a -deeper hue to stone dry-rots wood and saps it of its strength, and -long before storms make any impression upon brick, the frame-house -falls to the ground. But in Japan it is not merely wind and rain -that houses have to contend against; the earthquake is the foe that -makes them to totter. Every earthquake, by shaking them up, tends to -loosen the joints and disturb the equilibrium of the building; and as -a good many such shocks, about a hundred and fifty, occur in the -course of a year, their combined effect is by no means negligible. -Houses have therefore to be built with the possible effects of -earthquakes in view. - -The most obvious of the provisions against earthquake effects is the -small height of the houses. Most dwelling-houses in Tokyo have only -one or two stories; there are far more of the former than of the -latter; and even of the latter kind, the upper story is usually much -smaller than the lower. The floor stands about two feet from the -ground; the ceiling is eight or nine feet in height on the lower floor -and often less than eight feet on the upper. The outer walls sometimes -rest on a low stone course; but the verandah is supported by short -wooden pillars resting on stone slabs. The house, in fact, merely -stands on a few stone slabs and courses and can, as is indeed -sometimes done, be lifted bodily and removed to another site. Over the -verandah, if there is a story above, a small roof projects to prevent -the rain from blowing into, the rooms behind it. The housetop is never -flat, but has a great rough-hewn beam for roof-tree with rafters on -either side, which are covered with lath. Semicircular tiles are -laid over the roof-tree with a thick substratum of mortar, while the -slanting sides are covered with pantiles. The gutter is sometimes made -of copper, but more commonly of bamboo or tinplate. The roof is built -before the walls or the floor. First, the ground is levelled and the -stone foundation made for the pillars. Meanwhile the pillars, joists, -beams, and ties have been made, and are now set up and fitted. As soon -as the frame is built, the roof is put on and covered for the while -with matting so as to enable the workmen to work inside irrespectively -of the weather. The verandahs, floors, ceilings, and grooves for -sliding-doors are made. The carpenter’s work is then done; and the -tiler is called in for the roof-tiles, the plasterer for the walls, -and the joiner for the sliding-doors. The tiles are of a uniform size -and generally of the same shape. The walls are made with a lathing -or frame of slender bamboo, which is covered with clay and over it one -or more coatings of plaster. In some buildings the coatings of the -outer walls are replaced by clapboards, which are painted black if the -wood is of an inferior quality or too weather-beaten. The paper-hanger -is called in to paper the sliding-doors and the mat-maker comes to -cover the floor with mats. The house is then complete. - -[Illustration: A HOUSE WITHOUT A GATE.] - -In Japan there was neither an architect nor a builder as a distinct -calling. Even now, ordinary dwelling-houses are not built by either of -them; it is the carpenter who has charge of their construction. The -carpenter’s is a dignified craft; he is called in Japanese the “great -artificer,” and stands at the head of all artisans. In the building of -a house, a master carpenter is called in; he prepares the plans, -and if they are approved, he sets to work with his apprentices and -journeymen. The other artisans, the tiler, the plasterer, and the -joiner, work under him. He is not as a rule an educated man and knows -his trade from having worked at it from apprenticeship; and for his -diligence or intelligence he has been set up by his master, or it may -be that he has found a wealthy patron, or more probably, he comes of -a carpenter’s family and has succeeded his father. Making use only -of the knowledge acquired during his term of apprenticeship or -service as journeyman, the master carpenter has little occasion to -display his inventiveness or originality, for he need only follow the -time-honoured conventions which hold sway in his craft as in all other -arts and crafts of the country. Hence, monotony is a distinctive mark -of Japanese domestic architecture; there is a sameness of style in all -our dwelling-houses. The chief and perhaps the only point upon which -the carpenter has to bring his ingenuity to bear is the arrangement of -the rooms. If he has a large site to build on, he will spread out the -building so as to secure as much southerly or south-easterly exposure -as possible without counteracting inconveniences; but if the site is -confined, he has to change his plans accordingly. Much depends upon -the lie of the land. His object is to have no rooms that are useless -or inconvenient. This is not such an easy task as may appear at first -sight in a house in which, with one or two exceptions, the rooms -may be turned into any use; for the very indefiniteness of their -disposal makes the problem more difficult to solve than in the case of -a house in which a definite use is assigned to each room at the time -of erection. - -[Illustration: A GARDEN.] - -Convention also makes itself felt in the laying out of a Japanese -garden, though a greater latitude is allowed to the gardener’s -ingenuity. Still the principles remain unchanged. In a large garden -we usually find a pond, dry if no water is available, and surrounded -with rocks of various shapes, and a knoll or two behind the pond with -pines, maples, and other trees, and stone lanterns here and there. A -few flowering shrubs are in sight, but these are planted for a -season; thus, peonies, morning-glories, and chrysanthemums are removed -as soon as they fade, while corchoruses and hydrangeas are cut down -leaving only the roots behind. The chief features of the garden are -the evergreens like the pine, trees whose leaves crimson in autumn -like the maple, and above all, the flowering trees like the plum, the -cherry, and the peach. A landscape garden presents, when the trees are -not in blossom, a somewhat severe or solemn aspect; we do not expect -from it the gaiety which beds of flowers impart. Indeed, many European -flowering plants have of late been introduced, such as anemones, -cosmoses, geraniums, nasturtiums, tulips, crocuses, and begonias; but -they still look out of place in a Japanese garden. Roses are sometimes -planted, but they are almost scentless. The humidity of the climate -appears to militate against the perfume of flowers. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -HOUSES: INTERIOR. - - The sizes of rooms—The absence of - furniture—Sliding-doors—Verandahs—Tenement and other small - houses—Middle-sized dwellings—The porch and anteroom—The - parlour—Parlour furniture—The sitting-room—Closets and - cupboards—Bed-rooms—The dining-room—Chests of drawers and - trunks—The toilet-room—The library—The bath-room—Foot-warmers. - - -A Japanese room is measured, not by feet and inches, but by the number -of mats it contains. A mat consists of a straw mattress, about an inch -and a half thick, with a covering of fine matting which is sewn on at -the edges of the mattress either by itself or with a border, usually -dark-blue and an inch wide, of coarse hempen cloth. It is six feet -long by three wide; this measure is not always exact, but may vary by -an inch or more in either direction. When a house is newly built, the -mat-maker comes to make mats to fit the rooms in it. But in spite of -the variation, the size of a room is always given in the number of -mats it holds, so that we never know the exact dimensions of a room. -The smallest room has two mats, that is, is about six feet square; the -next smallest is three-matted, or three yards by two. Four-matted -rooms are sometimes to be found; but such rooms are unshapely, being -four yards long by two wide. A room with four and a half mats is three -yards square and has the half mat, which is a yard square, in the -centre. The next size is six-matted, or four yards by three and is -followed by the eight-matted, or four yards square. The ten-matted -room is five yards by four and the twelve-matted is six yards by four. -It is only in large houses that there are rooms with fifteen or more -mats. In some restaurants and story-tellers’ halls we come upon rooms -with a hundred mats. Some rooms have five or seven mats; but they are -really of six or eight mats with the space of one mat occupied by a -closet or an alcove. It will thus be seen that in most rooms the -length is either equal to the breadth or at most only half as much -again. This tends to make the proportion between the two somewhat -monotonous. - -[Illustration: A SIX-MATTED ROOM AND VERANDAH.] - -The commonest rooms are those with four and a half, six, or eight -mats, that is to say, rooms which are three or four yards square or -four yards by three. Such rooms would be very small in a house built -in European style; there would hardly be elbow-room and one could not -move an inch without knocking down some piece of furniture. But in a -Japanese room there is but little furniture, and certainly none that -one could bring down by knocking against it with the exception, -perhaps, of the screen. Our rooms look very bare to foreigners and -appear to lack comfort to those who have lived in European apartments; -but from the Japanese’s point of view, rooms furnished in the -approved European style suffer from excess of furniture and partake -too much of the nature of a curiosity shop or a museum. This may be -going too far; but there is undoubtedly something repugnant to the -Japanese canons of taste to find all the art treasures of the house -exhibited from day to day on the walls or in the corners of the rooms -to which guests have access. The absence of movable furniture in a -Japanese room, by allowing more free space, makes it look larger than -a European room of the same size. We squat on the mats, and our line -of vision, being consequently much lower than if we sat in a chair, -gives the room a further appearance of greater size. The illusion is -kept up by the lowness of the ceiling, which though seldom more than -eight or nine feet high, seems to be loftier as we squat under it. - -The size of a mat being, as already stated, roughly six feet by three, -the yard has naturally become the unit by which other parts of a room -or a house are measured. Thus, the sliding-doors are usually a yard -wide. As these doors are always in pairs and move in two grooves each -at top and bottom, there are a pair in grooves six feet long and two -pairs in those of twelve feet; but in grooves nine feet in length -there are either a pair or two, commonly the latter, in which case -the sliding-doors are each three-quarters of a yard wide. The -sliding-doors are of two kinds: the _shoji_, or paper sliding-doors, -which are partitions admitting light, and the _fusuma_ (also -called _karakami_), or screen sliding-doors, which merely serve as -partitions. The _shoji_ consists of a wooden frame, an inch or more in -thickness, with thinner cross and vertical pieces forming lattices -about nine inches wide by five high. It is covered on the outside with -thin rice-paper, which admits light but is not transparent. It is of -use when there is light on one side as at the verandah or window or -where a room or a passage would be too dark if _fusuma_ were put up. -The _fusuma_ consists of a wooden frame with a few pieces within, -which is pasted over on both sides with thick paper and covered with -ornamental paper. It is quite opaque. The frame and lattices of the -_shoji_ are of plain white wood; but the frame of the _fusuma_ is -often varnished, though it may also be left plain. The _fusuma_ -has a small hollow handle, a few feet from the floor, which is -sometimes highly ornamented. - -The verandah is also usually three feet wide. It consists generally -of long narrow planks ranged parallel to the grooves of the -sliding-doors, though it is sometimes made up of wider pieces set at -right angles to them. In the former case the planks, as they age, -shrink and leave cracks between, which admit light when the outer -doors or shutters are closed in the daytime. Bamboos are sometimes -laid between the pieces to cover the shrinkage. The shutters run in -grooves on the outer edge of the verandah. They are also three feet -wide and kept in a receptacle at the end of the groove. The last one -only is usually bolted. There are similar shutters at all the windows, -which are also provided with paper sliding-doors and lattices or bars -as precautions against house-breaking. When a verandah runs along more -than one room, there are pillars on its outer edge just inside the -groove of the shutters and opposite the pillars dividing the rooms. -All sets of sliding-doors need a pillar to close against at either end. - -The smallest houses are those in the slums which have only three -yards’ frontage and a depth of four yards. The entrance, the space for -kitchen utensils and the sink, and perhaps a closet or cupboard would -leave room for little more than three mats, on which the whole family -live; but as children spend all their playtime outside and come in -only for meals, it is at night that the house is crowded, and even -then as they sleep higgledy-piggledy, a couple or so of children -do not inconvenience their parents to any appreciable extent. A -two-roomed house is common enough and is not confined to the slums. -A childless old couple, when the wife has to do the household work, -find such a house large enough for them. Artisans also live in them. -Three-roomed houses, too, are very common. Houses built in blocks -are oftenest of this size. They are made up of the porch, the -sitting-room, and the parlour or drawing-room. These three rooms are -the essential portions of a house; and larger houses merely add to -them. A visitor calls at the porch, the paper sliding-door is opened, -he is invited to come in, he leaves his hat and greatcoat in the -porch, and enters the parlour. The master, or in his absence his -wife, entertains him there, while the rest of the family remain in the -sitting-room. In cold weather the sliding-doors between the two rooms -are closed; but in summer they are kept open, or frequently doors with -reed screens within the frames are used. These admit the breeze and -let the people in the other room be seen; but the fiction of their -invisibility is kept up and those in the inner room are not obliged to -greet the visitor. - -In a four-roomed house the fourth room may be the servant’s room, if -one is kept, a toilet-room, or a reserve room without any definite -purpose. A five-roomed house may be taken as the smallest in which a -man of the middle class would live. One living in a smaller house may -be reckoned among that class; but five rooms are perhaps the fewest in -which one can live with comfort if there are not too many children or -dependants. A servant would be kept and a room assigned to her, though -it would not be exclusively her own as much household work would be -done there. The fifth room would be the anteroom or a private room -where the family effects, especially the wardrobe, would be kept. -Houses with more rooms are pretty numerous; but probably ten rooms may -be put as the limit for the middle class proper, if they do not indeed -exceed its means. The average size for that class may be given as -seven or eight rooms. In such a house there would be, in addition to -the three rooms first mentioned, the anteroom, the servant’s room, -the room for the wardrobe, and one between the sitting-room and the -kitchen or back-entrance where inferior callers, such as tradesmen, -artisans, servants’ relatives, or former dependants would be received. -The eighth room, if there is one, may be reserved for the father or -mother of the master or his wife, who may be staying with them, the -master’s private room, the children’s study, or the student’s room. As -the rooms, with the exception of the porch, parlour, and perhaps the -servant’s room, are not built with a definite object in view, they can -be used in any way. This is in a sense convenient; but it has also -this disadvantage that the very indefiniteness of their object often -makes them inconvenient for any purpose, for in many houses there are -rooms which cannot be utilised, sometimes owing to their exposure -which makes them too cold or too hot for comfort or too dark to work -in, and sometimes by reason of their position which renders them good -only for passages from one room to another. - -[Illustration: THE PORCH, OPEN AND LATTICED.] - -Although, as has already been stated, there is no hard and fast -rule for the disposition of the rooms, the commonest is perhaps the -following:—At the front entrance there is the porch; the ground in -front of it may be open with only a roof projecting over it, or it may -be enclosed by latticed doors. In the open porch there is a stone step -where the footgear are taken off before entering, while in the closed -one there is a wooden ledge for stepping from the ground on to the -mats. The porch itself, which would correspond to the hall in a -European-built house, is of two or three mats; here the visitor leaves -his hat, greatcoat, and other articles which he would not take into -the parlour. On one side of the porch may be the student’s room if -there is one at all and on the opposite side the porch opens upon the -anteroom. The size of this room depends upon that of the parlour; -sometimes it is of the same size, but more frequently smaller by two -or more mats. Thus, if the parlour is of ten mats, the anteroom has -eight; and if the former has eight mats as is oftenest the case, there -are six in the other. The anteroom opens upon the same verandah as the -parlour; and the two rooms are separated only by sliding-doors, so -that these doors may, when necessary, be removed and the two rooms -run into one. Such a room, which would have from fourteen to eighteen -mats, would be large enough for most purposes. The anteroom thus opens -upon the porch on one side, upon the verandah on another, and upon -the parlour on the third, and on the fourth it usually communicates -directly or indirectly with the servant’s room. In large houses, -however, there is a separate passage from the kitchen to the porch. -Thus, the room is open on all sides though there may sometimes be a -bit of a wall by the doors from the porch and the kitchen. The room -has little furniture, except, perhaps, one or two framed pictures or -writings over the lintels of the doors; and in rare cases there is an -alcove by the wall. Cushions for callers are usually kept in a -corner of the anteroom. - -[Illustration: AN EIGHT-MATTED PARLOUR.] - -The parlour, the principal room of the house, is always kept tidy. It -has an alcove, six feet long by three deep, consisting of a dais, a -few inches high, of plain hard wood, which will bear polishing, though -a thin matting is sometimes put over it. Not unfrequently, another -piece of wood, generally square, forms the outer edge so that the -thickness of the floor of the alcove can be concealed. The dais has a -special ceiling of its own, or a bit of a wall, of plaster or wood, -coming down over it a foot or more from the ceiling. On the dais is -set a vase of porcelain or metal, bottle-shaped or flat, in which -branches of a tree or shrubs in flower are put in, and on the wall -is hung a _kakemono_, or scroll of picture or writing. These two -constitute the main ornament of the room. New flowers are put in every -few days and the _kakemono_ is changed from time to time. This is the -peculiarity of the _kakemono_ as a piece of house decoration. We do -not exhibit all our treasures in _kakemono_ at the same time, but -hang them one, two, or three at a time according to the size of the -alcove and the _kakemono_ themselves, so that the visitor calling -at different seasons may delight his eyes with the sight of fresh -pictures or writings each time he calls. The inmates, too, do not grow -weary with gazing at the same pictures day after day, but enjoy the -variety the seasons offer. To the Japanese it is a more artistic and -pleasurable method of displaying his treasures than keeping them all, -as it were, on permanent exhibition. The flowers, too, in the vases -are arranged in an artistic style; their arrangement is an art which -boasts many schools and professors and is considered an indispensable -branch of a girl’s education. They are not thrown haphazard in a -bundle into a vase and expected to give pleasure merely by the -profusion of colours and forms, It may be a single stem or half a -dozen with the flowers ranged in relation to one another after fixed -canons of the art. - -There are in the parlour as in the anteroom pictures or writings in -frames over the lintels of the sliding-doors. On a line with the -alcove and usually of the same length is another recess, with a -small closet at the top or bottom where the _kakemono_ and their cases -are generally kept. In this recess there are, also, a pair of shelves -at different heights and coming out from opposite walls, the free -ends of which overlap each other a few inches. On these shelves some -ornaments, usually curios, are placed. When unoccupied, the room is -kept clear of any other object. When a visitor calls, even the cushion -is brought from the anteroom for him to sit on, and then a small cup -of tea set before him and a brazier if it is cold and if warm, a -_tabako-bon_. The cushion is round or square; that for summer is made -of matting, hide, or a thin wadding of cotton in a cover of hempen -cloth, while for winter use the wadding is much thicker and the cover -is silk or cotton. It is about sixteen inches at the side if square. -The brazier is of various shapes and makes. It may be a wooden box -with an earthenware case inside or with a false bottom of copper, or -it may be a glazed earthenware case alone; the wooden box may be plain -with two holes for handles, or it may be elaborately latticed; -and sometimes a brazier is made of the trunk of a tree cut with -the outside rough-hewn or only barked and highly polished. The -_tabako-bon_, or “tobacco-tray,” is a small open square or oblong box -of sandal-wood or other hard wood, which holds a small china or metal -pan, three-quarters full of ashes, with a few tiny pieces of live -charcoal in the middle to light a pipe with, and beside it a small -bamboo tube with a knot at the bottom for receiving tobacco-ashes. - -[Illustration: A VISITOR.] - -The sitting-room has little furniture. An indispensable article in it -is the brazier, usually oblong, with a set of three small drawers one -under another at the side and two others side by side under the -copper tray filled with ashes, on which charcoal is burnt inside an -iron or clay trivet. On this trivet is set a kettle of iron or copper. -The iron kettle is made of thick cast-iron and kept on the trivet -so as always to have hot water ready for tea-making: and the copper -kettle is used when we wish to boil water quickly. Beside the brazier -is a small shelf or cabinet for tea-things. Behind the brazier is a -cushion where the wife sits; this is her usual post. There is also a -cushion on the other side or the brazier, where the husband or other -members of the house may sit. - -[Illustration: A SITTING-ROOM.] - -As for the other rooms of the house, there is no fixed article of -furniture as much depends upon the uses to which they are put. The -general absence of furniture in the rooms, however, does not imply -that we are absolutely without necessary articles of daily use. The -principle on which we proceed is to keep in a room only such articles -as are in constant use, the rest being put away as soon as they are -done with and brought out again when they are needed. Hence, one -of the most striking features of a Japanese house is the number of -closets and cupboards in it. Indeed, next to the arrangement of the -rooms, the most important consideration in selecting a house is the -number of closets it contains. These closets are three feet deep and a -yard or two in width. Considering the quantity of household goods that -are put away in these closets, there is no inconvenience we feel so -much as their scarcity. - -There are no rooms specially set apart for sleeping. This absence of -bed-rooms enables us to put up with fewer rooms than would be required -in a European house for a family of the same size. There are no -bedsteads. A bed consists of one or two mattresses, and one or two -quilts according to the season, and a pillow. These beds are spread in -any room that is handy and put away in the closets in the morning. The -parents and the children, especially if young, sleep in the same room; -and unless there is an out-of-the-way chamber where they can sleep in -peace, their beds are made in the parlour. For if the beds are made in -that room, the others can be swept and made ready for use while the -family are still in bed. In the sitting-room breakfast can be got -ready, while the anteroom can be used at once if a visitor calls, as -he sometimes does very early in the morning or very late at night -when the children have been put to bed. In a two-storied house an -upstair room is often used as a reserve parlour, so that the anteroom -need not be got ready for receiving callers at unseasonable hours. If -the family is a large one, the rest shake down where they are least in -the way. The rooms to sleep in every night are of course assigned to -permanent members of the household; but country-cousins on a prolonged -visit can be put to bed anywhere without much inconvenience. For the -belated guest the bed is spread in the parlour and its usual occupants -are driven into other rooms. - -There is no special dining-room. The family take their meals in the -sitting-room. If there is a visitor, a dinner-tray is set before him -as well as before the host in the parlour; thus, there is no need -to have a room set apart for dining. A Japanese at home, then, may -remain all day in one room; he can sleep, take his meals, receive his -friends, or study without once standing up, for the room changes its -character with the articles that are brought into it. - -[Illustration: A CHEST OF DRAWERS AND A TRUNK.] - -Articles of clothing are put into chests of drawers or wicker-trunks. -Chests of drawers are commonly made in halves with two drawers each, -put one upon the other and fastened by iron clamps. This is to -facilitate their removal, a provision which is of importance where -fires are frequent. The wicker-trunk has a lid which is as deep as the -trunk itself and encloses it, and thus any amount of clothing may be -put into it up to the joint depth of the two. The trunks are hidden -away in the closets; but the chests of drawers, if they cannot be put -into a closet without inconvenience as they are over three feet wide, -are set in a corner or against a wall. Indeed, they are purposely put -sometimes where they can be seen and become part of the furniture of -the room. In large houses where there are godowns, or fireproof -plaster storehouses, the chests are put in them, and only such as -contain articles of daily wear for the season are kept in the house -itself. - -If the house is large enough, a special room is set apart for toilet; -but even then, as the toilet-case and its appurtenances can be readily -moved to any other room, the toilet-room is more useful for keeping -the necessary articles than for the toilet itself. And from the way in -which Japanese dresses are worn, that is, as nothing is put on over -the head like a jersey or the feet foremost like the European nether -garments, a Japanese woman can change her clothes without exposing her -body, and it is possible for her to dress or undress in any part of -the house. When she is going out with her children, she often manages -to turn the house inside out by calling upon its inmates to help her -and the children to dress. Tables or desks are set for children in a -spare room or in a corner of one that is occupied; but there is no -nursery, and the children pervade the whole house. They play wherever -they please, and peace prevails only when they are out or asleep. - -Nor is there a special room for books, for the library does not find -a place as an important feature in a Japanese house. We Japanese are -not a nation of readers. A man of ordinary education has studied the -Chinese classics and read the legendary histories and quasi-romances -of his country recounting the exploits of the favourite national -heroes; he also reads the papers and some of the current -literature; but his knowledge of books cannot be said to be wide or -sympathetic. What books he has, if they are in the usual Japanese -style of binding, are piled up in small wooden cases with lids in -front. If he has a godown, he keeps the more valuable of his books in -it and only brings out such as he may require at the moment; but there -are not many, besides those with whom literature is a hereditary -calling, with so many books as to need storing in godowns. Far more -Japanese take to the composition of Chinese poems or Japanese odes as -a refined pastime, while a still larger number lose their heads over -games of _go_ and chess. For these they use their private rooms more -frequently than for reading and study. - -Public baths are, on account of their great convenience, largely -patronised in Tokyo; but in many private houses bath-rooms are also -built. A bath-room of the ordinary size is three yards by two. The -bath of the commonest kind is made of wooden staves bound together -with metal hoops. It is oval in shape and inside the bath near the -edge a thin iron cylinder with a grating at its lower end passes -through its bottom. Into this cylinder live charcoal is put in to heat -the water of the bath; and a small plank partitions the cylinder to -protect the bather from being burnt by contact with it. Oblong baths -are now made with thick wooden sides and a furnace at one end which is -fed with coke or faggot. The ground of the bath-room is paved with -stone or beaten down with concrete; and on it stands a movable -flooring, a foot or more high, of narrow planks with open spaces -between to allow the water to run down. The bath holds one person or -at most two spare persons, and the water in it is deep enough to cover -the crouching body. The bather always washes himself on the flooring -and gets into the bath only to warm himself. - -[Illustration: FOOT-WARMERS.] - -Sometimes a small square hearth is cut in the sitting-room or some -other convenient room; and in cold season a wooden frame supported by -four pillars is put over the hearth and covered with a large quilt. -Live charcoal is put into the hearth and the family sit around it with -their knees under the quilt or lie down with their feet stretched out -to the hearth. At other seasons the wooden frame is removed and a -small mat of the same size as the hearth is put over it. As the hearth -cannot be moved about, most people prefer a portable foot-warmer, -which is usually a square wooden box with openings at the top and -sides; one of the sides slides open and through it an earthen pan of -live charcoal is placed inside. A quilt is laid over it as in the -case of the hearth. Another, made specially for putting in bed, is of -earthenware with a rounded top, which takes some time to heat. As the -ordinary cut charcoal is consumed too quickly, balls of charcoal dust -are used in these foot-warmers. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -MEALS. - - Rice—_Sake_—Wheat and barley—Soy - sauce—_Mirin_—Rice-cooking—Soap—Pickled vegetables—Meal - trays—Chopsticks—Breakfast—Clearing and washing—The kitchen—The - little hearth—Pots and pans—Other utensils—Boxes and - casks—Shelves—The sink and water-supply—The midday meal—The evening - meal—_Sake_-drinking. - - -Rice is the staple food of the Japanese; and no other food-stuff -stands so high in popular esteem, or has a tutelary deity of its -own. This rice-god has more shrines than any other deity, for he is -worshipped everywhere, in town and village, and often a small shrine, -no bigger than a hut, peeps amid a lonely cluster of trees surrounded -on all sides by rice-paddies, its latticed door covered from top to -bottom with the _ex-votos_ of the simple peasant folk. Under the -feudal government the incomes of the territorial lords and their -retainers were assessed, not in money, but in the quantity of rice -that was annually brought into their granaries; and rice naturally -became the standard for the valuation of all other commodities. -The rice so garnered was subsequently converted into currency by -exchange-brokers. Under the new regime, however, rice no longer holds -the same pre-eminent position, but it still rules to a great extent -the market for other goods. The fluctuations of its prices on the rice -exchanges are eagerly watched by the whole nation; and references to -the weather, especially in summer, invariably end in speculations as -to its effect on the rice-crop, and the people put up unmurmuringly -with the heavy solstitial rains because most rice-fields are paddies -to which a plentiful supply of water is essential. Japan, in fact, is -still an agricultural country, and the progress she has of late made -in her manufacturing industry is not yet great enough to shake off the -domination of agriculture, for no industrial problem agitates the -nation so much as the annual question whether the country can -produce its normal harvest of rice, which amounts to about two hundred -and twenty million bushels. - -[Illustration: A SHRINE OF THE RICE-GOD.] - -Rice, however, certainly deserves the solicitude the whole nation -feels for it; for it is not only the principal food-stuff, but it -is also the grain from which the national drink is made. _Sake_ is -produced by the fermentation of rice, and contains about fourteen -per cent of alcohol. Though foreign wines are now imported into the -country and beer is also brewed in large quantities, _sake_ is still -the principal alcoholic beverage in Japan; almost all other drinks -which were in use in the old times were either varieties of _sake_ or -contained it as their chief ingredient. - -Among other cereals that are largely used are barley and wheat. The -former is now much in request for brewing beer; and as it is more -digestible than rice, a mixture of the two is eaten by many -families in Tokyo. Wheat is mostly used as flour; it enters into many -dishes as well as cakes. It is a popular favourite when it is made -into macaroni, though in this respect it is eclipsed by buckwheat. - -But in point of utility the soy bean comes next to rice, for our soy -sauce which enters into almost all dishes is made from the bean, -wheat, and salt. So extensively is this sauce employed that table -salt is comparatively little needed. The bean is also the principal -ingredient in _miso_, which is a mixture of the soy bean, steamed -and pounded, with rice-yeast and salt. This _miso_ is largely used -in making soup; and soups into which it does not enter are usually -flavoured by boiling shavings of sun-dried bonito and straining them -off. - -_Mirin_ is a sweet variety of spirit, made by straining a mixture of -_sake_, steamed rice, and a spirit distilled from _sake_ lees. It -is largely used in boiling fish and other food. Vinegar is made in -various ways from rice, barley, potato, or _sake_ lees. - -The cooking of rice is a delicate process. It is first well washed -overnight by rinsing it again and again until the water is quite -clear, and emptied into a basket to strain. In the morning it is put -into a deep iron pot which rests on a round earthen hearth or range -by a flange around it; then, water is poured in, the actual amount -requiring nice adjustment so as not to make the rice too soft or too -hard, and next a thick wooden lid is put on. A few faggots are lit -under the pot; but as soon as the rice begins to spurt, the fire is -withdrawn, and the pot is allowed to cool slowly and equably; it is -next lifted off the hearth and set on a straw-stand. When the rice -has stood long enough to be of the same temperature and consistency -throughout, the lid is removed and the rice transferred into a -cylindrical wooden tub. Well-boiled rice is soft, but its grains have -a lustre and are distinct from one another so that any single grain -can be picked up with chopsticks. Excessive heat would have burnt the -parts nearest the sides of the pot, while sudden heat would have -produced rice of unequal consistency. - -After the rice-pot is removed, another pot is put over the hearth for -making _miso_-soup; if the kitchen range is double-hearthed, -the remainder of the faggots lit for the rice is transferred to -the neighbouring hearth over which the soup-pot is hung before the -rice-pot is removed from the other. _Miso_-soup contains strips of -garden radish, edible seaweed (_alopteryx pinnatifida_), bean-curd, -egg-plant, or other vegetables according to the season. These two, the -rice and the soup, are all the cookery required in the morning. There -must of course be hot water for tea. - -An invariable accompaniment at Japanese meals is the pickled -vegetables. The commonest of these is the garden radish which has been -pickled in a paste of powdered rice-bran and salt until it assumes a -rich golden hue. Greens are also treated in the same way until their -colour is dulled. But garden radishes, greens, small turnips, and -egg-plants are also sprinkled over with salt and pressed for a few -days. A few slices of these vegetables, after being thoroughly washed -to get rid of the bran or salt, are always served at a meal. Most -foreigners consider their smell nauseous; but to a Japanese a meal, -however rich or dainty, would appear incomplete without these -vegetables, pickled or salted. _Kōkō_ or _kōnomono_, which is the -common name for them, means “fragrant article,” and it is believed -by many foreigners that the name was given them on the _lucus a non -lucendo_ principle; but the Japanese has no such aversion to their -smell. The repugnance of strangers to these pickles is similar to the -attitude of most Japanese towards cheese, the taste for which would -require as much cultivation as that for _kōkō_ on the part of one to -whom both articles are foreign. - -The breakfast is, then, very simple. Sometimes the family take their -meals together at a large low table which is set before them at each -repast; but often a small tray, about a foot square and standing six -inches or more high, is placed before each member. In the left corner -of the tray near the person before whom it is set, is a small china -bowl of rice, while on the right is a wooden bowl of _miso_-soup, A -tiny plate of pickled vegetables occupies the middle or the farther -left corner, while any extra plate would fill the remaining corner. -This plate also holds something very simple, such as plums preserved -in red perilla leaves, boiled kidney bean, pickled scallions, minute -fish or shrimps boiled down dry in soy sauce, a pat of baked -_miso_, or shavings of dried bonito boiled in a mixture of soy and -_mirin_. - -[Illustration: A MEAL-TRAY.] - -The chopsticks are laid between the rim of the tray and the bowls of -rice and soup. They vary in length, those for women being shorter than -those for men but longer than children’s; their length may, however, -be put at between eight and ten inches. Some are square in section, -while others are round; but most of them taper towards the tip which -is either rounded or pointed. The commonest kind is of cryptomeria -wood, others are of lacquered wood or of bone, and the best are of -ivory. Many of them are also tipped with German silver. Chopsticks may -appear at first hard to manage; but their manipulation is not really -difficult when one comes to see the way in which they should be -handled. They are held near the upper or thicker end in the right -hand. One chopstick is laid between the thumb and the forefinger and -on the first joint of the ring finger which is slightly bent, and -held in position by the basal phalanx of the thumb; this chopstick is -almost stationary. The other is laid near the third joint of the -forefinger and between the tips of that and the middle finger which -are kept together, and is held down by the tip of the thumb; it is, -in short, held somewhat like a pen, only the pressure of the thumb -is much lighter, for if it were heavy, the force put into it as the -chopstick is moved would relax the pressure on the other stick and -cause it to drop. The tip of the thumb serves, therefore, only as a -loose fulcrum for moving the stick with tips of the fore and middle -fingers, while the upper half resting on the last joint of the -forefinger is allowed free play. The most difficult part is the use of -the thumb; beginners press the stationary chopstick too hard and make -the tip of the thumb so stiff that the other chopstick cannot be -freely moved. It is quite easy, when one gets used to the thing, even -to move the stationary chopstick a little at the same time as the -other. The tips of the chopsticks must always meet. In the hand of -a skilled user a needle may be picked up with them; but it is quite -enough for ordinary purposes if we can pick a fish or take up a grain -of boiled rice. - -[Illustration: HOW TO HOLD CHOPSTICKS.] - -When the breakfast trays are brought, cups of tea are poured. The tea -drunk at meals is common tea, which as it consists of old leaves, may -be taken in any quantity without affecting the nerves. A handful of -the leaves is thrown into an earthen tea-pot and hot water poured into -it; and the pot is set over a fire to keep it hot. The infusion is -of a reddish-yellow hue and is almost tasteless. The cups used are -generally cylindrical, like mugs without the handles, and are assigned -one to each member of the family. The china rice-bowls are also -permanently given to the members. When the tea has been sipped, the -bowl of rice is taken up and brought near the mouth, and a small -quantity is separated with the chopsticks and eaten. In eating rice, -the chopsticks scoop it up and bring it to the mouth as it would take -too much time to pick it up grain by grain. Alternately with rice, the -soup is sipped, and the condiments are also picked a little at a time -with the chopsticks. Two or more helpings of rice are taken; as it is -considered unlucky to eat only one bowlful, at least two are eaten -even though the second may be a small dose consumed for form’s sake. -One or two helpings of the soup are also taken; but it is not -good form to ask for a second helping of the vegetables and other -condiments on the tray. Rice is brought in the cylindrical tub into -the room and served out there; but the soup is kept over a fire in the -kitchen and the wooden bowls are taken there for the second helping. -The last bowl of rice is often eaten with tea poured into it, and the -bowl is brought to the mouth and the rice pushed into it with the -chopsticks. It is, we may mention in passing, only the rice-bowl, -besides those containing soup, tea, and other liquid or semi-liquid -food which cannot be picked up with chopsticks, that is brought to the -mouth; all other dishes are kept on the tray and the food is taken up -with the chopsticks. Finally, the rice-bowl is filled with tea only to -wash down any grains of rice that may be left in it. - -[Illustration: A MEAL.] - -This finishes the breakfast. It does not take more than ten or fifteen -minutes; indeed, people pride themselves upon their quickness at -meals, especially at breakfast, as it implies that they have no time -to dawdle over their food, which is taken solely to ward off hunger -and maintain their health and strength. But it must be admitted -that indigestion not unfrequently follows these hurried meals, to -which children are early taught to habituate themselves by parental -instruction and by a proverb which puts quickness at meals as an -accomplishment on a level with swiftness of foot. When the breakfast -is over, the trays, plates, and other utensils are taken back into the -kitchen, washed, and put away until they are needed for the next meal. -The wooden tub of rice is put into a straw casing in winter to prevent -its getting cold and hard and on a stand in a cool, breezy place in -summer to keep it from sweating. - -Let us next turn to the kitchen and see how it is arranged. The -kitchen varies very much in size; but the commonest range from six to -sixteen square yards, that is, it would, if it were matted, hold from -three to eight mats. But the floor is usually entirely boarded, though -in a large kitchen a mat or two are laid for the servants to sit on. -There is a space of ground at the entrance for leaving clogs in, and -another on which the sink is set. The most prominent feature of the -kitchen is the hearth for cooking rice. It is made of a shallow wooden -box, on which a square plaster casing is built with a round hole at -the top and an aperture at a side. On the hole the rice-pot is put; -and the side-opening is used for feeding the hearth with small faggots -which are kept in a cavity under the wooden box. The hearth is as -often as not double, and over the other hole the soup-pot is set. The -plaster between the two holes is often replaced by a copper boiler for -boiling water with the heat of the faggots under the two pots. Over -the hearth is a skylight in the roof, for the part of the house where -the kitchen is situated is always one-storied; and a sliding shutter -is moved up and down along the incline of the roof and fastened by a -cord. The skylight is useful on a fine calm day as an outlet for the -smoke of the hearth; but when a wind blows against the roof or the -rain comes pouring in, it has to be closed at the time when it is most -needed, for if the skylight is closed, the windows are also shut, -with the result that the smoke spreads over the whole house. In some -houses, therefore, chimney-flues have taken the place of -skylights, which are, moreover, as has already been observed, among -the burglar’s favourite means of ingress. - -[Illustration: THE KITCHEN.] - -For ordinary cooking purposes a small hearth of plaster, stone, or -iron is used. It is round or square, and larger at top than at bottom. -The top is open with an earthen grating at a few inches’ depth from -the edge, and an ash-box underneath, which has an outlet at the side -for raking out the ashes and fanning the fire. But little charcoal is -needed as the space between the grating and the bottom of the pot is -very limited. Near the larger hearth is a black earthen pot with a -lid, into which half-burnt charcoal is put and extinguished with -water; and when they are dry, these half-burnt pieces are used for -lighting fresh charcoal with as they catch fire much more readily. For -stirring and clearing the hearth, we use a shovel with a long wooden -handle and a pair of long iron rods which are held like chopsticks to -pick up pieces of charcoal or cinders. The tongs which are used for -braziers are much shorter and made of iron, copper, or brass; they -are also used like chopsticks and are indeed called in Japanese -“fire-chopsticks.” A hollow bamboo tube with a knot at one end which -has a little hole in the centre takes the place of bellows. - -Besides the iron pots for making soup and other food on a large scale, -which are set on the great hearth, we have small pots and pans for the -little hearth. The pots have semicircular handles of metal, the ends -of which are hooked into holes on opposite sides of the pots, while -the pans have wooden handles fitting into sheaths at the side. They -all have wooden lids. Fish and other food are roasted on an iron -netting, about a foot square, which is put over the little hearth. -When a fish is roasted, the fat melts and drops into the fire, raising -large volumes of oily smoke and emitting a smell which fills the whole -house. One can always tell, when a mackerel pike, for instance, is -being roasted, long before one enters the house. - -[Illustration: A SKYLIGHT AND THE KITCHEN-GOD.] - -For transferring rice into a tub or a bowl a wooden spatula is used, -while soup and other food which cannot be picked up with chopsticks -are put with a wooden spoon into bowls or on plates. For gravy a small -earthen spoon is used. Kitchen knives are of three kinds: the -square for common use, the triangular for dressing fish, and the long -narrow-edged one for cutting thin slices of fish. The dresser is a -thick, two-legged board, at which one has to kneel or squat. There -are also bamboo baskets for carrying vegetables and other food which -require to be washed; but those things which are eaten without -first washing and must therefore be kept free from dust are brought -home in a round wooden box with a lid and a handle. For pounding soft -objects there is an earthen mortar shaped like an inverted cone, with -rough ribbed sides, against which the objects are rubbed with a wooden -pestle. - -Uncooked rice is kept in a large box in a corner of the kitchen and is -measured out whenever needed with a square wooden measure. Charcoal is -brought in straw bags and emptied into a box under the floor of the -kitchen or kept in an outhouse, and is in either case brought out for -use in a bamboo or cane basket lined with paper. Soy is usually sold -in wooden kegs as it does not change with time; but the poor buy it -in half-pint bottles. _Sake_, on the other hand, is apt to grow sour, -especially in hot season, and is bought in long-necked bottles holding -a few pints; but if there are heavy drinkers in the family or many -guests to entertain, casks are laid in. Pickled vegetables are made in -old _sake_-casks which are put in a corner of the kitchen, often on -the ground. - -Around the kitchen are shelves, open or with doors, on which the -services and utensils are kept. The sets for use when there are guests -are carefully wrapped in paper or cotton and stored in special boxes -in the kitchen or some other room. There is no pantry; but as every -preparation is served separately in a bowl or on a plate, the quantity -of crockery in a Japanese kitchen is very great. There is a shelf high -upon the wall near the large hearth, dedicated to the kitchen deity, -to whom offerings of rice and flowers are daily brought. - -The sink, which is of wood, usually lies level with the kitchen floor, -and one either squats on the floor or stands on the ground before it. -Here all kitchen utensils and services are washed, everything in fact, -except the kettles of copper, bronze, or iron, which are never washed -but grow mellow by being patted with pieces of cloth steeped in hot -water. Beside the sink are an earthen jar to hold water for washing -and a wooden pail for drinking water, but there is really no -difference in the quality of the liquid in the two receptacles as it -has in either case been drawn from the well. The wells are either -private or public; in the latter case, they are used by the whole -neighbourhood, a small tax being levied for their maintenance, and are -the favourite resorts for the exchange of scandals. As these wells -have all wooden sides and a square wooden flooring where washing is -done, they present a far from cleanly appearance, and the water is as -often as not contaminated, especially in the crowded quarters of the -city. The Tokyo municipality undertook some years ago to supply pure -water, and as water-pipes have been laid throughout the city, the -wells are rapidly disappearing in Tokyo. - -[Illustration: A WELL.] - -As we have described the general appearance of the kitchen, we will -now return to the sitting-room. The breakfast things have been -removed; but preparations have before long to be made for the midday -meal. If the master of the house is not at home, or indeed even if he -is, unless he has a visitor, the meal is very simple. It may consist -of some vegetable soup, boiled vegetables, such as carrots, burdocks, -turnips, or pumpkins, or dried or cured fish, like salmon, -sardines, herrings, or mackerel, or perhaps fresh fish boiled, basted, -or roasted. There may be the same condiments as at breakfast. - -The evening meal is the principal repast of the day. It may not differ -materially from the midday meal, though fresh fish is more frequently -served then than at noon. The fish may be boiled in a mixture of -_mirin_ and soy, be put into a soup made with an infusion of dried -bonito shavings, be roasted on the iron netting with a sprinkling of -salt or repeated coatings of soy, or be taken raw in thin slices. -This raw fish is a peculiarly Japanese dish. A side of a fish, after -removing the bones, is cut into thin slices and served with grated -garden radish and eutrema, the latter in its hot taste being -something between ginger and mustard, and also with a boiled yellow -chrysanthemum. The fish is soaked in a little plat of soy in which the -radish and eutrema have been mixed. The raw fish, especially if it is -the sea-bream, is a delicacy which is highly appreciated in Japan, -though many Europeans who relish raw oysters recoil from the very idea -of eating any fish uncooked. - -People who take _sake_ have it usually with their evening meal, though -some, of course, drink it at every repast and between meals as well. -It is, however, the custom to take it in the evening when the day’s -work is done. It is brought in a little china bottle which has been -put into a boiling kettle and warmed. It is taken hot, and its effects -are naturally more rapid than when it is taken cold, and pass off as -rapidly. It is poured into a tiny cup; and as one sips it cup after -cup, it warms one up quickly, but when its effects pass off, it is apt -to give one a chill; hence, a man who goes to sleep immediately after -drinking _sake_, needs more bedding than usual to avoid a cold on -awaking. Another peculiarity in _sake_-drinking is that we take it -with fish or other dishes at the beginning of a meal, and when we have -done with it, we take rice. This drinking on a empty stomach helps to -make it effective; and the Japanese way of drinking produces a quick -but brief state of exhilaration. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -FOOD. - - Japanese diet—Vegetables—Sea-weeds and flowers—Fish—Shell-fish—Crabs - and other molluscs—Fowl—Meat—Prepared food—Peculiarities - of food—Fruits—The bever—Baked potatoes and - cracknel—Confectionery—Reasons for its - abundance—Sponge-cake—Glutinous rice and red bean—Kinds of - confectionery—Sugar in Japanese confectionery. - - -It will be seen from the foregoing chapter that the Japanese diet -consists almost entirely of fish and vegetables. It is true that we -also eat domestic and other fowls, and in Tokyo and other large towns -a quantity of beef and pork, and horseflesh as well, is consumed; but -their consumption is insignificant compared with the part fish and -vegetables play in the Japanese culinary art. - -We have a great variety of vegetables. The commonest and most useful -of them is the garden radish, which is pickled or salted, boiled -almost dry with _mirin_, sugar, and bonito shavings, put into soup, or -grated to flavour raw or fried fish. Carrots and turnips, the burdock -and the arrowhead are also boiled and served by themselves or together -on a plate. We boil or put into soup the potato, the yam, and the -taro, of which we have several varieties. Cucumbers are either pickled -or served raw with pepper and vinegar. The egg-plant and the melon are -also pickled or put into soup. We pickle or boil the onion, scallion, -spinach, and lettuce. The kidney, horse, and other beans are in great -favour and dressed in various ways. Mushrooms and several other fungi -growing on trees or on rocks are served with fish or vegetables. The -bulb of the tiger-lily and the rhizome of the lotus are boiled; the -former is very soft, but the latter is hard and indigestible. The -bamboo-shoots, when very young, become soft on boiling and are much -in demand in April; but they grow fast and soon become too hard. Rice -boiled with bits of bamboo-shoot is a favourite food in that -month. The water-shield is held by some people to be a delicacy, -while others esteem as highly the common bracken, snake-gourd, and -water-pepper. - -Sea-weeds are also in great demand. Of these the principal are the -_konbu_ (_laminaria japonica_), which is largely exported into China, -and the laver, which is obtained in thin sheets and taken with -soy alone or with rice rolled in it. The cherry-flowers and the -chrysanthemums are also articles of food; the former are salted, put -into hot water, and served in place of tea, while the latter, always -the yellow variety, are either fried with a coating of _kuzu_ -(_pueraria Thunbergiana_) or boiled in brine and pressed. - -Japan is especially rich in fish, as is to be expected from her -extensive coast-line and great length from north to south. There -are said to be about six hundred varieties of fish in the waters -surrounding the country. Of these the one which is held in highest -esteem is the _tai_, a species of the sea-bream (_pagrus cardinalis_). -It is served in various ways; indeed, so numerous are these ways that -there is extant an old Japanese book entitled “The Hundred Excellent -Methods of dressing the _Tai_.” It may be boiled, roasted, basted, -salted, or taken raw. Most other fish may be similarly treated, -though they may not be considered so delicate. For being taken raw in -thin slices, the fishes esteemed next to the _tai_ are the plaice, -gilthead, tunny, and bonito. Others are mostly preferred boiled. Among -the commonest of these fishes are the gurnard, Prussian carp, common -carp, wels, flying-fish, mackerel, frigate mackerel, horse-mackerel, -mackerel pike, trout, rock-trout, white-bait, sand-fish, goby, -sting-ray, sword-fish, sardine, salmon, sole, hair-tail, goose-fish, -cod, half-beak, yellow-tail, grey mullet, shark, and sea-eel. The -salmon comes to Tokyo salted, while the herring is sun-dried. The -sardine and mackerel pike are usually roasted. The eel is treated only -in one way; it is split from gill to tail, the back-bone is extracted, -and the head cut off; the two sides are laid out flat and bamboo -skewers are passed through them, and they are roasted over a fire, -being from time to time dipped in a gravy of _mirin_ and soy. Tokyo is -especially noted for eels served in this way. The loach is also split -and the bones are extracted; it is served in a pan over a hot-water -bath, with eggs and chips of burdock. - -[Illustration: RAW FISH, WHOLE AND SLICED.] - -There are also many kinds of shell-fish in Japan. Of the univalves -the principal are the sea-ear and top-shell, while among the bivalves -are the oyster, clam, sea-mussel, razor-shell, cockle, swan-mussel, -otter-shell, and rapana. They are mostly boiled; the clam and -sea-mussel, and others with comparatively thin shells are served in -a bowl of slightly-flavoured hot water, which can hardly be called -soup. The oyster is always shelled and served by itself or with eggs. - -Crabs, squills, lobsters, shrimps, and prawns are abundant. The -cuttle-fish and octopus are very common articles of food, and the -pond-snail is appreciated by some people. Sun-dried cuttle-fish are -also very common; they are flat and hard, and are cut into slices -which are roasted and dipped in soy. - -Of fowls the variety is somewhat limited. We have of course the -domestic fowl. The most esteemed of all fowls is the crane, after -which come Bewick’s swan, the heron, wild goose, wild duck, common -duck, pheasant, quail, pigeon, woodcock, and water-rail, while -among the smaller birds are the sparrow, lark, and siskin. As we do -not use a knife and fork at table, all fowls have to be cut up before -they are served. A favourite way is to serve them in small slices in -soup; but they may also be brought in with vegetables on a plate. The -commonest method with the domestic fowl and duck is to boil them in -small slices in a shallow pan with bits of onion in a gravy of soy, -_mirin_, and sugar. The pan has a small hollow at a side, into which -the gravy runs so as not to saturate the meat too much. The small -birds are served whole, and when chopsticks fail, the hands and teeth -are brought into requisition. - -It is only of recent years that we have begun to eat beef and pork; -but we have in Tokyo a large number of shops where they are sold. -There are two kinds of such shops; one is the regular butcher’s, while -the other is a sort of restaurant where beef is served in the same -manner as the domestic fowl and duck above mentioned. Here _sake_ and -rice are also obtainable. There are many restaurants in European -style; but the cuisine in most of them is non-descript and the dishes -are confined to the simplest kind. The absence of mutton, moreover, -sadly limits, the range of plats. - -Though cooking is mostly done at home, no small quantity of prepared -food is bought for the meals. The most important of such food is the -bean-curd. For this the soy bean is soaked in water, ground, steamed, -and strained; and the liquid is allowed to coagulate by the addition -of brine and then pressed in a square box with a cotton-cloth bottom -until the water has been drawn off, leaving behind a soft white curd. -This curd is cut into small slices and put into soup in the morning; -it is sometimes thrown into hot water, and as soon as it is warmed, -dipped into a mixture of soy and _mirin_ and eaten. It is also fried. -Indeed, the bean-curd shares with the _tai_ the distinction of having -a special treatise dealing with a hundred ways of dressing it. Another -favourite breakfast food is the steamed peas, which are eaten with -mustard. Plums which have softened and reddened by being preserved in -perilla leaves are often, after extracting the stones, boiled with -sugar until they become gelatinous. Boiled beans, the egg-plant -preserved in mustard, and ginger in perilla leaves are common -breakfast condiments. Fish and vegetables coated with flour and fried -in rape-oil are favourite articles of diet. Commonest among fried -vegetables are sweet potatoes, leek, and lotus rhizomes, while -lobsters similarly served are highly esteemed. Another favourite is -the flesh of sturgeon minced very fine, seasoned with _sake_ and salt, -and baked. It is made into a roll with a hole through the centre or is -semi-cylindrical with a flat side. - -It will thus be seen how completely our diet differs from the -European; and it is no matter for wonder that the other conditions of -life should be as dissimilar. Many Europeans in Japan find our meals -unsatisfying; but at the same time there are not a few Japanese who -do not feel that they have had a full meal unless they finish up a -European dinner with rice and-pickled vegetables. There is certainly -far greater sustaining power in European food, and our medical -authorities urge a more extensive use of animal food besides fish. -Rice and vegetables, it is true, fill the stomach; indeed, one may -even feel surfeited, and yet in a short time the strain disappears and -hunger returns. For this reason coolies and others engaged in severe -physical labour take four or more meals a day. Pickled vegetables are -indigestible; but as they are indispensable at every meal, the natural -result is that dyspepsia is one of the commonest ailments that a -Japanese is subject to. It should, however, be added that it is not -pickled vegetables alone that are responsible for this prevalence of -dyspepsia; for the Japanese, and more especially the citizens of -Tokyo, probably take more food between meals than any other people, -and that too at irregular intervals. - -As there is no dessert at a Japanese meal, fruits are commonly eaten -at odd hours, especially by children. In the early months of the year -we have the apple and the orange. The former is mostly cultivated in -Yezo, the most northerly of the larger islands, while the latter comes -mainly from the southern section of the main island. Oranges are -all mandarins with or almost without pips; of these there are many -varieties, and some of them are very sweet. The shaddock is also very -common. There are different kinds of citrons; but they are seldom -eaten by themselves, being like the lemon mostly used to flavour -dishes. Strawberries there are in plenty; but they are mostly watery -and lack sweetness owing to the great humidity of the Japanese -climate, which spoils both fruit and flower, depriving one of taste -and the other of fragrance. Cherries have recently been introduced and -cultivated in many localities; for the Japanese cherry-tree is grown -solely for its beautiful flowers and its fruit is too small to be -eaten. The Japanese plum-tree is also reared for its flowers, but -produces fruit in large quantity; it is hard, and is eaten raw with -a little salt to counteract indigestion, pickled in vinegar, or -preserved in perilla leaves. The Japanese apricot is inferior to the -English apricot and nectarine; and so is the peach which is pointed at -the top and hard-druped. Figs are always eaten raw. The loquat tastes -fairly good, but its large stones leave but little to eat; and the -pomegranate is open to a similar objection that it is too full of -seed for enjoyment. The Japanese pear is different to the European -species; it has not the peculiar shape of the latter, but looks like -a large pippin in shape and colour, only that it is speckled all over -with minute greenish-white spots; it is juicy but comparatively -hard. Acorns of different kinds of oak are parched and shelled. Our -chestnuts do not differ from the European. They are roasted or boiled -unshelled; but when they are shelled and boiled soft, they form part -of an important dish at Japanese dinners. Grapes, too, are plentiful; -they are fair, though of course inferior to European hot-house grapes. -Bananas we get from the Bonin Islands and pine-apples from Formosa. -But the best of all Japanese fruits is the persimmon; it is a -peculiarly Japanese fruit. There are many varieties, some of which are -delicious. Some of the larger sort are thrown into empty _sake_-casks -and left to mellow, while others are peeled, dried, and preserved in -sugar. - -As the second meal of the day is taken at noon and the last at -sundown, it is not unusual, especially in summer, to have something at -three or four o’clock. When there are artisans or labourers at work in -the house, they are always given tea with some food about that hour; -and if there is a visitor, a lady or a friend of the family, its -women folk generally manage to have this bever. It may be no more than -confectionery; but the most common food taken on such an occasion is -_sushi_, which is a lump of rice which has been pressed with the hand -into a roundish form with a slight mixture of vinegar and covered on -the top with a slice of fish or lobster, or a strip of fried egg, or -rolled in a piece of laver. As the lumps are small, being seldom more -than two or three inches long, several of them are set before each -person. The favourite fish for the purpose is the tunny, though others -are also largely used. Another common dish for the bever is the soba, -which is a sort of macaroni made of buckwheat; in its simplest form -it is brought on a small bamboo screen laid on a wooden stand; it is -dipped, before eating, in an infusion of bonito shavings flavoured -with a little soy and _mirin_, to which small bits of onion and -Cayenne pepper have been added. The macaroni is also boiled with fried -lobsters, fowl, or eggs and served in bowls. Wheaten macaroni is also -dressed in the same manner; it is much thicker than that of buckwheat. - -[Illustration: _SUSHI_ AND _SOBA_.] - -But it is in winter evenings that there is a great deal of eating -to while away the dreary hours after the early supper. Children, -students, and others to whom inexpensiveness is a consideration, take -to sweet potatoes which are boiled in slices or baked whole or in -pieces. Another article, equally in favour for its cheapness, is a -kind of cracknel made by baking and dipping small disks of rice or -wheaten flour in soy. Parched peas rolled in salt or sugar and roasted -acorns and chestnuts are also much in demand. - -The variety of confectionery is very great. This is due to two causes. -First, it is the custom to take a present with us when we go to visit -a friend whom we have not seen for some time or to pay our respects to -a superior. It may be some fruit in season, or a box of eggs, a brace -of wild ducks or geese, or a case of beer, handkerchiefs, or, indeed, -any article conceivable; but the commonest is confectionery. If one -goes to ask a favour or express thanks for a service rendered, or to -keep oneself in the other’s good books if he is a superior, where, in -short, some personal advantage is sought immediately or prospectively -or has been gained, one naturally makes presents of some value; but if -it is only to pay the compliments of the season and merely to remind -the other of one’s existence, articles of slighter value, such as -confectionery, are given. In the latter case the recipient makes to -the other a similar present when he returns the call. This exchange -of presents takes place among friends, especially at the end of the -year. So general is the custom that on a man with a wide circle of -acquaintances these gifts about the New Year’s tide entail serious -expenses. He may of course send to a friend a present he has received -from another; but he has to be very circumspect how he disposes of -such presents, for it sometimes happens that this repeated passing on -of a gift from one person to another ends in its reverting to the -original donor in a condition by no means improved by its frequent -journeys. Similar presents are made in midsummer, though the custom is -not so general as at the other season. - -The second reason for the variety of confectionery lies in the custom -of setting some cake before a visitor. When any one calls and is shown -in, tea is brought before him together with a plate of confections. -The tea is of course drunk, but the cake is more frequently left -untouched; it ought in that case to be wrapped in paper and given to -the visitor to take home, but the rule is not always observed and -the cake is often left to do duty before successive callers until it -becomes too stale for presentation. In a family with children, they -generally manage to make away with it as soon as the visitor is gone. -When, however, a doctor is called in, the cake is always wrapped in -paper and given to him; and the doctor takes it as a matter of course. - -These two customs, then, naturally create a large demand for -confectionery of all kinds. The most common cake for making a present -of is a sort of sponge-cake. It is not of Japanese origin, but appears -to have been introduced by the Spaniards in the early days of foreign -intercourse more than three centuries ago. It is put in a cardboard -or wooden box; and, in view of the custom above referred to of passing -a present on from one to another until it grows stale, the best -confectioners in Tokyo now put on the box the date of its sale so that -their reputation may not suffer through the deterioration of their -confection by its repeated travels. The precaution, however, is hardly -necessary as the custom is too widely known for any one who receives -musty sweetmeats to accuse their maker of dishonesty. - -[Illustration: A BOX OF SPONGE-CAKE.] - -The bulk of confectionery is made of rice, red beans, millet, or -sugar. Glutinous rice is steamed, pounded in a wooden mortar into a -pasty consistency, and left to cool. This is made into little cakes, -which are boiled and eaten with greens in soup at the beginning of the -year and are at other times baked and dipped in soy and sugar. But for -making confectionery, the pounded rice is not allowed to cool as it -is, while hot, soft enough to take any shape. It usually forms the -outer cover of dumplings filled with a sugary mixture. The red bean is -boiled, pounded, and strained through a coarse cotton bag to get rid -of the skin, though the latter is sometimes retained, in which case -the straining is unnecessary, and finally mixed with sugar. This red -bean jam is the most important ingredient of Japanese sweetmeats as -there is in our confectionery no other equivalent of the fruit jam. -Sometimes, however, other beans are substituted for it, especially -when a white jam is needed. The red-bean jam is also used in making -red soup into which small rice dumplings are thrown; this soup is much -in demand, especially in winter, to while away the tedium of long -evenings. The red bean is also boiled with rice to give it a colour; -the red-bean rice is eaten in old-fashioned families three times a -month, on the first, fifteenth, and twenty-eighth. A kind of white -candy is made from a mixture of glutinous rice and rice-yeast. -Agar-agar, or the Bengal isinglass, which is obtained from a seaweed, -is used for making jellies. Starch extracted from the root of the -_kuzu_ (_pueraria Thunbergiana_) is also much employed in confectionery. - -Numerous as are the confections made, the more common among them are -the following, which may of course be varied by the addition of other -ingredients. A kind of Turkish delight is made from a mixture of -glutinous rice, syrup, and white candy, boiled and brought into -proper consistency by throwing in a little _kuzu_ starch. By steaming -a mixture of red beans, sugar, wheat, and _kuzu_, we get a -sweet dark-red cake, which is almost as popular as the sponge-cake. -A mixture of glutinous rice steeped in water and rice-yeast left -overnight in a hot-water bath is, after being strained and steamed -with a small quantity of wheat, made into little balls around a lump -of red-bean jam. This is also a very common confection. Caramels are -made with long beans or peanuts inside. By boiling a mixture of -agar-agar and sugar for some time over a slow fire, we get a soft, -translucent jelly which is put into a mould and afterwards cut up. - -There are many others of a similar composition, often coloured, -flavoured, or peculiarly shaped; but their principal ingredients are -the articles already mentioned. Japanese confectionery is noticeable -for the large quantity of saccharine matter it contains, which -varies, except in rare cases, from one to three fourths of the whole -composition. It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that indigestion -is a frequent result of a too free indulgence in Japanese confections. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -MALE DRESS. - - Japanese and foreign dress—Progress in the latter—Japanese clothes - indispensable—_Kimono_—Cutting out—Making of an unlined dress—Short - measure—Extra-sized dresses—_Yukata_—The lined _kimono_—The wadded - _kimono_—Under-dress—Underwear—_Obi_—_Haori_—The crest—The uncrested - _haori_—_Hakama_—Socks—How to dress Wearing of socks. - - -A stranger in the streets of Tokyo cannot but be struck by the number -of Japanese, especially men and boys, who are dressed in European -clothes. The western costume, if less picturesque, is certainly more -handy than the Japanese; it allows a greater freedom to the limbs, -whereas in the latter the long sleeves are apt to be caught by knobs -and corners and the skirt is always in the way when we wish to run or -walk fast. For this reason the European male dress is largely worn in -schools, government offices, and private places of business, which -are built in a style more or less foreign and furnished with chairs, -benches, and tables; for squatting is uncomfortable with foreign -clothes and, whatever the dress may be, is a more complicated way of -resting ourselves than sitting in a chair, besides requiring a greater -effort when we wish to rise. But there are further reasons for -the favour which European clothes enjoy in Japan. They last much -longer than Japanese, for silks wear out pretty quickly if they are -constantly in use and are, moreover, torn more readily. If they are -soiled, they have to be taken to pieces, washed, perhaps redyed, and -remade. Besides, a Japanese outfit of fair quality is more costly than -a European suit. And as the custom stands in Japan, we have to provide -ourselves with several Japanese suits; whereas so many changes are not -needed of European clothes, in respect of which the Japanese people, -as a whole, have not yet learned to discriminate so rigidly as when -their national costume is concerned. A man may, in fact, wear the same -frock-coat all the year round and make it last long by taking as -great care of it as he does of his Japanese clothes. All things -considered, then, European clothes are both more handy and economical, -and on that account preferred to Japanese on business and ceremonial -occasions. - -In the early days of the new regime when European clothes were -comparatively rare and not unfrequently worn rather as a sign of -their wearers’ progressive spirit than for their convenience, it was -considered sufficient if they were simply European, no account being -taken of their cut or style. A man in a tweed cutaway or serge lounge -suit found ready access to an evening party or a semi-official -gathering. But as time went on, the frock-coat became the usual dress -on such occasions; still, silk hats were not yet generally worn, and -bowlers remained the common wear. The evening dress was the official -suit and was worn at one time even in the morning, if there was an -official ceremony at such early hours. It is only within the last -decade that silk hats have come into vogue; and they are now worn with -the frock-coat or evening dress at all parties and social gatherings. -But as they are still only worn at social functions, they last a long -time, and at garden parties silk hats of all ages and styles may be -seen. - -The rapid encroachment of European clothes into Japanese society is -undeniable; and if we may judge from the steady increase of tailoring -establishments in Tokyo and elsewhere, they seem destined to command -a still greater popularity. But there appears to be little ground for -the prediction often made by European writers that the national dress -is doomed. For so long as Japanese houses remain radically unchanged -and we are forced to squat on the mat, Japanese clothes cannot be -dispensed with. European clothes are not comfortable to squat in; as -the body cannot be kept quite straight, the collar presses on the -throat, the waistcoat gets creasy, the trousers soon become baggy -about the knees, and the socks are but a poor protection against the -cold since they cannot be hidden as under the skirt of the Japanese -dress. In a room warmed only by a small brazier, we feel the winter -chill more severely in European clothes than in Japanese. In summer -no one who has once worn the Japanese _yukata_ would willingly -take it off, for it is the slightest possible consistent with decency -as it is nothing more than a single unlined dress. It is the coolest -imaginable. Other Japanese summer clothes are only less cool than the -_yukata_. Hence, a Japanese of the upper or middle class has usually -to provide himself with both European and Japanese suits, that is, if -he wears European clothes at all, and is put to double expenses in -the matter of clothing. And to be completely equipped in both requires -no light purse. - -The ordinary Japanese dress is shaped like a gown with hanging -sleeves. As the exact shape of the _kimono_, as it is called, appears -unknown to those who have never seen it, we will here explain how a -_kimono_ is made. - -The _kimono_ is made out of a piece of silk, cotton, or hemp cloth, -usually eleven inches wide and about thirty-five feet long. Cloths are -always made of nearly the same measure or of double the length just -mentioned, that is, if they are for making _kimono_. The length and -width may vary slightly, cotton cloths being for instance smaller than -silk. The cloth is cut out into two pieces each for the body, the -sleeves, and the gores, and one for the band and sometimes another for -the upper band, or into seven or eight pieces in all. The body pieces -are each ten feet long and the sleeve pieces three feet and a half, -so that the two pairs take up twenty-seven feet; they are of the same -width as the original piece. The remainder is cut into two strips, -usually six and five inches wide, of which the former is cut in two -lengths of four feet three inches each, if possible, for the gores and -the latter into a strip, five feet eight inches long, for the main -band, the remainder being used, if needed, for the upper band. - -We now pass on to the making of the male unlined _kimono_, as -naturally it is of the simplest form. In the first place, the length -of a _kimono_ varies with the size of the wearer; it is not only -his height, but his condition as well, that has to be taken into -consideration, for broad shoulders, a thick chest, and rounded hips -require more cloth, longitudinally and laterally, than a body of the -same height but with less flesh. The usual length is about four feet -six inches for the average Japanese whose height is five feet -three or four inches. The two body pieces are first placed side by -side and sewn together half the length, the edge sewn in being about -half an inch; and then at the end of the seam the pieces are cut two -inches and a half and folded down at that width all along to the free -ends, so that when they are spread out, there is a channel five inches -wide along half their length. They are then folded in two so that the -free halves are exactly over the sewn halves. The outer edges are then -sewn from the end up to a point a foot and five inches below the fold. -The sewn halves form the hind part and the free halves the front of -the _kimono_. Next, the pieces for the gores are sewn on from the end -along the free edges of the body pieces. The skirt is stitched, and -the _kimono_, which is now an inch or so less than five feet, is -tucked in to the required length at the hips where the tucking would -be concealed under the _obi_, or sash. The edge of each gore is -stitched to a certain height which depends upon the length of the -_kimono_, and from this point to the top of its juncture with the body -piece the gore is turned, and the triangle thus formed is folded again -and again so as to be enclosed in the band which is next sewn on over -the folded edges of the gores and round the breast and neck of the -body pieces. The band itself is made by folding the band piece -lengthwise into two and turning in the edges. The upper band which -serves as an anti-macassar is then sewn over the main band around the -neck. The sleeves have in the meantime been sewn into oblong pieces a -foot and seven or eight inches long by ten inches wide. The outer edge -has been sewn together for nine and a quarter inches from the bottom, -the remainder being hemmed round to allow the hand to pass through; -and the inner edge, of which two and a half inches have been stitched -at the lower extremity, is now sewn on to the body piece. - -The dress is now complete. Sometimes when the cloth is slightly short -of measure, it cannot be made in the way just described. The body -pieces are taken at lengths which admit of but little tucking at the -hips; and the gores are cut slantwise, leaving no triangular pieces -to be folded in. But in that case, when the dress is remade, the -same parts of the gores will be exposed, whereas if the gores are -oblong, they can be reversed so as to expose the parts which were -formerly folded in and are therefore practically new. - -[Illustration: THE _KIMONO_, REAR AND FRONT VIEW.] - -These dresses can be taken to pieces and remade so long as the cloth -is not worn out; and as they can be made to fit most persons by -judicious tucking in or letting out, they are often washed and remade -for others than the original wearer. As the maximum length of the body -pieces is about ten feet, a cloth of the usual length would be too -short for those who measure more than four feet ten or eleven inches -from the nape of the neck to the ankles. A spare person, five feet -eight inches in height, might just manage to make himself a dress out -of a cloth of the usual length; but a man of a greater stature or of -the same height with more flesh would have to get a cloth specially -woven for him or buy a double length. Moreover, if a cloth is too -short for the height, it would also be in all probability too narrow -for the sleeves, which would then require a strip to be sewn on to -cover the arms. - -The unlined dress of coarse bleached cotton, known as _yukata_ or -bath-dress, is the simplest and most comfortable for summer wear. It -is worn immediately next to the skin without underwear of any -kind, and is washed whole every few days in midsummer. It is commonly -white or blue with stripes, spots, or other simple designs. If the -dress is of silk, hemp, or of a better kind of cotton, an underwear of -bleached cotton is put on. This resembles the _kimono_ in form, only -that it is much shorter, coming down only to the thighs, and has open -sleeves and no gores. The unlined _kimono_ is worn when one goes out -in summer; the _yukata_ is mostly for home wear or put on for a walk -in the evening. The unlined clothes are worn through midsummer from -the middle of June until the latter half of September. - -The lined _kimono_ differs from the unlined in having a lining, which -is usually of dark-blue silk or cotton. The lining is first made -separately from the covering, and its pieces, which are similar to -those of the other with a slight shrinkage in the measurement to allow -for its being the inner side, are stitched together, except at the -edges of the sleeves, skirt, gores, and the inner border of the body -pieces, which are sewn on to the corresponding parts of the outer -cloth. The band of the latter covers both cloths; and at the opening -of the sleeves a stiff piece of cloth trims the edges as that part -is apt to be rapidly worn out from the movement of the wrist. The -underwear is the same as in the case of the unlined _kimono_. The -lined _kimono_ is worn for a shorter time than the unlined, in fact, -for about a month at the transition from the unlined _kimono_ to the -wadded and _vice-versa_. The lined _kimono_ was not recognised by -the old-time etiquette which did not sanction any intermediate dress -between the unlined and the wadded; but of its comfort as a -_demi-saison_ costume there can be no question. - -The wadded _kimono_ is the most important of all as it is worn for a -longer period than the others. It is simply the lined _kimono_ wadded, -and is made similarly to it. When the two halves, the outer and the -inner, have been stitched separately, they are first joined together -at the skirt, turned inside out, and spread on the floor. The wadding -is then put on the outer half, the lining is brought over and sewn on, -and finally the whole dress is turned back the right side out. The -lining is made narrower than the covering as it remains inside, but -is slightly longer to allow for the bulge of the wadding. The -wadding may be of floss-silk as when it is desired to keep the dress -thin and light; or it may be of ginned cotton with a thin coating of -floss-silk; the floss-silk is needed because if the wadding were -only of cotton, it would fall in the course of time and gather at -the skirt, whereas the floss-silk adheres to the cloth with such -pertinacity that part of it oozes out through the texture of the -cloth and forms little white lumps on the outside. - -The wadded clothes are worn double in midwinter. The under-dress is of -slightly smaller dimensions than the upper. It is usual to make its -body of a less stiff material than the other, for if it were as stiff -or thick, it would be uncomfortable to wear. Hence, the gores, the -skirt, the band, and the wrist-ends of the sleeves, that is, the -visible portions, are made of stiff stuff; but the rest is of softer -silk or cotton. - -Under the lower _kimono_ is worn a doublet, thickly wadded and coming -down to the knees. It is made of inferior silk and has a black silk -band. Under this is the same underwear as in the case of the lined -_kimono_. The doublet has sleeves like the _kimono_. The merino -undershirt is now frequently worn instead of the Japanese underwear; -it is certainly warmer than the other which lets the wind and cold -enter through its open breast and sleeves, but it cannot be said to -add to the picturesqueness of the national costume. Merino drawers -are also worn; they are useful as the skirt is often on a windy day -blown aside and exposes the legs to the cold. - -[Illustration: THE _OBI_, SQUARE AND PLAIN.] - -The _obi_, or sash, is about four inches wide and varies in length -from twelve feet and a half to fourteen. It is usually of the same -material on both sides and can be worn either side out. It is stitched -along one edge and stiffened with a padding. This is the regular sash, -commonly called the square _obi_; but when we are at home, go out for -a walk, or visit an intimate friend, we prefer another kind of sash, -which is a piece of white crêpe, about ten feet long and varying in -width from a foot and a quarter to two feet, and stitched at the ends -to prevent their fraying. It is much more comfortable than the other. - -The _haori_, or outer coat, is worn over the _kimono_. It comes down -only to the knees or a little lower. It has no gores in front like the -_kimono_. The neck-band runs down to the skirt. The _haori_ is open in -front and the band falls straight from the shoulders on both sides, so -that there is no need for gores in front which are required only for -folding over; but there is a narrow gore on either side coming down -from the lower extremity of the sleeve to the skirt. The sleeves of -the _haori_ are just large enough to enclose those of the _kimono_. At -the skirt the body pieces are turned in and form the lining of the -lower part of the _haori_; and so the full length of a cloth, that is, -about thirty-five feet, is taken in the same way as in the making of -the _kimono_. The upper part of the _haori_ and the sleeves are lined -with another material; that for the upper part is often of bright -colours or embroidered; it is, in fact, the only portion of the male -dress where the usual rule of sober colours is not strictly adhered -to, and people who aspire to be chic sometimes use for the lining a -more expensive material than the outer cloth. Unlined _haori_ which -are made of silk gauze or similar thin stuff for summer wear, are -woven shorter than the others to dispense with the skirt-lining. The -_haori_ for winter wear is sometimes wadded with a thin layer of -floss-silk. About fifteen inches down the neck, a small loop of the -same material as the _haori_ is stitched on to the band on either -side, and to this a silk cord is fastened and tied in the middle to -keep the _haori_ from slipping off. Sometimes the cords are made in a -knot or a bow and fastened to the loops by hooks at the ends. - -[Illustration: THE _HAORI_.] - -The _haori_ worn on a visit or on formal occasions is usually black -and adorned with the family crest. The crest is found on three or five -parts of the _haori_, one in the middle of the back over the seam, -and one each on the back of the sleeve, and if there are five crests -altogether, one each on the breast of the body piece between the band -and the sleeve. The crest is of various forms and is about an inch -from end to end. It is invariably white; the white cloth is specially -dyed for the purpose so that the crest is the only portion left -undyed; but sometimes ready-dyed cloths with white disks for the -crests are bought, when the crests have to be drawn on them, or if -they have no such disks, the crests are sewn on. - -_Haori_ for common wear have no crests and are plain, twilled, or -striped and of sombre hues, though not necessarily black. Those for -home wear are often much longer than ordinary _haori_ and are thickly -wadded with cotton. They are also without crests. - -The _hakama_ is a sort of loose trousers. Either leg is made by -joining along the nape five pieces of cloth about a yard long, four of -which are of the full width of the cloth and the fifth of half that -width. The skirt is sewn by turning in the edge three times to stiffen -it. The two legs are joined in such a manner that the half-width -pieces form the inner side and the lowest point of the fork is about -twenty-two inches from the skirt. In front a longitudinal plait is -made an inch or so to the left so that its edge is in the middle; -two more plaits are made to the left and two to the right, and a third -on the latter leg under the middle fold. A similar but deeper plait is -made behind on either leg, that on the right having its edge in the -middle. These plaits are not stitched, but merely hot-pressed so that -they can be opened at will; and as they are much deeper at the skirt -than at the top, they give free play to the legs when walking and make -the _hakama_ appear to fit more closely than it would without them. -The upper half of the _hakama_ is open at either side, the fork at -which is of about the same depth as that in the middle. The top of the -front half which is about a foot wide, is sewn on to the middle of a -band which is folded and turned in to the width of half an inch and is -about eleven feet long, thus leaving a free end five feet long on -either side of the front half. The back, the top of which is narrower -than that in front, is surmounted with a piece of thin board on which -the cloth is pasted with starch mucilage. This board has also a narrow -band, two feet long, on each side. The _hakama_ is lined or unlined, -but never wadded. - -[Illustration: THE _HAKAMA_.] - -Socks are made with a thick cotton sole and a cover of common cotton -or calico, black or white, which comes up only to the ankle-bone. They -are split between the big toe and the next for holding the thong of -the clogs. They are kept from coming off by two or three small metal -clasps catching a cord behind the heel. - -[Illustration: SOCKS.] - -Now the Japanese suit is complete. In summer we wear the _yukata_, or -the coarse unlined cotton _kimono_, at home, or an unlined dress of -cotton or other material with underwear when we go out. We always put -on our clothes by folding the left over the right. The clothes are -folded one by one, that is, the underwear is first folded left over -right, over it the doublet, and lastly the _kimono_ which, if double, -are folded in pairs. The principle in putting them on is that their -bands shall alternate right and left and the folds form gradations -widening with the outer garments, so that from the bands one can tell -the quantity of clothing a man has put on. We wind the _obi_ over the -_kimono_. If it is the unlined crêpe, we merely wind it round and -either tuck in the ends under the folds or tie them behind; but if it -is the square _obi_, we leave behind one end about ten inches long and -winding the _obi_ twice round, fold the other end, the tip of -which is tucked under the fold, at such a length that a foot or so of -the doubled end is left over. The two ends are tied together in a -double knot with the two extremities slanting upward one on each side -of the knot. The knot is tied behind over the spine, the _obi_ being -wound just above the hips. Over the _kimono_ we wear the _haori_. The -_haori_ is neither a greatcoat nor a coat properly so called; for we -wear it on all occasions and indoors, and yet we may on informal -occasions take it off without breach of good manners. Indeed, a man -who walks abroad without a _haori_ would be in an entirely different -position to one who goes about in shirt sleeves. The crested _haori_, -which is invariably worn on formal occasions, is a ready means of -identification; and accordingly, when we are unwilling to attract -attention or to risk recognition, the uncrested is commonly put -on. The _hakama_ is worn when we have to be properly dressed, on -occasions, that is to say, when one would wear a frock-coat or an -evening dress; at schools and in government offices the _hakama_ -is indispensable when Japanese clothes are worn. In putting on a -_hakama_, the front band is first brought flush with the upper edge of -the _obi_ and the ends are each passed once and half round the body -and tied behind under the knot of the _obi_; and then the board at the -back is perched over the same knot to prevent its slipping down, and -the ends of its bands are tied in front. - -The socks are worn with all clothes except the _yukata_; but many -people go about barefooted, save in winter. The white is the colour -worn on formal occasions; but the black is popular as it wears better -than the other and does not betray the dirt when it is soiled. Only -young children wear socks of other colours, such as red and yellow. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -FEMALE DRESS. - - Attempts at Europeanisation—Difference between Japanese and foreign - dresses—Expense and inconvenience of foreign dresses—Japanese - dresses not to be discarded—How the female dress differs from the - male—Underwear and over-band—_Haori_—_Hakama_—_Obi_—How to tie - it—The dress-_obi_—The formal dress—Home-wear—Working clothes—The - sameness of form—The girl’s dress—Dress and age. - - -The late Prince Ito’s first administration which lasted from 1886 to -1889, was a period of great pro-European activity when heroic attempts -were made to Europeanise the entire social organisation. The most -conspicuous of these attempts were the strenuous efforts made to -remodel the social life of the nation; and with that object in view, -various social customs of the West were introduced. Balls and soirées -were given in official circles and among peers and men of wealth. One -of the direct consequences of this innovation was the eager adoption -of the foreign costume by ladies of rank and position, whose example -was soon followed by their humbler sisters. Women in European dresses -were common objects in streets and at public gatherings. And it looked -for a time as if the national costume were doomed. - -But it was not long before a reaction set in. A cry arose in various -quarters for the preservation of national characteristics; and though -there was a section of these reactionaries who would resist the -introduction of western innovations in all departments of life, the -general sense of the nation was to yield only so far as a change was -necessitated by the incompatibility of the old customs with the new -conditions imposed by the adoption of western civilisation. And among -the first to feel the effect of this reaction was the western style of -female dress; and our women fell back upon their national costume. It -was as well that the reversion to the old style took place before the -reforming spirit had gone too far, for, to tell the truth, the -Japanese woman seldom appears to advantage in a European dress. If she -looks graceful in her _kimono_, she cannot be equally prepossessing in -a bodice and a skirt; and those who are charming in a western costume -are the reverse in their native dress. The conditions which are needed -to give charm to the wearer of the _kimono_ are totally different to -the conditions which one associates with elegance in European dress. -The former require rounded or sloping shoulders, for square ones -would put the sides of the dress out of shape and interfere with the -graceful disposition of the sleeves. The body should be bent forward, -for if it were held straight or bent back, the dress at the breast -and the knot of the _obi_ would suffer; and for the same reason full -breasts are out of favour. The close-fitting skirt of the _kimono_ -prevents the feet from being set far apart, and the wearer cannot take -long strides. Her feet are turned slightly inward and makes her wobble -a little as she walks. Such a gait would be very ungainly when a woman -puts on a European dress. It may be possible for her when she dons -European garments to assume another gait than that she is used to in -Japanese; but it is naturally very hard to throw off on occasion a -habit acquired from childhood. - -But what really led to the discarding of the European dress was not so -much the uncomely form it presented as the expense and inconvenience -it entailed upon its wearer. It necessitates the possession of jewelry -which is useless in a Japanese dress; necklaces and bracelets are not -put on with the latter. The foreign dress is, moreover, extremely -inconvenient in a Japanese house. A man can squat in European clothes -without much difficulty if his trousers are baggy enough to allow the -knees to be doubled; and if they are creased, they may be set right -again with a little ironing. He can therefore visit his friends in -European clothes. With a woman the case is different. She cannot squat -in a European dress. Her corset would inflict on her excruciating -tortures as it gets out of shape when the body is bent forward in -squatting; she certainly could not bow her head to the mat in the -usual Japanese fashion. What trimmings she might have on her skirt -would be irretrievably spoilt; and if she once squatted, she -could not get up without assistance or going on all fours. In short, -the European dress cannot come into vogue until Japanese houses are -remodelled and furnished with chairs instead of mats and cushions. -Moreover, the expense of having a fair wardrobe of both European and -Japanese dresses deters many women from taking to the former since -the latter are absolutely indispensable. - -Lovers of the picturesque may then rest assured that there is no -immediate prospect of the disappearance of the graceful _kimono_. -Largely as are the western clothes worn by Japanese men and boys, -there is not much danger of their totally supplanting the national -costume while the internal arrangement of the Japanese house remains -unchanged; and that transformation is, as we have already stated, to -be looked for in a very dim future. Still less probability is there -of a similar change in the costume of our women as it is even more -intimately connected than men’s clothes with domestic life. It is -indeed as well that it should be so, for much as we desire to make use -of the fruits of western civilisation, we would emphatically draw the -line when it comes to the appearance our wives and daughters shall -present at home. We may therefore leave out of consideration the -western costume as worn by Japanese women. - -The Japanese female dress does not differ essentially from the male; -the distinction lies in its proportions and colours. There is -therefore no need to describe it in detail; it will suffice if we give -the points of difference. Thus, the body pieces are a little narrower -to fit the slighter forms of women; but they are longer, the length -being from four feet nine inches to five feet. The tuck at the hip is -not sewn in as in a man’s dress, but the body is left loose so that -the dress may be worn with a train or tucked at the hip with a sash. -The tuck is usually about eight inches. The neck-band is also much -wider than men’s, being four inches and a half, and longer by an inch -or more. The sleeves too are longer by two inches or more; but the -opening at the wrist is smaller. The sleeves are open for about a foot -from the lower extremity so as to allow the wide _obi_ to be worn -without inconvenience, and sewn on to the body pieces for about -ten inches from the top. The front and back edges of the body piece -are hemmed for four inches before they are sewn together and leave an -aperture of that length under the joints of the sleeve. This opening -is made in all female dresses and exposes the sides of the body to the -air; but it is hidden from view by the sleeve and the _obi_, and is -visible only when the sleeve is held up; the object of this aperture -is to give free play to the breast part of the dress. In all female -dresses the sleeves are left open and hemmed from their joints with -the body pieces to the lower end. The skirt of the wadded _kimono_ is -more heavily wadded than men’s and is rounded to show more of the -lining and the bulge of the wadding. - -Under the _kimono_ a woman wears much the same clothing as a man; -but unlike him, she wears two loin-cloths. The lower one, which -is the loin-cloth proper, is a piece of bleached cotton wound round -the hips and coming down to the knees. It is called in Japanese the -“bath-cloth,” as it was formerly, and still is in some parts of the -country, worn when a woman takes a bath. The upper loin-cloth, called -the “hip-wrap,” is more ornamental; it is tied round the hips like -the bath-cloth, but comes down to the feet. It is usually made of -_mousseline de laine_ or crêpe, and is red for girls, of a gay colour -with fanciful patterns for young women, and white for matrons. This -hip-wrap is replaced in winter by what we call a “long chemise,” which -is practically a _kimono_ made without the tuck and of the exact -height of the wearer. Over the neck-band is sewn an ornamental band -called “half-band,” which is usually of crêpe, though some other light -silk may be used, red for young girls and of various colours, white, -black, violet, blue, or grey for grown-up persons. Flowers, birds, or -landscapes are embroidered on it with gold or silver threads or with -silk. This ornamental half-band is worn on the chemise or other -underwear next to the _kimono_. The _kimono_, the upper one if two are -worn, which is for home wear, is usually covered over the neck-band -with an over-band of satin. - -Women wear, like men, _haori_ of various descriptions, the crested -_haori_ of black crêpe, the uncrested made of silk, striped, spotted, -or of other pattern, and the long _haori_, which though often -less wadded than men’s, reaches like theirs below the knees. A woman’s -_haori_ differs from a man’s, like the _kimono_, in having sleeves -open on the inner side and a loop-hole under the arm. - -The _hakama_ is worn by school-girls and their teachers, and by some -of the court ladies. The girl’s _hakama_ differs from man’s in not -being divided. It is simply round like the European skirt; but it has -plaits which are not, however, so deep or so marked as men’s. It is -open, like theirs, at the sides near the _obi_ and tied in the same -way. - -The Japanese woman’s pride, however, is the _obi_. It is often the -most costly of all her apparel. It is about thirteen feet long and -thirteen and a half inches wide. The _obi_ for ordinary wear is made -by sewing together back to back two pieces of cloth, of which the face -is commonly of stiff stuff like satin and the lining of crêpe, or -other soft silk or cotton. But the _obi_ worn on formal occasions -consists of a single piece of double width, which is folded in two -lengthwise and seamed; it is made of taffety, satin, damask, or gold -or other brocade. The Chinese satin has at one end the name of its -loom in red thread; and imitation satins and sateens have similar -names at the same end; and this end is always exposed to view when -the _obi_ is worn. When sewn, the woman’s _obi_ is padded like men’s. - -[Illustration: THE _OBI_ FOR ORDINARY WEAR. FOR GIRLS. FOR WOMEN.] - -The tying of the _obi_, especially of the dress-_obi_, is by no means -a simple process. In the first place a woman puts on her dress in the -same way as a man, that is, she folds the front edges left over right, -and not right over left as in a European dress. When she has thus -folded her underwear, which she sometime ties round with a cloth cord -to keep it in place, she takes her _kimono_, single or double as the -case may be, and catching the two edges near the ends of the band, -holds them out behind her and raises them tightly until the skirt is -just at her ankles, that is, at the height at which she wishes it to -be, and then folding the edges stiffly one over the other, she ties -the dress at the hip with a cloth cord to prevent its slipping. Then -she arranges the upper half of the dress, putting the band in order -and pulling the loose part down so that the breast is pressed almost -flat, and ties the tuck just over the hips with a second cord. The -tuck is thus tied above and below; for this two different cords are -used in formal dresses, but for ordinary wear a single long narrow -sash of crêpe may be used for both purposes, the sash passing over -the tuck at the side. Next, the _obi_, if it is for ordinary wear, is -folded in two along its length and wound twice round the waist, thus -concealing the cord on the tuck and leaving at the back a foot or so -of one end, while the other end is three feet or more in length. The -former is folded lengthwise with the lining inside. The two ends are -tied in such a way that the doubled end comes out at the side slanting -downwards under the knot. The second end is, while being tied, folded -once with the lining outside and is pulled vertically so that the -folded part is held straight up; and it is drawn out until the length -above the knot is about the same as that remaining behind and then -dropped over the knot; and so, when it hangs down, its end or the fold -is higher than the end of the _obi_ just by the width of the knot, -that is, by a few inches. The end under the knot displays the face -and the fold itself the lining. Some people keep the knot from coming -loose by tying a cord over it round the _obi_, while others merely -tighten it when it slackens. - -The _obi_ for ceremonial occasions is tied in the same way, only -that as it is of the same material on both sides, there is no -distinction of face and lining. When it is tied, a narrow sash with -a piece of board or stiff cardboard in the middle is put under the -vertical fold and raised above the level of the _obi_, and the ends -of the sash are tied in front and the knot is tucked under the _obi_. -This sash is a kind of bustle to keep the fold from falling. Next, the -fold is refolded inward, while the doubled end, instead of hanging out -as in the ordinary _obi_, is bent back and pushed under the fold. A -silk cord is then passed between the two faces of the fold along the -middle of the _obi_ and tightly fastened in front over the _obi_ by -means of a hook or buckle. This cord is intended to prevent the -doubled end and the fold, after the refold, from falling off. The hook -or buckle is usually in the form of a flower or some other simple -design in gold. Thus, it will be seen that in wearing the ceremonial -_obi_, a woman is tied twice each over and under it. - -[Illustration: THE DRESS-_OBI_. FOR GIRLS. FOR WOMEN.] - -As the _obi_ is the most conspicuous part of a woman’s dress, the -_haori_, which would conceal it except in front, is not worn on -formal occasions. It is only worn at home or on an informal visit; -and in the absence of a _haori_ to display her crest on, the -woman has it dyed on her _kimono_, the number being three or five as -on the man’s _haori_. The formal dress is a suit of three _kimono_, -of which the second and lowest have white neck-bands. The skirt is -wadded much thicker than usual. Sometimes when it is too warm to wear -three _kimono_, the middle one is dispensed with and an extra band is -put on the lower _kimono_ and a false skirt sewn on to it to make it -look as if there were an intermediate _kimono_. The formal colour of -the uppermost _kimono_ is black, with five white crests; but except -on special occasions less sombre colours may be worn, of which the -favourite are blue, grey, and violet, all light-tinted. Underneath the -_kimono_ is the long chemise which is the only article of clothing -that is allowed to be bright-coloured. It is often expensive; and just -as men line their _haori_ with costly stuff which may or may not be -seen in company, so women expend as much money upon their chemises, -the skirt of which may be partly exposed to view as they walk. It is -commonly of figured crêpe, _habutaye_, or crêpe de Chine. Under the -chemise is the ordinary cotton underwear. - -When she goes out on an informal visit, the Japanese woman usually -puts on a crested _haori_; but if it is only for a walk, the _haori_ -may be plain. The _kimono_ may on such occasions be of any pattern, -only that when she makes a call, the band must be of the same cloth as -the _kimono_. At home a woman usually has on a black satin band as it -can be readily renewed, for owing to the liberal use of pomade on her -hair, the band is the part of her dress that is soonest soiled, and -hence the advantage of a band that can be easily changed. The part -of her dress which is, next to the band, most liable to be soiled is -the lap; for as we squat with our knees bent in front of us, we are -apt to lay in our laps whatever may be in our hands, and most women -therefore, except in families of higher position, wear aprons at home. -Those of the middle class take off their aprons when they go out; -but the wives and daughters of tradesmen and artisans wear them even -outdoors. Still, as it is not considered good form to have them on -when one receives calls, they should take them off before they go into -the parlour to welcome their visitors; as a matter of fact, however, -this is done only when the visitor is one of superior position -who must be treated with great respect. The apron covers the front -part of the _kimono_ below the _obi_, under which it is tied by a -cord attached to it. It is also worn by tradesmen and others whose -business it is to handle wares of any kind. - -[Illustration: A SERVANT WITH TUCKED SLEEVES.] - -The ordinary _kimono_ is inconvenient for active work. Those whose -work requires a free movement of the limbs, commonly discard the long -sleeves and the skirt. Coolies and artisans wear tight-sleeved coats -and tight-fitting drawers of cotton. Women, too, who labour -outdoors have on similar clothes sometimes; but more frequently they -wear tight-sleeved _kimono_, the skirts of which are tucked up to the -knees to facilitate their walking. Women, however, who live indoors -but have to move about at their household work, do not care to put on -tight-sleeved _kimono_, and they tie up their sleeves with a cloth -cord when they are actively employed. They are often to be seen -dusting and sweeping the rooms with their sleeves tied up and a -towel on their heads. The _kimono_ appears indeed to be capable of -little improvement. The only concession that has been made to the -requirements of the latter-day school-girl is the contraction of the -sleeves. The “reformed dress,” as it is called, has large open sleeves -which can be tightened by means of a string. It is found very handy -and is worn by many school-girls. Reformed or unreformed, there is -this to be said for the Japanese woman’s dress that it does not suffer -in the matter of pockets or what serve as such from comparison with -man’s. - -[Illustration: THE REFORMED DRESS.] - -There is then very little difference in the dress of a Japanese woman -indoors and out, except in the case of the formal dress. Even there -the form is the same. This uniformity of cut strikes one everywhere -in Japan; the dresses are all cast in the same mould. There may be -variations in the length of the sleeves or in the colour and texture -of the apparel; but even fickle fashion leaves the shape of the dress -unchanged; it only varies the stuff and the pattern. - -Children’s clothes differ slightly from their elders’. Up to about ten -they often wear at home the tight-sleeved _kimono_. Boys, indeed, may -continue to put them on far into the teens; but girls are soon dressed -in _kimono_ of fancifully-figured crêpe or _mousseline de laine_, the -gayest of which are specially made for their wear. Their outdoor -_kimono_ have sleeves almost touching the ground, and their formal -dress is black with light patterns on the lower part of the sleeves -and round the skirt. Their _obi_ is folded almost perpendicularly -behind, the folded end coming close up to the shoulders; and over it -is tied a plain sash, usually of yellow or red crêpe, the knot being -tied at the side with the ends hanging down. - -[Illustration: A YOUNG LADY DRESSED FOR A VISIT.] - -The girl, on reaching her sixteenth or seventeenth year, ceases to -be a child and becomes a _shinzo_, or maiden; she no longer puts -on gaily-coloured _kimono_, though she still retains the hip-wrap, -underwear sleeves, and band of crimson. At twenty-four, at which she -becomes a _toshima_, when she is supposed to be married, the colour of -her dress becomes more sober; the hip-wrap is white, the sleeves of -her underwear, though sometimes still red for a little while longer, -are oftener of a less conspicuous tint, and the band of blue, purple, -black, or other dark hues. For the first few years she may, in her -desire to conceal her age, affect the _shinzo’s_ costume; but when -she reaches thirty, she is an unmistakable _toshima_. This stage -terminates at forty, when she comes to be spoken of as approaching old -age. She is dressed soberly as if to avoid notice. Forty is pretty -early for a woman to be classified as old; but in former days old age -began at fifty when a man was considered unfit for business and made -over his name and property to his heir. We mature early and decline at -the same rate. Indeed, man, says a Japanese proverb, lives but for -fifty years and rarely does his span extend to seventy years. Our -expectation of life is, then, two decades less than the Psalmist’s. -Impressed by its brevity, the Japanese woman knows that she ceases to -please after two score and unmurmuringly gives up hope. She does not -allow herself to be deceived when silver locks begin to appear among -the raven; and by her dress and coiffure she frankly confesses the -stage she has reached in the journey of life. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -TOILET. - - Queues—Hair-cutting—Moustaches and beards—Shaving—Women’s - coiffure—Children’s hair—“Inverted maidenhair”—_Shimada_—“Rounded - chignon”—Other forms—The lightest coiffure—Bars—Combs—Ornaments - round the chignon—Hair-pins—The hair-dresser—The kind of hair - esteemed—Lots of complexion—Girls painted—Women’s paint—Blackening - of teeth—Shaving of eyebrows—Washing the face—Looking-glasses. - - -Among the earliest innovations after the Restoration to which the -Japanese people took kindly was the clipping of their queues. In the -old days men had little queues on the top of their heads. For this -purpose they shaved the crown and gathering the hair around, tied it -at the top with a piece of paper string; then, they bent the queue and -bringing it down forward over the forehead, fastened it with the ends -of the same string so that the queue was tied tightly to the first -knot. The end of the queue was cut straight. Fashion often changed in -the making of the queue, though its general form remained unaltered. -The bend, for instance, between the two knots might vary in size and -shape, and the queue itself in length and thickness, its girth being -regulated by the extent of the tonsure at the crown. Or the hair might -be full or tight at the sides and the back. The front was usually -shaved. In short, there was a wide scope for taste in the dressing of -the queue. - -These queues were untied and remade every second or third day, and -the head was shaved at the same time. Hair-dressing was therefore -a troublesome business, especially as one had generally to get -assistance for it. Consequently, when the cropping of the hair came -into vogue, people eagerly adopted it as it saved them time and -expense. At first they cut the hair long, letting it half hide the -ears and come down to the neck behind; but it became shorter by -degrees until now the fashion is to crop it to about a quarter -of an inch, presenting a head which is appropriately known as -“chestnut-bur.” - -[Illustration: QUEUES.] - -Although pictures of old Japanese warriors represent them with -moustaches, the custom seems to have been under the Tokugawa rule to -be clean shaven about the mouth; only aged men indulged in beards, -while whiskers grown by themselves were almost unknown. After the -Restoration government officials began to grow moustaches, and for a -long time the favourite way of mimicking an official was to twirl an -imaginary moustache. But professional men of all sorts now let them -grow, so that they have ceased to be characteristic of officials. -Tradesmen, artisans, and coolies, however, are still clean shaven, or -at most have bristles of a few days’ growth. - -Japanese barbers shave not only the lips, cheeks, and chin, and the -borders of the hair, but they also pass their razors over -the whole face, not sparing the forehead, the eyelids between the -eyelashes and the eyebrows, the cheek-bones, the nose, and the -ear-lobes, and unless their victim objects, they will insert a small -narrow razor into his nostrils and ears and twirl it rapidly round -with great dexterity. The shaving of the nostrils is easier in a -Japanese than it would be in a European on account of their greater -width, and another advantage arising from the shortness of the nose -is that the Japanese barber does not offer an indignity to his client -by tweaking his nose when he shaves his upper lip. - -[Illustration: THE “203-METRE HILL” AND “PENTHOUSE.”] - -Troublesome as was the man’s queue in the old days, it was a trifle -compared with the woman’s coiffure. In the early days of the present -regime when men began to cut their hair, many women followed suit -and cropped theirs as short. The government, however, interfered and -prohibited the cutting of the hair by women other than widows and -grandames with whom it was a time-honoured custom. In 1887 when the -pro-European craze was at its height, many women tied their hair in -European style; but it was subsequently abandoned by those who found -that by tying the hair in this manner, they spoilt it for the -Japanese coiffure; for having been accustomed to oil it well for their -native style, they discovered that the hair, when bound without any -pomade, became very brittle and snapped short. Still, the European -style is now largely adopted because it does not require expert -assistance and the services of the professional hair-dresser can be -dispensed with. Various styles are in vogue. Soon after the fall -of Port Arthur in 1905, a high knot came into fashion under the -formidable title of “203-metre hill knot,” in celebration of the -capture of that famous hill which was practically the key to the great -fortress. The favourite at present with our women is a low pompadour -known as the “penthouse style.” But though the European way of -dressing the hair has become very popular, it is not likely so long as -the _kimono_ remains unchanged that the Japanese coiffure, awkward as -it is compared with the European, will be entirely superseded by the -other. - -Newly-born infants are shaven; but as they grow up, a little circle -at the crown is left untouched. At first the circle is small, but it -grows larger with years; and at six or seven, boys let all their hair -grow and crop them when too long, just like their elders. Girls, -before they leave this “poppy-head” stage as it is called, have little -queues on the crown, tied less closely than men’s in the old days. -Next, at ten or more, they have their hair done in a more complicated -manner; sometimes the tresses are tied together at the crown and made -into bows, and sometimes the hair is gathered at the top and -parted into two tresses, right and left, which are made into vertical -loops, joined together at the side, the joint being covered with a -piece of ornamental paper. It has of late become an almost universal -custom with school-girls to tie their hair with a ribbon and let it -down loose or plaited on their backs. - -[Illustration: YOUNG GIRLS’ HAIR.] - -From fifteen to well over forty, the favourite style is that known as -“inverted maidenhair.” The hair is in this coiffure first combed into -one bundle, except a triangular tuft over the forehead. It is tied at -the root and divided into two equal tresses, right and left, which are -then looped, the end of either tress being combed into the root of the -other; and the two loops are turned down and brought behind the crown, -and kept in place by being tied together to the first knot. The hair -at the sides and the back is swollen out by a dexterous jerk of a comb -or hairpin from underneath when it is first gathered. That at the -sides is further combed with a rough comb, while the hair at the back -is held in place by a spring hairpin. This is the lightest coiffure as -false hair is not generally required; but it is not the formal way of -dressing the hair. - -[Illustration: THE “INVERTED MAIDENHAIR.”] - -For young women the formal coiffure is the _shimada_, so called from -the name of the town on the high road between Tokyo and Kyoto, where -it first came into fashion. In this the hair is gathered and tied -tightly at or near the crown together with a large tuft of false hair. -The tip is folded in forward; the hair is then folded twice in the -same direction as the tip so that the edge of the fold is half an inch -or less behind the knot; and the whole is turned over the knot in such -a way that the edge of the second fold is forward of the crown. Then, -by a string passing over the knot the fold is tied down. The chignon -is formed by spreading out the hair; sometimes a piece of paper, of -the size of the chignon, is well pomaded and put under the surface -of the chignon to help it to keep in place. The size of the chignon -varies with the wearer’s taste; but, generally speaking, a young -woman’s is larger than her elder sister’s. Its position too varies, -as it depends upon that of the first knot, whether over or behind the -crown. In the formal coiffure of a young lady of social standing it is -close to the crown; but girls in a lower station of life or anxious to -be thought _chic_ prefer the chignon to be more to the back of the head. - -[Illustration: THE _SHIMADA_ AND “ROUNDED CHIGNON.”] - -The _marumage_, or “rounded chignon,” of married women is formed by -tying the hair at the crown as in the _shimada_, and then making a -loop at the end. This is wrapped round with a piece of ornamental -cloth, usually of silk and dyed, and then folded forward; a small bar -is passed through the two sides of the loop and the main tuft; and -the latter is folded forward twice and the bar is brought down near -the crown. The hair behind is spread out into a chignon. Unlike the -_shimada_, this chignon is mostly back of the knot; it is held down by -a string tied to the knot and the loop. False hair is used, but to a -less extent than in the _shimada_; and a little paper pillow wadded -with cotton is put under the chignon to hold it in place. A small part -of the loop appears on each side of the chignon around the bar and -displays the piece of ornamental cloth. The size of the chignon varies -with the age of its wearer, the largest being adopted by young women -and the smallest by old matrons. - -There are said to be more than a hundred different ways, new and -old, of dressing the hair; and even at the present time there are -a score of them in vogue. But as most of them are combinations or -modifications of the three coiffures above mentioned, we need not -describe them. In all three the forelock is taken in a triangular tuft -and tied with a piece of string, and held down with a comb just in -front of the knot on the crown. - -Both the _shimada_ and the _marumage_ are heavy as they require false -hair. The hair needs also to be well oiled. The hair is done once in -three or four days, but is seldom washed, not more than once a month. -The head is consequently heated and a headache is often the result. -Lighter than either of these is the “inverted maidenhair,” which needs -no false hair unless the natural hair is too thin. It is preferred -when one is at home, and especially when a long spell of either of the -other forms of coiffure has ended in a headache. It is also in favour -sometimes for the reason that it does not, like the others, require -hair ornaments. A Japanese woman has no need of jewelry as it is not -the custom to wear brooches, ear-rings, necklaces, or bracelets; and -the only articles of gold or silver are, if we except the watch and -chain and the finger-rings, which are all of recent introduction, her -pipe, the clasp of the _obi_-fastener, ornamental hair-pins, and -sometimes other articles for the hair. - -[Illustration: BARS, COMBS, AND BANDS.] - -The married woman’s coiffure requires a bar through the chignon. This -bar varies in length with the width of the chignon, beyond which it -appears from a quarter to half an inch. The regulation bar is square -or oblong in section with flat or slightly rounded ends. It -should be made of transparent, light-yellow tortoise-shell; but dark -tortoise-shell or lacquered wood with gold figures is also worn. There -are artists of high repute who make a speciality of the designing and -lacquering of these bars. Inferior kinds are made of black lacquered -wood or celluloid. Sometimes floral or other designs in gold or silver -are attached to the ends of bars intended for young women. - -The comb, on formal occasions, should be of the same material as the -bar. Such combs are usually of light-yellow tortoise-shell; they are -worn in front of the chignon and hold down the tip of the hair over -the forehead. They have curved backs and straight ends, and are -thicker than those used in hair-dressing, which are of boxwood. Other -ornamental combs are of various shapes; they may be curved toward the -tips, or may be longer and narrower or more rounded and wider than -the tortoise-shells. They are made, like the bars, of lacquered wood, -common tortoise-shell, or celluloid. The commonest kinds are of -boxwood. The combs used for combing the side-hair are wider at one end -than at the other, while those for gathering in stray locks are only -about an inch wide, close-toothed, and with a long, pointed handle, -and for removing scurf fine-toothed double combs are used. - -In the case of the _marumage_ and sometimes of the _shimada_, the knot -of the root is hidden from sight by tying around it a thin strip of -metal, or a string of paste or coral beads. In the _shimada_ a narrow -strip of white paper is also sometimes worn. The piece of cloth wound -round the loop of the _marumage_ is usually of plain common silk -crimpled or netted, and often mottled. That worn by young girls in -coiffure that requires such pieces is plain red; but their elders -prefer quieter tints. - -The greatest variety is, however, to be seen in ornamental hair-pins. -These hair-pins have mostly two legs, though very simple ones are -one-legged. They are made of horn, ivory, wood, metal, or celluloid, -and have above the fork, if two-legged, some ornament, a bead, or a -design in metal, horn, ivory, bone, or other material. These designs, -if of the better quality, consist of figures in gold on lacquer -background or on ivory, or chasings of gold or silver. The -hair-pins worn on formal occasions by young girls are surmounted with -a large flower in metal, from which hangs a red silk tassel. Grown-up -women set most value on silver or gold pins with a coral bead, -about half an inch in diameter. The coral most esteemed is pink or -flesh-coloured, though one of a darker hue is preferred by some -people. In the commoner kinds the legs are of German silver as -wood or horn is liable to snap. There is no rule as to the length of -these hair-pins. They are stuck in under the chignon, or a little in -front or behind, but never in the chignon itself. - -[Illustration: ORNAMENTAL HAIR-PINS.] - -Hair-dressing is no light task; and though a woman may be able -to do her own hair, she almost invariably gets it done by somebody -else as a great deal has to be done at the back of the head. -The professional female hair-dresser is therefore an established -institution; she visits most houses at regular intervals. She has -usually an assistant, or rather an apprentice, who loosens and combs -the hair and prepares it for her to dress. A successful hair-dresser -probably makes more money than any other professional of her sex. The -geisha’s receipts may be larger, but her expenses are correspondingly -great so that her net profit is comparatively small, whereas the -hair-dresser needs neither capital nor stock, beyond a few combs, and -even these are often unnecessary as she uses those of her client. -Besides her regular charges, which are not heavy, she receives many -presents from those who are anxious for her to come at regular -intervals or out of turn, as when they are going out to a party, a -theatre, or some other place of public resort. She is also a great -gossip, a disseminator of scandals, and in this respect she has the -advantage over the barber who has himself no mean reputation in that -direction in Japan as everywhere else; for whereas the barber has to -retail his discourse more or less in public before the other clients -who are awaiting their turn, the woman purveys her news in the privacy -of the lady’s toilet-room. And as the discussion of her neighbour’s -private affairs and the tearing of her character is no less a -favourite occupation with the Japanese woman than with her European -sister, it is not always for the sole purpose of having her hair done -that she eagerly waits for the hair-dresser’s visit. - -[Illustration: THE HAIR-DRESSER.] - -Our hair is always black until it begins to turn gray; and women -esteem glossy-black, straight hair. Curly hair is held in such horror -that it is said to spoil any face however comely in other respects. -And the hair-dresser’s apprentice, when she comes to undo her client’s -hair for re-dressing, first loosens it and combs it to free it of -tangles, and then with a cloth dipped in boiling water, straightens -it until all traces of former bends and twists have disappeared, and -applies to it a pomade to keep it from curling or getting out of -shape. Next to the glossy appearance of the hair, its borders receive -careful attention. There should be no clusters of short hairs about -the borders, which should show a clear demarcation between the -hair and the skin. Hairy borders are regarded to be as great -blemishes as clumsy hands and feet. The short hair over the forehead -is, however, tolerated as hardly any one is free from it; but at the -same time the border over the forehead should rise from either temple -in a slight curve until it is right over the forehead when it should -meet the other in a faint downward curve. From a fanciful resemblance -of such a border to the outline of Mount Fuji, the forehead is then -known as the “Fuji forehead,” and highly admired as an important -feature of personal beauty. - -The Japanese woman does not allow any hair or even down to grow on her -face, and from time to time shaves the whole face like the other sex. -We are not a hairy race, and our women have on the whole very smooth -faces. We hardly ever see them with moustaches or stumps of hairs -on their faces. It is not improbable that this shaving of the face -contributes to the early loss of complexion among the Japanese women; -but the arch-enemy of the clear complexion is certainly the paint, for -painting is an almost universal custom in Japan. - -Young girls are painted quite white and present a somewhat ghastly -appearance, for the paint is a thick paste of white powder, coarser -than _poudre de riz_, and is daubed over the face with the hands. The -neck and the upper part of the breast are also painted; but the paint, -it must be admitted, is too conspicuous to be mistaken for the natural -colour of the skin, and the Japanese girl knows it. If the hair hung -over her neck and face in fringes or ringlets, we might suspect her of -attempting to pass the paint for her own skin; but the hair is combed -up into a knot at the crown and the borders of the hair are strongly -marked on the forehead and the neck. As, however, the hair is usually -thick over the forehead, the contrast there between the paint and the -natural skin may not be striking; but at the back it is impossible to -conceal the difference, and as if to make a virtue of necessity, the -paint is daubed at the borders in a very angular zigzag, which -emphasises the difference between it and the brown skin. - -The paint is laid on less thickly as the girl grows up; and though -many women, especially those from the country, make a liberal use of -it, the custom in Tokyo is to apply a dilute solution lightly so -that one can hardly tell at a distance whether the face is painted or -not. The neck, however, is more thickly painted. Vermilion is applied -to the lips in degrees varying with the age. - -The blackening of the teeth is fast going out of fashion; nowadays in -Tokyo, only middle-aged women and their seniors take to it, though -young married women among the lower classes are sometimes to be seen -with blackened teeth. In ancient times men of rank and position -blackened their teeth; it was a sign of good birth, and the expression -“white teeth” was synonymous with plebeianism. This custom was -subsequently confined to court nobles, and was later still adopted by -married women. The idea seems to be that as black is the only colour -that remains unchanged, the teeth were blackened in token of their -owner’s constancy and fidelity. - -The eyebrows are shaven in infants and little children, especially -girls, with the object of making them grow thick. Women touch them up -with Indian ink or burnt-cork powder. They used to shave them off upon -marriage at the same time as the first blackening of the teeth; but -this custom is, like the other, dying out. Many women, however, shave -off their eyebrows when they reach the age of forty or thereabouts, as -they prefer to have none at all to having them thin and irregular. - -Before they commence their toilet, women take a bath or wash their -faces, necks, and shoulders over a tub unless it is early morning in -cold weather. Soap is a foreign innovation; and the same purpose was -served by the use of fine bran powder obtained by sifting rice after -its final cleaning in a mortar. A handful of this powder is put into a -little cloth bag, which is then wetted and rubbed against the skin; -and the turbid water which exudes through the texture of the bag is -very efficacious in cleaning the skin. It is now used together with -soap. Young women sometimes put other substances with the bran into -the bag, such as pulverised egg-shells which are said to remove stains -from the skin and the powered bark of a species of magnolia. - -Our women, squatting as they do at their toilet, do not need a -dressing-table, instead of which they set before them a small wooden -box with three or four drawers and surmounted with a square -looking-glass hinged on two supports which stand on the box. In the -old days when glass was unknown or at least very rare, a metal disk -highly polished on one face and with a handle was set on a stand. -Now, however, sheet-glass mirrors are very common, though those of -plate-glass are less used owing to their higher prices as they have, -unlike the sheet-glass, to be imported from abroad. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -OUTDOOR GEAR. - - Boots and shoes _versus_ clogs and sandals—Inconvenience of - foreign footgear—Shoes and boots at private houses—Clogs and - sandals able to hold their own—How clogs are made—Plain clogs—Matted - clogs—Sandals—Straw sandals—Headgear—Woman’s hood—Overcoats and - overdresses—Common umbrellas—Better descriptions of - umbrellas—Lanterns—Better kinds of lanterns. - - -European clothes are, as we have seen, replacing the Japanese male -dress in schools, public offices, and other quarters, and are checked -in their advance only by the unaltered state of Japanese homes. In the -matter of footgear the case is almost similar, only that boots and -shoes have superseded clogs and sandals to a far greater extent than -coats and trousers have the _kimono_. For people in foreign clothes -almost invariably wear foreign footgear; it is only in wet weather -that one sees sometimes a Japanese in European clothes walking through -the mud in clogs instead of boots; and a great many in native clothes -wear boots and shoes. There are plenty of people who go in _hakama_ to -schools and public and private offices; but where these buildings are -in foreign style as most of them are, people are not allowed to enter -with their clogs, and the only alternative is that they must wear -sandals or boots. But as the sandals cover the feet with dust in dry -weather and with mud in wet, many persons prefer to walk in clogs and -change them for sandals at the school or office; but as this means -that they must leave at the entrance their sandals at night and their -clogs in the daytime, they run the risk of losing them. Hence, there -is a steady increase in the number of those who wear boots or shoes, -which if one gets used to them, are easier to walk in than clogs or -sandals. - -Boots and shoes go very well with the _hakama_, which, being loose and -wide, does not rub against them; but they are not so convenient when -we are in _kimono_ only. The leather, by rubbing against the -_kimono_, wears it, especially if silk-lined, much more quickly than -do clogs; for in a Japanese dress it is not the thongs of the clogs -so much as the socks that rub against the lining of the _kimono_. And -these socks naturally wear it out more slowly if they are of calico, -and not of cotton. - -In going into a Japanese house, one has to take off the clogs, -sandals, boots, or shoes; and consequently it is more convenient to go -in either of the former two as they can be slipped off without the -least trouble. And also, as the socks are visible in wearing clogs, we -seldom go out in shabby ones; but when we put on boots or shoes, we -not unfrequently forget there is a hole in the sole of a sock, or it -may be that we put up with worn-out socks believing there would be -no need to take off our boots until we come home, and then, being -suddenly called by business to a private house, we repair thither and -on pulling off our boots, see with dismay the toes peeping out of the -socks. Another disadvantage of boots when we visit a private house is -that felt in winter, which has already been referred to in a former -chapter; that is, though there are braziers for the hands, no -provisions are made for the feet which are soon benumbed through -the socks, which however thick they may be, are not so warm as the -Japanese socks, especially when the latter are under cover of the -_haori_. Still, boots and shoes are often unavoidable when we pay a -chance visit; but then the boots should be elastic-webbed, for if we -call with laced boots on, the servant who answers the door has to wait -patiently in the draught until we take them off. The situation is -aggravated when the visitor leaves; for then the host and his servant, -and if he is a friend of the family, the wife and the children, will -come to the porch to see him off and remain there until he leaves the -house. If the caller has any tact, he will merely tuck in the laces -and walk out with his boots flopping and tie them when he is out of -the premises. Many visitors, however, think nothing of keeping the -whole family shivering in the cold while they leisurely lace their -boots, for probably they too are put to the same ordeal when they have -visitors in laced boots. For their greater handiness in this respect -shoes were at first almost exclusively worn; but now boots are -supplanting them to a large extent on account of their superior ease -in walking. - -As these disadvantages, then, attach to boots and shoes when we wear a -_kimono_ or visit a Japanese house, clogs and sandals are able to hold -their own against the invasion of foreign footgear, and are likely to -continue in favour so long as we are obliged to go indoors barefooted -or in socks only, which means, while the interior of Japanese houses -is unchanged and people squat on mats instead of sitting in chairs. As -it will be a long time before the interior can be Europeanised, the -clogs and sandals will for many a year to come remain the national -footgear of the Japanese. Our description of the Japanese dress would -therefore be incomplete without a reference to the clogs and sandals. - -To begin with the clogs, they are either plain or matted. A plain clog -consists essentially of a piece of wood, oblong or with rounded ends, -just large enough to cover the sole of the foot, and supported by two -flat, oblong pieces of wood, running from side to side and one behind -the other. The sole-piece has three holes, one on each side just -in front of the hind support and one in the middle in front of -the forward support. A thick thong of hemp is passed through the -side-holes from above and the ends are tied together under the -sole-piece; the part on the upper face of the sole-piece, which is -covered with cloth or leather, is just long enough to be stretched out -to the third hole; a similarly-covered thong is passed through a hole -pierced in the top of the first thong and its ends are pushed through -the hole in the sole-piece and tied in a knot on the nether side. The -second thong thus holds down the first, which is separated from the -sole-piece by a distance just enough to pass the toes between them. In -wearing a clog the toes are slipped in under the side-thong and the -top-thong is held tightly between the big and the second toe. The -side-thong presses on the joints of the toes and prevents the clog -from slipping off. If the top-thong is gripped tightly, the toes will -naturally be bent and press down the fore-end of the clog and, the -top-thong acting as a fulcrum, the hind-end will press against the -heel. Thus, there will be little difficulty in walking in clogs. But -if the grip be relaxed, the hind-end will drop and, in walking, be -dragged on the ground; and as it will hurt the toes to be always in -tight grip, the clogs are very often merely hanging on to the toes and -are consequently dragged along. It is this dropping and dragging of -the hind-end which makes the clogs clatter so noisily on the stone -pavement and wooden flooring. - -[Illustration: PLAIN CLOGS.] - -Plain clogs vary in height; they are cut out of a single piece of wood -or else have the sole-piece made separately from the supports. Those -for rainy weather are five or six inches high; the supports are made -separately and fit into grooves on the nether side of the sole-piece, -and the thongs are covered with leather. There is a toe-cap to serve -as mud-guard, made of thick waterproof paper or leather and held down -by two pieces of twine from its ends, which are tied behind the hind -support. There is a similar kind, much shorter and without a toe-cap, -which is put on in fine weather. But the favourite form with men at -present is cut out of a single piece of wood; the thongs are covered -with cloth or leather, preferably the latter. The rain clogs for women -have their edges and nether sides often varnished black. - -Matted clogs are mostly of a single piece; the two ends are rounded; -the under-side of the toe-end slants downward so that the part -touching the ground is a thin, angular edge, while the hind support -is comparatively thick. The hole for the top-thong is enlarged on the -nether side so that the knot of the thong can be enclosed in it and -a metal cover tacked on it to keep the knot clean. This is a wise -precaution, because the top-thong is the weakest part of the clog; if -one stumbles, for instance, the thong is strained and often snaps, and -it has to be renewed. The matting which is woven fine with rushes, is -tacked on the sole-piece. In the clogs for women the hind support is -large, being of the same form as the hind-end of the sole-piece and -leaving just space enough for tying the thong ends. In those for young -girls the supports touch each other with a cavity within for tying the -thong ends; these clogs are painted black, brown, or red; and those -for very little girls have often tiny bells in the cavity, which -tinkle as their wearer toddles along. There is another variety for -women, in which the hind support is mortised as in the rain clogs. The -thongs are covered with leather or dark-coloured silk or hemp cloth -for men, while the coverings for women are mostly of silk, cotton, or -hemp cloth, the commonest being heavy woven silk, plush, velvet, and -velveteen, and those for girls are usually of red or purple -velvet or plush. Clogs, especially of the better kind, and thongs are -sold separately, and they are fitted while the customer waits. The -best clogs are made of paulownia wood and those of inferior quality -are of cryptomeria and other common wood, while the supports, if made -separately, are of oak for better qualities and beech for inferior -ones. - -[Illustration: MATTED CLOGS.] - -Sandals are made of matting or straw. Matted sandals are the lightest -and easiest to wear of all footgear; but they are apt to cover the -feet with dust in dry weather and to become sodden and muddy in wet -weather or after rain. They are comfortable only on dry hard ground. -Common sandals are lined on the sole with strands of hemp. Another -variety has a thick wooden sole in lateral sections so as to allow the -matting to bend freely. But the sandals of the best quality, which are -at present very popular and known as “snow-sandals,” though -they are unfit for walking in the snow, have soles of untanned hide -with a flat piece of iron at the heels to prevent their slipping; -but the feet, especially if socked, slip on the smooth matting unless -the thong is held very tightly, which defect renders these sandals -unsuitable for fast walking. Still another kind, also very popular, is -lined with caoutchouc. - -[Illustration: MATTED SANDALS.] - -Straw sandals, on the other hand, are fitted for running or long -walks. The thongs, which are of straw, are tied over the toes and -around the foot just over the ankle. Though these thongs are apt at -first to cut the feet if unsocked, they are easy and comfortable when -one gets used to them. They are worn by coolies and others whose -business it is to be constantly on their feet. Unfortunately, they -soon become sodden in rain or over a muddy road; but as they are very -cheap, they are frequently changed in a long journey. Cast-off -straw sandals are among the commonest sights on the road on a rainy -day. - -[Illustration: STRAW SANDALS.] - -Next to the covering for the feet, the most important article of -outdoor wear is the headgear. In the old times a majority of the -people went bareheaded; and even now hats are often worn for -appearance rather than from necessity. Except in very cold weather, -there is little difference in the temperature within doors and -without, and one does not feel it necessary to wear a hat in the -open air. There are still people who go about bareheaded except in -midsummer and midwinter. With European clothes we naturally wear -hats, but with Japanese clothes there is no such invariable custom. -However, the habit grown with foreign clothes has passed on to the -national dress, and now bowlers, wideawakes, chimney pots, Panamas, -straw hats, and caps are in their season to be seen everywhere. The -hats used in the old days served as sunshades no less than as mere -head-coverings. Of these the black-varnished, wooden hat, shaped like -a flattened cone, which was worn by the military class, has entirely -disappeared. Street-vendors and pedlars still wear in the summer heat -large, flattish, round hats of bamboo-sheaths, which are light but -very fragile, while mushroom-like hats of spliced bamboo covered with -white or black cloth are extensively worn by coolies. A rush-hat deep -enough to cover the whole face but with a peep-hole for the eyes, -which was formerly worn by samurai out of employment to avoid -recognition, is now worn for the same reason by fortune-tellers at the -roadside and by prisoners under trial on their way to the law-court. -Convicted prisoners, however, wear the mushroom-hat. - -[Illustration: OLD HEADGEAR.] - -Women wear nothing on their heads except in midwinter for fear of -deranging their elaborate coiffure. The large chignon is as great a -protection against heat, cold, and wind as any European bonnet. In -winter, however, women wear a hood of _mousseline de laine_ or crêpe -lined with common silk. It is oblong in shape, being five feet -long by about two wide; it is folded in two and at one side, about a -foot from the fold, the edges are sewn together for an inch. The loop -thus formed is the face-opening. The hood is put carefully over the -head so that the face is visible at the opening, and a loop of string -on either side of the fold is passed over the ear to keep the hood in -place; and the ends of the hood are brought forward, folded loosely -over the nose, mouth, and throat, and tied together behind on the -neck. The hood which lies lightly on the head can be taken off without -deranging the hair to any extent. Women are expected to take off the -hood when they meet an acquaintance in the street, though they omit to -do so if he is an intimate friend. The hood keeps the head, neck, and -shoulders very warm. - -[Illustration: A HOOD.] - -At one time shawls were much in vogue and worn together with the hood; -but they have of late fallen out of favour. Their place is taken by -“azuma-coats,” which are overdresses worn over the _kimono_. They -resemble the latter in form, except that they are looser and have much -wider bands which come down to the skirt and dispense with gores -altogether. In the latest forms the sleeves are very large; the front -is double-breasted with the throat open; and the overlapping parts -button at the breast by means of a loop and knot and are tied at the -hip with a string. They are made of silk. They are vulgarly known as -“rag-concealers,” as many women put them on when they go out to hide -the shabby dresses underneath. Men’s favourite overcoat for the -_kimono_ is a kind of Inverness cape, with a long skirt to cover the -_kimono_ and large arm-holes for the sleeves. These are also made of -wool. Among the lower classes there are still men in Tokyo who wear, -as do peasants in the country, a straw rain-coat which covers the -body and the sleeves, but leaves the legs bare; they are unpleasant -neighbours in an electric car on a rainy day. The majority, however, -especially coolies, messengers, and postmen, put on a coat shaped like -the _haori_ and made of waterproof oil-paper or rubber-cloth. - -There is a great variety in umbrellas. The Japanese umbrella, as -may be seen from the innumerable samples to be found the world over, -has bamboo ribs and stem and is covered with oil-paper and -surmounted with a thick paper cap into which the ribs run. It is -a heavy clumsy article; and it cannot be used like the European -umbrella, in place of a walking-stick in fine weather, as we should be -afraid of knocking the cap off if either end touched the ground. It -has to be carried with the handle downward after a rain to let the -water drip off. Its only advantages are its cheapness and its size as -it is large enough to shelter the whole body from rain. The common -kind, such as is used by servants going out on an errand and by the -poorer classes, is of plain oiled paper marked with the name, usually -the first syllable, of its owner, and his trade sign if he is an -artisan or tradesman, and sometimes his address as well. It can be -readily identified; and one cannot therefore put up, as if it were -one’s own, in broad daylight an umbrella with one’s neighbour’s name -and address plainly written on it. Besides, as these umbrellas are -very cheap, it would be hardly worth while making off with them. - -[Illustration: AN OVERDRESS.] - -Umbrellas of the better sort have black caps with concentric rings in -black and red on the covering, though light-yellow rings are also -to be found among them. They are known as “serpents’ eyes” from a -fanciful resemblance thereto of these rings. They are, however, being -superseded by foreign umbrellas with iron ribs and cloth covers which -are more convenient to carry. Gigantic umbrellas are sometimes set up -for shading street-stalls. Sunshades resemble the “serpents’ eyes” in -form, except that the paper is not oiled and the centres and rings are -blue or white; but they too are going out of use. The sunshades which -find such a large sale abroad with gay pictures and flowers painted on -them, are used in Japan by children only, especially by little girls. - -The streets of Tokyo are ill-lighted. Street-lamps set up by the -municipality are comparatively few; and what light there is in most -streets comes from the lamps hung over the gates and front doors of -private houses; and where these houses are far apart, one has to walk -in absolute darkness. Hence, at night many people carry lanterns to -light them over ruts, mire, and diggings. The general make of the -Japanese lantern is too well known everywhere to need special mention. -They are all collapsible. The simplest and cheapest form used -by wayfarers is the telescopic lantern, which is often given at -tea-houses and restaurants to their customers when they wish to walk -home. It is cylindrical when open, and the diameter of the body being -less than that of the top and bottom which are made of a thin piece of -wood, the body is concealed between them when closed and the lantern -can be readily carried in the pocket. It is held by a string attached -to the top. The lantern used by coolies and errand-boys is similarly -shaped, but of stronger material, and has a bow, the ends of which are -fixed to the top and bottom to keep the lantern stretched. The top is -not open as in the other, but has a hinged lid which when closed, -keeps out the wind. The lantern commonly carried in the streets is -spherical and has a bamboo handle attached to the top by a piece of -wire. The lanterns which are so extensively exported abroad are -similarly shaped; but the red or red and white kinds are in Japan hung -only at festivals or suspended in festoons over shop fronts at opening -sales and on other special occasions. The lanterns used by tradesmen -and artisans, are commonly marked with their trade or firm names in -large black characters on the body, while those of private families -are adorned with their crests. - -[Illustration: LANTERNS.] - -There are also round and bulging kinds, sometimes quite spherical and -sometimes more elongated, stretched out by a bow and having a hook -attached to the top, so that they can be carried about or hung on -to bars. They have also lids like the coolies’ lanterns. They are -especially used at fires; indeed, they form a distinctive feature in -the confusion and disorder which invariably prevail on such occasions. -There is another kind, known as the horseman’s lantern, which is -spherical, with a roof over the top which is open; the handle is of -lacquered wood, within which is a piece of whalebone with its end -attached to the lantern, and by means of this whalebone the handle can -be lengthened at will. This lantern is also used by foot-passengers -among the better classes. All lanterns have a round nail sticking up -from the centre of the bottom, on which the candle is fixed; for the -Japanese candle which is made of vegetable wax, has a hollow paper -wick. These candles have, when they are set in a candlestick, to be -snuffed from time to time; but the swing of the lantern facilitates -the combustion of the wick, and the candles rarely need snuffing when -they are being carried in the street. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -DAILY LIFE. - - Busy life at home—Discomforts of early morning—Ablutions—Off to - school and office—Smoking—Giving orders—Morning - work—Washing—Needlework—The work-box—Japanese way of - sewing—Ironing—Remaking clothes—Home duties—Bath—Evening—Early - hours. - - -Many foreigners think that Japanese women must lead a pretty dull -life as they can have little to do in a house bare of furniture. But -whether their lives be dull or not compared with the lives of women in -other countries, they certainly are not idle. They do not, it is true, -go out much; it is a red-letter day with them when they visit a public -place in the flower-season or betake themselves to the theatre. But -at home they are kept all day to their work. The very scarcity of -furniture in a Japanese room implies constant sweeping and tidying; -and what with the care of children, making and unmaking of clothes, -and superintending of the kitchen, the Japanese housewife has by no -means an easy time of it. - -But to begin with the early morning. In Japanese houses there are, as -has been already stated, no rooms exclusively set apart for sleeping. -The beds can be laid anywhere on the mats. The bed consists of one or -two thickly-wadded mattresses of cotton or silk, usually three feet -wide by about six feet long, that is, nearly the size of a mat. These -are laid on the mats and over them a large, thickly-wadded cover of -the shape of a winter _kimono_ with open sleeves and a quilt, also -heavily wadded, of about the same length as the bed but wider. They -are both of silk or cotton, figured or striped, with linings of a -dark-blue colour. They both have a black velvet band where the -sleeper’s face touches them. The two are used in winter; but in spring -and autumn only one, usually the _kimono_-like cover, is thrown -over the sleeper. In midsummer, even that is too hot, and is replaced -by an ordinary lined _kimono_ or a thinly-wadded quilt. The pillow -for men is a long round bolster filled with bran; but women, whose -coiffure would be deranged by such a pillow, lay their heads on a -small bran bolster, two inches or so in diameter, which is wrapped -in paper and tied on the top of a wooden support. It is very -uncomfortable at first, though most women are used to it. As the -bolster soon gets hard, the skin about the ear often becomes red and -rough if one sleeps all night on the same side. Though the beds may be -spread anywhere, their places are always fixed for the members of the -family. The master and mistress sleep in the parlour or some other -large room with the youngest children, the mother with the baby in her -bed and the father sometimes with the next youngest in his. The rest -of the children sleep either in the same room or in another and with -some other member of the family, unless they are quite grown up. The -sitting-room is usually left unoccupied. The servants sleep in a room -next to the kitchen and the house-boy in the porch. It is important to -group the sleepers as much as possible; for in summer when mosquitoes -are out, nets are hung over the beds by strings attached to the four -corners of the room, and to economise these nets the beds are brought -together wherever practicable. - -[Illustration: THE FAMILY IN BED.] - -The servants get up at five o’clock or later every morning according -to season. They first open the shutters of the kitchen; the cook sets -at once to boil rice and then to make the morning soup. The housemaid -opens the shutters of all the other rooms, sometimes even of those in -which people are still sleeping. Where there is a verandah, the maid -reaches it by a vacant room; but if all the rooms are occupied, she -does not hesitate to pass by the beds. In winter the opening of the -sliding-doors at the same time as the shutters would be enough to give -a cold to any one unused to our way of life. He would sneeze and dive -into bed; and when he goes dozing again, the servant begins to sweep -the unoccupied rooms and dust the sliding-doors and shelves in them. -The noise would startle him as the partitions between the rooms are -thin; and the servant, usually a country-girl who has hitherto been -wading in rice-paddies and carrying loads of grain and faggot, -walks about on the mats as heavily as if she were on hard ground, and -the shock of her stamping he would keenly feel through the bed. It is -therefore but a dog-sleep that he would get after the shutters are -opened. This is pretty hard as in all probability he was awakened at -dead of night by the rats careering on the ceiling, which, being open -between the outwalls of the house, is their happy hunting-ground. In -fact, the Japanese house, with its thin walls and sliding-doors, is -extremely noisy, sounds from outside being heard as clearly as if they -came from another part of the house. Happily for us, however, having -been habituated to them from childhood, we are able to close our ears -to such customary noises. - -The family rise an hour or so after the servants. In that time the -breakfast is got ready, and the sitting-room has been swept and -put tidy; and that is all we want for the while. We go out upon a -verandah, generally one close to the sitting-room, or into the -bath-room if there is one, where the servant has already laid on the -sink a brass basin for washing our faces and a bowl also of brass -for cleaning our teeth. Though the common bristle tooth-brush is -now largely used, the old form made of a little bit of willow-wood, -pointed at one end and frayed into a tuft at the other, is still found -handy. As it is very cheap, it is thrown away after a few mornings, -and is especially convenient when we have a visitor who stays only for -a day or two. The family wash one after another, the servant bringing -a fresh supply of cold or hot water each time. As we are exposed to -the cold in winter, we do not bare our necks and shoulders or wash our -hair, but dip our faces only; however, as we take baths daily or every -other day, this does not matter much. - -Now breakfast is ready. Before, however, the family sit down to it, -the first offerings of the morning’s rice and tea are set before the -family shrine, in which are recorded on tablets or in a book the names -of the ancestors and other deceased members of the family. If the -children go to school early, they sometimes have breakfast before the -rest of the family; but as the father, if a government official -or a man of business, has also to leave home, the whole family -generally take their morning meal together. Breakfast over, the -children are packed off to school, and their father, after looking -through the papers, also makes for his place of business. When he gets -up, he always wears Japanese clothes; and when leaving for his office, -he puts on a _hakama_ if he goes in the same clothes; but if he -prefers European clothes, he has to dress over again. Before he leaves -home, he is given a cup of tea, as it is said to protect him from -accidents abroad. His wife and servants see him to the front door and -speed him. - -The wife who has been getting the children ready for school and -helping her husband to dress, has now a little respite, during which -she may glance through the papers and take a few whiffs of tobacco. -Smoking is a general custom among Japanese women; but tobacco is -smoked in homœopathic doses in tiny bowls. The Japanese pipe consists -of a bowl, about a quarter of an inch in diameter and depth, bent into -a tube, and a mouthpiece, both of metal, which are connected by a -bamboo stem. The metal is brass for common pipes, while better sorts -are of nickel, silver, or gold. The bamboo stem is five or six inches -between the metal ends for pipes which are taken abroad, and not -unfrequently a foot or more for those used at home. Among the lower -classes the wife uses the long-stemmed pipe to emphasise her speech -by beating the mat with it when she gives a piece of her mind to her -truant husband; and a blow with it is pretty painful, as many an idle -apprentice knows to his cost. A small pinch of tobacco is put into -the bowl, and two or three whiffs are all that can be got from it. A -Japanese does not merely smoke, that is, get the smoke into his mouth -only, but actually swallows it and then slowly emits it from his mouth -or nostrils. Women generally emit it from their mouths only. The -tobacco smoked is dried leaves cut into fine slices. The filling and -emptying of the bowl takes about as much time as the smoking of it, -so that one cannot smoke while doing something else; but it is an -excellent time-killer, as day-labourers will testify. - -[Illustration: A WOMAN SMOKING.] - -The wife, however, has not much time to herself; for before she has -taken many whiffs, the tradesmen’s boys will be making their daily -calls. Those whose bills are settled at the end of the month are -usually the dealers in rice, _sake_, and faggot and charcoal, the -fishmonger, and the greengrocer. The rice-dealer does not call every -day; he brings a bag of rice when required and knows pretty well when -it will be exhausted. The _sake_-dealer comes every day; he sells, -besides _sake_, soy, _mirin_, and _miso_; and in many cases he deals -in faggot and charcoal as well. The fishmonger and the greengrocer -call every morning; the former will cook to order simple dishes -of fish. Besides these regular tradesmen, there are street-vendors who -bring bean-curd, boiled or steamed beans, and other food which will -not keep long. We have no grocers properly-speaking in Japan; the -nearest approach to them is the dealer in “dried vegetables.” Tea and -sugar have, like rice, special dealers. - -When these tradesmen have been disposed of, it is time to commence the -serious work of the day. The cook washes the breakfast things and -sweeps and scours the kitchen floor. The housemaid takes up one by one -the quilts and mattresses of the beds, folds them in three, and puts -them away in closets; she then dusts the paper sliding-doors, shelves, -and other woodwork, sweeps the mats and verandahs, and scrubs the -woodwork with a hard-wrung cloth. Many foreigners think it strange -that we should dust before sweeping; but we dust the woodwork so as to -make the dust fall on the mats or be blown out, as we always open the -verandah sliding-doors when we dust and then sweep the mats to get rid -of the dust. And finally when some of the dust has fallen again on the -woodwork, we remove it with a damp cloth. When, therefore, we have -finished cleaning a room, all the woodwork looks bright and speckless. -The verandah is scrubbed first with a wet cloth and afterwards with an -almost dry one to make it shine. In the sitting-room the wiping and -polishing of the brazier is a long job, for the housewives of Tokyo -pride themselves upon the appearance of their braziers. The wife -superintends the cleaning of the rooms and also at times lends a hand. - -When the rooms have been swept, next comes the washing. There is -always plenty of washing to do, especially in summer. If, moreover, -there are young children in the family, the clothes they are -constantly soiling have to be taken to pieces, washed, and remade. -If the clothes are lined, wadded, or of the better quality of the -unlined, they are taken to pieces and washed, and the pieces are then -spread out on a smooth plank specially made for the purpose and laid -out to dry in the sun. They are next starched, and when they are dry, -they still adhere to the plank and so keep free from creases and -shrinkages. The wadding is never washed. The underwear is also -washed; but unless it is of silk, it is not spread out. In summer the -unlined clothes, called _yukata_ or bath-dress, are washed every -three or four days; and as every member of the family has two or more -changes, there is always something to wash. The clothes and -underwear which need not be spread out, are hung up on long poles -which pass through the sleeves and are hoisted up on the pegs of two -high upright posts. When dry, these clothes are spread out on a -matting and starched and folded for use. Silks which require special -skill in washing or have stains to be removed are sent to the dyer. - -[Illustration: THE STARCHING-BOARD.] - -Meanwhile, the mistress of the house may begin her needlework. -Needlework is the first qualification of the Japanese housewife. As -all clothing for both sexes is made by hand, the wife who is a good -needlewoman effects a great saving to her family. Clothes for daily -wear are remade every year, sometimes oftener; those belonging to one -person may be taken to pieces and remade for another member of the -family; and old clothes which show signs of wear are redyed, turned -inside out, or resewn to hide the torn seams. The underwear is also -subjected to similar transformations. Sometimes a cloth may be remade -from the unlined to the lined or wadded, or _vice-versa_. It is no -light task to make shifts to enable the whole family to present a -decent appearance, so that even in an ordinary-sized household there -is no end of needlework to be done, and unless she is very active or -well-assisted, the housewife finds it pretty hard to keep abreast -of the seasons with a stock of neat, newly-made clothing. Even in a -family where she has no need to sew herself, she must have a fair -knowledge of needlework so as to be able to cut the cloth before -giving it to the needlewoman in her employ or sending it out to a -seamstress; for unless she can by her knowledge check the amount of -cloth used, she may be robbed with impunity of odd bits and ends. - -The Japanese needlewoman’s work-box is commonly a square or oblong -case with two drawers, one above the other, of nearly the same breadth -as the case itself and another pair of half the breadth side by side -on the top. Into these drawers are thrown threads wound round square, -flat pieces of wood or cardboard, odd bits of rag, scissors shaped -like shears, and a bone cloth-marker. On one side of the case is an -upright post with a flat hole for inserting a bamboo foot-measure, and -on the top of it is a little box for the needle-cushion. To the post -is attached a small loop of string, to which the cloth to be -sewn is hitched with a needle, as pins are, or rather were until -recently, unknown. Sometimes the needle-cushion is on an upright of -its own, apart from the work-box, and has a long base which is pressed -under the knee while the cloth is fastened to the loop. The thimble is -not of metal, but of leather or thick paper and is nothing more than a -ring put over the first joint of the middle finger. - -In sewing, the needle-cushion upright is put to the right of the -worker, and an end of the cloth is hitched to the loop. The threaded -needle is held and the tip only is moved up and down while the cloth -itself is gathered in small folds on the needle; and when there are -enough folds on it, the needle is pushed forward with the thimble and -the folds are pulled over the thread and straightened out. The needle -is then drawn out until it is stopped by the knot of the thread at the -first stitch. The same process is repeated. The cloth is re-hitched to -the post from time to time as the stitching goes on. This manner of -sewing is often mentioned as a peculiarity of Japanese needlework; but -the Japanese woman is so used to it that she can sew very rapidly in -this way. It cannot be resorted to when the stitches have to be very -close or the cloth is too thick or stiff to be doubled into little -creases, in which case the needle has to be passed through at every -stitch. The Japanese needle is of a very primitive kind; it is made -of iron or badly-tempered steel, for it is very brittle; and it rusts -rapidly while the eye is square and apt to cut the thread. The danger -of the Japanese way of sewing with beginners is that when they bring -back the needle after passing it through, they not unfrequently -scratch their right cheeks with it if the thread is long. - -[Illustration: NEEDLEWORK.] - -After a cloth has been sewn, it is ironed. The iron is a deep metal -pan with a flat, smooth bottom and a long handle. Into it red-hot -charcoal is put and the pan is heated enough to blacken any paper that -it is laid on for a minute or less. It is then moved rapidly over the -cloth to be smoothed; sometimes when there is some danger of the cloth -being burnt, a piece of paper is put over it before ironing. For -ironing edges and corners, a small thick trowel with a long handle is -used. The end is put into a brazier under the charcoal, and when -it is hot, it is wiped and pressed over the part to be smoothed. The -degree of heat is judged by holding it close to the cheek; and the -beginner often burns her cheek by bringing it too close. - -The housewife, therefore, who is an adept in needlework, has plenty of -work before her. The clothes and underwear for herself and her husband -and children require making and unmaking. Those for holiday wear -do not need remaking every season; but everyday clothes have to be -taken to pieces, washed, and remade, For the children she would want -two or three suits for each season, as the Japanese children have, -notwithstanding their proverbial gentleness and tractability, as great -a capacity for soiling and tearing their clothes as the little folks -of any other country; besides, Japanese clothes are more readily -soiled than European. The wife has also the bed-clothes to make. -These, when they are soiled, are taken to pieces, washed, and remade -with fresh layers of cotton wadding. Cushions for squatting upon are -also remade when they are soiled, which may be once in one or two -years. In the matter of sewing, then, woman’s work is never done in -Japan any more than elsewhere. - -Of course a lady who employs servants does not undertake all the -sewing herself. She sets the servants between hours to work on -clothing and bedding that do not require skill or delicate handling; -but she has to assist in putting in the wadding and probably gives -the finishing touches to the clothes. In the same way she superintends -the kitchen and may at times help in cooking. And with one thing or -another she is fairly well occupied all day. A wife, especially a -young one, has not unfrequently a middle-aged woman who has come with -her as a sort of duenna from her father’s family or has otherwise -become a permanent member of her husband’s household; such a woman -would take a great deal of work off her hands and superintend -the other servants. But even when they have not a housekeeper of -that description at home, many ladies manage to amuse themselves -by paying and receiving visits, going to theatres, or occupying -themselves in some favourite accomplishments, such as tea-ceremony, -flower arrangement, or playing on the _koto_ or _samisen_. But a -mother with little children cannot as a rule gad about or be absorbed -in her own amusements like one who is childless or whose children -are all grown up. The Japanese mother does not, if she can help it, -delegate her maternal duties to a nurse, and an infant in arms she -seldom cares to give in charge entirely to a servant. She would of -course have more time to herself if her mother or mother-in-law is -living with her. - -Towards the evening, the husband comes home and the children are back -from school. It is the custom to take a bath every day in summer and -perhaps once in two or three days in winter. If there is a bath-room -in the house, the inmates take a bath one after another, the master -of the house leading. If there is not a bath-room in it, then they go -to the public bath-house; the wife and the children who are with her -would take the bath in the daytime before the others have come home. -In the public bath-house there are baths for the two sexes divided by -a wooden partition, at the end of which the bathkeeper or his wife -sits on a high platform so that both sections can be watched at the -same time. There is in each section a single large bath, eight feet or -more long by about four feet wide. Into this all the bathers dip up to -their necks. In front of the bath is a large slanting floor, on which -they sit and wash themselves. Under the partition between the male and -female baths is a square wooden tank each for hot and cold water. The -water is ladled in little wooden pails. When we undress, we first wash -ourselves on the inclined floor and then get into the bath; and when -we have warmed ourselves, we come out and wash more carefully with -soap and, in the case of women, with rice-bran powder as well. When -we have done washing, we get into the bath again, and finally, before -we wipe ourselves on coming out of the bath, we pour again upon our -bodies the hot water from the tank. We are then supposed to be always -clean when we get into the bath; and as we do not wash in the bath -itself, its water should always remain clear. But as a matter of fact, -the water grows turbid as the day wears; happily, the lights are -dim when the bath-house closes an hour or so before midnight. In the -daytime it is pretty clean; and bathing in the forenoon is very -pleasant as only a few bathers have been before us, except in the -lower town where it is the custom for workmen to take an early morning -bath. - -When we have had a bath, we sit down to supper. The master perhaps -drinks _sake_ with it, in which case it will take some time as we -always finish drinking before we attack the rice. Women seldom drink. -The children sup at the same time. After playing for a while, the -youngest are put to bed. The mother gets into the bed without -undressing with the infant and gives it milk until it falls asleep, -whereupon she gets out. Other young children are put to sleep by other -members of the family. Their elder brothers and sisters prepare the -next day’s lessons and go to bed about nine o’clock. When the children -are thus put to bed, the mother is free for the rest of the evening. -But it often happens that she is herself sent dozing while she is -trying to make the infant sleep. - -As we keep on the whole early hours, the streets are almost deserted -at ten or eleven o’clock except on special nights, and most shops are -closed by that time. Only in tea-houses are noises to be heard until -twelve o’clock when all musical instruments must be put away. In -midsummer, however, houses are often kept open till midnight on -account of the heat, especially in the lower town where the crowded -buildings get very little of a breeze. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -SERVANTS. - - The servant question—Holidays—Hours of rest—Incessant work—Servants - trusted—Relations with their mistresses—Decrease of mutual - confidence—Life in the kitchen—Servants’ character—Whence they are - recruited—Register-offices—The cook—The housemaid—The lady’s - maid—Other female servants—The jinrikisha-man—The student house-boy. - - -The servant question is as great a domestic problem with us as it -is in other parts of the world. We too complain of our servants’ -insubordination, idleness, wilfulness, talkativeness, and general -contrariness. Old folk are constantly drumming into our ears that -servants are not what they used to be in the good old days and that -they have ceased to have their masters’ interests at heart and are -ready to leave their present situation whenever better terms are -elsewhere obtainable. That the character of servants has deteriorated -admits of no doubt; but the fault lies as much with their masters and -mistresses as with themselves. However, such as they are, they still -retain many good qualities; and on the whole we are better off in this -respect than our fellow-sufferers in the West. - -Our servants are usually willing workers; they do not ask, nor would -they indeed dream of asking, for free Sundays. They toil from day to -day, week in week out, month after month, without a murmur at being -put to incessant work. Like the clerks and apprentices in mercantile -houses, they have by immemorial custom two holidays a year, on the -sixteenth of January and July; but as in busy families they cannot all -be spared at the same time, they are often given some other days in -turn. Those who have homes in town pass the day with their families; -but others from the country, that is, a majority of domestic servants, -spend their holiday wandering aimlessly about the streets and -parks in gaping wonder at the sights of the city. - -The servants are, moreover, expected to work without intermission from -morning till night. In some families a fixed time is given them daily -for rest; but in most houses no such hour is set apart and they snatch -what rest they can in the intervals of their work. They get up early -in the morning, about five or half-past; but as those from the country -are used to early rising, it is no hardship to them. It is the late -hours that they succumb to. Where the master has a large social -connection, is given to entertaining friends, or is found of cards, -chequers, or other games, the house is often kept open till midnight -or later. In such cases, however, the cook and others who have to rise -early to prepare the breakfast, are allowed to go to bed at ten or -thereabouts; but the servant who waits on the guests and brings them -tea or wine has to sit up till they leave. It would also be a breach -of hospitality for the family to go to bed and leave the host alone to -entertain his guests; and so, with the exception of the children, the -rest of the family wait patiently till the last guest departs. Indeed, -the drowsy servants often resort, as a charm for expediting the -lingering guest’s departure, to burning a pinch of moxa on his clogs -or setting up a broomstick on its handle. - -As the servants have no regular hours of work and rest, they have -often to take their meals at odd hours. Punctuality is not a Japanese -virtue, and the members of the family are not always regular in their -meals. The hours are governed by the movements of the master of the -house, and they are fairly regular if he is a government official, a -professional man, or an employee of a private firm or company, who has -to be at his office at fixed hours; but if the master’s habits are -irregular from necessity or inclination, the family meals suffer -accordingly. The servants are also expected to be ready at every beck -and call, for a great deal of trivial task is imposed upon them. They -are, for instance, often called from the kitchen to the parlour or -sitting-room and then sent to fetch an article from an adjoining room. -But as most houses in Japan are only of one or two stories and the -living-room is always on the ground-floor, it is no difficult -matter to clap our hands, which is the usual way of summoning a -servant, or to holloa to her, for the sound has merely to penetrate -one or two sliding-doors or probably none at all in summer. Thus, from -the very ease with which a servant may be summoned, she is made to do -a great deal which could be readily done without her help. - -[Illustration: THE SERVANT AT THE SLIDING-DOOR.] - -The servant is trusted to a great degree. The lack of privacy which is -one of the principal characteristics of a Japanese home places every -room at the mercy of its inmates; and when the house is left for -the day, as sometimes happens, in the servant’s charge, a dishonest -domestic could easily purloin articles which would not be missed -at the time. That such petty thefts are comparatively rare, must be -put to the servant’s credit. On the other hand, she becomes a member -of the family whose service she enters, to a greater extent than would -be the case in other lands. The very lack of privacy makes her a party -as it were to the private affairs of the family. She is set to work -unmaking dresses or sewing them under her mistress’s eye and is often -taught needlework, especially on long winter evenings, when mistress -and servant talk together with less reserve than at other times, and -a close sympathy arises between them, which may last through their -lives. And many servants retain their love and respect for their -mistress after they leave her service and call on her regularly every -year with their husbands or children when they are married. - -In the old days it was considered to betoken a lack of fidelity for a -servant to change her situation; and many girls remained in the same -family until they were grown-up women. In such cases the master would -find for them suitable husbands or, if they were married through -others’ good offices, give them the means to set up for themselves. -The servants, too, looked upon it as a great honour to be so assisted -by their master as it was a conclusive proof of their faithful -service. This close mutual understanding is now less common, because -there has been, so their employers complain, a serious falling off -in the quality of the servants; but their masters, or rather their -mistresses, are also to blame in the matter, for their attitude -towards their subordinates has also changed. They no longer look upon -them as permanent members of their household, and consequently -take them less into confidence than formerly; which, however, is -unavoidable since the good behaviour of the servants is not now -guaranteed so securely as it used to be. In the old times servants -were almost as much under their master’s authority as a vassal under -his liege’s. To disobey a mistress’s order or to contradict her was -considered an act of disloyalty, and the servant was kept in a state -of complete subjection. On the other hand, a conscientious mistress -had also on her part a sense of duty towards her servant, and looked -after her and cared for her as for her own family. - -Nowadays, however, this bond between mistress and maid has been -loosened except in rare cases, at least in Tokyo. If the mistress has -no definite knowledge of the servant’s antecedents, the latter has as -vague an idea of the real standing of the family. Formerly, reputable -families remained permanently settled in the same locality for -generations, so that their social position was well known in the -neighbourhood; while as for the samurai who came up to town with their -lord, the name of the daimyo whom they followed was a sufficient -guarantee of their respectability though they themselves might not be -personally known. Hence, the servants could without difficulty obtain -any information they desired respecting the family whose service they -proposed to enter, and they had only themselves to blame if they were -not, upon being installed therein, satisfied with its ways. But there -is now in every grade of society such a large proportion of families -from the country that the servant is often unable to find out their -standing, past or present. She may not suffer from arrearage of her -wages, though such a thing is by no means rare; but she does not feel -quite so much at home as she would if she entered a family whose -history is known to her. There is then mutual reserve, not to say -distrust, when neither the employer nor the employee knows anything -of the other’s antecedents. The servant may be dismissed one fine -morning at a moment’s notice, or she may obtain leave to visit a sick -relative, to whose bedside she would pretend to have been urgently -summoned, and a few days later send to her employer’s for her -belongings. It is not necessary to give warning; a few days’ notice -may be thought due to the other party, though of course, in the -case of old and tried servants, a greater consideration is mutually -accorded, the domestic usually consenting to remain until a suitable -successor has been found. The servant’s tenure of service is, then, -generally precarious, and at the same time her mistress is never sure -of having permanently secured a good servant. Indeed, if the servant -is honest and diligent, it is seldom the fault of her employer if she -leaves her service; for the mistress cannot do without a servant and -if she has got hold of a good domestic, she is not likely to let her -go willingly. The servant, on the other hand, may be quitting -service to live at home, to be married, or to look for a better -situation. She has more motives for parting company than her mistress. - -The truth is that young women have discovered that there is a great -demand for their services elsewhere, as at cotton mills, tobacco and -other factories, and for house-industries; and there is in consequence -a dearth of servants, let alone good ones. Still, many prefer domestic -service, because they have not to work with mechanical regularity as -at factories, and they are on that account content with lower wages. -For hard as she is worked and though she is without a young man to -console her on Sunday for the week’s drudgery, her life is not -altogether an unhappy one. There is at least variety in it. The -tradesmen’s boys come to the kitchen for orders and most people of the -artisan and trading classes go in and out by the kitchen. They have -therefore plenty of chance company, The tradesmen’s boys take it easy -and linger in kitchens which find favour with them. When visitors come -and are entertained in the parlour, their jinrikisha-men are given a -meal in the kitchen. Still another chance of gossip is afforded where -a common well is used by two or more families. Here they congregate -and discuss the affairs of their respective households, tearing to -pieces the character of one mistress and extolling another to the -skies. The “well-side council,” as it is called, is the great market -for scandals of all sorts, though it would not be fair to attribute -its notoriety entirely to the servants’ love of gossip, for the worst -scandal-mongers in such cases are the wives of poorer tradesmen and -artisans who bring their washings to the common well. - -But the servants are on the whole good-natured, thoughtless, and -careless of the morrow. They are satisfied if they are well fed; they -are merry and grow fat. It is comparatively rare to find a black sheep -among them. Such a woman usually commits petty thefts; she dares not -steal anything of value, for if she takes it to the pawnbroker, she is -sure to be discovered as he is completely under the surveillance of -the police who can look over the pawn-accounts and seize any article -that they may suspect to have been purloined. The woman may take -the stolen article to an accomplice; but sooner or later, it finds its -way to the pawnbroker’s, or if it is an article of clothing, to the -second-hand clothes-dealer’s, who is similarly under police control, -and so the crime is discovered. She steals most commonly stray coins, -or handfuls of rice or other food which can be pilfered without -much risk of detection. A woman whose mother or husband is in needy -circumstances and comes often to call her out on mysterious business -is most likely to be guilty of such dishonest practices. - -Servants are recruited from various quarters. They may be daughters of -poor artisans or tradesmen in Tokyo, of peasants in the country, or of -fishermen on the coasts. They naturally come, many of them, to ease -the straitened means of their families and to save up enough to buy -clothes to take with them when they marry. Others come from the -country to see the town and learn its manners, which they do -effectually, though perhaps not exactly according to their original -intention. Such girls are of the better class of peasants; for the -majority of peasants are kept pretty busy with the cultivation of -their rice-paddies, and in spring-time whole families are engaged -knee-deep in mud in planting rice, while they are equally busy at -harvest-time, so that a girl at home does enough work to pay for her -maintenance. It is therefore more often the girl’s ambition to see -Tokyo and save up something than family necessity that prompts the -country lass to seek service. Girls living in Tokyo are in a different -position. Here girls in a large family can do little to earn their -keep by helping their mother, unless they are engaged in some -house-industry which calls for the whole energy of the family. If they -have a small shop or an eating-house, one or at most two may be useful -at home; while among artisans and labourers an extra girl means only -one mouth more to feed, and accordingly she is sent out to service. -But even in Tokyo it is not always poverty that supplies the vast army -of domestic servants. It may be irksomeness on the girl’s part of -parental authority which is not unfrequently exercised with severity, -or fear on the parents’ part that the child would be spoilt under -their roof and rendered unfit to bear the trials and hardships -which must press on the poor man’s wife with a troop of children at -her heels. In the latter case she is sent out among strangers to be -buffeted and knocked into shape. Sometimes, again, the girl prefers -absolute strangers’ society to the sway and, too often, ill-treatment -of a stepfather or stepmother; or, being an orphan, she is unwilling -to be a burden to a near relative who would as a matter of duty offer -to take her in. Again, a young woman who has lost her husband by death -or divorce would seek service from a desire in the former case to -remain faithful to his memory, which would otherwise be difficult -if she has no means of support, and in the latter from disgust of -conjugal life or to look for another opportunity of trying her luck in -matrimony. Or, she may still be married but has, through inability to -make both ends meet, to break up her household and wait in domestic -service while her husband knocks about, until fortune smiles upon -them when they will keep house again. Finally, even fairly well-to-do -tradesmen send their daughters sometimes to a family, noble, wealthy, -or noted for its strict management, to learn in service deportment and -etiquette. Thus, the domestic servant enters service from diverse -motives. - -A servant is sometimes engaged on the recommendation of an -acquaintance, which is a good plan if she proves satisfactory. But -if she does not, her employer is placed in an awkward position; he -hesitates to dismiss her as he would have to account for her discharge -to that acquaintance, to whom he is naturally unwilling to speak ill -of her, especially if he is related to the girl or intimate with her -family. Indeed, friendships have been brought to an abrupt termination -by the misconduct of a girl so engaged. Most people, therefore, prefer -to engage the servant through a register-office, for there are many -such offices in Tokyo as they do not require any capital to start. -Word is sent to the register-office, and the woman, for it is -generally a woman who runs it, brings a girl who is likely to suit the -service required. The girl stays one night; and if neither she nor the -mistress takes to the other, the woman brings another in her place, -and yet another, until a suitable person is found, Then the woman -draws up the contract of service, usually for six months, fixing -the girl’s wages. For this she receives a small fee from both parties. -If, at the end of six months, the girl elects to stay on, the -woman receives her fees again for the renewal of the contract; but -apparently, for some of these register-offices a sixmonth is too long -a time to wait, for they often make tempting offers to the servant and -try to persuade her to throw up her situation. And if she follows the -advice by making to her mistress some plausible excuse for the breach -of contract, she is introduced into another family, but finds her -position in no way improved and herself poorer by the commission she -has again paid the woman. The register-office is naturally responsible -for the servant’s conduct; but if she is found dishonest and -discharged, the office, on being taken to task for bringing such -a woman, wriggles out of its responsibility by an eloquent flow of -virtuous indignation and profuse apologies to the family, and if -called upon to indemnify any loss or damage, asks for time to make -necessary inquiries and prolongs the delay until the matter is -forgotten or at least given up as hopeless. - -[Illustration: COOKING RICE.] - -Though the number of servants naturally varies with the size, wealth, -and social standing of their employer’s household, there are usually -three in a well-to-do middle-class family. Of these the most important -is the cook. In wealthy families there are _cuisiniers_ for the -preparation of the dishes, in which case the cook proper confines -herself to boiling rice and keeping the kitchen tidy; indeed, the -boiling of rice is in any case the cook’s principal function, as is -implied by her Japanese designation, which means “rice-boiler”; but -in middle-class families she undertakes general cookery as well. If, -moreover, she is the only servant in the house, she sweeps the -rooms, scrubs the verandahs, lays and puts away the beds, sets the -meal-trays, washes the clothes, and does many other things which are -of daily necessity in a Japanese household. Her mistress, however, -naturally helps the maid-of-all-work. But if there is an upper -servant, the cook boils rice and prepares meals, scrubs the wooden -flooring of the kitchen, washes the meal-trays, bowls, and crockery, -and helps in washing clothes. The tea-pots and tea-cups, being in -constant requisition, have to be often washed in the course of -the day. The cook gets up early as the rice has to be boiled for -breakfast, and if late hours are kept in the family, she is sent to -bed before the others; but as soon as the day’s work is over, she is -generally found nodding over the brazier or snoring aloud stretched -out on the mats. As the cook’s duties are of the simplest kind, girls -fresh from the country become “rice-boilers” and are noted for their -dull wits and rough manners. - -The housemaid’s chief duty is to keep the rooms tidy. She is called in -Japanese the “middle-worker,” as she stands midway between the cook -and the lady’s maid. She dusts the paper sliding-doors, shelves, and -other woodwork, sweeps the mats, and scrubs the woodwork, especially -the grooves of the sliding-doors, the shelves, the wooden edges -of the alcoves, the pillars, and the verandahs. She lays the beds -every night, takes them up in the morning, and puts them into the -closets. She has plenty of work in keeping the rooms tidy, above all -the sitting-room where almost everything, except the brazier and -tea-shelf, has to be cleared immediately it is done with. Besides, the -shelves have such a knack of getting untidy as all sorts of things are -for the moment put on them. If there are children in the family, she -looks after them, which is no light task as they roam all over the -house and after their nature scatter things about wherever they go. -She also does a great deal of needlework; she mends the clothes -and does most of the work where skill or delicacy is not required. -Washing, too, is no child’s play in a large family. - -[Illustration: THE HOUSEMAID AT WORK.] - -The lady’s maid is in most cases a young girl from thirteen to sixteen -years old. She looks after the clothes; as soon as they are taken -off, she folds them and puts them into a chest of drawers or hangs -them up if of daily wear. She waits at meals and does work about the -sitting-room. She attends to the visitor, sets the cushion for him, -and brings in tea, cake, and the brazier and “tobacco-tray.” She -helps, too, to look after the children. Where there is a nurse for the -little children, she naturally attends to them and carries them about; -but generally the housemaid and the lady’s maid divide the duty -between them; and as the latter is a young girl, she has to be very -much helped by the housemaid. - -The infant is commonly fed with its mother’s milk and is not as a rule -weaned until its position as the pet of the family is threatened by a -new arrival. Where the mother has no milk or is too sickly to give -healthy milk, a wet nurse is engaged who has to be well fed and -royally treated to make sure that her charge does not fare ill at her -hands. Where there is a great deal of needlework to do, a needlewoman -is employed. She is usually a woman of mature years, a widow, -probably, and ‘a lone ’lorn creetur,’ who acts as a damper upon the -exuberant spirits of the younger servants. In a large and well-to-do -family there is sometimes a head-servant, a sort of housekeeper, who -came in all probability into the family as the bride’s waiting-woman -at the marriage of the present mistress or her mother-in-law. As the -oldest servant with the authority she exercises over her younger -fellow-domestics, she is held in hardly less reverence than her -mistress, and every opportunity is seized to please her; for to cross -her would be worse than to offend their mistress, and she is certainly -more touchy than the other. She knows her power, too, and enjoys it to -the full. She lets them serve her even more assiduously than her lady; -and they help her to dress, and when she is tired, offer to shampoo -her. She plays, in short, the retired lady more completely than her -mistress’s honoured mother-in-law. - -Of male domestics there are only a few. The jinrikisha-man is -the only servant of that sex worth speaking of, that is, in a -well-to-do middle-class family. He is in most cases engaged from a -jinrikisha-master, who has a number of young coolies under him. He is -well fed, as his is a severe physical work, and going as he does with -his master to all sorts of places, he has to be treated well for fear -he should give exaggerated accounts of petty family affairs at the -houses where he waits for his master. He has his faults; but on the -whole, he is a faithful, diligent, and willing servant. - -[Illustration: THE HOUSE-BOY.] - -In many houses, especially of government officials and professional -men, there is a young fellow or two, who would probably object to -being classed with the servants, but who certainly do menial work. -They are as a rule gentlemen by birth, distant relatives from the -country or sons of friends in narrow circumstances. They are willing -to do the house-boy’s work in return for their keep; and they -are allowed to attend school or college. When they graduate, they -are able to set up for themselves. Of this class of young men come -a majority of those who have risen by tact or ability to high and -responsible positions in the government and in the professions. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -MANNERS. - - Decline of etiquette—Politeness and - self-restraint—“Swear-words”—Honorifics—Squatting—Kissing—Calls - made and received—Rules for behaviour in company—Inconsiderate - visitors—Woman’s reserve before strangers—Hospitality—Reticence - on family matters. - - -In Japan as in most other oriental countries, etiquette is an -extremely intricate art which can be mastered only by diligent study -under a professor. It is an important item in a girl’s school -curriculum and is among her most valued accomplishments. It is not, -however, commonly studied in detail by men, unless they have been -brought up under the old regime; they feel in consequence like fish -out of water when they have to assist at elaborate ceremonies and fall -into many blunders through their nervous efforts to steer clear of -_gaucheries_. Men could well spare the time in the leisurely days of -the feudal government when they could live in competence by taking up -their hereditary offices, professions, or trades and working in the -same grooves as their ancestors had done; but in these days of fierce -competition when every man must strike out for himself to earn a -living, we have little or no time to go into the intricacies of -etiquette. Hence, the more complex forms are gradually falling into -disuse; and the knowledge thereof, and that too not very deep, has -become the monopoly of women. Indeed, though there are plenty of books -on etiquette for women, hardly one, certainly none of any note, has -been published of late years for the use of the other sex. - -It is generally conceded that the Japanese are among the politest -people in the world; and some writers go so far as to contrast our -politeness with French by observing that the latter is only skin-deep -while ours is natural and spontaneous. Such a contrast may be -flattering to our national vanity; but we are inclined to doubt -whether it is just. The truth is, we fear, that courtesy is with us -as with the French a matter of education and is to a great extent -a mechanical habit which its enforcement from early childhood at -home and at school has almost made a second nature with us. That -self-control which we possess in common with other Asiatic nations -from its having been instilled into us from generation to generation -by the precepts of our sages, enables us to repress all expression -of emotion whenever necessity arises and even to wear a mask under -the most trying circumstances. Politeness is then with us a great -restraining force in our social life; but once that force is removed -or overpowered by an emotional outburst, we are hurled along as -helplessly as any other people by the master passion of the moment and -betray like them the hooligan in us, as the police reports too often -prove. Our women, from the fact that the outcome of their education is -self-effacement, possess this power of control in a far greater degree -than men. They will go on smiling in the face of insulting remarks and -completely conceal their wounded feelings. This has led many foreign -visitors to imagine that they can address without offence any remarks -however gross to a Japanese woman. She may put up with them without -any sign of anger; but could politeness permit her to retort, these -foreigners would learn with astonishment what cutting sarcasms are -capable of being expressed in “the politest language in the world that -has no swear-word in it.” - -Apropos of “swear-words,” their absence in a language is, it may be -observed, no criterion of the gentleness of the people speaking that -tongue. The suave diction of diplomacy can convey a threat far more -effectively than the bluster of Billingsgate; innuendo is a much more -telling weapon in polemics than a direct attack; and courteous or -veiled language gives no key to the moral character of the speaker. -And so it does not necessarily follow that a nation whose language is -rich in honorifics and other terms of respect and reverence is of a -gentler disposition or less robust than one which does not recognise -such niceties of speech; the only difference between the two lies in -the manner in which they give vent to their passion or emotion. For -the former can convey any degree of discourtesy or insult by a -wilful omission of these honorifics in a way which would be well nigh -incomprehensible to people to whom such discrimination is foreign. -There is no need to resort to blasphemy or profanity to express strong -feeling since these honorifics, by their absence or ironical use, -serve all purposes of emotional language. In fact, the words of insult -which are used in common speech sound very mild when translated into -English. An Englishman would probably smile at a Japanese hurling -at his opponent’s head words like fool, beast, and dunderhead as -opprobrious terms, while the Japanese would be equally amused at -the Englishman’s readiness to invoke God’s curse upon everybody and -everything that may fail to please him. Since, then, honorifics play -an important part in Japanese speech, their proper use requires -considerable art and tact. The blunders of the labouring classes in -their use are stock jokes with professional story-tellers; but with -the educated classes solecisms of the kind are of comparatively rare -occurrence. From long practice their right use has become a settled -habit. It would be difficult to explain precisely the force of these -honorifics in common speech; but suffice it to state that words, or -rather syllables, signifying respect are prefixed or affixed to the -words directly referring to the person addressed or spoken of, if -he is a superior or an equal whom it is customary to treat with -consideration. There are also special words and phrases to be used on -such occasions. - -These prefixes are commonly translated “honourable” or “august” by -English writers on Japan; thus, phrases which merely mean “your face” -or “his hand,” for instance, are rendered by “the honourable face” or -“the august hand.” But the use of honorifics being, as already stated, -almost a matter of habit, they do not usually convey to the Japanese -the same import and significance as the word “honourable” would to -an Englishman. No doubt, they practically mean that; but the common -honorific prefixes, which are monosyllabic, such as _o_, _go_, and -_mi_, are glibly uttered. If the Japanese, however, had to use each -time in their place the tetrasyllable “honourable,” he would soon -grow out of the habit, just as in all probability an Englishman would -cease to swear if the word “damn” were not such an easily -pronounceable one, short, abrupt, and capable of great emphasis. -This word has no equivalent in Japanese and has to be rendered by a -periphrasis which would sound as strange to an English ear as the word -“honourable” does to a Japanese as a rendering of his common honorific -prefixes. Indeed, the use of the English comminatory word is far more -eccentric when the word comes to be translated; the Japanese honorific -has at least sense, which is more than can always be said for the -English swear-word, when it is uttered as indiscriminately as it -commonly is. Mr. Mantalini, for instance, would be hard put to it if -he were asked to explain what he meant by the little “dems” with which -he peppers his speech, while such an expression as “a damn sight” is -meaningless, and “a damned good fellow” is an even more hopeless -contradiction in terms than “an awfully sweet girl.” - -Politeness is early taught in Japanese homes. It is no show-quality to -be exhibited only in company, but is daily practised at home and in -school as an indispensable aid to _savoir-vivre_. Thus, at home every -one bows to his superior in bidding good-morning or good-night. The -servants bow to the children, the servants and children to the master -and mistress, and all to the father or mother of the master or -mistress, who may be living with them. When the last, or the master or -mistress goes out, they are seen to the porch and sped with a bow, and -when they come home, they are met again at the porch with a bow. We -bow squatting with our heads on the mat. This has appeared to many -Europeans to be a more obsequious way of greeting than a hand-shake, -probably because they associate such a bow with grovelling in the -dust, which would certainly be a humiliating posture to a European. -But the two are quite distinct. With us, from our way of squatting on -the floor, no other form of greeting is possible. In fact, until we -cease to squat, that is, until we reform altogether our mode of life, -hand-shaking is out of the question. In Europe courtesy impels a man -to rise to greet a newcomer, but in Japan he greets him squatting; -in Europe a man who comes into the presence of his superior remains -standing until he is bidden to take a seat, but in Japan he squats -at the door of the room until he is invited to come in, whereupon he -shuffles in and makes his salutation. He remains squatting and -does not approach close enough to his host to take his hand; for to -shake it he must squat with his knees almost touching the other’s, -and then, before they could talk at ease, he would have to shuffle -backward, which would look very ungainly. Thus, as we squat too far -apart to shake hands, we can only bow; and politeness prompts us to -bow with our heads on the mats. - -[Illustration: BOWING.] - -Squatting is an art which needs practice from early childhood. The -easiest way is to sit Turk-wise with our legs crossed in front; but -this can be done only when we are alone or before inferiors, and would -be the height of impoliteness before a superior or an equal unless he -is a very intimate friend. It is permissible now, however, when we are -in European clothes, to sit in this manner at a friend’s house or at -convivial gatherings. But this posture can hardly be called squatting. -Of squatting properly so called, there are two ways. One is to sit on -our feet. This is done by doubling the knees and crossing the feet -behind and laying on them the whole weight of the body. Unless we have -been used to it from childhood, this mode of squatting would give us -pins and needles in a very short time; the feet would go to sleep and -if we tried suddenly to rise, our legs would refuse to support us. Men -squat in this way; but women resort to the other method, which -is to double the knees as in the first case, but to keep the legs and -feet straight out behind without crossing, so that less weight falls -upon them. As the legs are pressed down obliquely and the tendons are -brought into a state of extreme tension, this method is more trying -than the other; but Japanese women can sit in this style for hours on -end without feeling any fatigue. There can be little doubt, however, -that this habit of squatting is injurious to the development of the -body. Most Japanese, if they are not exactly bow-legged, have at least -slightly bent legs owing to the weight of the body constantly resting -on them. The pressure on the heels also stunts the growth of the -lower limbs; for though our trunks are of ordinary length, it is the -shortness of the legs that makes us a nation of small stature. We have -been told by a Japanese medical authority that we lose at least two -inches and a half by this habit of squatting. Now the average height -of a Japanese male adult is five feet three inches and a half and that -of a female is four feet nine inches and a half, so that if we could -abolish squatting and take to chairs, the average heights of our -male and female adults would, according to this authority, be five -feet six inches and five feet respectively. - -[Illustration: SITTING WITH CROSSED LEGS.] - -[Illustration: SQUATTING.] - -We may here add that the reasons which we have given for the -impracticability of hand-shaking in a Japanese house, apply with equal -force to the practice of kissing. A French writer has charged Japanese -lovers with a lack of tenderness as they neither kiss nor shake hands. -But what can the poor lovers do to kiss each other? They cannot fall -into each other’s arms while they remain squatting, for squatting is -not like sitting together on a sofa. When we sit up straight with our -feet under us, the equilibrium of such a posture is as unstable as if -we were perched on a high stool. It is very rude to remain standing -and even to speak before squatting, so that kissing while we are -on our legs is not to be thought of. To squat side by side may be -pleasant, and it may be possible to snatch a kiss; but when they are -locked in each other’s arms, the lovers would run a great risk of -sprawling on the floor. To squat face to face with the knees touching, -would require the body to be bent forward as if we were going to -wrestle; and if the lovers were then to take each other’s arms, there -would be a regular tussle and their balance would be more uneven than -before. As they could not get at each other without finally rolling on -the mats, sweethearts with any sense of decorum would have to forgo -the pleasure of kissing; for when we squat, it is much easier to lie -down on the floor than to get up again. Lovers, however, are not -altogether without the means of approaching each other and feeling the -electric thrill which the mere touch appears to give them; for, on the -stage at least, their favourite position is to squat back to back and -lean against each other. They are satisfied if their cheeks touch, for -kissing is difficult without twisting the neck enough to sprain the -muscles. Kissing, then, as a mode of salutation among lovers and near -relatives, has never been recognised in this country, because the -internal arrangement of our houses and other conditions of life have -militated against its practice; and perhaps, could some means be found -to bring about its appreciation by the bulk of the nation, that would -be more efficacious than any other measure for the westernisation of -our domestic life. - -Though good manners are insisted upon at home, they are, needless -to say, exhibited to the full in company when one makes a call or -receives visitors. The usual manner in which a call is made and -received is as follows:—The visitor, on going up to the front door, -does not knock or ring as there is neither a knocker nor a -bell-handle. He bawls out; and as the doors are all sliding-doors, he -is easily heard, though he has sometimes to call out again and again -before his voice reaches the kitchen. When the door is answered and -the master of the house apprised of the call, the visitor is shown in; -he leaves his hat, greatcoat, and umbrella in the porch and is ushered -into the parlour. A cushion is immediately set for him and another for -the host; but the visitor does not, unless he is an intimate friend, -sit on it until his host comes in and urges him to do so. We often -stand very much on ceremony in this respect; we take the cushion only -upon repeated invitation; one who wishes to show great respect will -decline to squat on it however much he may be pressed. The host and -the visitor then bow to each other with their hands and foreheads on -the mat. They apologise, if they are acquaintances, for past neglect -to visit each other, ask after each other’s family, and probably, make -a few observations on the weather, bowing with each remark, inquiry, -and answer. A brazier is brought in if it is cold; but in warm weather -a “tobacco-tray” is set before the host and the visitor. Tea and -confectionery are also invariably offered. When the visitor leaves, -there is another succession of bows, and the host and a servant see -him to the porch and there bid him good-bye. - -As to behaviour in company, the following quaint directions are given -in an old book on etiquette for women, which though primarily intended -for the instruction of the gentler sex, are also applicable to men, -among whom the tendency is, as has already been remarked, to be -somewhat lax in the observance of the minutiæ of etiquette: - -“A woman should always get up early, wash her face, and carefully -comb her hair, for it is rude to appear with dishevelled hair.” - -“Do not stare at other people, male or female, and be very careful -in your speech. Do not tell anything without being asked, make -confessions, or speak boastfully of yourself, and above all, on no -account speak ill of others.” - -“When you are in the presence of your superior, do not scratch -yourself; but if any part of your body itches so badly that you cannot -help scratching it, put a finger on the spot and give it a hard -scratch so that the itchiness may be absorbed in the pain so caused. -Do not wipe sweat off your face or blow your nose; but if you must do -so, run into the next room or turn your face away from your superior. -In blowing your nose, first blow gently, then a little louder, and -finally gently again. But you should, if possible, do these things -before you come into your superior’s presence.” - -“Do not use a toothpick in company, for it is extremely rude to talk -with one in your mouth.” - -“Do not pare your nails, comb your hair, or tighten your _obi_ in -company, or glance at a letter that another is reading or writing.” - -“Do not step upon other people’s cushions, beds, or feet; but -always bear in mind that the only things you may tread on are your -clogs and the only things you may step over are the grooves of the -sliding-doors.” - -“If any one invites you to go out with her, do not put on a finer -dress than hers; you should ascertain by previous inquiry what -she is going to wear. Do not scent yourself too much or have strong -scent-bags about you.” - -“It is not good form when you make a call to sit in the middle of a -room, and it savours too much of a novice to sit in a corner. Do not -make a noise by opening and folding a fan, or fidget with a tea-cup; -and do not show a tired face and yawn or pretend not to hear what is -being said to you. Moreover, when you have a visitor, do not be -constantly looking at the clock and let her suspect that you are -impatient for her departure.” - -“When you meet a superior in the street, bow low so that the tips of -your fingers, with your hands extended downwards, may touch your feet. -Do not get flurried and give incoherent answers; but steady yourself -by fixing your eyes upon the lady’s knees if she is one whom you wish -to treat with the greatest respect, upon her _obi_ if the respect is -to be of a slightly lesser degree, and upon the crest of her _haori_ -if that respect is still less. Look your equal in the face.” - -“In handing a knife to a superior, if it is hers, take the handle in -your left hand with the blade pointing towards yourself; but if it is -yours, take the handle sideways so that the blade points to her left. -In either case the right hand should rest on the mat as you bend -forward. Always use the left hand before your superiors.” - -“Never enter another’s house unannounced, however intimate you may be -with her; for if you were to come upon an untidy room, your intrusion -would be no less unpleasant for yourself than for your hostess.” - -“In leading a blind man into a room, let him rest a hand on your -shoulder, or catch hold of a fan in your hand or of your sleeve. It -is rude to lead him by the hand.” - -“It is extremely rude to send a caller away when you are at home; but -some people go so far as to decide whether they shall be at home or -not, only after they have heard the caller’s name.” - -“Nothing is more displeasing to a hostess than to have a a visitor -who stays on without having anything particular to say. We should not -therefore pay a needlessly long visit or make too frequent calls. -Intimate friends should, however, call occasionally; but neither -the hostess nor the caller is without business of some kind; and if a -person is offended with another for not calling on her often enough, -there is no need to become intimate with her. If you have business to -do with any one, consider the hour of your visit; do not call too -early in the morning or too late at night or at meal-time. If there -is a caller before you, wait till she leaves before broaching your -business, or else call again.” - -The women of Japan probably talk as much as those of any other -country. They chat freely with their friends, but they are reserved -before strangers and open their mouths only when they are addressed. -They are taught not to boast of their knowledge or try to show it off. -Hence, if a stranger asks them a question out of the common, they -generally profess ignorance. A Japanese knows this; and when he makes -a woman’s acquaintance, he takes care not to lead the conversation -outside the merest commonplaces; but the foreigner who has no idea -of this custom is apt to get a false impression and has indeed not -unfrequently pronounced her to be little better than a doll with no -thought beyond dresses and trivialities of life. - -Another misapprehension prevails among European writers who praise -Japanese hospitality, but complain that a Japanese, while he receives -a foreigner at his house, maintains at the same time strict reserve on -the subject of his family. Some have attributed it to an anti-foreign -feeling; but whatever other indications of a bias against foreigners -these writers may have detected in individual cases, the fact which -they adduce cannot in itself be regarded in that light, for a Japanese -guest is placed in much the same position. The host, in his desire -to show an interest in his guest, often asks him minutely about his -people at home, which some Englishmen have resented as impertinence; -but touching his own family affairs he is usually very reticent. He -is anxious to keep his private concerns in the background and will -assume a cheerful countenance even in the midst of the most pressing -difficulties. His idea of hospitality is that nothing should be -allowed to interfere with his guest’s enjoyment. Even personal -grief is concealed under a smile, and a member of the family may be -seriously ill without the guest getting an inkling of the fact. -A visitor to any member of the household is considered to have a -claim upon the hospitality of the whole family; and he is royally -entertained though the rest may suffer inconvenience, as when the -parlour in which the guest squats is the family bed-room and they have -all to sit up till he leaves. - -Our hospitality is admitted; but what a European visitor misses is the -appearance of the wife and other members of the family at the dinner -or supper to which he is invited. The husband, as the head of the -family, is its sole representative, and his presence is sufficient for -doing the honours. The wife seldom appears unless the visitor is a -family friend or she is acquainted with his wife. Such an invitation -as taking pot-luck is seldom given; politeness requires us to -depreciate our offering, but we treat to our best. We therefore -entertain and are entertained without our wives’ participation. It is -nothing extraordinary to have friends of many years’ standing, whose -wives we have never seen. It is then absurd to attribute this -reticence respecting our family affairs to any sentiment hostile to -our foreign visitors. Our social point of view is indeed so different -to the occidental that a European generally falls into an error when -he tries to judge our customs from his own standpoint. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -MARRIAGE. - - Girls and marriage—Young men—The marriage - ceremony—Match-making—Betrothal—The bride’s property—Wedding - decorations—The nuptials—Wedding supper—Congratulations—Post-nuptial - parties—Japanese style of engagement—The advantages of the - go-between system—The go-between as the woman’s deputy—The - go-between as mediator—Marriage a civil contract in Japan—No - honeymoon—The Japanese attitude towards marriage. - - -Marriage is the turning-point of a woman’s life in Japan in a far -greater degree than it is in western countries, for the simple reason -that she has as yet few openings for earning an independence. Girls -are brought up with a view to marriage and are early taught the duties -of wife and mother. They look upon the wedded state as their lot in -life and are prepared to enter sooner or later into matrimony. There -are not many women who remain single all their lives. Girls of the -poorer classes find employment at factories, if they are strong -enough; others become waitresses at inns, restaurants, tea-houses, and -other places of entertainment, or enter domestic service; but even -these find mates in time. Of women in other callings, such as -hair-dressers, midwives, and seamstresses, the majority are married -or widowed. For girls of the better classes the scope outside of -matrimony is narrow indeed. They may teach in elementary schools, -or take private pupils, if they have the requisite knowledge, -for instruction in needlework, etiquette, flower arrangement, -tea-ceremony, or music, or else they can only be dependent on parents -or relatives. But as the latter alternative which would be the fate of -most girls is irksome, they naturally choose wedlock as the best means -of escape from dependency or precarious livelihood. And that they, -however homely they may be, succeed in finding husbands is due to the -go-between system. - -But it is not the girls alone who feel the inevitableness of -marriage. Men are also in a like predicament. Bachelorhood has none -of the ease and comfort which often attach to it in the West. Life in -hotels and lodging-houses is both uncomfortable and insecure; for the -doors, being all sliding-doors, cannot be locked, and consequently one -is always liable to intrusion at any hour of day or night by other -inmates of the house. Flats are, from the very structure of Japanese -houses, impracticable. In some houses there are rooms to let; but -meals are seldom provided. The only way is to rent a house, but then -housekeepers as such are unknown. To leave the house in the care of -ordinary servants is both uneconomical and inconvenient, for they -are not likely to stint themselves or be thrifty; they would, on the -contrary, rather be wasteful so as to be popular with the tradesmen; -and far from keeping the house tidy as all Japanese houses need to be, -they would not sweep or clean more than they could help. Indeed, from -the appearance of the house one can always tell if it has a mistress -or other responsible overseer. A bachelor can have a comfortable -establishment, it is true, by placing it under the management of a -near relative; but a sister would herself wish to marry and would not -therefore be its permanent head, while a mother or aunt would prefer -to put it under a wife and lead a life of greater ease and leisure. -A mother, moreover, would naturally wish to see her grandchildren. -Besides, a bachelor in fair circumstances is as a rule so pestered by -go-betweens that unless he is resolutely set against marriage, he is -often mated before he knows his own mind. - -Thus, marriage is looked upon as an inevitable fate by both sexes. - -In a country like Japan where ceremony envelops every phase of life, -such an important event as a wedding is, as may be expected, governed -at every step by strict etiquette, and to celebrate it in proper style -one needs to call in a regular professor of etiquette. But though -weddings in high society are still perplexing tangles of formalities, -the tendency to-day among the middle classes is to strip them as much -as possible of unnecessary ceremony. It is, in fact, difficult at the -present moment to give the exact procedure which is followed in -an ordinary wedding as it is frequently modified by mutual agreement -between the parties concerned; but the following may be taken as a -fairly accurate description of the usual procedure in these days. - -[Illustration: BETROTHAL PRESENTS. (FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU, -1678–1751)] - -A young man in search of a wife, or oftener his parents, would ask -friends to look for a likely girl; or it may be the father of a -marriageable girl who asks his friends to find an eligible young man; -or a man who thinks a match might be made between two young people of -his acquaintance may propose a marriage to their parents. If, in these -cases, the parents think a suitable match may be made, they ask a -mutual friend to act as the go-between; or in the absence of such a -friend, it is almost always possible to find some one who knows the -acquaintances of both parties. The go-between must be a married man, -as the duties of the office at the wedding devolve more heavily upon -the wife than upon the husband. The go-between then brings about a -meeting between the proposed lovers. This takes place at a theatre or -other place of entertainment, or in temple-grounds, a restaurant, or -some public resort, especially where the flowers of the season are in -bloom. Both parties, consisting of the young people and their parents -or relatives, meet there as if by accident, and the go-between -introduces them casually to each other as his friends. Here the -would-be lovers have a good look at each other; and if they are -mutually pleased, they signify that fact afterwards when the -go-between calls at their houses to hear the result of the meeting. -But before the final decision is made, the two families make private -inquiries through their friends in each other’s neighbourhood, usually -of the tradesmen the other deals with, as to its social standing -and repute and the life and character of the young man or girl in -question. They must be quite sure that the information thus obtained -bears out the go-between’s statements; for the go-between so -frequently draws too favourable a picture of the standing of the -families and the ability and accomplishments of the proposed couple -that the expression “the go-between’s fair words” has become -synonymous with gross exaggeration. If the families are not satisfied, -the match is broken off; but if they are pleased with each other, the -go-between is asked to look up a lucky day for the formal -proposal. Nowadays the photographs are first exchanged and if they -are found satisfactory, inquiries are made before the meeting is -arranged. - -[Illustration: THE BRIDAL PROCESSION. (FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)] - -On the appointed day a messenger, a trusted friend or servant of the -young man’s family, calls on the girl’s father and makes a formal -proposal, bringing at the same time a present of silk dresses, an -_obi_, fish, and _sake_; the father accepts the present and gives -a receipt for it. This acceptance constitutes the consent to the -marriage. He also makes a present to the other family. Soon after, he -invites his relatives and intimate friends to a dinner, at which he -announces the betrothal of his daughter. Preparations are then made -forthwith for the wedding; and when they are completed, another -gathering of relatives and friends with their wives takes place -and the dresses and other requisite articles for the marriage are -exhibited; and the meeting, especially the female section of it, -criticise and offer advice if necessary on these preparations. - -Now all is complete; and an auspicious day has been fixed for the -wedding. The bride’s property is sent on to the bridegroom’s a day or -two previously. It consists of chests of drawers and several boxes -containing her dresses, bedding, toilet articles, various utensils -needed for tea-making and flower arrangement, a _koto_, and -work-boxes, and sometimes even kitchen utensils. In the evening she -leaves her father’s home. Formerly she went in a palanquin; but now -she is conveyed in a jinrikisha or carriage. She is accompanied by -friends and relatives. She is dressed in white or some other light -colour. In the country a bonfire is lighted at the door, and she is -escorted by torchlight; but in the city only lanterns are carried. - -On reaching the bridegroom’s house, the bride is led into the -toilet-room to rest herself a while and touch up her toilet. Then she -is shown into the room where the wedding ceremony is to take place. -The arrangement of the room varies with the school of etiquette; but -usually there are offerings to the Gods on the dais of the alcove. -They comprise two round cakes of pounded rice in the middle, with a -stand of consecrated _sake_ a little in front on either side, and at -the back a stand each of fish (a carp or _tai_) and fowl (a -pheasant or snipe). There are, besides, a couple of black-lacquered -cabinets with writing materials, a small wash-basin, and tea-utensils. -There also stands a large flat porcelain dish with legs, on which are -planted a miniature pine, bamboo, and plum-tree, with a tortoise at -the base and a crane flying above. The pine, being an evergreen, -signifies longevity, the bamboo, from its pliancy, gentleness, and the -plum-tree, which blooms while there is yet snow on the ground, denotes -fidelity in adversity. The crane which is supposed to live a thousand -years and the tortoise whose life is said to last ten times as long, -both symbolise longevity. In the foreground are an old couple, -Takasago by name, who are the Darby and Joan of the Japanese legend, -the husband with a rake and the wife with a broomstick. The whole -stand is then emblematic of long life, happiness, and conjugal -fidelity. - -[Illustration: THE WEDDING PARTY. (FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)] - -As soon as the bride takes her seat, the bridegroom enters and sits -too, in front of her according to one school of etiquette, or beside -her according to another. They are attended by waiting-women, by -children, or by the go-between and his wife only. Two trays each -are set before the new couple. The plats which have each a special -significance it would take too much space to describe here. But the -most important part of the ceremony takes place after the trays have -been carried in. A set of three flatfish wooden cups are brought, and -the top or smallest cup is filled with the consecrated _sake_ which -has in the meantime been taken down from the dais and poured into a -couple of iron or bronze pots with long handles. It is handed to the -bride who drinks it; the same process is repeated twice, so that she -drinks from the cup three times. Then the bridegroom, too, drinks -three times from it. The second cup is next given to the bridegroom -who again drinks three times and is then handed to the bride who does -the same. Finally, the third and largest cup is set first before the -bride and then before the bridegroom, who each again drinks three -times. Thus, both the bride and the bridegroom have drunk three times -from each of the three cups. This process, which is called “three -times three,” constitutes the essential part of the ceremony and joins -the two in wedlock. - -[Illustration: THE EXCHANGE OF CUPS. (FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)] - -When they have exchanged cups, the bride and the bridegroom retire -and change their dresses. They then enter the room where the wedding -guests are being entertained. They receive their congratulations and -sit with them for a while. They are expected to eat and drink with -them; but they retire before long to the bridal chamber. The -go-between and his wife assist them and come down afterwards to report -to the assembled guests that the happy couple have been put to bed. -The guests then take their departure shortly after this announcement. - -Next morning the bride is up betimes to send a messenger to her father -to announce that the wedding has taken place without a hitch; and the -father too, before the arrival of the messenger, sends to ask after -the welfare of his daughter and son-in-law. He sends presents to the -members of his daughter’s new home. She receives the congratulations -of her friends. - -On the following day the friends and relatives and their wives are -invited to the bridegroom’s house, when the dresses and other articles -brought by the bride are exhibited. The guests are entertained often -till very late at night. The bridegroom sends rice-cakes to his -father-in-law who distributes them among his friends and relatives. -On the fourth day after the marriage, the bride goes to her father’s -house and stays there a day or two. After her return to her husband, -her father invites the young couple and the friends and relatives of -both families to dinner. This gathering is called “the unbending of -the knees,” because the guests are expected to unbend themselves and -stretch their knees and legs which they kept rigidly bent during -the marriage ceremony and subsequent parties. They sing and dance -and enjoy themselves without constraint. This is the last of the -gatherings connected with the marriage. During all these ceremonies -the exchange of presents is interminable so that a marriage in the -regular style is very expensive, and people of moderate means curtail -the proceedings as much as possible. Some even have weddings in a -tea-house, especially if their own houses are not large enough to seat -all the invited guests. It has become the fashion of late to hold the -wedding ceremony in a shrine in imitation of the Christian marriage -service at church. - -[Illustration: THE BRIDE’S CABINETS. (FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)] - -It will be seen from the above brief account how much a Japanese -marriage differs from a European. The reader who considers that free -choice is essential to a happy marriage, will naturally wonder at the -employment of a go-between and the comparatively passive part played -by the parties most concerned. It is true that the young couple have -little opportunity of knowing each other before they are joined in -wedlock; for the short time, often half an hour or less, for which -they see each other before making a definite decision can hardly be -said to afford them an opportunity of mutual acquaintance full enough -to inspire them with confidence in the momentous step they are about -to take. The knowledge of each other that meeting is supposed to give -them is of the most superficial kind; for besides the shortness -of time, the consciousness of what is to result from the meeting -naturally puts the two on their best behaviour and prevents their -being caught at unguarded moments, which alone can give any insight -into their character. In their prim and stiff attitude, it is only -their personal appearance that can be considered; but even that is -disguised on the girl’s part by the paint and fine dress she has put -on for the occasion. The intended lovers have in fact to trust blindly -to luck in their bid for conjugal happiness. - -But there is, on the other hand, something to be said for the -go-between system. Free choice is certainly most desirable when the -lovers are old enough to have a definite knowledge of their own minds -and may be expected to make a judicious choice; and upon the marriage -of a man over thirty with a woman of more than five and twenty, the -parties would not deserve much sympathy if they subsequently found -that they had mistaken each other’s character. But in Japan we marry -young as a rule, men being under thirty and not unfrequently a little -more than twenty and women at the latter age or less. If they were -left to themselves, they would be as imprudent in their choice as -those of the same age would be in other countries. They would, if -pleased with each other’s looks, be quite content to take their chance -of the other elements that go to make a happy marriage; and only by -bitter experience would they discover that they cannot live on -love alone, but that divers worldly considerations must be taken into -account. Many a life would, as in countries where marriage is freely -contracted, be blasted by an early imprudent marriage, which is with -us obviated in a great degree by the employment of the go-between. The -father of the young man or girl, in looking for a suitable partner for -his child, would naturally have prudential considerations foremost -in view; the one would wish for a girl, well born if possible, but -certainly educated enough to be a worthy ruler of the household, while -the other would be equally anxious to have for his son-in-law a steady -young man who would always be able to maintain his family in comfort. -And the go-between, by looking himself or through his friends for an -eligible partner, would be able to search on a far larger scale than -would be possible to the unaided efforts of the father and his child. - -[Illustration: THE FIRST MEETING AND WEDDING AT THE PRESENT TIME.] - -This ability to make an extensive search brings out another advantage -of the go-between over the free-choice system. The custom in the West -which requires the woman to wait till she receives a proposal entails -upon her great hardships. Sometimes, as her circle of acquaintances -is generally small, she throws herself after long waiting upon -the least uncongenial of the lot and prepares for herself years -of disappointment, disillusionment, and heart-burnings. Or, where -personal appearance counts for much as it almost always does, a woman -with no pretension to beauty must often suffer many a year to elapse -before the gallant comes to woo her; perhaps he never comes at all, -and the qualities which might have made her a model wife are allowed -to run to waste for being concealed under a homely face; and she who -might have helped a husband to fame and fortune becomes a soured -old maid with bitter hatred of men, or that other and more pathetic -figure, the kindly maiden aunt who lavishes on her little nephews and -nieces that wealth of love which a wise man would have taken to his -heart as an inestimable treasure despite the plain casket in which it -is enclosed. From such compulsory spinsterhood a woman is saved in -Japan by the go-between; she need not set her cap at any one, for -being the deputy for the woman as well as for the man, the go-between -can carry proposals from her as if he were making them on his -own initiative and so can meet with a rebuff without bringing upon her -the shame of a repulse. He can also find for her a suitable husband -even if she is far from pretty or gentle, or has defects which may -make an ordinary man think twice before rushing into her arms. “For -the cracked pot a rotten lid,” as we say in Japan, and for a pot -however cracked or imperfect, we can always find a lid to match. So -with men and women. A woman with imperfections can thus get without -much difficulty a husband with similar defects; but it would be no -easy task to catch such a man without the go-between’s assistance. - -[Illustration: A DAIMYO’S WEDDING.] - -There is still another benefit accruing from the go-between system. -Upon a squabble taking place between the husband and the wife, they -may in the heat of the moment wish to separate; and if left to -themselves, they would at once get a divorce as it would not be -difficult to bring their own families to take up their cause. But -before they can resort to such an extreme step, they must consult the -go-between, whose duty it is to make arrangements for their separation -in the same way as for their union; and the go-between, bearing in -mind the interests of both parties, will do his best to patch up any -differences that may have arisen, and if he is a man of tact, usually -succeed in restoring peace. In minor matters he is also always -appealed to; he hears the complaints of both the husband and the wife, -and advises them to yield or compromise. He is really even more useful -after the marriage than before: and he is always treated with great -respect by the couple he has joined. But if, in spite of all his -efforts to the contrary, the divorce does take place, his position is -an unenviable one, for not unfrequently he would be thought by either -family to have purposely deceived it by introducing a person whom he -had known from the first to be unsuitable. - -[Illustration: A LOWER-CLASS WEDDING.] - -With us marriage is a civil contract. All that the authorities require -is that the heads of the two families should report the marriage and -request the girl’s domicile to be transferred from her father’s -house to her husband’s. The registrar of the local office complies -accordingly, and the couple are legally married. There is no -ceremony connected with it. Perhaps this absence of religious sanction -may tend to make a marriage less imposing; but as to its being less -binding on that account as some have alleged, such a contention is -open to question as the divorce court proceedings in the West seldom -appear to be stayed by any considerations of the sanctity imposed upon -marriage by religion. The exchange of cups in our-weddings is a tacit -vow of love and fidelity; and when we have in view the possibility of -a divorce thereafter, it is as well that we do not lay ourselves open -to the charge of perjury by coming up for a second marriage after -having at the first sworn before God that we would “love and cherish -each other until death us do part.” - -Finally, the new couple do not go on a honeymoon, but proceed at once -to enter upon their household duties. The honeymoon is undoubtedly an -excellent institution for giving the couple an opportunity of enjoying -themselves unreservedly in each other’s company before taking up the -serious business of life; but at the same time it not unfrequently -happens that they return from it sadly disillusioned and with an -outlook far from rosy upon wedded life. The Japanese bride has an -advantage over her western sister in that respect, for she has no -illusions to be dispelled. - -Here, then, is the essential difference in the point of view taken of -wedded life. In the West it is through romance that people enter into -matrimony, and that is apt to melt before the hard facts of life; -whereas in Japan we regard it in a more prosaic light, and the -Japanese bride takes up the burden of married life at the threshold -to lay it down only at the grave. Again, in the West a man may in a -vague way think it time for him to marry and then look for a suitable -partner; but more often it is the sight of the woman with whom he -would willingly share the pleasures and pains of this world that -awakens in him the desire to marry and prompts him to propose to her. -The possession of the woman he has set his heart upon is the immediate -motive of his marriage. In Japan, however, the young man finds life -lonely by himself, or is pressed into marriage by his parents or -friends, or fails to win the confidence of his circle while he remains -single; and accordingly he or his parents ask friends to look -for a suitable wife. The impelling cause is here the desire to have -a well-ordered establishment, and love is something to be aroused -and developed after marriage. As fewer elements of happiness enter -into our method of wife-seeking than into the European, it may be -conjectured that marriage is naturally a more risky venture with us in -respect of domestic felicity. But then, we do not, when we marry, look -so much for the fire and heat of love; we are content if the common -cares and joys of conjugal life induce in the course of time the warm, -equable glow of affection. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -FAMILY RELATIONS. - - The family the unit of society—Adoption—The wife’s family - relations—The father—Retirement—The retired father—The - mother-in-law—A strong-willed daughter-in-law—Tender - relations—Domestic discord—Sisters-in-law—Brothers-in-law—The - wife usually forewarned—The husband also handicapped—His - burdens—Old Japan’s ideas of wifely duties—The Japanese wife’s - qualities—Petticoat government—The wife’s influence. - - -When a woman marries, her union with her husband is not more -considered than her entry into his family. Marriage, it is true, has -in all countries this twofold character; but it is especially the case -in Japan where but a few decades separate us from the feudal times -when, as in medieval Europe, the family was the unit of society; and -it is only in recent years that the individual has begun to receive -equal consideration with the family as an element of society. The -Chinese sages laid down with great emphasis that the primary object -of marriage is the perpetuation of the family line and that nothing -is more unfilial than the failure of issue. Thus, feudalism and -Confucianism combined to impress upon the nation the importance of -the family succession. Moreover, every man has a natural desire to -preserve his blood from extinction; and there is a still greater -incentive towards the same end in the ancestor-worship which lies at -the root of Shintoism. It is every man’s duty, according to that cult, -to keep alive the memory of his ancestors, a duty which naturally -devolves upon the head of the family; whence arises the necessity for -every house of having a recognised head. And consequently, under the -old regime primogeniture flourished in its strictest form; and younger -sons and brothers were held of no account. In the feudal times the -offices in the central government and in the daimiates were conferred -only on the head of the family, the rest of which were merely his -dependants. Cadets, therefore, could only acquire independence -by being adopted into other families and becoming their heads, or in -rare cases by founding branch families. - -[Illustration: HUSBAND AND WIFE.] - -This system of adoption prevailed largely in the feudal times, and -still exists, though not to so great an extent. For whereas adoption -was formerly almost the only means of procuring independence open to -the subordinate members of a family, now no one who is able to shift -for himself would care to be adopted and to assume another’s surname -unless some great advantage were to be gained thereby. Yet families -without male issue must resort to adoption to prevent self-extinction. -They adopt therefore from a family on a lower social level or -one afflicted with too large a progeny. It is often a little child -they undertake to bring up and so have a claim on its gratitude. A -man who has daughters but no son, adopts a young man as his eldest -daughter’s husband and makes him in due course the head of the family. -Sometimes, the adoption and the marriage take place at the same time, -when the bridegroom comes to the bride’s house and the usual relations -between the two are reversed. The husband naturally assumes the wife’s -surname. His position is not an enviable one; for though as the head -of the family, he has a legal right to its property, still he is -constantly reminded that he is an outsider and has to ingratiate -himself with the members and relatives of the family. It is always -possible to convene a meeting of these persons; and this council is -all-powerful in the disposal of family affairs. In the old times, if -a member of the family misbehaved himself disgracefully, the family -council met and took measures for his punishment. It would act even -against the will of the head; indeed, the head himself was not always -exempt from its censure, and there are many instances of his being -forced to retire in favour of a son or another member, and in military -families, of his being required to wash away with his own life-blood -the stain he had brought upon the family name. If one who had become -the head by birth was so powerless in the presence of the family -council, it will be readily surmised that the head by adoption would -often be in a far worse plight than the other; he could be divorced -from his wife if she was the daughter of the house, and driven out of -the family. He would naturally be more liable than any other member -to the censure of the family council. - -If the adopted head of the family sometimes finds his position an -irksome one, the wife who marries into another family has often, if it -is a large one, as hard a time of it with her husband; she must not -only put up with his whims and caprices, but she may have to bear with -equal patience the humours of the rest of the family, who have her at -their mercy as any one of them might by false representations easily -prejudice her husband or his parents against her. She is constantly -put on her mettle and has to guard against giving umbrage to any -of her husband’s numerous relatives. Of course he may not happen to -have a member of his family with him; but if he is living in his -native place, a parent or some other near relative would probably be -with him. Those who have come up from the country and made their way -in the metropolis would more likely be by themselves as their parents -would prefer to live at home and content themselves, if need be, with -monthly remittances from their sons. If a man from the country has any -one with him, it is commonly some young fellow, a relative, who lives -with him to complete his education. Hence, as chances of discord -increase with the size of the family, a girl or her parents not seldom -stipulate, in looking for a husband, for a countryman rather than -for a native of the capital. But as that condition cannot always be -satisfied, the girl finds herself saddled with a father, mother, and -other connections by marriage with whom she has to reckon if she would -get on with her husband. Of these the most important are, needless to -say, the parents. - -Apart from the question of the continuation of the family line, the -father and, more especially, the mother are naturally anxious to see -their son married and fondle their grandchildren before they die. They -have, moreover, as a rule, another motive in his marriage; which is, -to make over the care of the household and live free from all anxiety. -The father, if a samurai in the old days, would retire from his office -in favour of his son, for many of the offices in the central and -provincial governments were hereditary, unless he forfeited it by -his own fault or through the caprice or displeasure of his lord. A -merchant or tradesman would also, by making his son the head of his -family, transfer to him his business and his name, himself assuming -another name; for it was the rule in the old times, and still is to -some extent, for a merchant to have a business-name, so to speak, -which was handed down from father to son, each being distinguished -from the rest by the degree of descent. This retirement is a -long-established custom in this country and makes our habit of taking -life easy such a contrast to the strenuous, hard-working ways of the -western peoples who pride themselves upon dying in harness. - -[Illustration: A DOMESTIC QUARREL] - -[Illustration: AND RECONCILIATION.] - -In the middle ages it was a common custom with the Emperors to -abdicate. Many of them resigned their high office in the prime of -manhood. Some retired to a monastery and lived in complete seclusion, -while others resigned in name only and, putting upon the Throne a -son or a near relative who was amenable to their will, exercised the -authority without the responsibilities of sovereignty. This political -retirement was imitated by many of their subjects. Among the most -powerful leaders, both warriors and statesmen, not a few left their -marks upon their times in nominal retirement from active life. There -were men, also, who were, really or nominally for some fault or -indiscretion committed, compelled to retire and make room for others -more pleasing to the authorities. Many retired of their own will -completely from the world. In short, retirement might be due in -those days to four causes, namely, weariness of the world which led -men to seek repose in the solitude of a hermitage or monastery, -political reasons which left men better able to work their ambition -under cover of retired life, official orders which imposed retirement -as a disciplinary measure, and physical infirmities which disabled men -from taking an active part in life. Among the military class all these -causes were at work; but nowadays only the first and the last may be -said to be effective. - -In ancient times the officially-recognised minimum age-limit for -retirement was seventy years; but later, in the feudal days, the limit -was lowered to fifty years. Subsequently, however, such limits were -ignored and men retired at what age they pleased. The usual pretext -among the people was that they were compelled to retire by reason -of physical infirmities; but not unfrequently the real reason was -indolence and love of ease, to which they could yield the more readily -since they knew that their sons would provide for them, serve them, -and treat them with respect and reverence as all dutiful sons should, -so that they could pass the rest of their lives free from care and -anxiety. The retired father, who nowadays hardly ever withdraws -into solitude, is a harmless old gentleman who takes to innocent -amusements, such as playing chess or _go_ with his friends or entering -into prize contests for Chinese poems or Japanese odes; he is -contented so long as he is provided with his _menus plaisirs_. At -worst he sits up late at home or at tea-houses with his cronies. He -appears to be calmly awaiting his end with such little pleasures as -his means permit; and if he is a sensible old fellow and can afford -it, he will, while his wife is with him, live apart from his son and -daughter-in-law so as not to give any occasion for family differences. - -The mother, too, is harmless generally if she is over sixty; and even -when under that age, she can do little mischief if she lives apart -with her husband, beyond complaining perhaps to her neighbours that -her daughter-in-law or son-in-law, as the case maybe, does not treat -her with the consideration that is her due. Of course she thinks like -all mothers that no partner however unexceptionable in disposition, -ability, or personal appearance, can be good enough for her child; and -her complaint is taken for what it is worth by her neighbours -unless they really detect any flagrant breach of filial duty. But it -is the widow ranging in age from forty to fifty who is the greatest -disturber of domestic peace. She is too old to attract, and yet not -old enough to realise that fact and abandon hope; and jealous of a -younger woman in the house, she rebukes her in a dog-in-the-manger -spirit for any demonstration of love when she is with her husband. -She is the worst of mothers-in-law; but others run her hard. A widow -under forty cannot readily acquiesce in the relegation of household -authority to another woman and often wreaks vengeance for thus -supplanting her by an ill-natured tongue and the imposition of -degrading work; for mistress as she is of the house, the young wife -has in all things, as a matter of filial duty, to submit to her -mother-in-law’s will. - -In the present stage of Japanese society, the lack of sympathy between -a man’s wife and mother is aggravated by the difference in their -education. The older woman, being separated from the younger by the -yawning gulf which divides Old from New Japan, cannot perceive why the -ideas in which she was herself brought up should not be good enough -for the other and finds fault with what are in her eyes outlandish -ways introduced by the new era. She is loud in praise of the old, -harping upon the ideal state of things that would have prevailed if -the world had remained unchanged, and thinks that it has retrograded -socially, morally, and even physically in the interval, grumbling -that the weather itself has been affected by the innovations of these -latter days and refuses to bring storm and sunshine in the good old -downright fashion. Such women cannot be reasonably expected to get -on with those of the younger generation who have passed the primary -school and probably the girls’ high school and acquired a smattering -of western knowledge. The instinctive antipathy between the -mother-in-law and the son-in-law, which is a stock joke with the -European comic press, dwindles into insignificance when compared -with the feeling which sometimes arises between the former and her -daughter-in-law. - -But armed as she is with the unlimited authority with which custom has -invested parents, the mother-in-law has not always the best of it in -the tussle with her daughter-in-law. She may be good-natured and -submit to the other as readily as she has submitted all her life to -her husband; or she may be accessible to flattery and be made the -other’s tool by judicious coaxing. She is under the thumb of her -superior in wit, will, or tact. She may be made to consent to live -apart from the young couple if her husband is still living, or to -content herself with the use of a single room in their house if she -is a widow; and sometimes she becomes little better than an upper -servant. A daughter-in-law who can make her a willing slave, exercises -as great an influence over her husband and can persuade him to -acquiesce in any proposal that she may make with respect to his mother. - -It must, however, be admitted in justice to the mothers-in-law -and daughters-in-law that there are many pleasant exceptions. -Mothers-in-law there are in abundance who are willing to give the -young wife any help in their power and afford her every chance of -establishing herself in the household. They recognise the change in -the times, and with the vague optimism of old age, hope for the best -and cheerfully resign themselves to the lead of their sons’ wives. The -wife too, on her part, is not insensible to these kindly advances and -serves her mother-in-law with all her heart, ministers to her wants, -and guides her gently as she totters to the grave. In many a household -such peaceful relations subsist. Then, again, the child-birth pain is -the purgatory out of which the young wife rises to be received with -deeper love by the whole family, and by right of motherhood, -strengthens her position in the household. - -The child being, as a Japanese proverb says, the chain that binds the -husband and the wife to each other, the latter’s hold on her husband’s -affection becomes stronger when she is a mother; but a Japanese work -on etiquette warns the wife that as her husband’s parents, brothers, -and sisters, however well-intentioned they may be towards her, are not -after all of her blood, she must be careful never to give cause for -offence and be on her guard against any thoughtless deed or word -likely to set their tongues wagging, and that she should consider -herself to be in the enemy’s country and be prepared for surprises and -ambuscades. The advice is no doubt sound; but it implies the -possibility of family disturbances when too many of the husband’s -near relatives live with him, and the inference is that however -well-disposed such relatives may be, the wife cannot count for a -certainty upon a life of unruffled calm, and their dwelling under -the same roof with her must always be a factor, actual or potential, -of domestic discord; in other words, so long as this custom holds, -conjugal happiness must be more or less problematical. - -Besides her husband’s parents, the wife has to reckon with his -brothers and sisters. If he is the head of the family, he is probably -the eldest child of his parents, and his sisters would have to treat -his wife as an elder sister though she may actually be younger than -themselves. Girls, however, being naturally impressionable, are, if -they are well treated, easy to manage unless they are particularly -ill-tempered or maliciously disposed; but if they think they are -slighted, they become the most malignant of spies and exaggerate to -their parents any fault she may be guilty of. The wife has therefore -to win them over. Happily for her, the girls will be sooner or later -disposed of in marriage; but her trials will be more than doubled -if any of them leave their husbands and come home. They are then -no longer innocent, chattering hobbledehoys; but having had an -experience, unpleasant in all likelihood, of married life and lived -in discord with their husbands or mothers-in-law, for otherwise -they would not have been divorced, they look with envy upon any -demonstration of conjugal affection and attempt to sow dissension -in the family. - -With her brothers-in-law the wife is on easier terms. They are not as -a rule inquisitive; they treat her with indulgence; and in a quarrel -they will cheerfully take her side against their brother. But she is -put to her hardest task when there is a scapegrace among them. The -trouble is of another sort than that which confronts her in dealing -with a sister-in-law. The ne’er-do-well is usually, as in other -countries, the youngest of the family and his mother’s spoilt child. -His brother, knowing his evil ways, forbids his wife to have anything -to do with him. But the scamp is smooth-tongued and, making up to her -with offers of service, worms himself into her favour. The -wife, too, knows that his enmity will certainly endanger her standing -with his mother and, willing to give her pleasure, yields to his -importunities and from time to time supplies him with money by cutting -down the household expenses. Thus, with the best intentions she is -placed in an awkward position; she must defraud her husband to please -his mother, and if she is found out, she will be sharply brought -round; and meanwhile, she lives in fear and trepidation. - -With all these encumbrances in her home, the wife’s life may appear to -be well-nigh intolerable. Fortunately for her, however, her husband’s -family is not always so complete; it is not often that she finds -there both parents, brothers and sisters in full force, and children -by a former marriage. It would under such circumstances have been -better, had she remained at home, though it may of course happen -that the whole family are taken with her, or are easy-going and -kindly-disposed, or are won by her tact, gentleness, and sweet temper. -But even if they are not all that may be desired, the wife goes into -the family with her eyes open; for when the proposal of marriage was -informally made by the go-between, she could easily have ascertained -through friends by inquiry in the neighbourhood the size and general -character of the family with which her union was sought: and it was -only by gross carelessness or wilful misrepresentation on the part of -her agents that she could have been kept ignorant of the fate that -awaited her. - -If the wife is handicapped in her bid for conjugal happiness by the -size of her husband’s family, he is under no less disadvantage for the -same reason. If she finds it difficult to get on smoothly with all -the members of his family, he encounters quite as much difficulty in -feeding so many mouths; for the whole family are often dependent upon -him, as in all probability his parents pinched themselves to find -means for his education so that when he completed it and made his way -in the world, he might make up for their sacrifices. But even if they -had done nothing for him, he would still be expected to support them. -The new Civil Code recognises this right on the part of the parents; -and the head of the family has also to support his brothers and -sisters and other members of his house, in addition to his wife -and children. Besides these possible dependants whose claims are -admitted by law, there are others whose appeals on the score of -kinship however remote he cannot altogether ignore, as custom allows -those related by blood or marriage to look for help to the least -unfortunate among them. Thus, the father of a family has to spend the -money he could otherwise save up for his children in maintaining his -uncles, aunts, and cousins and some of his wife’s near relations, who, -as long as he supports them, stick to him like leeches and follow -him about with all the pertinacity of Sir Joseph Porter’s female -relatives. - -From the social point of view this is undoubtedly an excellent system, -for the nation at large is not burdened with the support of its poor; -only the comparatively few without relatives to whom they can turn -have to be maintained at the public expense. We have not, therefore, -so far been confronted by the pauper question, as the poor are -provided for by their own people. But it cannot at the same time be -denied that the system bears hardly upon the individuals on whom falls -the duty of maintaining their poor relations; and especially is this -the case with a young man at the threshold of his career. He marries, -as we have already observed, not because he can support a family -without embarrassment, but because he is in need of some one to manage -his house. In the matter of marriage the Japanese is ordinarily -improvident; he does not allow financial considerations to enter into -his matrimonial plans. It is generally with great difficulty that he -can afford to help his relatives. So that under the circumstances -a young man married is often with us, if not actually a man that’s -marred, at least one that is heavily handicapped and forced to -struggle against great odds. A man who has to earn his own living must -sweat and starve, slaving from morning till night, to support these -drones; and whatever ambition he may have harboured in the flush of -youth is ruthlessly dashed to the ground, and his life is frittered -away in sordid cares and petty troubles. - -The great authority for two centuries on the conduct of women who -enter into matrimony was a work written by a Japanese scholar and -based on the teachings of the Chinese sages. This book enjoins -upon the wife unconditional obedience to her husband. She is told that -she is in every respect his inferior, and she is expected to be so -overwhelmed with the sense of her own unworthiness that she must in -all things submit to her husband who is the absolute lord and master -of her body and soul; whatever he may do, she is not to murmur against -it, but she is to be humble when she is in the right; and all the -while, over her hangs the Damocles’s sword of divorce. The position -to which she is relegated by the Japanese guide to wifely conduct is -merely that of an upper servant; for no matter how many domestics -there may be in the house, she must do menial work. She must share -with her husband all the hardships of grinding poverty; and when -fortune smiles, he may live in luxury and entertain many friends, but -she must not frequent public resorts or go sight-seeing. Wealth may -bring her more conveniences, but not more pleasure; and until she is -forty years old, she is not to be seen in company, but to remain at -home minding her house and children. - -Such are the injunctions of the Japanese authority on female conduct; -but happily the practice is better than the precept. There may be, -thanks to these teachings, furniture wives, as Lamb calls them, who -are of little use beyond filling their places in their households; but -human nature breaks even through the cast-iron rules which hold it -down, and, the sages and moral guides notwithstanding, there are -countless happy homes which are unfortunately less heard of than -those in which dissensions are rife for the same reason as that our -attention is always more drawn to careers of crime and adventure than -to quiet, eventless lives. Had our women become what the old teachers -wished them to be, it is certain that we should not have retained our -vitality through the centuries of feudalism and burst out after ages -of inert isolation into all the vigour and energy of a freshly-sprung -nation. It is an indirect tribute to our women that the race has -preserved unimpaired those high qualities which have since raised it -to its present position among the nations of the world. - -Japanese wives are gentle, docile, and obedient; but let not the -western husbands who groan under petticoat government, imagine -that Japanese benedicts always have it their own way, for even in -Japan the grey mare is sometimes the better horse, as many a henpecked -one knows to his cost. There are termagants and viragoes with us as -in other countries; the only difference is that our scolds are not -so obtrusive as those of the West, and yet do enough to convince the -luckless wight that he has caught a Tartar. Just as the omission -of honorifics in Japanese speech is as rude as the use of profane -language in English, so the absence of those gentle manners with which -we invariably associate our women is an even surer index of coarseness -and vulgarity than the violence of a western shrew. The Japanese vixen -can therefore, without any roughness of manners, nag and harass her -husband quite as effectually, though her methods may be quieter than -those of the occidental species. - -Labouring as she is under many disadvantages, the Japanese wife does -not get credit for her good qualities, because she always keeps in the -background. Neither she nor her husband ever sings the other’s praises -in public; on the contrary, mutual depreciation is the custom. And yet -all her efforts are directed to her husband’s cutting a creditable -figure among his acquaintances. A good, sensible, tactful wife is -a jewel with us no less than with the wise man of yore; and her -adroitness covers a multitude of defects in her husband. And for all -his brave show, often, as our proverb says, “’tis the hen that tells -the cock to crow.” - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -DIVORCE. - - Frequency of divorces—The new Civil Code on marriage - and divorce—Conditions of a valid marriage—Invalid - marriages—Cohabitation—The wife’s legal position—Her - separate property—The rights of the head of the family—Care - of the wife’s property—Forms of divorce—Grounds for divorce—Custody - of children—No damages against the co-respondent—Breaches of - promise of marriage—Few mercenary marriages—Widow-hunting also rare. - - -In the old days divorces took place on the slightest pretext. Among -the higher classes, it is true, the family connections which a -marriage brought into existence could not be dissolved without more -or less serious consequences, and the parties were, as in other -countries, expected to sacrifice their personal happiness to family -considerations; but among the other classes which were not influenced, -as a rule, by such worldly motives in their marriages, divorces were -of pretty frequent occurrence. And moreover, as they often took place -from no fault of the persons divorced, they came to lose to some -extent the stigma which usually attaches to them. Still, those women -who had been brought up with a strict, old-world sense of honour, -looked upon divorce as a stain upon their reputation; for if it did -not necessarily imply misconduct, it was attributable to want of tact -on the part of the _divorcée_, and although it arose not unfrequently -from the husband’s caprice, she was not, until that could be proved, -held altogether free from blame. As she was from the first supposed to -be prepared for a wilful, cross-tempered mother-in-law, it signified -a certain defect in her character that she should have failed to get -into her good graces; and the girl, therefore, ashamed to be exposed -to the ignominy of divorce, did her best to please her husband’s -family and would put up with almost anything rather than be sent away. -But the family relations sometimes became so strained that she -ran away or was packed home. Divorce was, moreover, easy to effect; -it needed nothing more than the re-transfer of the divorced wife’s -domicile from her husband’s home to her father’s. There was no -official inquiry, and a remarriage could take place at any time. - -This unsatisfactory state of affairs was to a certain extent remedied -by the new Civil Code which came into operation in 1898, though it is -too early yet to say what permanent reform it has brought about in our -system of marriage and divorce; and it may be well, before entering -into the grounds on which a divorce may be sought under the new law, -to consider the conditions requisite for a valid marriage as they will -give some idea of the position taken by the legislature in regard -to matrimonial relations and so help us to understand its attitude -towards divorce. - -A marriage, in the first place, is valid only if the parties are -married of their own will. This condition may at first sight appear -superfluous; but it is formulated to enable the parties concerned to -nullify a marriage contracted through mistaken identity and to prevent -unions with persons who have lost control of their will or are -otherwise in a disordered state of mind. Only such marriages are valid -as are contracted between those who are not deceived in making their -choice and are in full possession of their faculties. The object of -this condition is then to protect those persons who are joined in -wedlock against their will; but, as a matter of fact, many marriages -are arranged by the parents before their children are old enough to -know their own minds, and the betrothed, upon coming of age, acquiesce -in the engagement which they would consider unfilial to refuse to -carry out. So that in many cases free will in marriage is merely -formal. The second condition of a valid marriage is that it must be -reported and registered at the local district office. The bride’s -father reports to the local office of his district that she has ceased -to be a member of his family and requests her name to be struck off -and transferred to the local office of the district in which her -husband lives. This is accordingly done, and at the same time the -husband’s report confirms the father’s request and the girl’s name -is registered as that of his wife. This transfer of the domicile -constitutes the official act of marriage. - -A defect in either of these two conditions naturally renders a -marriage void, for it cannot then be recognised as a lawful union. But -a marriage may subsequently to its registration be annulled in various -ways. Such annulment is not, however, a divorce, because the marriage -was not complete and cannot be said to have been consummated. In the -first place, the parties must be of the legal age for marriage, which -is for the male seventeen years and fifteen for the female. This is a -great advance on the old limit which was fourteen years for the male -and twelve for the female. The right of annulling a marriage in which -either party is under the legal age expires in three months after the -marriage or when the age-limit is reached. Marriages contracted by -force or fraud may be annulled upon application by the victim. The -application must be made to a court of justice within three months -after the discovery of the fraud or removal of the force; the right -of application is forfeited by condonation. A marriage is naturally -invalidated by a previous marriage; the right of application for its -annulment is vested in the aggrieved party, the head of that party’s -family, the relatives, and the public procurator, and also in the -first wife or husband; and as bigamy is a criminal offence, there -is no time-limit for the application. One who has been judicially -divorced for adultery cannot marry the other party to the offence; -that is, marriage is forbidden between the respondent and the -co-respondent. It may appear somewhat unjust that a man whose conduct -has led to the divorce of a married woman should be disqualified from -making to her the only reparation in his power for her loss of home -and honour; but the idea is, as in the Scots law, that the ability to -marry each other would rather encourage such illicit connections and -make the offenders brave the ignominy of judicial divorce for the -prospective pleasure of a lawful union. The prohibition is therefore -intended to be a deterrent against infidelity. Marriage is also -forbidden between ascendants and descendants in the direct line -and between those down to the third degree of consanguinity in the -collateral line, that is, it is prohibited with one’s parents, -grand-parents, children, and grandchildren, and between brother and -sister, uncle and niece, and aunt and nephew, but permitted between -cousins-german and more distant blood-relations. It is also -prohibited between similar relations of affinity in the direct line, -but not between those in the collateral line, so that while one cannot -marry a parent or a child of one’s deceased spouse, there is no -impediment to a marriage with the deceased wife’s sister or the -deceased husband’s brother, or their uncle, aunt, nephew, or niece. - -A son up to thirty years of age and a daughter up to twenty-five years -cannot marry without the consent of their parents. If either parent is -dead, irresponsible, or has left the house, the consent of the other -is deemed sufficient; but if both parents are dead or of unsound mind, -or if their whereabouts are unknown, only those parties who have not -yet reached the majority-age of twenty need ask for the consent of -their guardians or appeal to the family council for approval. If the -parties are afflicted with a stepfather or stepmother who refuses to -consent to their marriage, the approval of the family council will -suffice as these persons cannot always be presumed to have at heart -the interests of their step-children. A woman cannot for obvious -reasons remarry until after the lapse of six months from the annulment -or dissolution of her first marriage; but if in the interval she gives -birth to a child, there is no hindrance to the second marriage taking -place immediately after. Lastly, in the case of a man who has been -adopted as husband to the daughter, the severance of his connection as -adopted son may be brought forward as a ground for the avoidance of -the marriage. As he has twofold relations as son and husband, the -dissolution of either relation would lead to that of the other, for -the only alternative would be for the daughter to leave her family at -the same time as her husband; but as it was to keep her in the family -that the husband was adopted, her father would not consent to such a -step. The usual procedure is to adopt for her another husband. - -Upon the consummation of marriage, the wife is obliged to live -with her husband, who is required by the Civil Code to make her -cohabit with him. Thus, cohabitation is in the eyes of the law an -indispensable condition of matrimony; and therefore, such a thing as -judicial separation is unknown in Japan, and there is no middle course -between cohabitation and divorce. The wife usually takes her -husband’s surname; but if she is the head of the family or the -heiress to it, the husband by adoption assumes her surname. - -If the wife is under age or judicially pronounced incapable of -managing her own affairs, the husband becomes her guardian for the -time being; but if the husband is pronounced incapable in a similar -manner, the wife becomes his guardian and takes charge of his affairs. -The wife, however, in ordinary circumstances is under the husband’s -control. Her disabilities arise not from her sex as such, but from her -status of _feme-covert_; for though political rights are still denied -to women, no discrimination is made in the private rights of the two -sexes. It is only when she marries that she cedes to her husband many -of her rights as _feme-sole_. There are certain acts, for instance, -for which she is required by the Civil Code to obtain her husband’s -permission, such as the receipt and use of a capital sum, contracting -of debts, bringing of actions at court, carrying on of a trade or -business on her own account, and making of contracts binding herself -to service for a specific term; but the permission may be dispensed -with if her husband’s whereabouts are unknown, or he has wilfully -deserted her, is pronounced incapable, is under restraint for lunacy, -or is serving a term of imprisonment exceeding one year, or if his -interests clash with hers. - -The wife may have separate property. She is at liberty to make any -arrangement with her husband for its management and disposal; but such -arrangement must be registered not later than the registration of the -marriage itself, or it cannot be upheld before her heirs or set up -against third parties. In fact, all contracts between husband and wife -may by mutual consent be altered or cancelled at any time; but such -alteration or cancellation cannot be upheld to the prejudice of a -third party. This right to hold property in her own name is a great -concession to the wife, for such rights were formerly utterly ignored. -In the old days, everything belonged to the husband as head of the -family, not only any property that the wife might bring or inherit, -but also any estate, real or personal, that might be acquired by any -other member of the family. All its members were supposed to work for -the benefit of the family, and the head as its sole representative -had absolute control of the property so acquired. But now in -recognition of the rights of the individual as against those of the -family as a whole, the Civil Code permits the separate registration -of property by its subordinate members. - -Where no special arrangements have been made between husband and wife -with respect to either party’s property the law directs a certain -course to be followed in its use and disposal. In the first place, -while the owner of any property is naturally deemed to possess -absolute right to the interest or profit arising therefrom, any -property which has been acquired but cannot be definitely credited -to either party, is to be taken, pending production of proof to the -contrary, as belonging to the head of the family. The head has also -the right to put to use the other party’s property and derive profit -therefrom, provided the character of such property remains unaltered. -Thus, the head may cultivate the other’s fields or rent them to -a tenant and occupy or rent the other’s houses, but may not, for -instance, convert a field into building land or a dwelling-house into -a godown. This power is given to the head to offset the obligation he -or she is under to bear all expenses resulting from the marriage, that -is, to defray all household expenses, support the family, and pay for -the bringing up of the children. If, however, the head is in needy -circumstances, the other party, if possessed of separate property, -must support the family. - -The husband, whether head of the family or not, has the management of -his wife’s property. He may make improvements in it; but he cannot -without her consent rent her land for more than five years running -or her house for more than three. And if the wife is afraid of her -husband’s abusing this discretionary power, she may request the -judicial authorities to order him to deposit security against any loss -that the estate might suffer through his mismanagement. The wife is to -be considered as her husband’s agent in household matters, such as the -provision of food and raiment. The husband may, however, reserve the -right to repudiate partially or wholly her acts as his proxy; but he -cannot thereby cancel his obligations to those persons who have been -dealing with her in good faith, believing her to possess the powers -usually delegated to the wife. - -Having thus given an outline of woman’s legal position in matrimony, -we may now pass on to the conditions of divorce. The laxity of -the custom in regard to divorce was, as we have already observed, -partially remedied by the new Civil Code, which is based on European -laws and modified by existing Japanese usages. In the matter of -divorce, it makes many concessions to the customs hitherto prevailing -in Japan, as a strict adhesion to the European laws on the subject -would call for a too drastic change in the habits of the people who -have for the most part been accustomed to think lightly of divorce. -In the old times it was sufficient to give the wife a declaration of -divorce, which, from its shortness, came to be known as “the three -lines and a half.” - -In these days, however, when the supremacy of law is universally -recognised, such an informal process cannot be tolerated; and -formalities as full as at marriage must be gone through. For divorce -in its simplest form judicial intervention is not needed. It is enough -that the parties agree to separate. All that is necessary is to make -a declaration attested by two reputable witnesses at the local office -that the divorce takes place by mutual consent. If there is sufficient -cause which would be recognised by a court of justice, the offending -party would readily consent to this form of divorce, for few people -would care to wash their soiled linen in public when the same end -could be gained more quietly in private. Hence, judicial divorces -are comparatively rare. The attestation of two witnesses is of -considerable use in preventing rash divorces made in a moment of -passion and repented immediately after, as the witnesses who may be -expected to be cooler-headed than the principals, would do their best -to patch up the quarrel or difference before finally setting their -seal and signature to the deed of divorce. Moreover, if the parties -are under twenty-five years of age, they must obtain the consent of -those persons, that is, parents, guardians, or family councils, whose -consent would be necessary for a marriage in which the bride is under -twenty-five years of age and the bridegroom under thirty. In a divorce -the domicile of the wife or the adopted husband is re-transferred from -the domicile of the family into which they were married to that -of their original family; the process is reverse of that required upon -marriage. In a divorce by mutual consent the request for re-transfer -is voluntarily made by the parties concerned, while in a judicial -divorce, since the appeal to law is made in consequence of the refusal -of one of the parties to sign the request to the local office, the -re-transfer is made by order of the court. - -Judicial divorces are granted on several grounds. First, for bigamy. -Bigamy is punishable with penal servitude for a term not exceeding two -years, and the second marriage is annulled; but the offence may -also be made the ground for the dissolution of the first. Thus, the -bigamist may, when he has served his term, find himself single and be -ready for a third marriage. Secondly, the wife may be divorced for -adultery, but not the husband. He may be divorced if he is convicted -of adultery with a married woman. The unfaithful wife and her paramour -are liable to penal servitude for a term not exceeding two years if -the charge is brought by the outraged husband. The lover cannot be -punished alone; the woman must share his fate; and only such a lover’s -wife can bring a divorce suit for adultery against her husband. But it -is very seldom that the husband applies for divorce from his wife -on the score of infidelity; such divorces are generally effected -by mutual consent unless the husband is ready to expose his family -affairs for the mere gratification of wreaking vengeance. The -delinquent wife, if brought before court, is, as has already been -stated, both punished and debarred from marrying her paramour. Besides -infidelity with a married woman, the husband, may be divorced for -immoral crimes. Divorce may also be sought if the other party is -guilty of forgery, theft, burglary, fraud, embezzlement, and other -heinous crimes. As the guilty party is usually the husband, the wife -may refuse to live any longer with one who has brought dishonour upon -the family. She may also bring an action for divorce if her husband -is imprisoned for three years or more for offences other than those -mentioned above or if she has been so ill treated or grossly insulted -by him as to make cohabitation intolerable. - -The common custom in Japan of the couple living under one roof -with the parents of either party is doubtless responsible for two -other grounds for divorce, which are that an action for divorce lies -if either party ill-treats or grossly insults the ascendants of the -other or is ill treated or grossly insulted by them. Thus, without -there being any strained relations between the couple themselves, -either of them may seek divorce if ill treated or grossly insulted -by the parents or grand-parents of the other, or be sued for it if -similar treatment is offered to them. Mothers-in-law are proverbially -hard to please, and once a quarrel takes place, it is always easy to -detect insult in the high words that may pass between them and their -children’s spouses or ill-treatment in their subsequent behaviour -to each other. If they lived apart, such occurrences would be rare. -Though the wife may keep her temper and submit as far as possible, -adopted husbands are not so amenable to parental authority, and their -divorce is not unfrequent. - -Wilful desertion is a valid ground for divorce. The term of absence -justifying such action is three years. An adopted son who severs his -connection with the family is divorced from his wife if she is the -daughter of the house; but if she is not, she may leave it with her -husband. If she is the head of the family, the divorce of her adopted -husband dissolves both family and marital relations at the same time; -and if she wishes to follow him, she must give up her position as head -of the family and be married to him afresh. - -Any arrangements may be made for the custody of the children after -divorce; but in the absence of special agreement, the principle -followed is that the children belong to the family in which they -were born. Thus, they belong as a rule to the father; but if he has -been adopted as husband, they fall to the care of their mother. - -Judicial divorces are, as already stated, seldom applied for. There -have been a few cases of divorce for adultery, which, where proved, -always ended in the imprisonment of the unfaithful wife and her -paramour. These criminal suits have not so far been accompanied -by civil actions; the Japanese husband is satisfied with the -incarceration of the destroyer of his domestic happiness. Seeing that -his wife is party to the ruin of his home, he would not dream of being -indemnified for it, as a woman who is capable of infidelity is -in his opinion bound sooner or later to dishonour her husband. To the -Japanese there is something repugnantly mercenary in claiming damages -for his wife’s forfeiture of chastity in the same way as he might for -the loss of any piece of property. - -Pecuniary considerations enter as little into actions for breach of -promise of marriage. Since the new Civil Code came into operation, -there has been only one such case brought into court. It was decided -in favour of the plaintiff; but the court merely ordered the promise -of marriage to be carried out and did not enter into consideration of -any pecuniary compensation for the breach. But then there is really -nothing to assess when an engagement is broken off in Japan. All that -is necessary when the other party consents to its being broken off, -is to return in kind or value the betrothal presents. As the engaged -couple, if they ever do write to each other, only send formal letters -with the compliments of the season or inquiries after each other’s -health, these epistles afford no means of measuring the suffering -entailed by the breach of faith. Neither do the lovers go out -together; and on the very rare occasions when they walk with each -other, they are accompanied, not by a conniving gooseberry, but by an -Argus-eyed chaperon who frowns upon the least departure from strict -propriety. So that their behaviour in each other’s company gives as -little guidance as the letters in the assessment of the damage done to -the jilted lover’s heart. - -In a similar manner mercenary marriages are not so numerous with us as -in other countries. Many men marry, it is true, with ulterior motives -daughters of wealthy or influential families; and these latter -naturally do their best to promote the interests of their sons-in-law. -By judicious marriages young men have risen to high and influential -positions in official and commercial circles. But marriages that are -crudely, unblushingly mercenary are rare for the simple reason that it -is not the common custom to give away daughters with large dowries. -The wives bring with them plenty of dresses and personal articles, -but seldom money, though their fathers may give them something -to start with when they marry. There is still a strong prejudice -against dowries; and a man who marries a woman with a _dot_ is often -considered very mercenary and, still worse, even suspected of -having taken the money as an offset against some personal defect in -his wife. There is of course the possibility that the wealthy parent -would help his daughter in difficulties and when the worst came to the -worst, keep her and her family from starvation. But the most effectual -way in which a man may make money by marriage is to get adopted as -a husband by a wealthy family; it is indeed the only means a poor -man has of acquiring wealth without any exertion on his part; the -difficulty is to find a well-to-do family willing to adopt him. If he -has nothing to expect from his father, he need not hope for a legacy -from an uncle, aunt, or any other relative, as an estate is seldom -allowed to go out of the family. A bachelor or a childless person -adopts some one to succeed to his name and property. - -In the same way a settlement is seldom made on the wife. A widow -is, as long as she remains in the family, maintained by her son or -daughter’s husband. Until recently she had, if she wished to remarry, -first to return to her own family and become a spinster again, so to -speak, by re-assuming her maiden name; but the new Civil Code allows -her to marry direct from the family in which she has become a widow; -this is merely to save her the trouble of needlessly removing to her -old home. She must, however, secure the consent of the heads of her -own family and her late husband’s to her second marriage. As the widow -brings from her husband’s home only her clothes and other personal -property, she is not courted by fortune-hunters. A girl does not -in Japan give her hand to a dotard with the object of enjoying his -property after his death with a husband more suited to her age. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -CHILDREN. - - Child-life—Love of children—Desire for - them—Child-birth—After-birth—Early days—The baby’s food—The - “first-eating”—Superstitions connected with infancy—Carrying of - babies—Teething—Visits to the local shrine—Toddling—Weaning—The - kindergarten and primary school—The girls’ high school—The middle - school—The popularity of middle schools—Hitting—Exercises and - diversions—Collections. - - -Japan has been called the Paradise of Babies; and certain it is that -childhood passes very happily in this country. In every family its -children have a free run of the whole house; there is neither a -nursery to which they can be confined nor any room which is exempt -from their invasion. They are the real masters of the house; and -father, mother, elder brother and sister are their willing slaves. -They will romp unchidden into the parlour and interrupt the visitor -whom the father or mother is there receiving; and the visitor too, -be he friend, relative, or comparative stranger, never takes such -intrusion amiss, but on the contrary, pays court to them as he knows -well that through them the softest spot in the father’s heart is -reached and the mother’s goodwill won. The parent, following the -common custom of the country, deprecates any words uttered in their -praise, for it is considered as great a breach of good manners to -extol one’s children, or for that matter, husband, wife, or any other -member of the family, as to belaud oneself. The mother, burning as -she may be to expatiate upon her children’s marvellous sharpness or -sagacity, will to the last speak disparagingly of them, but in a tone -which clearly expects from the hearer an emphatic protest against her -depreciation of her own offspring. Indeed, to take her at her word -would be to incur her undying displeasure. - -Children too, on their part, brighten every household; and were it -not for their enlivening presence, the Japanese home with its -staid manners and cold civilities would be intolerably dull. The -wife, debarred as she usually is by household duties from social -distractions, would if childless lead a monotonous life; and the -absence of little ones she would take to heart as if she were -personally to blame for it and feel that she has missed the primary -object for which she entered into wedlock. She would also have to put -up sometimes with the reproaches of her husband or his parents for -this failure of issue and consent to the adoption of a child to whom -she must concede the love which she had hoped to reserve for her own -flesh and blood. But happily for the wife, we are on the whole a -prolific nation untroubled by the phantom of race suicide, and every -woman is prepared to bring up a family, which is in her eyes as much -the wife’s destiny as in girlhood she looked upon marriage as her -inevitable fate. Her absolute concentration upon her own home, though -it is a serious obstacle to her social development, brings its -compensation when her wedded life is crowned with maternity, and in -the smiles of infancy she finds ample consolation for the monotony of -her home. This intense love of children is one of the brightest traits -of Japanese home life, and with the reverence for old age, gives it a -tone of quiet, undemonstrative happiness. - -It will therefore be readily imagined with what eagerness the arrival -of the little stranger, is awaited and how the childless wife will -move heaven and earth for the blessings of motherhood. She will try -nostrums of every kind, submit to any regimen however irksome, that -may be prescribed for her, and visit watering-places and other resorts -for the improvement of her physical condition; she will offer prayers -at one temple after another, or sometimes make long pilgrimages for -the purpose, in defiance of the popular belief that a child born in -answer to prayer is either itself doomed to early death or destined to -cut short its parents’ lives. - -When the unpleasant symptoms of morning-sickness warn the wife that -she is about to become a mother, a midwife is called in from time -to time to examine her and relieve her pain. In the fifth month an -auspicious day is selected on which her relatives are invited to -dinner to hear the formal announcement of her interesting state. -On this day the midwife girds her under her clothes with a wide strip -of bleached cotton, with the object of keeping the child as small as -possible so as to ensure a light delivery. This girdle is worn up to -the moment of birth. With the same object the wife does considerable -amount of active housework, such as cleaning and sweeping the rooms, -until the beginning of the last month when she ceases from all work -and calmly awaits the delivery. Meanwhile, the midwife pays periodical -visits, and in a well-to-do family she is often made to live in the -house during the last month. She usually assists alone at the birth, -for a doctor is seldom called in unless complications have set in or -surgical operations are necessary. The accouchement, if indeed it -can be so called which in Japan takes place in a sitting posture, is -effected, if in the daytime, in a room darkened with half-closed doors -and a screen round the bed. The delivery is left as far as possible to -nature. The midwife, who is deeply versed in the intricacies of the -lunar calendar, can always tell the exact hour at which the tide -begins to flow, when the delivery oftenest occurs; and until that time -she merely soothes and alleviates. On the whole, the curse of Eve sits -lightly on her daughters in Japan, for which we have probably to thank -the simplicity of our diet and mode of life. The woman who dies in -child-birth is an object of infinite pity; her fate is supposed to be -the consequence of her sins in a former state of existence. In lonely -country-sides, in memory of such a woman, a piece of white cloth -supported on four sticks is set over a stream, together with a ladle, -with which passers-by are entreated to pour water into the cloth, -because only when the cloth rots away completely will she be purged -of her sins and enabled to enter Paradise. - -Immediately the child is born, the midwife cuts off the umbilical -cord, washes the child in warm water, and dresses it in swaddling -clothes, after which it is shown to the mother and the rest of the -family. The after-birth is put in an earthen dish and covered with -another of the same material; the whole case is buried at the front -entrance, inside the door if a boy and outside if a girl, the reason -for the discrimination being that the latter is destined to -leave her home and, therefore, is not a permanent member of the -family. It is the custom now to have the case buried in a special -ground by a company formed for the purpose. - -[Illustration: THE FIRST VISIT TO THE LOCAL SHRINE. (FROM A PICTURE -BY SUKENOBU).] - -For the first day or two the child is given an infusion of a seaweed -which acts as a purgative; and if the mother is yet too weak, she gets -another woman to give it her milk until she is strong enough. She lies -with her head propped up high, and the child sleeps with her. On the -second day after the birth, the baby is washed again; and on the -sixth, friends and relatives are invited to a dinner to celebrate the -birth when the child’s name is given to it. The birth is also reported -on that day to the local office. The mother does not leave her bed -until the twenty-first day; and she is kept at low diet until the -seventy-fifth day when she can take the usual food and is considered -to be herself again. Until then she is supposed not to be purified -and cannot enter a temple or a shrine. On the same day she resumes -her household duties. In the meantime, the child is taken on the -thirty-first day if a boy and on the thirty-third if a girl, to the -shrine of the tutelary deity of the district, where prayers are -offered for its welfare. Then calls are made on those friends and -relatives who gave presents upon the child’s birth; and it receives -from them various toys, the principal of which is a papier-maché dog. -Such a dog is always placed at the head of the child’s bed at night -as a charm against evil influences. - -The child is at first fed entirely with its mother’s milk; if she is -weak or sickly, a wet nurse is engaged in a family which can afford -one, but in poor homes the child is nourished with a very thin -rice-gruel. Cow’s milk is now largely used in Tokyo, and in many -families given together with human milk. Very often the former is -drunk in the daytime, and at night the mother who sleeps with the -baby, suckles it with her own milk. In Japan the mother, unless her -place is taken by the wet nurse, invariably sleeps with the youngest -child, and never leaves it by itself in a cot or bed. This has the -advantage that any ailment that the child may happen to suffer in the -course of the night is not left to be discovered in the morning when -it may be too late, but is detected at once and attended to -before it becomes serious. Thus, for instance, any rise in temperature -is immediately felt when the child gets its milk, and measures are -taken accordingly. - -[Illustration: THE “FIRST-EATING.” (FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)] - -On the hundred and ninth day after the birth, occurs the -“first-eating,” at which a tray of food is set before the baby. -Friends are invited to take part in the ceremony. A lady friend who -has a large family of her own is asked to feed the child. She puts -into its mouth a little paste of boiled rice and wets its lips with -a drop of soup. Though the child generally spits out the paste, the -fiction of its eating is maintained, and the ceremony closes with -feasting among the invited guests. This “first-eating” is usually -deferred for five or ten days as a postponement is supposed to bring -luck to the child. - -The infant is expected not to be able to walk in less than a -twelvemonth; but if it toddles within a year, a bag holding about -three pints of uncooked rice is laid on its back, and the child is -made to stumble and fall, because to walk before the first birthday -augurs, according to one authority, early death and according -to another, residence in a distant land. There are many other -superstitions connected with infancy. Thus, a child that begins to -suck its fingers before the thumb which represents the parents in -Japanese palmistry, will not be an encumbrance upon its father when it -grows up; if it pushes itself out in sleep beyond the head of its bed, -it will rise in the world, while a downward course is in store for -the one that slips in under its bed-clothes. The baby which eats fish -before it can say _toto_, the child’s name for fish, will stammer when -it talks. In a family in which children have one after another died in -infancy, the birth of a healthy infant is ensured by such charms as -making a dress for it with thirty-three pieces of cloth collected from -as many families, shaving the child’s head till its seventh year, and -giving a boy a girl’s name and _vice-versa_. A sovereign remedy for -prickly heat is to hang over the front door by a piece of red thread a -small egg-plant before any member of the family eats one that season. -Crying at night is stopped by suspending over the child’s bed a -picture of a devil beating a prayer-gong. Immunity from measles is -secured by putting over the child’s head for a moment the -rice-pot still hot after the removal of the rice, while a similar -treatment with the bucket for feeding the sacred horse at a shrine -is said to be equally efficacious against small-pox. The child’s -face is wiped with a wet scrubbing-cloth to cure it of shyness -before strangers. For whooping-cough there are several remedies: for -instance, a wooden spatula with the child’s name and an invocation -against the disease is nailed over the front door; the inked string -used by carpenters for marking lines is tied loosely round the neck; -a slender piece of nandina wood, just long enough for the child to -grasp, is hung by a red thread to its neck; or a pair of small square -wooden blocks are obtained from a temple dedicated to Jizo, the -protector of children, when the child is suffering from whooping-cough -and clapped whenever it coughs, and when it has recovered, the blocks -are returned to the temple with another pair bearing the child’s name. -If the infant stands up and bending down its head, peeps from between -its legs, another child will soon be born in the family; and if it has -a single streak on its thigh as a birth-mark, the next to be born will -be a boy, but if the streaks are double, the next will be a girl. -Mothers are especially warned against leaving their children’s clothes -out to dry at night, for the souls of women dying at child-birth fly -in the form of birds at dead of night and if they see children’s -apparel, they will, from envy, drop their blood upon it and the wearer -of the clothing so soiled will surely sicken and die. Infants in arms -must, when out at night, be covered with their own loin-cloth to avert -the malign influences of the night-demon. - -[Illustration: CARRYING CHILDREN.] - -Japanese babies are at first carried in arms. When they fall asleep -in the daytime, they are laid on a bed in a room where they can be -watched. They get early used to noise, and slumber on though the -watchers may talk aloud to each other. When they are a month or more -old, they are carried not only in arms, but on the back as well. In -the latter case, the child is tied by a long piece of bleached cotton -which is first passed under its arms and over the nurse’s shoulders -and after crossing in front, one end is passed under the girl’s arm -and over the child’s thighs and tied at the side to the other -end. Thus, the piece is carried over the child’s back in parallel -lines and crosses on the nurse’s breast. In cold weather, the nurse -and her charge are covered with a kind of _haori_, thickly wadded, -before being tied with the cotton. It keeps them both warm, while the -child’s breast and stomach are even better protected by the contact of -the nurse’s back. Very young babies are tied down straight with their -legs close together; but when they are older, they ride astride and -their feet dangle on either side. The nurse who is specially engaged -for the purpose is twelve or thirteen years old; but in poor families -the elder brother or sister takes her place. Little girls are often to -be seen in the streets, carrying on their backs sisters and brothers -only a year or two younger than themselves, whose feet, as they -dangle, almost trail on the ground. At first the girls can hardly -walk with such burdens; but they soon get used to them, and they run, -romp, and dance with their companions without much concern for their -charges, who are often put in very uncomfortable positions. These, -however, fare worse when they are on their brothers’ backs; for these -urchins, being rougher and more careless than their sisters, fly -kites, climb up trees, flourish bamboo poles to catch cicadas, run -after dragon-flies, and even snowball one another, utterly regardless -of the discomfort they occasion their charges, who, if they cry, are -knocked with the back of the head, and seem soon to become habituated -to the dangers they run through the recklessness of their carriers. -This manner of carrying on the back is only possible with Japanese -clothes, for the knot of the _obi_ behind prevents the child from -slipping down; and it would be difficult to try this method with -European clothes, with men’s because the tying down of the coat would -hamper the movement of the arms, and with women’s because of the -multiplicity of pins at the neck and the waist. Nurses tie a towel -round their heads so as not to let their back-hair fall on the babies’ -faces. When the children are older and able to walk, they are carried -without being tied down, for they can catch hold by the shoulders or -by putting their arms loosely round the nurse’s neck, while they are -kept from slipping by the nurse’s passing her hands under them. - -Among little toys given to infants is a wooden whistle with either end -rounded into a ball. It is given to the child to suck and bite and -like the coral, hardens the gums, thereby facilitating the teething. -The time for teething varies of course with the individual child and -is the source of as much anxiety to the Japanese mother as to that of -any other country. - -On the fifteenth of November in the second year after the birth, -the child is again taken to the shrine of the tutelary deity of the -locality. A small offering of money is made; and in return the -consecrated _sake_ in a flat unglazed earthenware is given to the -child to sip, while the priest purifies its body by waving over it a -sacred wand adorned with strips of paper. The ostensible object of the -visit is to invoke the God’s blessing upon the child; but it is really -made the occasion for dressing up the child in finery, when parents -vie with one another in the richness of their children’s apparel. -Calls are then made on the friends who made congratulatory presents -to the child. The shrine is visited again on the same day of the same -month two years later in the case of a boy and four years later if -the child is a girl. - -As soon as the child is able to toddle along, sandals or plain clogs -are tied to its feet when it walks on the ground. It learns first to -walk indoors. As there are no go-carts in Japan, it tries to stand up -by clinging to pillars and sliding-doors, for it may stumble and flop -down on the soft mats without hurting itself; it is when it runs, as -children will do, without being able to stop, that the greatest care -has to be taken that it does not tumble over the edge of the verandah. -In Tokyo perambulators are now pretty common; but in the old days -there was no special means of conveyance for children, and they had -to be carried in arms or on the back. - -There is no fixed time for weaning. After its first birthday, ordinary -food is given to the child little by little until in a year’s time it -is able to do without its milk. Generally speaking, however, the time -for weaning is governed by the arrival of a younger brother or sister; -but the youngest is often allowed to take its mother’s milk up to its -fifth or sixth year, though of course, as it can’t be common food, it -goes to its mother only for diversion. - -At three or four years children are sent to kindergarten, that is, if -they can gain admission, for these useful institutions are still few -even in Tokyo. There they are kept in good humour, everything being -done for their amusement. They sing together simple songs, have -object lessons, are set to make little things out of paper, and are -also allowed to romp about as they please. At six years, the minimum -school-age, they enter the primary school, the course at which extends -over six years. Here they are taught Japanese, arithmetic, elements of -history, geography, and natural history, elementary drawing, singing, -and gymnastics, and hand work for boys and needlework for girls. This -six years’ course is compulsory for all children; and there is a -higher primary school with two years’ course for those boys who cannot -afford to receive any higher education. The pupils who have completed -the course at the ordinary primary school are qualified to present -themselves for the entrance examinations of the higher schools, the -middle school for boys and the high school for girls. - -Although a women’s university was established not long ago in Tokyo, a -girl’s education generally stops with the high school, if it goes so -far. As she has been six years in the primary and four in the high -school, she has had ten years of schooling if she has passed every -class satisfactorily from the first to the last, and she is sixteen -years old when she leaves the high school. And as a Japanese girl -usually marries at eighteen or nineteen, she has not much time to -spare before she has to think seriously of matrimony. Two or three -years of home life are all that is left her before she will have to -take charge of a household of her own. And further, as she is supposed -to pass the flower of her youth at four and twenty, a college course -would bring her dangerously close to the lower limit of spinsterhood, -and so, as things stand in Japan, female universities would, even were -they plentiful, not be so popular as they should deserve. In the high -school the same subjects, more advanced, are taught as in the lower -school, the only new subject of importance being domestic economy. - -The middle school has a course of five years, in which the pupils are -taught, besides the advanced course of the subjects studied in -the lower school, Chinese classics, algebra, geometry, physiology and -hygiene, physics and chemistry, law and political economy. English -becomes a subject of importance, being taught seven hours a week. When -the course is completed satisfactorily by regular promotion every -year, the pupil is seventeen years old. He is now ready to commence -his secondary education, for which he will enter the special higher -schools for the professions or the preparatory high school for the -university. - -A very large percentage of children of the school-age pass through -the primary school; but of these a comparatively small proportion -enter the middle school, partly because many of them are too poor -or cannot be spared at home where they must help their fathers, and -partly because there are not middle schools enough to take in all -the applicants, though of late years these schools have greatly -multiplied. Formerly, parents were content to let their children -stop their education when they had passed the primary school unless -they intended to fit them for the professions; but now a general -recognition of the importance of education on modern lines has done -much to increase the demand for middle schools. There is still another -motive for entering the middle school. To the Japanese mother the -greatest source of anxiety on her boy’s account is his liability, when -he comes of age, to compulsory military service. Of course, he may -upon medical examination be pronounced unfit for service, or he may, -though strong enough, be exempted when lots are drawn among those who -have been passed by the medical examiners. But the former contingency -is naturally distasteful while the latter is too uncertain to be hoped -for with any degree of confidence. However, a comparatively easy way -of escaping some at least of the rigours of military service was -opened when the authorities permitted those who had completed the -middle-school course to offer themselves for a year’s voluntary -service. As such volunteers leave service with the rank of sergeant -at least, and even of commissioned officer if they pass certain -examinations, they are, needless to state, better treated than the -common soldiers. Moreover, though the prescribed age for conscription -is twenty, the students who enter colleges and other institutions -for secondary education are permitted to postpone their enlistment -until they graduate or reach the age of twenty-eight. - -Children, as we have said, are very much petted. They are never -whipped or kicked, but occasionally slapped. Even at school they are -hardly ever subjected to corporal punishment; caning and birching are -unknown. Formerly they used to be made to stand on a school desk or -in a corner with a cup of water for half an hour or more; but now the -severest punishment is detention after school or suspension from -attendance for a certain period. Of course, at home or at school, -among their mates they may be knocked about; the hitting is done with -a swinging blow on the head or on the back, and very rarely with a -forward blow, for the art of boxing being unknown, the hits peculiar -to it are seldom resorted to. Kicking is not practised because, with -the clogs on, the kicker is as likely to hurt himself as the kicked, -while with the sandals or bare socks it is naturally out of the -question. People stamp with their clogs, but that can only be done -on a fallen foe. - -Girls, when they congregate in the open air, play at blindman’s buff, -Puss-in-the-corner, and hide and seek, sing in a ring, and romp about -much in the same way as do their western cousins. Their amusements -are social, but quieter than those of boys, who though they play with -their sisters at first, develop, as in all other countries, sovereign -contempt for girlish sports when they approach their teens and engage -in rougher games of their own. Japanese boys do not box or use single -sticks, but they wrestle and fence. In wrestling, their object is to -make their adversary touch the ground with any part of his body or to -push him out of the ring, just as is done by professional wrestlers, -while the great point in fencing is to hit one’s opponent in a way -that would be fatal if a real sword were used. The fencing-sword is -made of four pieces of spliced bamboo bound together with a stout -string and capped at the tip with leather; it has a sword-guard -between the handle and the hilt. The combatants put on barred visors -with sides of thickly-wadded cloth, which is tightly tied at the neck. -They have also on thick gauntlets and body pieces of stout leather -around the waist. The legs are unprotected. Blows are given on -the crown, arms, waist, and legs, and a thrust is made at the throat. -Sometimes the fencers throw down their weapons and wrestle, when the -victor must bring down his opponent on the ground and getting astride -of him, untie the band and pull off his visor. It is an exercise more -exciting and fatiguing than fencing with foils. - -[Illustration: FENCING.] - -Birds’ nesting is unknown; but if birds are exempted from the Japanese -boy’s cruelty, their place is taken by the cicada and the dragon-fly, -and in late summer and early autumn, boys are to be seen running -after these insects with long lime-tipped bamboo poles and catching -the cicada as it emits its stridulous cry on the trunk of a tree and -the dragon-fly as it flits and flutters in the air. As these boys -flourish their poles in the open street, they not unfrequently catch -the unwary passers-by in the face, or their hats and clothes. But -butterflies and moths, in which Japan is especially rich, are free -from their pursuit. Indeed, Japanese boys do not as a rule go in for -collection of natural objects. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -FUNERAL. - - Unlucky ages—The Japanese cycle—Celebration of ages—Respect for old - age—Death—Preparations for the funeral—The wake—The coffin and - bier—The funeral procession—The funeral service—Cremation—Gathering - the bones—The grave—Prayers for the dead—Return presents—Memorial - services—The Shinto funeral. - - -When the Japanese child has passed through its teens without any -serious mishap, its mother is not yet altogether free from anxiety; -for there are certain stages of its life at which it is threatened by -misfortune. Superstition has fixed certain ages, different according -to sex, which must be passed with utmost circumspection if one would -escape calamities; these ages are the twenty-fifth, forty-second, -and sixty-first years for men and the nineteenth, thirty-third, and -thirty-seventh years for women. Here we may note a curious way of -counting years commonly practised in Japan; in official reports and -legal documents one’s age must be given according to the number of -full years and months one has lived, but on other occasions we have a -very loose way of computing our ages. Thus, when we say that a man is -thirty years old, we do not mean that he is full thirty years of age -or that he is in his thirtieth year, but we mean that he has seen -thirty solar years of the almanac; that is, if we say in 1910 that -he is thirty years old, we mean that he was born some time in 1881, -and if his birthday is the New Year’s Day, he would be twenty-nine -years old on the same day of 1910, but if it is the thirty-first of -December, he would be only twenty-eight years and a day on the first -day of 1910, still we speak of him in either case as being thirty -years old. A baby born on the last day of the year would be two -years old the next morning; its second year according to our mode of -computation is, in short, the solar year in which it completes its -first twelvemonth. When, therefore, we say, for instance, that a man’s -first inauspicious age is his twenty-fifth year, we mean the -solar year in which he completes his twenty-fourth year. Thus, the -twenty-fourth, forty-first, and sixtieth years of a man and the -eighteenth, thirty-second, and thirty-sixth years of a woman are -really their climacteric years; and of these the most critical are -the forty-first for a man and the thirty-second for a woman, for not -only these years themselves, but the years immediately preceding and -following each of them also, are considered inauspicious, so that the -crisis lasts in either case for three years, during which period men -and women refrain as much as possible from acts that may appear like -tempting Providence. - -The sixtieth year is our grand climacteric, after which a man must be -prepared for death at any moment; but this age is treated as one for -congratulation and never for sorrow or anxiety, because it completes -our cycle of years. To each year is assigned an element of nature, -namely, wood, fire, earth, metal, or water, each of which is divided -into two kinds, elder and younger, so that there are practically ten -elemental signs by which the years are successively designated. Again, -there are twelve signs of animals, which are also applied to years; -these animals are the rat, ox, tiger, hare, dragon, snake, horse, -sheep, ape, fowl, dog, and boar. The years are designated in order -after these animals. Since, then, the years are named in succession -after the ten elemental and twelve animal signs, the same combination -of an elemental and an animal sign recurs every sixty years; the -year of the first sign of metal and the sign of the rat, which last -coincided with the year 1852, will come again in 1912, that is, sixty -years after the other. Our cycle, therefore, comprises sixty years; -and a man who has completed this sexagenary cycle is supposed to -return to childhood, and often wears red under-garments or red-lined -clothes and a red cap after the manner of children. He invites friends -and relatives to a dinner to celebrate the occasion. - -The next celebration takes place when a man has reached his -seventieth year, which is named “a rarity since antiquity,” after the -saying that man has seldom since antiquity reached seventy years. The -septuagenarian distributes among his friends and relatives large, -round, red and white rice-cakes with the character signifying -longevity written on them. The seventy-seventh year is celebrated as -the fête of joy, because the characters for seventy-seven resemble the -character for joy when written in a certain style. On this occasion -fans, cloth wrappers, and rice-cakes with the character for joy -written on them are distributed among friends and relatives. The -eightieth year is celebrated in the same manner as the seventieth; and -the celebration of the eighty-eighth year, which is called the fête of -rice because of the resemblance of the characters for eighty-eight to -the character for that useful cereal. The ninetieth and hundredth -years are also celebrated when such opportunities occur. - -When a man whose days have exceeded threescore years and ten passes -away, the words that his friends come and sometimes utter to his -surviving family sound more like congratulation than condolence; it -is not, however, as a cynic might suppose, that they congratulate the -family upon having ridden itself of a peevish old man who was a damper -upon all its innocent enjoyments; it is because they consider it a -matter for congratulation that he should have lived to such an age, -and since death must come to all, he was to be envied for having -succeeded so long in keeping off that unwelcome guest. They often add -the wish that similar good fortune may be theirs. The aged as a rule -live happily, except such as have no relatives nor any one else to -depend upon; and though they may complain of the infirmities that -come with years, they never lack sympathy and, so long as they do not -make themselves disagreeable, are treated with tenderness by their -friends and neighbours. The respect for old age, which is one of -the fundamental precepts of Confucian philosophy, is a national -characteristic in Japan no less than in China. - -When an illness takes a serious turn or an injury is likely to prove -fatal, the members of the family are, if they live apart, summoned -home and gather around the death-bed. It is considered unfilial, and -unfortunate if unintentional, not to be present at a parent’s death, -as, for instance, children are warned not to go to bed with their -socks on even in the coldest weather since, in that case, they -would be unable to attend at their parents’ death-bed. When the -patient is in the last article of death, his wife and children put -their mouths close to his ear and call him by name; recalled by the -dear voices, life flickers for a moment and then goes out. And when -the glazed eyes and rigid face show that all is over, his lips are -wetted with drops of water; so universal is this custom that the -expression “to wet the dying lips with water” has come to signify the -tending of a patient in his last illness, as when we say that the wife -should be younger than the husband since it is her duty to wet his -dying lips with water. The folding screen which is usually set -around the head of the bed to soften the daylight in the sick-room, is -put upside down. The bed is replaced by a matting, and the quilt is -put over the body with its ends reversed so that its foot is over the -dead man’s breast; and a white cloth is laid over the face to hide it -as its exposure is believed to be an obstacle to the soul’s journey on -the road to Hades. A table of plain white wood is set at the head of -the bed. At the furthest end is placed a tablet of white wood, on -which the Buddhistic name of the deceased is written in Indian ink. -The Buddhistic name is the name by which the deceased will be called -in prayers and at his temple; he may have received it in his lifetime -as many people ask priests of high virtue and reputation to give them -such a name, or more often, the superior of the temple where the -funeral service is to be held, is communicated with immediately -and desired to give the name, which he fixes upon according to the -deceased man’s social position, calling, and services to the temple. -In front of the tablet are ranged in a line a vase with a branch of -the Chinese anise or oldenlandia, a cup of water, and a lamp lighted -with rape-oil; all these utensils are made of unglazed earthenware. On -the nearest edge is set an earthen censer in which incense-sticks are -kept constantly burning, with a box of the sticks beside it. A sword -or a knife is placed on or near the corpse to avert the malign -influences of evil spirits. - -[Illustration: OFFERINGS BEFORE A COFFIN.] - -Meanwhile, the family shrine is not unfrequently covered to prevent -the ingress of the air polluted by the presence of the dead body. -The front gate is closed and, in shops and tradesmen’s houses, a -reed-screen is hung inside out over the front entrance with a notice -of the family bereavement and, often, of the date of the funeral. A -similar notice is sent to friends and relatives, and also advertised -in the papers. The family temple is notified and a priest comes from -it and recites prayers before the tablet. In the evening the body is -washed in a tub; first, cold water is poured into the tub and then -hot water is added to the required temperature. Superstitious people -insist at other times upon pouring hot water into any vessel and -then adding cold water even when the reverse process would be more -convenient, simply because the latter is the rule at the -body-washing. The washing is done by near relatives; sometimes the -body is merely wiped with water; and, in the case of a woman, the -water is simply poured on the body by inverting the dipper outward -with the left hand instead of inward with the right as on other -occasions. The head is shaved after washing by touching it with the -razor in small patches instead of running the razor continuously which -may presage a succession of misfortunes in the family. Next, the -grave-clothes are put on; the garment is made by two female relatives -sewing with the same piece of thread in opposite directions without -knotting the ends. Around the neck is suspended a bag containing -Buddhist charms and a small coin or picture of a coin to pay the -ferriage on the road to Hades. A rosary and a bamboo staff are also -put into the coffin. Mittens, leggings, and sandals are worn, the last -being tied with the heel-ends to the toes to signify that the dead -shall not return drawn back by love of this world. The wife, if the -deceased is her husband, sometimes cuts off her hair and puts it in -the coffin in token of her resolve never to marry again. Into the -child’s coffin a doll is put to keep it company on its lonely journey -to the other world. The coffin is then filled with incense powder or -dried leaves of the Chinese anise. - -On the eve of the funeral a wake is kept. The body must be kept for at -least twenty-four hours after death. In great families where elaborate -preparations must be made for the funeral, it is often kept for -several days; but in most other houses the funeral takes place as soon -as possible. In the summer heat it is naturally important that the -body should be buried with the least delay. When more than one night -intervene between the death and the funeral, the wake is sometimes -held every night. Friends and relatives are invited, and they burn -incense before the coffin and offer prayers; and in the interval the -conversation turns upon the deceased and every effort is made to -console the bereaved family. A priest is called in from the family -temple, and he recites three or four prayers in the course of the -night. In a separate room a slight repast is offered to the persons -gathered in the house, and though _sake_ is drunk, it is taken very -quietly. - -[Illustration: COFFINS AND AN URN.] - -The coffin is among the better classes a double box of wood, oblong -in shape to allow the body to lie in it. Sometimes the box is single -and almost square, the body being made to sit in it, and sometimes an -earthen jar is used; and among the poorest it is no more than a barrel -with bamboo hoops. The coffin is wrapped in white cloth. The bier may -be only a rest with poles extending at both ends; but in most cases, -especially if the coffin is oblong, it has a curved roof with a pair -of gilt lotus flowers in front and behind. The square coffin has -usually a baldachin over it; formerly it used to be carried in a -palanquin. The pall differs in colour according to the sex and age of -the deceased. It is made of two square wadded covers like quilts; and -the upper or outer cover is light-blue for a man and the lower one is -white if he has not yet reached his forty-first year and red if he -is past that age, while the outer cover is white for a woman, and -the inner red or pink according as she has or has not passed her -thirty-second year. The lower cover differs in colour according as the -deceased is under or over the age which is considered most critical -for one of the deceased’s sex. - -The funeral usually takes place in the afternoon; but in summer the -_cortège_ leaves the house at an early hour of the morning. In the -country the mourners gather before the funeral and take a meal; but in -Tokyo it is usually the chief mourner who has a meal before starting. -At such a meal a second helping is never taken as it may presage -another death in the family. One bowl of rice on which clear bean-curd -soup is poured, is eaten with a single chopstick. At other times, -therefore, it is considered unlucky to take only one helping of rice. - -[Illustration: A BUDDHIST FUNERAL PROCESSION.] - -The funeral procession is not always in the same order; but in a -middle-class funeral the order is commonly as follows:—The procession -is led by a person who acts as its guide; he is followed by men -carrying white lanterns on long poles, huge bundles of flowers stuck -in green-bamboo pedestals, birds in enormous cages, and stands -of artificial flowers which are almost always large gilt lotus plants; -these men always march two abreast with the exception of the caged -birds, for the flowers, natural or artificial, are invariably -presented in pairs, while the cages are single. They are the presents -of friends and relatives and their names are given on the wooden -tickets attached to these presents. The birds in the cages are taken -to the temple and there set free as an act of mercy, while the natural -flowers are thrown away or pulled to pieces by the children of the -poor in the neighbourhood who invariably come and beg when there is a -funeral. After the flowers comes the priest who has been sent from the -temple to return with the funeral procession; he is in a jinrikisha. -Then follow persons carrying incense and the tablet, and if the -deceased was a government official, a military or naval officer, or -otherwise a man of rank and position, the decorations which he -may have received are also carried. The tablet is carried by the -chief mourner or some other member of the family; in the latter case -the chief mourner follows the hearse. In the wake of some flags, on -one of which is inscribed the deceased’s Buddhistic name, comes the -hearse beside which walk the pall-bearers, generally persons in the -deceased’s employ. It is immediately followed by the family and -relatives, and then by other mourners. The mourners should properly -follow on foot; but frequently they go in jinrikisha and carriages; -moreover, it has become the custom for mourners who are not intimate -friends of the deceased to proceed straight to the temple and wait -there for the arrival of the procession. - -When the funeral procession reaches the temple, the bier is placed in -front of the shrine, which stands at the furthest end of the temple -hall. The chief mourner, family, and relatives take their seats -usually on one side of the hall and the other mourners on the opposite -side, leaving a space between the shrine and the front entrance of the -hall for the officiating priest to hold the funeral service. When all -have taken their seats, the officiating priest, who is as a rule the -superior of the temple, enters with his assistants. With gong, bell, -drum, and cymbals the prayers are recited and sutras chanted. The -officiating priest then recites alone a prayer which is to guide the -spirit of the dead on the road to Hades. After this prayer, the chief -mourner, family, and friends and relatives advance in front of the -bier and, taking a pinch of incense, drop it into the censer to burn. -Where there are many mourners, two or more censers are placed close -to the bier and the incense-burning is begun simultaneously so as not -to keep the mourners waiting a long time for their turn. The chief -mourner and his nearest relatives come forward and thank the mourners -in the hall, or stand at the entrance and thank them as they leave. -Sometimes, an address expressive of sorrow or in eulogy of the -deceased is read by a relative or friend. - -[Illustration: SERVICE AT THE TEMPLE.] - -The bier is then taken to the crematory by the chief mourner and his -relatives. There are a few public cemeteries on the outskirts of -Tokyo, where the body may be taken immediately from the temple -and buried as it is. But for burial in a temple yard in the city the -body must be first burnt; and accordingly it is taken to a crematory. -There are seven crematories just outside Tokyo, none being permitted -in the city. The body is taken to one of these and put in an oven; the -fire is lighted; and the door of the oven is locked and the key taken -home by the chief mourner. - -[Illustration: AT THE CREMATORY.] - -Early next morning, the relatives return to the crematory, and in -their presence the oven is opened. The bones and ashes are gathered -into a tray, which is brought out and the mourners pick the bones from -among the ashes. Every piece must be picked up by two persons holding -it with two pairs of chopsticks and put into the urn. When all the -bones have been picked out, the urn is closed with a lid and taken to -the temple. - -The grave may be dug in a small plot bought by the family in a public -cemetery when the body is to be buried with its coffin. In that case -a separate grave is dug for each body; but if it is to be interred in -a temple yard, one grave will serve for the whole family, for there is -a hollow under the tombstone which is closed with a stone, and at each -burial the stone is removed to put in the urn. The tombstone is -an upright stone, square in section and with a tapering top, which -stands on a stone pedestal. The front inscription merely gives the -name of the family with, perhaps, the family crest over it, and the -Buddhistic name of the deceased is engraved on a side. In a public -cemetery where the grave-enclosures are larger and a tombstone is set -up for every member of the family, the tombstone naturally cannot be -got ready in time for the funeral, and a wooden grave-post is stuck in -the grave with the Buddhistic name in front and the lay name and date -of decease on the sides. - -[Illustration: GRAVES.] - -After the funeral, the tablet of the deceased is set on a table at -home, and a light and incense are kept burning before it until the -seventh day from the day of decease; and prayers are offered at the -grave every day for the same length of time, after which a priest -comes from the temple every seven days until seven weeks are passed. -For forty-nine days the spirit of the dead wanders in the dark space -intervening between this world and the next, and every seven days it -makes an advance forward, in which it is materially helped by the -prayers of those it has left behind; according to some, the spirit -hovers for the same period over the roof of its old home, for -which reason many people dislike to remove until the period has -terminated from a house in which a member of the family has died, -as his spirit would have to hover over a house deserted by those he -loved. - -At the end of the fifth week, packages of tea and boxes of cakes of -wheaten flour stuffed with red-bean jam are sent as return presents to -those persons who brought offerings to the dead. On the forty-ninth -day, forty-nine cakes are taken to the temple; in old times the human -body was believed to contain forty-eight bones, and if to these the -skull is added, the total becomes forty-nine, and as emblematic of -these bones, one of the cakes is made much larger than the rest. They -are offered before the dead, and after prayers have been recited and -incense burnt, the large cake is taken home and divided among the -family. A wake is sometimes kept on the night of the forty-eighth day; -and on the following day, after the service at the temple, those -who attend are taken to a restaurant and entertained, when the near -relatives, who have hitherto abstained from animal food in token of -their mourning, take it as this day ends the period of deep mourning. - -A memorial service is next held on the hundredth day. On this day the -provisional tablet which has hitherto been set up in the family shrine -is exchanged for the permanent one; and at the temple also, the tablet -which is there kept is taken down from the shelf on which are placed -the tablets of the recently deceased. On the day of decease every -month prayers are recited and a meal-tray set before the tablet in the -family shrine. The next memorial service at the temple takes place on -the first anniversary, after which comes the second anniversary which, -after the method of reckoning mentioned at the beginning of this -chapter, is called the third anniversary, so that a second anniversary -is unknown in the commemoration of a death or any other event. The -later anniversaries on which services are held are the seventh, -thirteenth, seventeenth, twenty-third, twenty-seventh, thirty-third, -thirty-seventh, fiftieth, and every fifty years thereafter. - -[Illustration: A SHINTO FUNERAL PROCESSION.] - -We have given above an outline of the ordinary Buddhist funeral, -though the procedure varies slightly with each sect of Buddhism. There -is, however, another form of funeral, which is performed with Shinto -rites. As, however, the two forms resemble each other in the main, we -may here give a few points of difference between them. - -[Illustration: A SHINTO FUNERAL SERVICE.] - -When a death takes place, it is reported at once to the shrine of the -local tutelary deity, and a Shinto priest called in. The date of the -funeral is then fixed. The body is laid in the upper part of a room, -and the face is covered with a white cloth; before it is set a table, -on which are put some washed rice, water, and salt, and a lamp is -lighted; and perfect silence reigns in the room. A tablet is placed -before the body and the ceremony of transferring the spirit of the -dead to the tablet is performed. Then a new bed and pillow are put in -the coffin and the body is laid on them with the face covered and a -new quilt put over it; and at the same time many favourite articles -of the deceased are laid beside him. The coffin is then filled up, -and the lid nailed on it. The body is never washed, but it is -sometimes wiped with a wet cloth if it has lain long in the sick-bed. -The coffin is laid on wooden rests, and rice, water, and salt offered -before it; it is next placed in a bier which has a roof like that of -a Shinto shrine. The funeral procession is led by the guide, who -is followed by bearers of lanterns and branches of _cleyera japonica_; -after them come priests and carriers of red and white flags with a box -of offerings between them. Next comes the officiating priest and after -him is carried a flag bearing the name of the deceased with his court -rank and title, if he had any; and then, more lanterns, followed by -the hearse and the rests behind it. The grave-post is carried next, -and after it marches the chief mourner, behind whom walk the near -relatives and after them, the general mourners. When the procession -reaches the hall for burial service, the bier, is laid on the rests -and the _cleyera japonica_ and the flag with the deceased’s name -are set up. Offerings of food are made before the coffin and the -officiating priest reads out a funeral address giving a short sketch -of the deceased’s life; and then all the priests, the chief mourner, -the relatives, and the rest of the mourners take each in turn a -_tamagushi_, which is a branch of _cleyera japonica_ with strips of -paper hanging from it, and laying it before the coffin, makes a bow to -the dead. The food is removed and the coffin brought down and buried, -the relatives throwing the earth into the grave. The grave-post is -next set up and fenced round with bamboo poles, which are connected -with sacred rope. The priest announces the burial and bows to the -grave, in which act he is followed by the mourners present. Before -leaving the burial-ground, all the mourners are purified by the -priests with a sacred wand. On the night of the funeral, when the -house has been purified by sprinkling salt water over it, the _cleyera -japonica_ and flowers of the season are put in vases before the -tablet, a lamp is lighted, and food is offered to it; and the priest -reads a prayer and, together with the others present, offers the -_tamagushi_ and bows to the tablet, after which the food is removed, -and the service ends. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -ACCOMPLISHMENTS. - - Composition—The writing-table—Odes—Songs—The _haiku_—Chinese - poetry—Tea-ceremony—Its complexity—Its utility to women—The flower - arrangement—The underlying idea—Its extensive application—The - principle of the arrangement—Manipulation of the stalks—Drawing - water—Vases—Tray-landscapes—The _koto_—The _samisen_—Its form—Its - scale—How to play it—The crudity of Japanese music—Its unemotional - character. - - -The greatest accomplishment, and the most useful, that the Japanese -woman can possess is unquestionably the art of sewing; but the -knowledge of needlework is so generally recognised as an indispensable -equipment of the housewife, forming as it does an important subject -of study in girls’ schools, that it is not often included in the -accomplishments recommended in Japanese books for women. The first -place among them is given to composition, that is, the art of writing, -more particularly, of letter-writing, for in Japan where considerable -difference exists between the spoken and written languages, -composition has to be specially learnt. In letter-writing, moreover, -there are many conventional phrases and turns of expression which -must be used though they may not add to the meaning; they give an -artificial character to Japanese letters and call for great diligence -if one would become a good letter-writer. A skilful and expressive -transcription of characters is also looked upon as an art of no mean -order. Middle-aged men, especially of the old school, often spend -hours on end in writing for practice; and a well-written piece on a -_kakemono_ is frequently hung in an alcove in place of a picture and -as highly appreciated. Many skilled caligraphists make a respectable -living by writing. - -[Illustration: A WRITING-TABLE AND BOOK-CASES.] - -The writing-table is a low piece of board, three feet long and about -one wide, supported at either end or a few inches from it by a wooden -prop; and the writer, in sitting at the table, puts his knees under it -between the props. The paper used for letter-writing is rice-paper in -a long roll, which is unrolled as one writes. Most people can write -with the roll in their hands, letting the written portion drop as -the paper is unrolled. The ink is made by wetting and rubbing the -Indian-ink stick on a stone slab with a hollow at the upper end as -reservoir for the ink. The pen is a hair-pencil with a bamboo holder. -A paper-weight of metal is used to hold the paper down when we write -at the table; and the writer sits straight at the table and, dipping -the brush in ink, writes with it held almost perpendicularly and -lightly touching the paper. - -Another literary accomplishment is the composition of odes. These are -short verses of thirty-one syllables, made up of two sets of five -and seven syllables each, closed by a line of seven syllables. To be -expressed within so small a compass, the idea must be at once single -and simple. It is commonly an epigrammatic presentation of a mood, it -may be, of love, longing, appreciation of nature, or consciousness of -the uncertainty of life. Sometimes it is didactic or expresses a moral -truth in simple or metaphorical language. Our national anthem is an -instance of this form of verse and runs as follows:— - - _Kimi ga yo wa - Chiyo ni yachiyo ni - Sazare-ishi no - Iwao to narite - Koke no musumade;_ - -which may be literally translated: “May Our Lord’s reign last for a -thousand, eight thousand ages, until little stones become rocks and -are covered with moss.” - -A celebrated minister of state who lived a thousand years ago, -composed the following:— - - _Kokoro dani - Makoto no michi ni - Kanainaba - Inorazu totemo - Kami ya mamoran._ - -“If only our hearts follow the path of rectitude, the Gods will -protect us without our prayers.” - -An Emperor saw one day in a private garden a plum-tree with a -bush-warbler’s nest in it. He took fancy to it and ordered it to be -transplanted to his palace-ground. The owner, who was a poetess and -court lady, obeyed as a matter of course, but to show her reluctance, -she hung to a branch of the tree a piece of paper with the following -ode:— - - _Choku nareba - Itomo kashikoshi - Uguisu no - Yado wa to towaba - Ika ni kotaen._ - -“Since His Majesty commands, I obey with joy; but when the -bush-warbler comes and asks for his home, what answer shall I give?” -The Emperor, upon reading this ode, felt sorry that he had deprived -her of her favourite tree. - -There are also other combinations; but all Japanese verses are -composed of pentasyllabic and heptasyllabic lines. What is known as -the long ode is a series of the two in alternation, closing with an -extra heptasyllable. Another verse is formed of a pair of sets, each -containing a pentasyllable and two heptasyllables; and still another -comprises four couplets of a heptasyllable and a pentasyllable each. -From these combinations has been evolved what is called poetry of the -new school, which is an indefinite series of five and seven syllables -in alternation. It is now very common; and almost all songs written to -the accompaniment of European music are in this form. In the following -children’s song which has for the last half dozen years been popular -in Tokyo, the English reader will recognise a very old friend:— - - _Moshi moshi kame yo - kamesan yo - Sekai no uchi ni - omae hodo - Ayumi no noroi - mono wa nai - Dōshite sonna ni - noroi no ka - Nanto ossharu - usagisan - Sonnara omae to - kakekurabe - Mukō no oyama no - fumoto made - Dochira ga saki ni - kaketsuku ka - Donna ni kame ga - isoi demo - Dōse ban made - kakaru daro - Kokora de chotto - hito nemuri - Gū gū gū gū - gū gū gū - Kore wa nesugita - shikujitta - Pyon pyon pyon pyon - pyon pyon pyon - Anmari osoi - usagisan - Sakki no jiman wa - dōshitano;_ - -which may be rendered: - - “Please, please, Tortoise, Mr. Tortoise, - There is in all the world no one - So slow-footed as you; - Why are you so slow?” - “What do you say, Mr. Hare? - Then, I will race with you and see - Which will be the first to reach - The foot of yonder hill.” - “However the Tortoise may hurry, - He will take at any rate till night; - And here I will take a nap.” - Snore, snore, snore, snore, snore, snore, snore. - “I have slept too long; I have blundered.” - Leap, leap, leap, leap, leap, leap, leap. - “You are too late, Mr. Hare; - Where is your boast of a while ago?” - - -Finally, there is a verse of two pentasyllables with a heptasyllable -between, which is more popular among men than any other form. The -_haiku_, as it is called, can hardly be given the name of poetry. It -is simply a suggestion of ideas which it is left to the hearer to -clothe with poetical sentiment; but the suggestion itself is far from -explicit and needs a person used to this form of verse to interpret it -in the sense intended. It is, in short, little more than a _tour de -force_ in the art of compression. For instance: - - _Furuike ya_ - _Kawazu tobikomu_ - _Mizu no oto._ - - An old pond - A frog jumping in - The sound of water. - -It pictures the loneliness of an old pond, around which all is so -still that the jumping of a frog into the water may be heard. - -The composition of Chinese poems by Japanese is one of the most -artificial processes of poetising. Chinese characters are divided -according to their intonation into those of even and oblique sounds, -that is, characters which are pronounced straight and evenly and those -in the pronunciation of which the voice changes in tone. A Chinese -poem is composed in various combinations of these two kinds of -characters, and certain lines in a verse have to rhyme. Now, the -Japanese pronunciation of Chinese characters makes no distinction in -their intonation; they are all pronounced in the same tone, Hence, -whereas a Chinese can tell at once by its pronunciation whether a -character has an even or an oblique sound, a Japanese must learn by -heart the tone-quality of every character if he wishes to compose -Chinese poems; the knowledge of this tone-quality is of no use to a -Japanese for other purposes. Moreover, the Japanese pronunciation of -Chinese characters differs entirely from the Chinese; it is believed -to be a corruption of the Chinese pronunciation in ancient times. -The normal grammatical order in a Chinese sentence is that the verb -precedes the object, whereas in Japanese the object usually precedes -the verb; the result is that in reading a Chinese poem in Japanese -the rhyming words do not always end the lines. As the Japanese simply -composes according to rule, his lines are sometimes unrecitable in -Chinese. Now, to show the difference between the Chinese and Japanese -manner of reading a Chinese poem, we will first give a poem in the -original Chinese. - - (1) 滕王高閣臨江渚 - (2) 佩玉鳴鸞罷歌舞 - (3) 畫棟朝飛南浦雲 - (4) 珠簾暮卷西山雨 - (5) 閒雲潭影日悠々 - (6) 物換星移幾度秋 - (7) 閣中帝子今何在 - (8) 檻外長江空自流 - -The Chinese would read the poem in this style:— - - (1) _T’eng wang kao kê lin kiang chu_ - (2) _P’ei yü ming luan pa kê wu_ - (3) _Hua tung ch’ao fei nan p’u yün_ - (4) _Chu lien mu kuan hsi shan yü_ - (5) _Hsien yün t’an ying jih yu yu_ - (6) _Wu huan hsing i chi tu ch’iu_ - (7) _Kê chung ti tzu kin hê tsai_ - (8) _Kien wai ch’ang kiang k’ung tzu liu._ - -The Japanese would read it in an entirely different manner:— - - (1) _Tō-ō no kōkaku kōsho ni nozomeri_ - (2) _Haigyoku meiran kabu wo yamu_ - (3) _Gwatō ashita ni tobu nanpo no kumo_ - (4) _Shuren kare ni maku seizan no ame_ - (5) _Kan-un tan-ei hi ni yū-yū_ - (6) _Mono kawari hoshi utsuru ikutabi no aki_ - (7) _Kakuchū no teishi ima izuku ni zo aru_ - (8) _Kangwai no chōkō munashiku onozukara nagaru._ - -We will next give a word-for-word translation of the Chinese:— - - (1) T’eng prince high tower overlook river shore - (2) Gird jewel sound bell stop song dance - (3) Picture roof-tree morning fly south coast cloud - (4) Crimson blind evening roll west hill rain - (5) Quiet cloud deep-water shadow day far far - (6) Thing change star move how many time autumn - (7) Tower interior emperor son now where is - (8) Balustrade outside long river vain of-itself flow. - -The following translation into intelligible English will help to show -the elliptical character of Chinese poetry:— - - (1) The high palace of Prince T’eng looks down upon river and shore; - (2) No more, in cars with jewels decked and tinkling bells, the - courtiers come for song and dance, - (3) Around the painted roofs fly at morn the clouds from the - southern coast; - (4) The crimson blinds, rolled up at eve, reveal the rain on the - western hill; - (5) And far away appear the quiet clouds and darkling pools. - (6) Things change, time passes, and how many years are gone? - (7) And the prince of this palace, where is he now? - (8) The long river beyond the balustrade flows on alone and - unchanged. - -Chinese poetry has, it will be seen, the conciseness of a skeleton -telegram; but in elasticity and pregnancy of meaning, in disregard of -time and, indeed, in contempt of grammar, no telegram, skeleton or -other, can come up to it. - -[Illustration: TEA-MAKING.] - -The tea-ceremony is, perhaps, the strictest and most complicated of -all the ceremonies with which the cultured Japanese used to surround -himself. The ceremony, when carried out in full, is very intricate; -but it may be briefly described as follows:—First, the guests who -arrive on the appointed day are shown into the waiting-room and when -they are all assembled, they are conducted into the tea-room. This -room should properly be a building by itself, and the commonest -size is nine feet square, that is, one of four mats and a half, the -half mat being in the centre. The maximum number of guests is five, -four of whom sit in a row and the fifth at right angles to the rest. -The host faces the row; he brings in the tea-utensils and sets them in -order. The guests are first regaled with a slight repast; and when it -is over, they are requested to retire into the waiting-room, while the -host puts away the trays and plates and sweeps the room. They are then -called in again. A small quantity of powdered tea is put into the -tea-bowl which is used on these occasions, and hot water is poured -into it and stirred with a bamboo-whisk until it is quite frothy. The -bowl is handed to the guest at the head of the row; he takes three -sips and a half, the fourth sip being called half a sip as it is much -slighter than the first three, and after wiping the brim carefully, he -passes it on to his neighbour, who also sips and hands the bowl to the -third guest, and so on to the fifth guest, who returns it empty to -the host. After this loving-cup, the host stirs a bowl for each -of his guests, that is, he makes tea in the bowl for the first guest, -who drains it in three sips and a half and returns it to the host, who -then washes it and makes a fresh bowl of tea for the second guest, and -so on until the last guest is served. As this process takes a long -time on account of the formalities which have to be observed in -making, serving, and drinking the beverage, sometimes two bowls are -used so that while one guest is drinking and admiring a bowl, the host -can be making the other for the next. The tea in the loving-cup is -stronger than that in the others. - -The bare procedure is simple; but the complexity lies in the hard -and fast rules to be observed in the arrangement of the room, and -respecting the utensils to be used, the manner in which they should be -handled in making tea, the way in which the tea should be drunk, the -number and style of bows and salutations to be made in offering, -receiving, and returning the bowls, and also in the instructions as to -when and how the bowls and other articles in the room are to be taken -up and admired, and the manner of expressing such admiration and -of replying thereto. The formalities are as strict as court -ceremony and are often irksome to the beginner who is nervous and -afraid of exposing himself at every step. - -The description above given refers to the formal process as practised -by one of the schools of the ceremony, which can be followed only in a -family which can afford to build a separate tea-room for the purpose. -But the ceremony need not always be so exacting. The general -principles, such as the making, offering, and drinking of powdered -tea and the courtesies accompanying it, are now taught in most girls’ -schools, because the knowledge of the ceremony certainly adds to -their grace and imparts to them that quiet, stately bearing which -characterises the Japanese lady of culture. Indeed, this calm, sedate -gracefulness is the result of the study of the tea-ceremony and is -assuredly a more valuable acquisition than the knowledge of the -formalities themselves. - -Flower arrangement is an art which plays an important part in the -decoration of a room; for the _kakemono_ which hangs in the alcove of -the parlour loses half its attraction unless there is before it on the -dais a vase of flowers to match. The alcove is the part of the room -which draws first notice upon entrance, and the flowers share with the -_kakemono_ the earliest attention of the newcomer. - -The idea underlying the art is that flowers should not be thrown -anyhow in a bundle into a vase, but that due consecration should be -given to their artistic arrangement. The flowers should even in a vase -be arranged as they might appear in nature. It is not always, it is -true, as they actually appear in the open air: but they are arranged -as they might look if aided by art under certain conditions, for the -flowers in the vase always have a degree of symmetry which is but -rarely found in nature. Their form is often artificial, but not -opposed to nature, just as dwarfed trees are stunted by art but have -perfectly natural shapes. The rules regarding the position of the -branches in a vase are certainly conventional, insisting as they do -upon balance and symmetry of form, but they do not go beyond the -bounds of possibility. The only objection, in fact, that might be -brought against them is that there is always present the danger of -taking for normal forms what are seen in nature perhaps but once -in a million. But of the gracefulness of the arrangement there can be -no two opinions. - -[Illustration: FLOWER-VASES.] - -Although we speak of flower arrangement, the art is not confined to -flowers, but extends also to the treatment of trees and shrubs without -flowers. Among the trees, the branches of which are, when in flower, -put into vases, are the plum, camellia, cherry, peach, rose, azalea, -Japan quince, and wistaria, while the herbaceous flowers are -innumerable and include such different plants as the pot marigold, -corchorus, peony, bleeding-heart, iris, anemone, primrose, red-bud, -sweet flag, hydrangea, clematis, safflower, corn-poppy, common mallow, -day lily, cockscomb, globe amaranth, chrysanthemum, narcissus, lady’s -slipper, and Cape jasmine. Branches of trees noted for their foliage -are also put into vases, such as the magnolia, yulan, pine, and -similar evergreens; and others bearing fruit are in no less favour, -like the loquat, plum, nandina, and pomegranate. In short, the -art is practised with most trees and shrubs, cultivated or wild. - -The principle of the arrangement in its simplest form, which deals -with three stalks or branches, is that the middle stalk or branch, -which is the longest, shall rise perpendicularly, or nearly so, and of -the remaining two one shall branch off horizontally to one side and -the other slant upward on the other side of the central stalk or -branch. More stalks or branches may be taken, but their positions are -only amplifications of the two lateral ones. The central piece being -always single and amplifications being of equal number on both sides, -there is invariably an odd number of stalks or branches. The manner of -amplification or the position of the secondary stalks varies with the -different schools of flower arrangement. The only condition they all -insist upon is that the stalks or branches shall be in a way balanced -on either side, but shall not show perfect symmetry which is never to -be found in nature. - -As stalks which completely satisfy the conditions required for their -artistic arrangement cannot be readily procured, it becomes necessary -to bend and twist them into the requisite shape. They must be so bent -and twisted as not to snap, crush the fibres, or display splits, but -to conceal the artificial alteration of their structure. While the -arrangement of the stalks and flowers calls for taste and judgment, -their manipulation demands no less dexterity in carrying out the -design formed; and it needs considerable practice to be able to bend -the soft stalk of the orchid and the tough branch of the plum with -equal ease and neatness. - -Next in importance to the arrangement of the flowers is the manner of -making them draw water. To this end various devices are used, of which -the commonest is to burn the bottom-end of the stalk; this end, on -being then dipped into the vase, sucks up water which is thereupon -circulated into the rest of the stalk. The hardwood of a tree branch -is often crushed at the end to facilitate its permeation by water. -Some plants are put into hot water; others are covered with mud or -nicotine at the end; and others again are dipped in a strong solution -of tea and Japan pepper. Salt is sprinkled over bamboo to keep -off insects, and with the same object tobacco powder is thrown on some -plants. - -The shape of the vase is also of importance and has to be taken into -consideration with the _kakemono_ exhibited. They are of various -shapes. The commonest are of china, tall, round, and slightly bulging -in the middle. Sometimes they are more slender, and sometimes no -more than deep dishes, square or round. If they are to be hung up -by a chain, as in a tea-room, they are shaped like a boat or a -water-bucket; or if they are to be hooked on a peg, they are made of -china or bamboo. The pedestal for the vase is also of diverse shapes. -It may be a flat piece of wood or china, or have legs, one at each of -the four corners or one at either side flattened out. - -[Illustration: A TRAY-LANDSCAPE.] - -Another art is the making of what are called “tray-landscapes.” For -this an elliptical tray, whose diameters are about a foot and a foot -and a half, is taken, and on it landscapes and sea-views are drawn -with pebbles for rocks and sand of various fineness for the ground. -Such a landscape forms an ornament for the parlour. - -[Illustration: THE _KOTO_.] - -The only Japanese musical instrument taught in girls’ schools is the -_koto_, a kind of zither. As the _koto_ is the most adaptable of all -Japanese instruments to western music, it is more readily learnt than -others at schools where the piano and the violin are also taught. -There are several kinds of _koto_, the number of strings on them -ranging from one to twenty-five; but the one exclusively used at -schools has thirteen strings It has a hollow convex body, six -feet five inches long and ten inches wide at one end and half an inch -narrower at the other, and stands on legs three and a half inches -high. The strings are tied at equal distances at the head or broader -end and gathered at the other; they are supported each by its own -bridge, the position of which varies with the pitch required. Small -ivory nails are put on the tips of the fingers for striking the -strings. - -But extensively as the _koto_ is practised by school-girls and ladies -of position, the national musical instrument is the _samisen_, a -Japanese variant of the old European rebec which was introduced -into the country by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. In -the old days it was considered vulgar to play the _samisen_, which -consequently lay long in obloquy and was only to be found among the -merchant and lower classes. But now, though the prejudice against it -is still strong among old-fashioned people, it is in greater favour -than the _koto_. It is played everywhere, at home, in story-tellers’ -halls and theatres, and at every tea-house party. - -In its common form the _samisen_ has a belly, four inches thick and -covered with skin, which has convex sides, seven and nearly -eight inches respectively, and has attached to it a neck twenty-five -inches long with a tail-piece of six inches. There are three pegs in -the tail-piece for the three strings of the instrument, which are -carried over the neck and tied at the further end of the belly where a -small movable bridge keeps them from touching the face of the belly. -The belly rests side-wise on the right knee of the player, whose right -hand strikes the strings with an ivory plectrum, while the fingers of -the left hand support the neck and stop the strings. The top-string is -the thickest and has the lowest notes, while the third string is the -finest and has the highest notes. The _samisen_ just described is -known as the slender-necked _samisen_; the other kind, which is of -larger dimensions, with thicker strings and is played with a heavier -plectrum, is only used in singing _gidayu_, or ballad-dramas. - -On the scale of the _samisen_ there is still a great diversity of -opinion, musical authorities being unable to agree as to the exact -nature of the notes it emits. Its scale is certainly different to that -of any European instrument; but, roughly-speaking, its range is about -three octaves, the notes of which are put at thirty-six, comprising -what would in European music be sharps and flats. The ranges of the -two kinds of _samisen_ naturally differ, the smaller giving higher -notes than the other. - -[Illustration: THE _SAMISEN_.] - -The _samisen_ is early taught. Girls of seven or thereabouts are made -to learn it while their fingers are still very pliant. But the lessons -are hard to learn as the tunes have to be committed to memory, for -there are no scores to refer to. There is no popular method of -notation; the marks which are sometimes to be seen in song-books -are too few to be of use to any but skilled musicians. The lighter -_samisen_ does not require much exertion to play; women can thrum it -for hours on end; and they make slight indentations on the nails of -the middle and ring fingers of the left hand for catching the strings -when those fingers are moved up and down the neck to stop them. But -with the heavier kind the indentations are deeper, and the constant -friction of the strings hardens the finger-tips and often breaks the -nails, while still worse is the condition of the right hand which -holds the plectrum. The plectrum, the striking end of which is -flat as in the one for the slender-necked _samisen_, is heavily leaded -and weighs from twelve ounces to a pound when used by professionals; -and the handle, which is square, is held between the ring and little -fingers for leverage and worked with the thumb and the forefinger. At -first the pressure of the corners upon the second joint of the little -finger is very painful; but the skin becomes in time indurated and -insensible to pain. It requires both strength and dexterity to strike -the thick, hard-drawn strings with such a heavy plectrum. - -The peculiar scale on which it is based has prevented Japanese music -from being appreciated by foreigners. That it is crude is undeniable; -indeed, no other Japanese art has been left so undeveloped. In most -other arts we have stamped our national individuality upon what we -borrowed from others; but in music we can hardly say that there -is anything characteristically Japanese about the slow tunes of the -thirteen-stringed _koto_ or the quicker jangle of the three-stringed -_samisen_. They have of course changed in our hands from their -original forms; but the alteration is not something that we can -attribute to our national genius as we should in the case of our -pictorial, glyptic, or ceramic art. Moreover, music has never, like -the other arts, had munificent patrons. We read often enough of a -great daimyo or lord in the old days surrounding himself with famed -painters, sculptors, makers of lacquered ware or swords, but never of -one taking under his protection a musician of note. What musicians -enjoyed his favour were those employed for the performance of music -at sacred rites; and none won the daimyo’s patronage by the charm or -power of his music. No encouragement was then held out to music; and -even the musicians whose names are known to posterity earned their -living, precarious at best, by catering to the general public. - -_Samisen_-music cannot in truth be said to appeal emotionally even -to those Japanese who enjoy it. They admire a _samisen_-player for -his execution, for the lightness and rapidity of his touch and the -rich resonance of the strings under it; but of the expression, the -emotional quality of music, neither he nor his audience know anything -and probably care as little. And it must be admitted that the -_samisen_ can never charm and enthrall us like the deep-sounding -cathedral organ; and its want of volume deprives it of any power to -make a cumulative impression upon us. In short, our _samisen_-music is -mainly a matter of dexterity, with a modicum of taste and judgment. -We do not look to it to sway our passions—to move us to tears or -laughter, to stir up in us anger, awe, pity, or wonder, or to fire us -into bursts of patriotic enthusiasm. - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS. - - Pleasures—_No_-performance—Playgoing—The theatre—Japanese - dramas—_Gidayu_-plays—Actors—A new school of - actors—Actresses—Wrestling—Wrestlers—The wrestling booth—The - wrestler’s apparel—The Ekoin matches—The umpire—The rules - of the ring—The match-days—The story-tellers’ hall—Entertainment - at the hall. - - -We Japanese do not take our pleasures sadly; for when upon pleasure -bent, we give ourselves to it heart and soul and forget for the nonce -the cares and troubles that may at other times weigh upon our minds. -And foreign observers, from seeing us in our hours of relaxation, -taunted us, at least until our war with Russia showed us in another -light, with frivolity and pronounced us a nation incapable of taking -things seriously. Nothing could have been further from the truth than -to suppose that we lead a butterfly existence, for we are as a nation -serious, indeed, if anything, too serious. The _abandon_ with which we -throw ourselves into the gaieties of the moment is attributable rather -to the rarity of our opportunities. Our women, in particular, have -very little leisure, and if they wander with childish delight in -avenues of cherry-blossoms or sit with quiet content on the verandah -under the harvest-moon, it is because they are glad to snatch a few -hours of innocent enjoyment from their round of almost ceaseless -household work. The simplicity of our pleasures is but the natural -outcome of the simplicity of our lives; and if we have not the -comforts and conveniences of European homes, neither do we suffer -from the feverish stress and strain of European social life. - -Of the various forms of public entertainment in Japan, the oldest and -peculiarly Japanese is the _no_-dance. It is a posture-dance performed -to the accompaniment of flutes and drums, while a ballad is sung at -the same time to explain the movements. It was developed -from the ancient religious dances and first came into vogue in the -sixteenth century. The ballad, which is known as _utai_, is written in -a mixture of the Chinese and old Japanese styles and cannot be readily -comprehended by those who are not versed in these styles. The dance is -slow and stately, though sometimes there are quick movements in it; it -is performed by men with masks and in robes which were worn in ancient -times; the actors on the stage at a time are few; and the stage itself -has, except in rare cases, little setting. It is not, therefore, -everybody that can appreciate a _no_-performance; indeed, the fact -that it is caviare to the general and its superiority in point of -refinement to the common dances of the people have won for it great -popularity among the upper and middle classes; and the performances -are largely attended. Many people also practise singing the _utai_; -it has the advantage over other ballads, when it is unaccompanied by -a dance, of being sung without any musical instrument. The _utai_ -ballads are comparatively short, and in a single performance several -of them are sung and danced. - -[Illustration: A _NO_-DANCE.] - -The same _no_-dance is seldom repeated in a run. The programme is -changed every day, because popular as the _no_ is in a sense, its -patrons are yet too few to justify a run of the same dance. For a -larger public we must turn to the drama. The play is in Japan as in -other countries the most popular public amusement; but in few other -lands is playgoing such an elaborate diversion as it is with us. In -the old days the theatre opened early in the morning and did not -close until nearly midnight; but some twenty years ago the police -authorities limited the length of a performance to eight hours, and -now it lasts from six to nine hours. In some theatres the doors open -at four in the afternoon and close at ten or eleven; this allows a -professional man to hurry to the theatre as soon as his office-hours -are over and witness a performance in half an hour or so from its -commencement; but other houses open at twelve or one and close at nine -or ten. Playgoing was in the old times a whole day’s work, and women -would prepare for it days beforehand and often lie awake the preceding -night so as not to be late for the opening hour. They took their meals -at the tea-houses, which are even now attached to the theatres, -especially the larger ones. Through these tea-houses people book their -seats in the theatre; and they go there first to divest themselves -of unnecessary paraphernalia before entering the play-house and are -thence provided with meals and refreshments which they take while -looking at the performance. It is therefore to the interest of these -tea-houses that the performance should be going on at meal-time. -Those who cannot afford to visit a tea-house go direct to the theatre -and are similarly looked after, except in the case of those in the -cheapest seats, by attendants detailed for the purpose. In fact, -eating and drinking is inseparable from playgoing in Japan. People -eat and drink while looking at a performance; some even cannot enjoy -it unless they are regaled at the same time with _sake_. Playgoing -is, in short, an expensive pastime in Japan. - -[Illustration: THE ENTRANCE OF A THEATRE.] - -[Illustration: THE STAGE AND ENTRANCE-PASSAGE.] - -The theatre is a large oblong building. Over the great entrance hangs -a row of wooden-framed pictures representing the scenes played; the -side-entrances lead to the gallery. In front of the stage as one -enters the theatre is the pit, which is partitioned into small -compartments capable of holding four or five persons squatting. -On either side are two stories of boxes and facing the stage across -the pit is the gallery on the second or third story, which is mostly -patronised by playgoers who, being unable to pay for the whole -performance, come to see one or two of the best acts. From the sides -of the stage two entrance-passages run through the pit towards the -entrance. Actors walk under the passages to the entrance end and -coming out into a box, make their appearance on the entrance-passage. -These passages are very convenient as they give a larger room to the -stage and impart a sense of distance when it is not expedient to -crowd too suddenly on the stage. The stage is screened off from -the auditorium by a drawn curtain in the larger theatres and by a -drop-curtain in some of the smaller. When a popular actor is playing -or some special piece is performing, curtains are presented by the -patrons of the actor or the theatre; and in such a case several -curtains are drawn one after another between the acts across the -stage for the admiration of the audience. Another peculiarity of the -Japanese stage is the revolving-stage. A scene is set upon the front -half of a turn-table which is flush with the rest of the stage floor; -and while that scene is being acted, the carpenters are putting up the -next in the rear half; and when the first scene is over, the table -revolves and brings the second to view, and so the play is continued -without interruption. Yet another peculiarity is the presence on -the stage of black-veiled men in clothes of the same colour. They -are known as “blackamoors” and supposed to be invisible. At the -commencement of a run; they stand or sit behind the actors and prompt -them; they remove from the stage any article that has ceased to be of -use or pull away the dead in a fight if they are found to be in the -way, or push a cushion to an actor when he is about to sit down. They -are of great use, though it is hard to acquiesce in the fiction of -their invisibility. The stage music is played usually on one side of -the stage; but when a _gidayu_ is required, its performers are seated -on a high perch to the left of the stage. - -[Illustration: THE REVOLVING-STAGE.] - -Only in rare cases is the day’s performance taken up by a single -play. The usual course is to have two plays, the first being of an -historical character or concerned with disturbances in a daimyo’s -family, and the second being a domestic play. For the Japanese -drama is divided into three classes, the first being the historical -drama, which deals with the times of war, most frequently in the -twelfth, fourteenth, and sixteenth centuries, that is, the periods -of the feuds which led to the establishment of the Shogunate, of the -insurrections which resulted in the temporary rule of the country by -two lines of Emperors, and of the ascendancy of the Taiko and Tokugawa -Iyeyasu; the second treats of what are known as disturbances in -noble families, the most common cause of which was the struggle for -succession between the rightful heir and an illegitimate child of a -daimyo; and lastly, the domestic drama depicts scenes in the lives -of the common people, the favourite heroes and heroines of which -were in the old days chivalrous gamblers, magnanimous robbers, and -self-sacrificing courtesans. Of late, however, the domestic drama has -greatly extended its scope, for now it presents pictures of modern -life in reputable society. Then, two plays are acted in a performance, -and there is not unfrequently a middle piece or an after-piece, or -both, and such a piece presents a bright and gay scene with dancing in -it. Thus, a performance is made to suit all tastes. This rule of two -plays is not always adhered to; it is frequently disregarded by the -new school of actors, who give only one play with an after-piece. We -give a gay after-piece to relieve the strain of witnessing a serious -and often tragic play, a curious contrast to the European _lever de -rideau_ which allows the playgoer to dine without hurry. - -Plays are again divided into two classes according to their form. One -is the ordinary prose drama; and the other is the _gidayu_, a kind -of musical or ballad drama. The latter was brought into vogue two -centuries ago by Gidayu, a singer, who gave his name to this form of -drama. It was originally sung at puppet-shows; but as the librettos -were written by Chikamatsu Monzaemon, the greatest of Japanese -dramatists, they are highly valued as literature. The standard set by -Chikamatsu was kept up by his immediate successors; but no _gidayu_ of -note has appeared since the third quarter of the eighteenth century. -In Osaka, where Gidayu lived and sang, puppet-shows still draw -large houses; and no _gidayu_-singer of the present day is considered -a regular professional unless he has gone through the mill at the -Bunrakuza, the great puppet-theatre of Osaka. In Tokyo _gidayu_ -puppet-shows do not enjoy much favour; _gidayu_ are in the capital -sung at the story-tellers’ hall or performed on the stage. The -_gidayu_ contains the ordinary prose dialogue; the singing part -describes the feelings and movements of the puppets. But these -explanations which do very well in a puppet-show, are too lengthy on -the stage; while the singing is going on, the acting is apt to become -wooden, and the interest in the play is saved from flagging only by -the beauty of the language and the skill of the singer. - -There has of late been a great change in the histrionic art in Japan. -Until about twenty years ago, the theatrical profession was mostly -hereditary, and such as did not come of a theatrical family entered -the stage as pupils of some well-known actor. None could practically -become an actor without the countenance of the whole profession; and -if a pupil showed extraordinary talent, he was not unfrequently made -his master’s successor. For great histrionic names are handed down -from generation to generation; thus, the late Ichikawa Danjuro, the -greatest actor of Japan since the Restoration, was the ninth of his -name, and his rival, Onoye Kikugoro, was the fifth. The third great -actor at the time was Sadanji, a pupil of the fourth Kodanji; the -present head of the Actors’ Guild is Shikan the Sixth; and the most -promising actor of the day is Uzaemon the Thirteenth. Not one of these -names has been invariably handed down from father to son; but it is -vested in the family, whose consent is necessary for its assumption by -a pupil. - -Some twenty years ago, a new school of actors sprang into being; they -were called student-actors as they came mostly from the student class. -They formed companies and gave performances by themselves. At first -they were looked upon with disdain by the professionals; but they -soon became popular and, not being fettered like the latter by the -traditions of their profession, they were more natural in their acting -and had freer scope. It was during the war with China and immediately -after that their strong points came into prominence; for when -they acted scenes from that war, their representations were absolutely -free from the conventionalities of the old school, and it was -acknowledged that in the modern realistic drama the new school was -decidedly superior to the old. In course of time the former began to -learn the tricks of the trade as practised by the other, while the -younger actors of the old school threw off the trammels of tradition -in plays of contemporary life, so that there is now far less -difference between the two schools. And in some theatres actors of -both schools play together. - -In most theatres actors take female parts as well as male. Many actors -have made their mark in female roles, and such characters are often -specialised, some actors excelling in depiction of ladies of rank and -others in representing women of the people and of the _demi-monde_. -There are also actresses in Tokyo, but they seldom perform with -actors; for the instances which have hitherto occurred of such -performances were not very successful. One theatre in Tokyo is -occupied entirely by women, who play male parts as well as those of -their own sex. The best actress of the day is Kumehachi, who has -few peers in her line even among actors; but it cannot be said that -actresses as a whole enjoy high favour in Japan. - -Another public amusement which vies with the stage in popularity is -wrestling. Though there are often wrestling bouts in different parts -of the city, the great matches to which all lovers of the art look -forward every year are those which take place in January and May in -the temple-grounds of Ekoin on the south side of the River Sumida; for -as they decide the combatants’ position in the profession, they are -fought in grim earnest. - -There are some five hundred wrestlers in the Tokyo Wrestlers’ Guild, -which comprises all the professionals of the city. In the wrestlers’ -list they are divided into two sets, east and west. In each set -there are some score of wrestlers of the first grade, and there are -corresponding grades in both sets down to the lowest. When wrestlers -of the first grade retire through age or disease from the active list, -so to speak, they become, unless they leave the guild altogether and -take up other callings, elders of the guild. The elders are -partners in the getting up of the Ekoin matches; they also take in -pupils, for no one can become a professional wrestler except under the -aegis of an elder. For the young wrestler this is convenient, because -he is always under the protection of his elder and naturally profits -if, when he goes touring in the provinces, he is in the company of a -wrestler of a higher grade from the same elder. When a wrestler is -without a peer, he becomes what may be called the invincible champion. -There have been less than a score of such champions since the first -of them took that title two and a half centuries ago; but at present -there are two invincible champions at the same time. - -[Illustration: A WRESTLING-MATCH.] - -Wrestling takes place in an arena of sand bounded by a ring, some -twenty feet in diameter, formed of empty rice-bags and covered by a -four-pillared wooden roof. It is surrounded by tiers of seats for -the spectators. At the foot of each of these pillars sits an elder -watching the match and acting as referee in case of dispute. At two -opposite pillars are a bucket of water, a basket of salt, and a bundle -of paper-slips, the salt to purify the body for the contest which may -end fatally and the slips for wiping the hands. - -The wrestler appears in the arena without clothing. He has over his -loin-cloth a wide, wadded cotton-belt adorned with twine tassels when -he wrestles; but if he is a first-grade wrestler, he makes a formal -appearance in the arena with others of the same grade before they -commence their bouts, when he wears in addition an apron of heavy -material richly embroidered with his professional name or some other -distinguishing mark stitched in gold. - -[Illustration: THE CHAMPION’S APPEARANCE IN THE RING.] - -The Ekoin matches last for ten days, or rather for ten fine days. -Until lately, the booth was merely covered with matting or canvas, -and as the rain leaked in, the matches could not be held on wet days. -As, moreover, men are sent round the city with drums to announce the -matches, the day preceding the match-day had also to be fine or at -least to give reasonable hopes of fine weather on the following day, -so that one fair day during a spell of rain was of no use. A run of -matches might therefore last for twenty days or more. And all the time -the elders had to feed the wrestlers to keep them together, and -so, long-continued rainy weather might swallow up the profits of the -run, especially as the Japanese wrestlers with their huge paunches -are hearty eaters. A permanent building for wrestling matches has, -however, been erected at Ekoin; it was opened in June, 1909. It is the -largest building of the kind in Japan and holds more than ten thousand -spectators. The great hall will, in spite of the heavy initial cost, -pay in the long run as there will be no need to put up a booth each -time and matches can be held irrespectively of the weather. - -The matches commence with those of the lowest grade, and the best -bouts take place late in the afternoon. Before each bout a summoner -appears in the arena and calls out the names of the two combatants, -who, as they are already waiting outside the ring, immediately make -their appearance, and the umpire formally announces their names. They -drink a cup of water and purify themselves with a pinch of salt. They -crouch opposite each other and, at a word from the umpire, grapple -with each other. It often happens that one of them is not ready for -the grip, and they separate; once more they rise and drink water and -return to their former positions. Some wrestlers repeat this until the -spectators are tired out. But when they do tussle, the struggle does -not take long; and if they remain long in each other’s grip without -coming to a conclusion, the umpire separates them and lets them -refresh themselves with water before they resume the bout. The umpire -then puts them exactly in the same position as they were before. -It is remarkable with what accuracy he makes them resume their former -position; he can tell at a glance their exact posture at each moment -of the bout; and he does not make the least error in the bend of their -bodies or the touch of their hands. Such an eye naturally requires -long training; and the umpire has, like the wrestler, to rise from the -lowest rung of his profession. At first he presides over the bouts -of the wrestlers of the lowest grade; and as he acquires skill and -experience, he rises to a higher grade until finally he umpires the -matches of the foremost wrestlers. His decision is seldom disputed; -and in the rare cases when it is called in question, he appeals to the -elders sitting at the four pillars. - -The rules of the ring are very strict. If a wrestler falls, touches -the ground with a knee, a hand, or any part of the body other than -the soles of his feet, or steps on the rice-bags of the ring, he is -declared defeated. The ways in which, he can cope with his adversary -were originally put at forty-eight; but they were subsequently -increased to twice, and later still to four times, that number. These -original forty-eight throws were divided into four classes of twelve -each, namely, the butting with the head, grappling with the hands, -twisting with the hips, and tripping with the feet. From these were -developed all the later methods. - -During the first days of the matches the wrestlers of the first -grade are paired with those whose positions on the other side do not -correspond to their own; and then the matches become gradually more -equal until on the ninth day those of the same position on both sides -are pitted against each other. It is the most exciting day of the -whole series; but on the tenth and last day those of the highest -grade seldom appear and the interest in the matches flags as a matter -of course. - -These great matches, occurring as they do only twice a year, throw -the whole city into a fever of excitement, and while they are on, one -hears of nothing else. In the booth the enthusiasm is very great, -and it rises to such a pitch when a clever throw takes place or a -favourite distinguishes himself, that the spectators throw into the -arena their overcoats, tobacco-pouches, or whatever else come handy as -marks of their approval to the victor. They afterwards send presents -in money and recover their property. - -[Illustration: THE ENTRANCE OF A STORY-TELLERS’ HALL.] - -Thus, playgoing is expensive and takes up the best part of a day, -while the wrestling matches which arouse universal interest occur -but twice a year, other matches being mostly of local interest only. -Neither of these amusements can serve to while away a few hours -of idleness or relaxation; to those who wish to spend an evening -pleasantly and at little expense, the story-tellers’ hall is always -open. It stands conspicuously in a street; for over a wide entrance, -the walls of which are studded with numerous pegs for suspending -the clogs and sandals of its patrons, hangs a large square lantern -announcing on its face the names of the principal performers, while -the name of the hall is inscribed at a side-end. The hall itself is a -great matted room with a platform at the furthest end. The spectators -squat promiscuously on the mats and watch the performances or listen -to the tales of the story-teller on the platform which is about four -feet high and can be seen from all parts of the room. The hall opens -at six or half-past; but it only begins to fill an hour later and -closes at about ten o’clock. - -Entertainments of various kinds are given at the story-tellers’ -halls. In some the story-tellers proper appear; half a dozen or more -come upon the platform in succession, winding up with the chief -story-teller of the evening. Those of the better grade tell serious -stories, complete at a sitting or continued through the whole run of -the company which is fifteen evenings, for they change twice a month. -Most of the others, however, tell short stories, humorous and ending -often in a word-play; their object is merely to raise a laugh among -their audience. There are also story-tellers of a different -kind, whose speciality is tales of war and stories of men famed in -Japanese history; but as they talk seriously and not in the light vein -of their more humorous _confrères_. they are not so popular as the -latter. It is not, however, always the story-teller who occupy -the platform. In the course of the evening there may be music and -singing by professionals or conjuring tricks. There are also several -halls opened exclusively for the singing of _gidayu_; and though for -their proper singing a deep, strong voice is really requisite, female -singers are far more numerous than male in Tokyo. In the capital it is -not as in Osaka, the home of _gidayu_-singing, for a young and pretty -girl-singer finds greater favour than a male singer of skill and -experience. In one evening half a dozen such singers perform, the last -being the head of the troupe. - -[Illustration: A STORY-TELLER ON THE PLATFORM.] - -In these halls some of the stories told are far from edifying; but -from others the lower classes become acquainted with the lives of the -noted men of their country. The proletariat in Japan are probably more -intimate with the history of their country than those of other lands. -Such history may not always be authentic; but of the famous names in -that history, warriors, statesmen, priests, and scholars, they hear -from the more serious entertainers at the halls; and the _gidayu_ has -also an educative influence, for it inculcates unceasingly the duty of -loyalty and filial piety and never tires of dwelling upon the -nobleness of self-sacrifice. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -FEASTS AND FESTIVITIES. - - Festivities in the old days—The New Year’s Day—The - New Year’s dreams—January—February—The Feast of Dolls—The - Equinoctial day—Plum-blossoms—Cherry-blossoms—The flower - season—Peach-blossoms—Tree-peonies and wistarias—The Feast of - Flags—The Fête of the Yasukuni Shrine—Other fêtes—The Feasts of - Tanabata and Lanterns—The river season—Moon-viewing—The Seven Herbs - of Autumn—October—The Emperor’s Birthday—Chrysanthemums and - maple-leaves—The end of the year. - - -There are feasts and festivities galore in Tokyo. In the old times the -feast-days marked in the calendar were far more numerous than they -are now. In those days, while the daimyo and his retainers travelled -pretty often between Yedo and their native province, the citizens -seldom left town; it was a red-letter day with them when they set out -on a pilgrimage to the great shrine of Ise or on a trip to Kyoto; and -even these persons formed a very small minority. The high roads were -infested by robbers; and it was only with their lives in their hands -that humble citizens could go on a long journey. Being, then, confined -in the town, its inhabitants naturally took what pleasures they could -in it and availed themselves of every festivity to give themselves -up to enjoyment. The festivals of the tutelary deities were, for -instance, celebrated with great pomp; on annual feast-days the -time-honoured customs were religiously observed; and the flowers of -the season were admired and made occasions for general hilarity, for -they served to break the monotony of a purely urban life. But the -great facilities of transportation which have been introduced since -the Restoration have in these days diminished the interest of the -better classes in their city. The well-to-do men, who formerly -considered it a luxury to possess a villa on the outskirts of Tokyo, -are now not content unless they keep one at Kamakura or beyond for -spending the week-end in and another a hundred miles or more from the -city for their summer retreat. Kamakura and Enoshima, which are -only thirty miles away from Tokyo, were in the old days so distant -that they would not think of visiting them unless they intended to -spend a few days there; but now school-children are taken to those -places on a day’s excursion. The ease with which men can leave the -city has made them but lukewarm supporters of the institutions which -gave the town its periodical gaiety; for they no longer take an active -part in the local festivities or pride themselves upon the fine show -their ward might make on such occasions. Even the flowers for which -Tokyo is noted they go to look at in the country; and the festivals of -the tutelary deities have lost their former splendour, and their most -prominent feature, the procession-cars, cannot now be built on the -grand scale of the old days, for unless they can be bent low, they -cannot parade the streets without snapping the innumerable electric -wires which disfigure the thoroughfares of the metropolis. Of the five -great feasts which were held every year in former times, two are no -longer celebrated in Tokyo, the Feast of Tanabata on the seventh day -of the seventh month of the lunar calendar and the Feast of the -Chrysanthemum on the ninth day of the ninth month, the remaining three -being the New Year’s Day on the first day of the first month, the -Feast of Dolls on the third day of the third month, and that of Flags -on the fifth day of the fifth month. - -Still there remain many occasions on which the Tokyo cit may take his -pleasure at home and abroad. The first of these, the New Year’s Day, -presents the gayest appearance everywhere and is a day of general -rejoicing. On either side of the gate or front door at every house -stands a large pine branch supported by an unstripped bamboo-pole or -two, and overhead flies the national flag. On the cross-beam of the -gate or over the porch hangs a coil of sacred rope, to which are -attached a piece of fern, a lobster, a bit of _konbu_ (_laminaria_), -and an orange. Indoors too, a piece of rope with a frond of fern is -suspended in different rooms. In the morning when the family gather -for breakfast, a set of three wooden goblets are brought on a stand, -and the members of the household wish one another a happy New Year and -drink spiced _mirin_ with one of the goblets in the order of -their position in the family; and instead of the usual boiled rice, -they eat cakes of pounded rice roasted and boiled in a soup of greens. -This drinking of _mirin_ and eating of rice-cakes is repeated on the -two mornings following. On the New Year’s Day people go out to present -the New Year’s greetings to their friends and relatives. This custom -is now less observed than formerly; for in these days they greet one -another by post, and millions of postcards pass through the Tokyo post -offices in the beginning of the year. On the New Year’s Day larger -shops are closed, as well as offices, public and private. The streets -are gay with the New Year’s decorations and with people going to and -fro for the New Year’s greetings; while in streets of shops and -small houses young men and women and children may be seen playing at -battledore and shuttlecock in the open road to the great obstruction -of the thoroughfare, the fun of the game being that those who miss a -shuttlecock have their faces smeared with Indian ink or white paint. - -[Illustration: THE TREASURE-SHIP.] - -[Illustration: THE NEW YEAR’S DECORATIONS.] - -On the second, larger shops send out the first loads of goods for the -year in handcarts. These carts are adorned with flags bearing the -names of the firms, and the shops pride themselves upon the -number of such loads they can send out on this day. In the evening -hawkers come with pictures of a treasure-ship with the seven deities -of fortune on board; over the picture is written an ode of thirty-one -syllables which is remarkable for being a palindrome. It runs thus:— - - _Na ka ki yo no to o no ne fu ri no mi na me za me na mi no ri fu - ne no o to no yo ki ka na._ - -It will be seen that if the syllables are taken each as one sound, -the ode is same when read backward. It may be translated: “They have -all awakened from the long night’s sleep; and how pleasant is the -sound as the ship rides the waves!” These slips are eagerly purchased -as they are supposed, if put under the pillow on this night, to give -lucky dreams. The luckiest dream of all is, according to common -superstition, that of Mount Fuji, next to which is a dream of a hawk, -and the third that of an egg-plant. - -On the fourth of January, the government offices are formally opened -for the year, and other public and private offices follow suit. On the -sixth the fire-brigades of Tokyo assemble in a public place and give -acrobatic performances on fire-ladders to show their agility. This day -closes the New Year’s festivities, and the decorations are removed. On -the eighth, the Emperor reviews the troops in the morning; and on -the same day most schools reopen after the New Year’s holidays. The -sixteenth is the holiday for apprentices and servants, who go home -to their parents or spend the day at the theatres or other places of -amusement. The sixth of January opens what is called the period of -lesser cold and the twentieth is the first day of the period of -greater cold. For a fortnight from the latter date many male votaries, -especially of the artisan class, run thinly-clad at night to worship -at their favourite shrines as such enthusiasm will, it is believed, -make them proficient in their callings; they ring a bell as they run. -Some go to a well and pour cold water over themselves at midnight to -be purified by that means from the sins of the world. Children go out -before daybreak to practise their lessons, boys to read or fence and -girls to sing or play the _samisen_. The shrines to which the first -visit of the year should be paid are too numerous for mention. - -On the second or third of February ends the period of greater cold, -and with it nominally the winter season. In the evening peas are -parched and thrown about in every room with the cry, “Fortune within,” -and then they are flung outdoors with the shout, “Demons without.” -This is to purify the house for the new spring season; and the members -of the family eat each a number of these peas, which is one in excess -of the years of their age. The eleventh is one of the three great -national holidays; it is the anniversary of the coronation of Emperor -Jimmu, the founder of the Japanese Imperial line, the other two being -the New Year’s Day and the Emperor’s Birthday. There are six ordinary -national holidays, namely, the anniversary of the death of Emperor -Komei, the father of the present Emperor (January 30th), the Feast of -the Vernal Equinox (March 21st or 22nd), when offerings are made to -the Imperial ancestors on the equinoctial day, the anniversary of the -death of Emperor Jimmu (April 3rd), the Feast of the Autumnal Equinox -(September 23rd or 24th), the Feast of the New Season’s rice which is -offered at the great Shrine of Ise (October 17th), and the Feast of -the New Rice which is offered to the other deities and eaten for the -first time in the Imperial Palace (November 23rd). - -On the third of March falls the Feast of Dolls. Towards the end of -February, the dolls are brought out and tiers of shelves put up, -usually against a wall of the parlour. On the highest shelf sit the -Emperor and Empress, with a screen at the back and overhead a roof -adorned with curtains. Below them sit the Court ladies, while lower -still are the five Court musicians and two armed guards. These are the -regulation dolls, and to them may be added any others. Then food is -set before the Emperor and Empress on two miniature trays; and all -sorts of lilliputian household goods, such as chests of drawers, -toilet stands, and kitchen utensils, are ranged on the lower tiers. -Also white _sake_, which is _sake_ barm dissolved in _mirin_, is -offered to the dolls and drunk as well by the family. These dolls are -displayed in every family where there is a daughter, and the feast is -looked forward to by its female members, who invite their girl-friends -to come and see the array of dolls. They are put away on the sixth or -seventh. - -[Illustration: THE FEAST OF DOLLS.] - -The equinoctial day is the middle of a week known as _higan_, or -yonder shore, which is so called because prayers are said during the -week for the souls of those on shore, that is, in Nirvana. During the -week dumplings and rice-cakes coated with bean jam or sweetened -bean-powder are offered to the dead and also sent as presents to -friends and relatives. The family tombs are visited; and old-fashioned -people worship in succession at the six great temples dedicated to -Amitabha in the environs of the city, which entails a journey of some -fifteen miles. Many old men and women visit different shrines on the -equinoctial day as they have been told that if they pass through seven -stone _torii_ or shrine-gates on that day, they will not suffer pain -when the time comes for them to quit this world. - -In the latter part of this month the plum-trees are in full bloom. -Though camellias are in flower earlier in the year, the plum-blossoms -are the first of all the flowers to attract crowds of admirers. As -plum-trees blossom sometimes while it still snows, the plum-tree -blooming under a weight of snow is emblematic of faithfulness in -adversity. The plum-blossom is not so popular as the cherry-blossom; -and yet it is the subject of more odes and poems than the other. It -possesses the grace and refinement which is lacking in the luxuriant -clusters of cherry-blossoms. Its quiet hue, the delicacy of its -fragrance, and the sense of loneliness it seems to impart appeal to -the literary and poetical-minded, who go to a plum-garden with gourds -of _sake_ and drink under the branches to which they hang slips of -paper with odes written on them in praise of the blossom. It is also -associated in our poetry with the Japan bush-warbler, the most prized -of our singing-birds, whose clear abrupt notes certainly sound -pleasant on cold, crisp mornings of early spring. Though there are -many plum-gardens in Tokyo, the most noted is that on the east side of -the River Sumida, where stands an aged tree, known as the Plum-tree of -the Couchant Dragon from the fancied resemblance of its gnarled trunk -to the sleeping form of that fabulous animal. - -[Illustration: CHERRY-FLOWERS AT MUKOJIMA.] - -At the end of March bloom the early flowers of the cherry called the -_higan_-cherry; but it is in the first half of the following month -that the real cherry season is in full swing. The birthday of -Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism, is celebrated on the eighth of -April, when an infusion of the _hydrangea thunbergii_ is poured over -a small statue of the Buddha and the liquid is sold in small -green-bamboo tubes to the votaries. It is said to be an effective -charm against the breeding of maggots in summer. This ceremony of -the washing of the Buddha, as it is called, is soon forgotten in the -universal merriment of the cherry-flower season. The lovers of the -plum-blossom may dwell upon the superior grace and delicacy of their -favourite, but the darling of the nation is the cherry-flower; the -former has been lauded by many a poet, but the latter is considered to -be peculiarly Japanese, for no other land can boast the magnificent -clusters without a leaf to break their continuity, which look in -the distance like a bank of pale clouds, and when they fall, the -scattering petals come down as lightly as flakes of snow. When we -speak simply of _the_ flower, or of the flower-time, flower-view, or -flower-season, we allude invariably to the cherry-flower. The high -esteem in which the cherry-blossom has always been held in Japan is -exemplified in the saying, “Among men the samurai, among flowers the -cherry,” which was, in the days of military ascendancy, the highest -praise that could be bestowed. Again, how closely the flower is -identified with the country, may be seen from the famous ode of -Motoori, which runs; “Should a stranger ask what is the spirit of -Japan, to him I would show the wild-cherry blossoms glinting in the -morning sun.” That spirit is delicate and tarnished by dishonour as -readily as the flower is scattered by the wind. The cherry-flowers -bloom but for a few days; and that fact gives the motive to a -celebrated _haiku_, or verse of seventeen syllables, which may be -lamely translated:— - - Ah, this world of ours! - But three days are gone; and where - Are the cherry-flowers? - -The lightness and allusiveness of the original bring home the -evanescence of life even more vividly than the snows of yester-year. - -The earliest to attract crowds of pleasure-seekers is Uyeno Park, -where along the walks and among other trees stand many aged -cherry trees. As the national museum and the zoological gardens are -also in the park, the season attracts hosts of school-children who -bring their luncheons and spend the whole day there. But it is the -south-east bank of the River Sumida on the outskirts of the -city, to which gather the largest throngs of sight-seers. Here an -avenue of cherry stretches for some miles, and men and women, -as they pass under, are fairly intoxicated with the sight of the -numberless clusters of cherry-blossoms. Many repair to it in parties, -often in clothes of a uniform pattern and sometimes in comical guise. -Next comes Asuka Hill, a few miles behind Uyeno, and then Koganei on -a road west of the city, and lastly, the River Arakawa, on the north, -noted for its cherry-blossoms of other colours than the usual pale -pink. In the city there are many smaller spots where the blossoms may -be seen to advantage. - -About the same time as the cherry-flowers the peach also is in bloom; -but it fails to attract many sight-seers. Towards the close of April, -we have the azalea, which flowers for about a fortnight; it has not -the delicate tint of the cherry-flower, and its deep red is apt to -pall on the beholder. Besides, as it blooms when people are tired with -gazing at the cherry-blossoms, its votaries are comparatively few, and -somehow it does not arouse the enthusiasm that the national flower -excites. - -Late in April flower the tree-peonies; their magnificent blossoms -command admiration. They are specially cultivated and need a great -deal of tending; they are not, therefore, like the plum and cherry -trees, often to be seen in public places, and are commonly displayed -in private gardens and nurseries. The tree-peonies are not indigenous -to Japan, but were originally introduced from China; and much as -we admire these fine flowers, they do not appeal to us like the -cherry-blossoms. A little later, the wistarias hang down their long -clusters of purple flowers; they are best seen at the shrine of -Tenmangu, not far from the plum-garden of the Couchant Dragon, where -their pendulous racemes look doubly beautiful as they are reflected in -the pond over which they hang. - -The fifth of May is the Feast of Flags, which is for boys what the -Feast of Dolls is for girls. On this day little flags are set up -in a room, together with figures of men famous in history for their -strength and valour. Outdoors a gigantic carp made of paper or cloth -is tied to the top of a high pole, where it flutters when it is -filled with wind; the carp is emblematic of strength as it can swim -up a rapid current. - -[Illustration: THE FEAST OF FLAGS.] - -On the fifth, sixth, and seventh of May is held the great semi-annual -fête of the Yasukuni Shrine, which is dedicated to the spirits of the -officers and men of the army and navy and others who died fighting for -their country. Aides-de-camp are sent from the Imperial Court to make -offerings at the shrine. Here firework displays and wrestling matches -take place and booths of all kinds are opened during the fête. The -compound is crowded by the relatives of the dead, especially of those -who fell in the Russian war, as well as the general public. The other -semi-annual fête is held on the same days six months later. - -[Illustration: THE FÊTE OF SANNO.] - -Early in June the irises and sweet-flags flower; there are gardens in -Tokyo where these flowers are specially cultivated and shown to the -public. June is also the month for the annual fêtes of many local -deities. There are nearly fifty shrines where annual fêtes are -held in Tokyo; and the greatest of these are the Sanno and Kanda -Myojin, whose fêtes were until lately among the famous sights of the -city. The fête of the Sanno takes place on the fifteenth of June, -while that of the Kanda Myojin is celebrated on the same day three -months later. - -On the seventh of July took place the Feast of Tanabata, which is now -seldom observed in Tokyo. On this night, according to the legend, the -only one in the whole year when the Weaver (the star Vega) can meet -her lover the Cow-herd (the star Altair) on the other side of the -Heavenly River, as the Milky Way is called, magpies come and spread -their wings across the river to bring the lovers together. And this -meeting is celebrated with various offerings. The sixteenth of the -month is, like the same day in January, the holiday for apprentices -and servants. About this time, midsummer presents are exchanged -between friends and relatives; but the most important occurrence in -the middle of the month is the Feast of Lanterns. On the thirteenth, -preparations are made for welcoming the spirits of the dead. The -family tomb is visited and washed, while at home the shrine is -decorated with festoons of vermicelli, to which are attached ears of -Italian millet and _panicum frumentaceum_, dried persimmons, and the -fruit of the _torreya nucifera_, and the lower part of the shrine -is enclosed with a little fence of cryptomeria. In the evening, -hemp-reeds are burnt in an earthen pan in front of the porch to -receive the spirits who are then believed to enter the dwelling. On -the fourteenth, offerings are made at the shrine and a priest is often -called in to recite prayers. On the evening of the fifteenth when the -spirits conclude their visit, the hemp-reeds are again burnt to speed -them; people light their pipes at the fire and smoke as a charm -against diseases of the mouth and step over the embers to secure -themselves against all ailments in the lower parts of the body. - -[Illustration: THE FEAST OF LANTERNS.] - -About the end of July or beginning of August, the opening of the -boating season on the River Sumida is celebrated with a grand display -of fireworks, which is attended by large crowds from all parts of the -city, while the tea-houses around are full of guests. In August the -morning-glory is in full bloom, and people repair at dawn to -Iriya in the north of Tokyo to look at the flowers for which it is -noted as the buds untwist into open blossoms, and pass on their -way home by Shinobazu Pond, close to Uyeno Park, and watch the -lotus flowers burst open with a loud report. - -On the twenty-sixth day of the seventh month of the old lunar -calendar, which falls ordinarily on some day late in August or early -in September, people climb up a hill at night or go to the water-side -to see the moon rise; for it is considered lucky to catch a glimpse -of the three images of Amitabha which are said to be visible for an -instant before the moon comes into sight. On the fifteenth of the -eighth month when the moon is always full, offerings of fifteen -dumplings, soy beans, and persimmons are set before the moon and odes -composed in praise of the beautiful satellite. Indeed, the eighth -month is poetically called the “month of the moon-view.” - -[Illustration: OFFERINGS TO THE FULL MOON.] - -On the ninth day of the ninth month was observed in the old days the -Feast of the Chrysanthemum, when a party was held in the Imperial -Palace for looking at the flower and partaking of an infusion of -chrysanthemums in _sake_; but this custom has died out, and the -Imperial chrysanthemum party is now given in the latter part of -November. On the thirteenth of the same lunar month occurs the last of -the three moon-viewing festivals, when offerings similar to those on -the fifteenth of the preceding month are made, the only difference -being that the number of dumplings is thirteen instead of fifteen. -People go out at this time to look at the Seven Herbs of Autumn, the -principal of which is the _lespedeza bicolor_ with its pretty little -red flowers; the other six are the _miscanthus sinensis_, _pueraria -thunbergiana_, _dianthus superbus_, _patrinia seabiosœfolia_, -_cupatorium chinense_, and _platycodon grandiflorum_. The autumnal -equinox is celebrated in the same manner as the vernal. - -The greatest event in October is the commemoration of the death of -Nichiren, the founder of the Buddhist sect of that name, who died -in 1282 at the temple of Honmonji, a few miles south-west of Tokyo. -On the evening of the twelfth, the votaries leave Tokyo in parties -chanting prayers and beating flat drums; and they sit up all night in -the temple or, if they cannot get lodging anywhere, lie down -in the extensive temple-grounds. On the thirteenth, the anniversary -of Nichiren’s death, mass is held in great state in the temple. Even -those who do not profess the Nichiren doctrines visit the temple -to look at the crowds gathered there. The only other religious -celebration of the kind that can compare with it is the commemoration -of the death of Shinran, the founder of the Shin sect, which takes -place on the twenty-eighth of November in the two great temples of -Honganji in Tokyo. - -On the seventeenth of October, the newly-harvested rice is offered at -the great Shrine of the Sun-Goddess in the province of Ise; and in a -country where rice is the most important food, such an occasion is -naturally celebrated as a national holiday. On the twentieth, the fête -of Daikoku and Ebisu, the two gods of fortune, is celebrated in many -merchants’ houses with a great feast to which friends and relatives -are invited. - -The third of November is the Emperor’s birthday. His Majesty reviews -the troops early in the morning and holds a banquet at noon, to which -the Imperial Princes, high government officials, and the foreign -ambassadors and ministers are invited. A salute of a hundred and eight -guns is fired in the bay; and in the evening the minister for foreign -affairs gives a ball to high officials, the diplomatic corps, and -other persons of rank and position, Japanese and foreign. In this -month the chrysanthemums are in full bloom; at Dangozaka, not -far from Uyeno Park, are exhibited scenes from well-known plays or -representations of passing events, in which the figures are clothed -with chrysanthemum flowers of various colours. They attract large -crowds; but the finest flowers are to be seen in the palace-grounds at -Akasaka, where the Imperial chrysanthemum party is given, and at the -mansions of noblemen and men of wealth. This month is also noted for -the maple-leaves, which, when they become crimson, are highly admired; -and many people make pilgrimages to the banks of the Takinogawa, a -few miles north of Uyeno Park, where they are to be seen in great -profusion. - -In December people are too busy with the year-end settlement of -accounts and preparations for the New Year to indulge in festivities, -though there are not a few easy-going men who get up towards the close -of the month what are called dinners for forgetting the passing year. -From the middle of the month, fairs are held in different parts of the -city for the sale of articles required for the New Year’s decorations -and battledores and other things for the New Year’s amusements. -Towards the end of the month, year-end visits are paid among friends -and relatives; the New Year’s decorations are put up; and everywhere -preparations are made for the New Year’s festivities. At midnight of -the last day, the temple-bell sounds a hundred and eight strokes to -announce the passing of the old year. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -SPORTS AND GAMES. - - Hunting—Horse-racing—Fishing—Outdoor - games—Billiards—_Sugoroku_—Iroha-cards—Ode-cards—_Ken_—Japanese - chess—The moves—Use of prisoners—The game of _go_—Its - principle—Camps—Counting—“Flowers-cards”—Players—How to - play—Claims for hands—Claims for combinations made—Reckoning. - - -Field sports cannot be said to thrive in Japan. Fox-hunting, as -practised in England, is unknown; indeed, hunting on a grand scale -seldom takes place. Every year a large number of shooting licenses -are issued; but reckless shooting has made game so scarce in the -neighbourhood of Tokyo that any one in search of good sport must go a -considerable distance from town. Game preserves are also very few in -number, for there is scarcely one man of means in Tokyo who keeps such -grounds. Nearly all the small birds are protected. - -Horse-racing came into vogue soon after the Russian war. Many -horse-race companies were formed; they throve as they sold pari-mutuel -tickets on which they took a commission. The races became enormously -popular; and people who knew nothing of horses or racing rushed in -crowds to the races to buy these tickets. The thing became barefaced -gambling, and so great was the scandal caused by these races that the -sale of pari-mutuel tickets was prohibited, with the result that the -races were entirely deserted and the shares of these companies fell -from ten times their face-value to almost _nil_. Remedial measures -were tried, but without success. These races had at first been -encouraged by the authorities as it was believed that they would help -to improve the breed of horses in Japan; but there was little prospect -of that object being achieved, for the frequenters of the race-courses -did not appear to take much interest in horse-racing beyond the -opportunities it gave for gambling. - -[Illustration: CORMORANT-FISHING.] - -Fishing has many votaries. Boats put off from Shinagawa for -fishing in the Bay of Tokyo, especially in summer and autumn; the fish -are caught either with nets or with rod and line. Anglers may be seen -at all seasons on the banks of the little rivers and canals which -traverse the city; but their catch is quite insignificant. The most -interesting method of catching fish is, perhaps, cormorant-fishing -in the Tamagawa, a river which runs a few miles west of Tokyo, where -cormorants are, as in the River Nagara in Gifu Prefecture, which -is celebrated for this form of fishing, employed to catch the -_plecoglossus altivelis_, which abounds in the river. The bird has a -tight ring around its crop, and when it has dived into the water and -swallowed enough fish, the ring is pulled up and the bird is made to -disgorge them. Another curious sight is the angling for the sillago. -This fish is keen-sighted and very active, and takes fright and darts -away as soon as it sees a boat rocking on the water. As, however, it -is to be found in comparatively shallow water, a gigantic stool is set -on a shoal, and the angler sits on it and patiently waits for the fish -to take the bait. A boat remains not far off for emergencies, as when -the angler, in his eagerness, loses his balance and goes bodily after -the sillago. On a calm day, several of these stools are to be seen off -the beach at Shinagawa. - -[Illustration: ANGLING-STOOLS.] - -Of the outdoor games which have been introduced in recent years -from abroad, the oldest is, perhaps, lawn-tennis, which is still -extensively played, although it must now yield in popularity to -baseball. A Japanese baseball team crossed the ocean some time -ago to play on the Pacific Coast of the United States, though not with -very brilliant results, while similar teams have come from Hawaii -and the Pacific States to challenge the Japanese college teams. -Boat-racing is also very popular; and races are held annually on the -River Sumida by the Imperial University of Tokyo and other educational -institutions in April when the cherry trees are in bloom on the -river-bank. Football is played to some extent, and hockey has been -tried with little success, while cricket is seldom played. - -Of the European indoor games, the one which has found most favour in -Japan is undoubtedly billiards, at which many Japanese have attained -considerable skill. Ping-pong enjoyed a temporary vogue, but has now -become as obsolete as diabolo, the craze for which reached Japan not -long after it arose in Europe. - -[Illustration: _SUGOROKU_.] - -We may now pass on to the principal games which are played in Japan. -_Sugoroku_ is a game played on a board by two persons. It is similar -to backgammon, with the difference that the grand object of _sugoroku_ -is to get all one’s men into the enemy’s territory. There are twelve -men on each side and twenty-four points to move to, and two dice are -thrown alternately as in backgammon. It is a very ancient game which -is hardly ever played nowadays; and what is now known as -_sugoroku_ was originally called the _dochu sugoroku_ or travelling -_sugoroku_. The earliest of its kind is a large sheet on which the -views of the fifty-three postal stations on the highway from Yedo to -Kyoto are given in order in as many squares. The starting-point is -Yedo in one corner of the sheet, from which the squares are ranged -along the edges until one of them touches the Yedo square, and then -they are continued along the inner edges of the first squares, and -still another set is formed along the edges of these second squares, -until Kyoto is reached in the centre of the sheet. Each player has a -slip of paper with his name or mark inscribed on it; it is put with -the others in the Yedo square. He throws a die in turn and moves -forward according to the number turned up; and the one who reaches -Kyoto first is the winner. As there are fifty-three squares, the -minimum number of throws of the die is nine; but the game may become -complicated if, as is usually the case, the die must in the last throw -turn up the exact number required for reaching the goal. Thus, if five -is turned up when only two is needed to reach Kyoto, the player is -made to go back three squares from the goal and await his turn for the -next throw. Again, when a player comes to a certain square, he may -be made to forfeit a turn or go back a number of squares. When these -rules are introduced, the game is very much prolonged. Hence, later -forms of _sugoroku_ have a smaller number of squares; indeed, if, -further, the place to move to is named in every square for every -number turned up, a very few squares will suffice; and some _sugoroku_ -have no more than a dozen squares and yet an exciting game may be -played on them. - -[Illustration: _IROHA_ AND ODE-CARDS.] - -_Sugoroku_ is played in the long winter evenings, and especially -during the first days of the New Year. Among other New Year’s games -may be mentioned the cards known as the _Iroha_ and _uta_ cards. -_Iroha_, being the first three characters of the Japanese syllabary or -alphabet, is the name given to the whole syllabary; and the _iroha_ -cards are so called because they have inscribed on them each a -proverbial saying beginning with a different character of the -syllabary. There are forty-seven characters in the Japanese syllabary, -and another card is added to make the number even and divisible. -Besides the pack of forty-eight cards with the proverbs, there is -another of the same number of cards with pictures corresponding -to these proverbs; these latter have also marked in the corner -the first character of the proverbs they illustrate to facilitate -identification. Thus, if the card in the first pack has the proverb, -_inu mo arukeba bō ni ataru_ (A dog, by walking, may come upon a -stick, a saying which is now taken to mean that by wandering about, -one may meet with good fortune), the corresponding card in the other -pack has a picture of a dog knocking against a stick and the character -_i_ in the corner. The card of the second character of the syllabary -has the proverb, _ron yori shōko_ (Proof is better than argument), and -the third has _hana yori dango_ (Better a dumpling than a flower, that -is, use is better than ornament), and so on. The illustrations in -the second pack are often fanciful, as they cannot but be when the -proverbs do not refer to concrete objects. Thus, the illustration to -the second proverb above given has an angry man with one hand on his -sword and holding in the other the straw figure which the jealous -wife used in the old days to nail to a tree at dead of night when she -invoked curses upon her rival. The man is apparently showing his wife -in spite of her protestations the straw image she has been using -against his mistress. The game is played sometimes by spreading all -the pictures in the middle and the players sitting around them. One -person reads out the proverbs in any order he pleases, and the -corresponding pictures are seized and put away. The player who has -taken the largest number of cards in this way is the winner. The game, -however, is more frequently played in the following manner:—The cards -are dealt evenly among the players who spread them out exposed before -them. When a proverb is read out, a player takes out the corresponding -picture if he has it, and if not, he looks over the other players’ -hands and seizes the card as soon as he sees it. He takes it and gives -one of his own exposed cards to the player from whose hand he has -taken it. A slow-witted person’s hand is always full, while a sharp -player clears his quickly; and the one who has first got rid of his -hand is the winner. As the cards are often pounced upon at the same -time by several players, the game is an exciting one, and not a few -come out of it with their hands scratched and bleeding. Friends and -relatives of both sexes join in these games in winter evenings, and -some of them, it is said, consider it the best part of the game that -they can touch or squeeze the hands of the players of the opposite -sex by pretending to seize the same cards. For this reason, a strict -paterfamilias not unfrequently forbids his household to play the game -with those who are not its members. - -[Illustration: PLAYING ODE-CARDS.] - -The _uta_ or ode-cards are in two sets of a hundred each. There is a -famous collection of a hundred odes composed by as many poets, which -used in former days to be learnt by heart. These odes are used for the -ode-cards. An ode, as has been explained in a former chapter, is made -up of two couplets of five and seven syllables each, closing with a -line of seven syllables. For the purposes of the cards, the odes are -divided into two parts, the first comprising the first three lines, -that is, the lines of five, seven, and five syllables, and the second -the last two lines of seven syllables. The cards in one set give -each the whole ode with the name and picture of the poet, while in -those of the other set appears generally the second part, and rarely -the first part, of the ode. Thus, in the first set the first ode of -the hundred runs:— - - _Tenji Tenno_ - - _Aki no ta no_ - _Kariho no iwo no_ - _Toma wo arami_ - _Waga koromode wa_ - _Tsuyu ni nuretsutsu._ - - Emperor Tenji - - Decayed is the rush-thatch of the watch-shed in the autumn - rice-field, - And the sleeves of the robe are becoming wet with dew. - -And the card of the second set has the lines _Waga koromode wa Tsuyu -ni nuretsu_. The game is played in the same manner as the _iroha_ -cards; and the scramble for the cards is more exciting as the players -do not always wait till the whole ode is read out. - -There is a curious diversion called the game of _ken_, or fists, -which, its name notwithstanding, has nothing to do with pugilism. The -principle of the game is that there are three positions of the hands -or fingers, each one of which beats one and is beaten by the other, -of the remaining two. The game is played with one or two hands. That -played with both hands is called the fox-_ken_; its three positions -are the putting of the open hands with the palms outward close to the -temples in imitation of the fox, the stretching out of the right arm -with the hand closed while the left hand is brought to the breast, -which represents the huntsman with a gun, and the placing of both -hands on the knees to show the staid manners of the village headman. -The fox may bewitch the headman as that animal is popularly believed -to possess magical powers, but may be killed by the huntsman, who, -however, must not shoot the headman; thus, the fox beats the headman, -who beats the huntsman, who, in his turn, beats the fox. The game -is played by two persons, who must move their hands with uniform -rapidity, for the game is spoilt if either side moves more quickly or -slowly than the other. It is a favourite game at convivial parties, -especially if one of the parties is a geisha, though it is not so -popular now as it used to be. The person who beats the other -three times running is declared the winner, and the defeated party -has, as forfeit, to drink a cup of _sake_. The stone-_ken_ is played -with one hand; in this the closed hand represents a stone, the open -hand a piece of paper, and two fingers or a finger and the thumb -spread out a pair of scissors; the stone may be wrapped in the paper, -but is proof against the scissors, which may, however, cut the paper. -This ken is played less often as a game than for deciding in a case -where one would toss a coin in England, for tossing up is unknown in -Japan. - -[Illustration: THE GAME OF _KEN_.] - -The Japanese indoor games we have above described are played mostly by -children and young men and women, with the exception of the fox-_ken_, -which is almost confined to convivial parties. The great serious games -for grown-up people in the evenings, or in the daytime for that -matter, are chess, _go_, and “flower-cards.” - -_Shōgi_, or Japanese chess, is played on a board with nine -squares a side, or altogether eighty-one squares. There are twenty men -on each side. The nine men on the end-row are the king in the middle, -with _kinsho_ (gold general), _ginsho_ (silver general), _keima_ -(knight), and _kyosha_ (kind of rook) on either side; on the second -row the men are _hisha_ (rook proper) and _kakko_ (bishop) on the -second square from the right and left ends respectively; and the third -row is filled with pawns. The pieces are all of the same form; they -have each a base with two converging sides surmounted by two others -which make an obtuse angle at the apex, and are thicker at the base -than at the top so that they can readily stand, though they are always -laid flat. The name of each piece is written on the upper surface. The -largest of these men is the king, next to which are the pieces on the -second row, followed by the men on the end-row, while the smallest are -the pawns. - -The king can move one square in any direction; the _kinsho_ has the -same moves except to the diagonals behind; and the _ginsho_ moves one -square forward and diagonally in the four directions; and the _keima_ -and the _kyosha_ have, one the forward moves only of the knight and -the other the forward move only of the rook. The _hisha_ and the -_kakko_ have the same moves as the rook and the bishop respectively. -The pawns move one square forward and take the hostile pieces in front -and not diagonally. When the pieces enter the enemy’s territory, that -is, within the furthest three rows, they are not queened as there are -no queens in _shōgi_, they acquire the moves of _kinsho_. In that case -they forfeit their own moves, with the exception of the _hisha_ and -_kakko_, which retain them. When the pieces are thus changed in -character, they are turned the reverse side up. - -The capture of the men and checking of the king are the same as in -European chess; but stalemate is unknown, for the reason that we can -make use of any pieces of our adversary that we may have taken, and -if our king is in danger, we can readily defend him by putting in the -field some of our prisoners. This causes no inconvenience as there is -no distinction of colour between the hostile pieces; their side is -shown by the direction of the pointed ends of the pieces. The enemy’s -pieces may be brought into requisition in his own territory; but -they must move at least one square forward before they can be -converted into _kinsho_. - -[Illustration: JAPANESE CHESS.] - -_Shōgi_ is universally played; but it is more especially the favourite -game of the lower classes Among the better classes, _go_ is in greater -vogue; it is much affected by retired old gentlemen, officials, -school-teachers, and others of the professions. It is certainly more -difficult and probably more scientific than the other. - -_Go_ is played on a thick square board with heavy legs. The surface is -marked with nineteen parallel lines crossed by as many similar lines, -making the total number of points of intersection three hundred and -sixty-one. The game is played on these points, and not in the squares -formed by the parallel lines; and like _shōgi_, two persons take part -in it. Either side has a box of round, flatfish pebbles small enough -to be placed without overlapping on consecutive points. They are -distinguished by colour; and the black is always given to the poorer -player who opens the game, while the other takes the white. - -[Illustration: THE GAME OF _GO_.] - -The object of the game is to take as many as possible of the enemy’s -stones by surrounding them with one’s own. A stone once put on a point -is immovable unless it is surrounded and taken off the board; it -cannot move from one point to another. This siege of the enemy’s stone -lies in cutting it off along the lines passing through the point it -occupies. The siege is successful in its simplest form when a single -stone is surrounded on the four adjacent points on the two lines -intersecting at its point. There is no way of breaking the square -formed by these four stones, for the only way in which relief can be -brought to a threatened stone is to make it a part of a chain which -cannot be completely surrounded by the enemy. When a stone is thus -surrounded on all sides, it becomes a prisoner and is taken off the -board. A stone at a corner of the board is imprisoned by two stones -as there are no other adjacent points, and one on the edge by three -stones. In a word, a stone cannot act diagonally, but must always work -along a line. In practice, of course, it is usually a group of stones, -rather than single stones, that find themselves prisoners, as the -siege operations are more difficult to detect when carried out on a -large scale. - -If it was only to surround the enemy and capture his stones, the game -would be comparatively simple. It is complicated by the formation -of vacant enclosures, within which if the enemy ventures, he must -infallibly be captured. The object is to make these enclosures as -large as possible, and since such camps, as they are called, would -narrow the enemy’s field of operations, he does his best to break the -cordon by intruding a chain of stones before it is completed. Hence, -there are four operations going on at the same time: we must break up -the enemy’s attempted cordon and surround his stones, and prevent his -surrounding our stones and form our own cordons. This formation of -camps, though really nothing more than a defensive measure, is in fact -more important and difficult than the capture of the enemy’s stones; -and the issue of the game depends generally more upon the size of -these cordons than upon the number of prisoners actually taken. - -Though the game should theoretically be continued till the board is -completely filled with stones, it is seldom pursued to that extent; -for where there is a great inequality of skill, the issue can be seen -long before the finish and the game given up, or where camps have -been formed, the vacant space need not be filled in. In most cases, -therefore, plenty of stones remain in hand. When the game is finished, -the number if points enclosed by the camps, if any, is counted and -reckoned as so many stones gained; and the difference between it and -the number of prisoners in the enemy’s hands is one’s net gain -or loss according as the former is greater or less than the latter. -And the one with the larger net gain is naturally the winner. - -Neither _shōgi_ nor _go_ is a lively game. The latter, especially, -calls for patience and hard thinking; it may take hours or even days -to conclude a single game. Besides, it does not lend itself to -betting. The great gambling game is that of the cards known as -“flower-cards,” which is rapidly played and depends more upon chance -than upon skill. - -The pack is made up of forty-eight cards, about an inch by an inch and -a half, which are in twelve sets, each set representing a month of the -year. The first set has a picture of the pine-tree, which, being the -principal part of the New Year’s outdoor decorations, symbolises the -first month. It is followed in order by the plum-tree, cherry-tree, -wistaria, sweet-flag, tree-peony, and lespedeza, which flower in the -second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh months respectively. -The eighth month is represented by the eularia, the ninth by the -chrysanthemum, the tenth by the maple-tree, the eleventh by the -willow-tree, and the last by the paulownia. It may be stated in -passing that these months follow the old lunar calendar and are -therefore some weeks later than the corresponding months of the solar -calendar. All the cards are not of the same value. The highest, which -is twenty points, is assigned to the pine-tree with a crane in the -middle and a red sun above, the cherry-tree in bloom with a curtain -underneath for a picnic party, the eularia under the full harvest -moon, the willow under which a great scholar is learning perseverance -from a frog which succeeds after many hours’ vain attempts in reaching -a branch, and the paulownia with the phœnix flying over it. Ten -points each are given to nine cards, namely, the plum-tree with the -bush-warbler, the wistaria with the cuckoo, the sweet-flag beside a -plank path, the tree-peony with butterflies, the lespedeza with the -wild boar, the eularia with wild ducks, the chrysanthemum with a -wooden cup for the chrysanthemum-_sake_, the maple-tree with the stag, -and the willow-tree with the swallow. Five points are the value of the -cards with a _tanzaku_, a long strip of paper for an ode; there are -ten of them, that is, all the sets except the eularia and -paulownia. The remaining twenty-four cards are worth only a point -each. Thus, five cards at twenty points, nine at ten points, ten at -five, and twenty-four at a point each, make the total value of the -pack two hundred and sixty-four points. - -[Illustration: “FLOWER-CARDS.”] - -The game is played by three persons. As many as six may join in it -and the cards be dealt to them; but three of them must throw up their -hands. First, the dealer declares whether he will play or not and is -followed in order by the rest. If any players remain after three have -declared their intention to play, such persons may quietly give up -play or, if their hands are good, they may insist upon being bought -out. The player who has a free choice and elects not to play, has to -pay a forfeit, from which those forced to retire are exempted. The -players may be reduced to two, and sometimes only to one, in which -case he is declared the winner. - -The cards are first dealt out seven to each player and six others are -turned up on the table. The players who retire return their cards, -which are shuffled into the pile of undealt cards. When it has been -settled who are to play, the dealer, or if he does not play, the one -nearest to him looks at his hand to see if he has one of the same suit -as any of the open cards; if he has, he takes the latter with his -card and put the two aside; but if he has none to match or thinks it -disadvantageous to take a card, he throws down a card which has no -match on the table. Next, he takes the top card of the pile and opens -it; if it matches with any of the open cards on the table, he takes -the pair and puts them aside; but if it does not match, he throws -it down exposed among the open cards. The others follow in the same -manner. As the number of cards in the three hands is twenty-one and -six are open on the table, the undealt cards also number twenty-one; -and as every player matches or throws down a card in his hand and -opens one of the pile, the last card of the last player is played when -the last of the pile is turned up. The players then reckon the total -value of the cards in their possession; and according as that value is -more or less than eighty-eight, which is one-third of the value of the -whole pack, the difference between the two represents their gain or -loss. The winner of the largest number also gets the forfeits -paid by the retired players. - -This is the simplest form of the game. It is usually complicated by -claims allowed for certain combinations found in the hands dealt. -Thus, if three of the seven cards are of the same suit, the holder can -claim a forfeit of one and a half dozen points from each of the other -two; the forfeit becomes two dozen points for two or more _tanzaku_ -cards among plain ones, three dozens for a plain hand with only one -card of a higher value, four dozens for three pairs of suits or a -complete hand of plain cards, six dozens for two sets of three cards -of the same suit, and so on to the highest which is twenty dozens for -four cards of one suit and three of another. - -Then again, if certain sets of cards are won in the course of a game, -that game is closed and the value for such sets is claimed from each -of the other two. Thus, six dozen points are allowed for the three -purple-_tanzaku_ cards of the chrysanthemum, tree-peony, and maple, -or the three red-_tanzaku_ cards of the pine, plum, and cherry trees, -and ten dozens for the four twenty-point cards of the pine, cherry, -eularia, and paulownia, and twelve dozens if that of the willow is -added to them. - -These payments for combinations make the game very exciting. Twelve -games, to match with the months of the year, make a rubber, at the -end of which the reckoning is made. For counting purposes two sets of -counters are distributed, one of the value of one point each and the -other of a dozen points. First, counters to the amount of ten dozen -points are allotted to each player; but of this amount three or four -dozens are pooled to be given to the highest winner of the rubber, and -so that lucky person really gets far more than his actual winnings. -When a player has gone through his first lot of counters, he borrows -more from the bank. At the end of a rubber when the settlement is -made, the payment, if the game is played for money, is made at so much -per point; and even though the unit may be of a small value, the total -account often comes to a respectable sum. - - - - - 不許複製 - - 明治四十三年十月一日印刷 - 明治四十三年十月五日發行 - - 著作者 井上十吉 - 東京府败多摩那大久保百人町三百九十番地 - - 發行兼印刷人 古作勝之助 - 東京市日本橋區兜町三番地 - - 印刷所 東京印刷株式會社 - 東京市日本橋區兜町二番地 - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes. - -1. Obvious typos have been silently corrected. - -2. Text contained within underscores is italicised. - -3. Table of contents page numbers have been corrected. - -4. 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- position:absolute; - left:95%; - font-size:55%; - text-align:right; - color:gray; - background-color:#ffffff; - font-variant:normal; - font-style:normal; - font-weight:normal; - text-decoration:none; - text-indent:0em;} - - .x-ebookmaker img.drop-cap { - display: none;} - - .x-ebookmaker p.drop-cap:first-letter { - color: inherit; - visibility: visible; - margin-left: 0;} - - div.transnote p { - text-align:left; - text-indent: 0; - margin-top: 0.5em; - margin-bottom: 0.5em;} - - div.transnote p.center { - text-align:center;} - - .transnote h2 { - margin-top: .5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - page-break-before: always;} - - </style> -</head> -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Home Life in Tokyo, by Jukichi Inouye</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Home Life in Tokyo</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Jukichi Inouye</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: July 19, 2021 [eBook #65870]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Ronald Grenier (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/University of Toronto Library.)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HOME LIFE IN TOKYO ***</div> - - - -<div class='figcenter'> -<img class="w100" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div id="front" class='figcenter illowp100'> - <img class="w100" src="images/front.jpg" alt="" /> - <div class='caption'>THE SEVEN HERBS OF AUTUMN.<br /> - <i class="small">See Page <a href="#seven_herbs">302</a>.</i> - </div> -</div> - - - -<div class="title-page"> - -<h1>HOME LIFE IN TOKYO</h1> - -<p class="center small">BY</p> - -<p class="center large">JUKICHI INOUYE</p> - -<hr class="short_double x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p class="p3 center small">WITH<br /> - NUMEROUS<br /> - ILLUSTRATIONS</p> - -<p class="mt2 center"> - <img src="images/title.png" alt="" class='center_35em' /></p> - -<p class="p3 center mb2">TOKYO<br />1910</p> - -<p class="center small">PRINTED BY<br /> - THE TOKYO PRINTING COMPANY LTD.</p> -</div> - - - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2> -<hr class="short x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> object of the present work is to give a concise account of the -life we lead at home in Tokyo. I am aware that there are already many -excellent works on Japan which may be read with great profit; but as -their authors are most of them Europeans or Americans, and naturally -look at Japanese life and civilisation from an occidental point of -view, it occurred to me that notwithstanding the superabundance of -books on Japan, a description of Japanese life by a native of the -country might not be without interest. I believe it is the first time -that such a task has been undertaken by a Japanese, for works in -English which I have so far seen written by my countrymen treat of -abstruse subjects and do not deign to touch upon such homely matters -as are here dealt with.</p> - -<p>The information I have endeavoured to convey in these pages is open, -I fear, to the charge of scrappiness. It is unavoidable from the very -nature of the work, the purpose of which is to select from the wealth -of material in hand such matters as are likely to interest the general -reader. I make no pretension to completeness or comprehensiveness of -treatment.</p> - -<p>I may also explain that I have confined myself in these pages to the -depiction of life in Tokyo. To attempt to include the various customs -that prevail in other parts of the country would to difficult and -tedious. I felt that it would add materially to clearness and -simplicity if I localised my observations; and it was only natural -that Tokyo the capital should be selected for the purpose.</p> - -<p>Finally, I would point out that I have made no distinction in the -grammatical number of the Japanese words used in this book. It may at -times puzzle the reader to find the same words occur, as in Japanese, -in both the singular and the plural; but to the Japanese ear the -addition of the English plural suffix seems to impair the euphony of -Japanese speech.</p> - -<p class="c001">JUKICHI INOUYE.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Tokyo, Japan,</p> -<p class="smaller pi3em mb4">September. 1910.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{i}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak">TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2> -<hr class="med x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -</div> - - -<div> -<p class="center mt2">CHAPTER I.<br /> - Tokyo the Capital.</p> - -<p class="smaller">The youngest of the capitals—Yedo—The feudal government—Prosperity - of Yedo—Its population—The military class—The Restoration—The new - government—National reorganisation—Centralisation—Local - government—Tokyo the leader of other cities—Struggle between Old and - New Japan—The last stronghold of Old Japan.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_I"><i class="smaller">—Page 1.</i></a></p> -</div> - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER II.<br /> - The Streets of Tokyo.</p> - -<p class="smaller">The area and population of Tokyo—Impression of greater - populousness—Street improvements—Narrow streets—Shops and - sidewalks—Road-making—Dusty roads—Lamps and street - repairs—Drainage—Street-names—House-numbers—Incongruities.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_II"><i class="smaller">—Page 12.</i></a></p> -</div> - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER III.<br /> - Houses: Exterior.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Name-plates—Block-buildings—Gates—The exposure of - houses—Fires—House-breaking—Japanese houses in summer and - winter—Storms and earthquakes—House-building—The carpenter—The - garden.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_III"><i class="smaller">—Page 24.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER IV.<br /> - Houses: Interior.</p> - -<p class="smaller">The sizes of rooms—The absence of - furniture—Sliding-doors—Verandahs—Tenement and other small - houses—Middle-sized dwellings—The porch and anteroom—The - parlour—Parlour furniture—The sitting-room—Closets and - cupboards—Bed-rooms—The dining-room—Chests of drawers and - trunks—The toilet-room—The library—The bath-room—Foot-warmers.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><i class="smaller">—Page 40.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p><span class="pagenum">{ii}</span></p> - -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER V.<br /> - Meals.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Rice—<i>Sake</i>—Wheat and barley—Soy - sauce—<i>Mirin</i>—Rice-cooking—Soap—Pickled vegetables—Meal - trays—Chopsticks—Breakfast—Clearing and washing—The kitchen—The - little hearth—Pots and pans—Other utensils—Boxes and - casks—Shelves—The sink and water-supply—The midday meal—The evening - meal—<i>Sake</i>-drinking.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_V"><i class="smaller">—Page 56.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER VI.<br /> - Food.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Japanese diet—Vegetables—Sea-weeds and flowers—Fish—Shell-fish—Crabs - and other molluscs—Fowl—Meat—Prepared food—Peculiarities - of food—Fruits—The bever—Baked potatoes and - cracknel—Confectionery—Reasons for its - abundance—Sponge-cake—Glutinous rice and red bean—Kinds of - confectionery—Sugar in Japanese confectionery.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><i class="smaller">—Page 71.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER VII.<br /> - Male Dress.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Japanese and foreign dress—Progress in the latter—Japanese clothes - indispensable—<i>Kimono</i>—Cutting out—Making of an unlined dress—Short - measure—Extra-sized dresses—<i>Yukata</i>—The lined <i>kimono</i>—The wadded - <i>kimono</i>—Under-dress—Underwear—<i>Obi</i>—<i>Haori</i>—The crest—The uncrested - <i>haori</i>—<i>Hakama</i>—Socks—How to dress Wearing of socks.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><i class="smaller">—Page 82.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER VIII.<br /> - Female Dress.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Attempts at Europeanisation—Difference between Japanese and foreign - dresses—Expense and inconvenience of foreign dresses—Japanese - dresses not to be discarded—How the female dress differs from the - male—Underwear and over-band—<i>Haori</i>—<i>Hakama</i>—<i>Obi</i>—How to tie - it—The dress-<i>obi</i>—The formal dress—Home-wear—Working clothes—The - sameness of form—The girl’s dress—Dress and age.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><i class="smaller">—Page 94.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER IX.<br /> - Toilet.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Queues—Hair-cutting—Moustaches and beards—Shaving—Women’s - coiffure—Children’s hair—“Inverted maidenhair”—<i>Shimada</i>—“Rounded - chignon”—Other forms—The lightest coiffure—Bars—Combs—Ornaments - round the chignon—Hair-pins—The hair-dresser—The kind of hair - esteemed—Lots of complexion—Girls painted—Women’s paint—Blackening - of teeth—Shaving of eyebrows—Washing the face—Looking-glasses.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><i class="smaller">—Page 107.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p><span class="pagenum">{iii}</span></p> - -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER X.<br /> - Outdoor Gear.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Boots and shoes <i>versus</i> clogs and sandals—Inconvenience of - foreign footgear—Shoes and boots at private houses—Clogs and - sandals able to hold their own—How clogs are made—Plain clogs—Matted - clogs—Sandals—Straw sandals—Headgear—Woman’s hood—Overcoats and - overdresses—Common umbrellas—Better descriptions of - umbrellas—Lanterns—Better kinds of lanterns.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_X"><i class="smaller">—Page 122.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XI.<br /> - Daily Life.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Busy life at home—Discomforts of early morning—Ablutions—Off to - school and office—Smoking—Giving orders—Morning - work—Washing—Needlework—The work-box—Japanese way of - sewing—Ironing—Remaking clothes—Home duties—Bath—Evening—Early - hours.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI"><i class="smaller">—Page 136.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XII.<br /> - Servants.</p> - -<p class="smaller">The servant question—Holidays—Hours of rest—Incessant work—Servants - trusted—Relations with their mistresses—Decrease of mutual - confidence—Life in the kitchen—Servants’ character—Whence they are - recruited—Register-offices—The cook—The housemaid—The lady’s - maid—Other female servants—The jinrikisha-man—The student house-boy.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII"><i class="smaller">—Page 150.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XIII.<br /> - Manners.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Decline of etiquette—Politeness and - self-restraint—“Swear-words”—Honorifics—Squatting—Kissing—Calls - made and received—Rules for behaviour in company—Inconsiderate - visitors—Woman’s reserve before strangers—Hospitality—Reticence - on family matters.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII"><i class="smaller">—Page 164.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XIV.<br /> - Marriage.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Girls and marriage—Young men—The marriage - ceremony—Match-making—Betrothal—The bride’s property—Wedding - decorations—The nuptials—Wedding supper—Congratulations—Post-nuptial - parties—Japanese style of engagement—The advantages of the - go-between system—The go-between as the woman’s deputy—The - go-between as mediator—Marriage a civil contract in Japan—No - honeymoon—The Japanese attitude towards marriage.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV"><i class="smaller">—Page 176.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15"><span class="pagenum">{iv}</span></p> - -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XV.<br /> - Family Relations.</p> - -<p class="smaller">The family the unit of society—Adoption—The wife’s family - relations—The father—Retirement—The retired father—The - mother-in-law—A strong-willed daughter-in-law—Tender - relations—Domestic discord—Sisters-in-law—Brothers-in-law—The - wife usually forewarned—The husband also handicapped—His - burdens—Old Japan’s ideas of wifely duties—The Japanese wife’s - qualities—Petticoat government—The wife’s influence.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV"><i class="smaller">—Page 195.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XVI.<br /> - Divorce.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Frequency of divorces—The new Civil Code on marriage - and divorce—Conditions of a valid marriage—Invalid - marriages—Cohabitation—The wife’s legal position—Her - separate property—The rights of the head of the family—Care - of the wife’s property—Forms of divorce—Grounds for divorce—Custody - of children—No damages against the co-respondent—Breaches of - promise of marriage—Few mercenary marriages—Widow-hunting also rare.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI"><i class="smaller">—Page 208.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XVII.<br /> - Children.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Child-life—Love of children—Desire for - them—Child-birth—After-birth—Early days—The baby’s food—The - “first-eating”—Superstitions connected with infancy—Carrying of - babies—Teething—Visits to the local shrine—Toddling—Weaning—The - kindergarten and primary school—The girls’ high school—The middle - school—The popularity of middle schools—Hitting—Exercises and - diversions—Collections.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII"><i class="smaller">—Page 219.</i></a></p> - -</div> - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XVIII.<br /> - Funeral.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Unlucky ages—The Japanese cycle—Celebration of ages—Respect for old - age—Death—Preparations for the funeral—The wake—The coffin and - bier—The funeral procession—The funeral service—Cremation—Gathering - the bones—The grave—Prayers for the dead—Return presents—Memorial - services—The Shinto funeral.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII"><i class="smaller">—Page 235.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XIX.<br /> - Accomplishments.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Composition—The writing-table—Odes—Songs—The <i>haiku</i>—Chinese - poetry—Tea-ceremony—Its complexity—Its utility to women—The flower - arrangement—The underlying idea—Its extensive application—The - principle of the arrangement—Manipulation<span class="pagenum">{v}</span> of the stalks—Drawing - water—Vases—Tray-landscapes—The <i>koto</i>—The <i>samisen</i>—Its form—Its - scale—How to play it—The crudity of Japanese music—Its unemotional - character.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX"><i class="smaller">—Page 252.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XX.<br /> - Public Amusements.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Pleasures—<i>No</i>-performance—Playgoing—The theatre—Japanese - dramas—<i>Gidayu</i>-plays—Actors—A new school of - actors—Actresses—Wrestling—Wrestlers—The wrestling booth—The - wrestler’s apparel—The Ekoin matches—The umpire—The rules - of the ring—The match-days—The story-tellers’ hall—Entertainment - at the hall.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX"><i class="smaller">—Page 269.</i></a></p> -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XXI.<br /> - Feasts and Festivities.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Festivities in the old days—The New Year’s Day—The - New Year’s dreams—January—February—The Feast of Dolls—The - Equinoctial day—Plum-blossoms—Cherry-blossoms—The flower - season—Peach-blossoms—Tree-peonies and wistarias—The Feast of - Flags—The Fête of the Yasukuni Shrine—Other fêtes—The Feasts of - Tanabata and Lanterns—The river season—Moon-viewing—The Seven Herbs - of Autumn—October—The Emperor’s Birthday—Chrysanthemums and - maple-leaves—The end of the year.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI"><i class="smaller">—Page 287.</i></a></p> - -</div> - - - -<div> -<p class="center mt15">CHAPTER XXII.<br /> - Sports and Games.</p> - -<p class="smaller">Hunting—Horse-racing—Fishing—Outdoor - games—Billiards—<i>Sugoroku</i>—Iroha-cards—Ode-cards—<i>Ken</i>—Japanese - chess—The moves—Use of prisoners—The game of <i>go</i>—Its - principle—Camps—Counting—“Flowers-cards”—Players—How to - play—Claims for hands—Claims for combinations made—Reckoning.</p> - -<p class="c004"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII"><i class="smaller">—Page 305.</i></a></p> -</div> - -<p class="mt2"> - <img src="images/hr2.png" alt="" class='center_6em' /></p> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{vi}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak">ILLUSTRATIONS.</h2> -<hr class="med x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -</div> - -<table summary=""> -<colgroup> - <col span="1" style="width: 45em;" /> - <col span="1" style="width: 5em;" /> -</colgroup> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Seven Herbs of Autumn</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#front"><span class="smaller">Frontispiece.</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="rightt" colspan="3"><i class="small">Page.</i></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Street in Yedo (From a picture by Settan, 1783–1843)</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p013"><span class="smaller">13</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Shop in Tokyo</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p018"><span class="smaller">18</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">In the Slums</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p025"><span class="smaller">25</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A House and a Gate</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p027"><span class="smaller">27</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Roofed and a Pair Gate</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p029"><span class="smaller">29</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Door-fastenings</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p032"><span class="smaller">32</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A House without a Gate</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p036"><span class="smaller">36</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Garden</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p038"><span class="smaller">38</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Six-matted Room and Verandah</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p041"><span class="smaller">41</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Porch, open and latticed</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p045"><span class="smaller">45</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">An Eight-matted Parlour</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p047"><span class="smaller">47</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Visitor</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p049"><span class="smaller">49</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Sitting-room</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p050"><span class="smaller">50</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Chest of Drawers and a Trunk</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p052"><span class="smaller">52</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Foot-warmers</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p055"><span class="smaller">55</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Shrine of the Rice-god</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p057"><span class="smaller">57</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Meal-tray</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p060"><span class="smaller">60</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">How to hold Chopsticks</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p061"><span class="smaller">61</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Meal</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p063"><span class="smaller">63</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Kitchen</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p065"><span class="smaller">65</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Skylight and the Kitchen-god</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p067"><span class="smaller">67</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Well</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p069"><span class="smaller">69</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Raw Fish, whole and sliced</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p072"><span class="smaller">72</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller"><i>Sushi</i> and <i>Soba</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p077"><span class="smaller">77</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Box of Sponge-cake</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p079"><span class="smaller">79</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Kimono</i>, rear and front view</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p086"><span class="smaller">86</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Obi</i>, square and plain</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p088"><span class="smaller">88</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Haori</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p089"><span class="smaller">89</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Hakama</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p091"><span class="smaller">91</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Socks</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p092"><span class="smaller">92</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Obi</i> for ordinary wear</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p098"><span class="smaller">98</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Dress-<i>obi</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p100"><span class="smaller">100</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Servant with Tucked Sleeves</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p102"><span class="smaller">102</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Reformed Dress</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p103"><span class="smaller">103</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Young Lady dressed for a Visit</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p105"><span class="smaller">105</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Queues</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p108"><span class="smaller">108</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The “203-metre Hill” and “Penthouse”</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p109"><span class="smaller">109</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Young Girls’ Hair</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p110"><span class="smaller">110</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The “Inverted Maidenhair”</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p111"><span class="smaller">111</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Shimada</i> and “Rounded Chignon”</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p112"><span class="smaller">112</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Bars, Combs, and Bands</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p114"><span class="smaller">114</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Ornamental Hair-pins</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p116"><span class="smaller">116</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Hair-dresser</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p117"><span class="smaller">117</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Plain Clogs</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p124"><span class="smaller">124</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Matted Clogs</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p126"><span class="smaller">126</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Matted Sandals</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p127"><span class="smaller">127</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Straw sandals</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p128"><span class="smaller">128</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Old Headgear</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p129"><span class="smaller">129</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Hood</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p130"><span class="smaller">130</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">An Overdress</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p132"><span class="smaller">132</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Lanterns</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p134"><span class="smaller">134</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Family in Bed</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p137"><span class="smaller">137</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Woman smoking</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p141"><span class="smaller">141</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Starching-board</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p143"><span class="smaller">143</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Needlework</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p146"><span class="smaller">146</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Servant at the Sliding-door</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p152"><span class="smaller">152</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Cooking Rice</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p158"><span class="smaller">158</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Housemaid at work</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p160"><span class="smaller">160</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The House-boy</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p162"><span class="smaller">162</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Bowing</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p168"><span class="smaller">168</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Sitting with Crossed Legs</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p169"><span class="smaller">169</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Squatting</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p170"><span class="smaller">170</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Betrothal Presents (From a picture by Sukenobu, 1678–1751)</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p178"><span class="smaller">178</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Bridal Procession (From a picture by Sukenobu)</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p180"><span class="smaller">180</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Wedding Party (From a picture by Sukenobu)</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p182"><span class="smaller">182</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Exchange of Cups (From a picture by Sukenobu)</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p184"><span class="smaller">184</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Bride’s Cabinets (From a picture by Sukenobu)</span><span class="pagenum">{vii}</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p186"><span class="smaller">186</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The First Meeting and Wedding at the Present Time</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p188"><span class="smaller">188</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Daimyo’s Wedding</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p190"><span class="smaller">190</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Lower-class Wedding</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p192"><span class="smaller">192</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Husband and Wife</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p196"><span class="smaller">196</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Domestic Quarrel and Reconciliation</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#imgp199a"><span class="smaller">199</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The First Visit to the Local Shrine (From a picture by Sukenobu)</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p222"><span class="smaller">222</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The “First-eating” (From a picture by Sukenobu) </span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p224"><span class="smaller">224</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Carrying Children</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p227"><span class="smaller">227</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Fencing</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p233"><span class="smaller">233</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Offerings before a Coffin </span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p238"><span class="smaller">238</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Coffins and an Urn</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p241"><span class="smaller">241</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Buddhist Funeral Service</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p242"><span class="smaller">242–3</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Service at the Temple</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p245"><span class="smaller">245</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">At the Crematory</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p246"><span class="smaller">246</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Graves</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p247"><span class="smaller">247</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Shinto Funeral Procession</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p249"><span class="smaller">249</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Shinto Funeral Service</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p250"><span class="smaller">250</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Writing-table and Book-cases</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p253"><span class="smaller">253</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Tea-making</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p260"><span class="smaller">260</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Flower-vases</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p262"><span class="smaller">262</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Tray-landscape</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p264"><span class="smaller">264</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Koto</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p265"><span class="smaller">265</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The <i>Samisen</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p267"><span class="smaller">267</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A <i>No</i>-dance</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p270"><span class="smaller">270</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Entrance of a Theatre</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p272"><span class="smaller">272</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Stage and Entrance-passage</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p273"><span class="smaller">273</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Revolving-stage</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p275"><span class="smaller">275</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Wrestling-match</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p279"><span class="smaller">279</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Champion’s Appearance in the Ring</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p281"><span class="smaller">281</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Entrance of a Story-tellers’ Hall</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p283"><span class="smaller">283</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">A Story-teller on the Platform</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p285"><span class="smaller">285</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Treasure-ship</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p289"><span class="smaller">289</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The New Year’s Decorations</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p290"><span class="smaller">290</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Feast of Dolls</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p293"><span class="smaller">293</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Cherry-flowers at Mukojima</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p295"><span class="smaller">295</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Feast of Flags</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p298"><span class="smaller">298</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Fête of Sanno</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p299"><span class="smaller">299</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Feast of Lanterns</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p301"><span class="smaller">301</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Offerings to the Full Moon</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p303"><span class="smaller">303</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Cormorant-fishing</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p307"><span class="smaller">307</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Angling-stools</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p308"><span class="smaller">308</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller"><i>Sugoroku</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p309"><span class="smaller">309</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller"><i>Iroha</i> and Ode-Cards</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p311"><span class="smaller">311</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Playing Ode-cards</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p312"><span class="smaller">312</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Game of <i>Ken</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p315"><span class="smaller">315</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">Japanese Chess</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p317"><span class="smaller">317</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">The Game of <i>Go</i></span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p318"><span class="smaller">318</span></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td class="lefthang"><span class="smaller">“Flower-cards”</span></td> - <td class="rightb"><a href="#img_p321"><span class="smaller">321</span></a></td></tr> - -</table> - -<p class="mt2"> - <img src="images/hr2.png" alt="" class='center_6em' /></p> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{1}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.<br /> -<span class="smaller">TOKYO THE CAPITAL.</span></h2> - - <p class="smaller mb1">The youngest of the capitals—Yedo—The feudal government—Prosperity - of Yedo—Its population—The military class—The Restoration—The new - government—National reorganisation—Centralisation—Local - government—Tokyo the leader of other cities—Struggle between Old and - New Japan—The last stronghold of Old Japan.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_t.png" width="34" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">TOKYO is the youngest of the great capitals of the world, for it was -only in 1868 that the present Emperor of Japan left the old city -where his ancestors had for centuries lived in seclusion and made the -Shogun’s stronghold his new home and seat of government. It was a -politic move; because though the Shogun had already resigned his -office and surrendered the absolute authority he had exercised in the -government of the country, there were still many among his followers -who were unwilling to give up their hereditary offices. Had the -Emperor then remained in Kyoto and there established his government, -it would have been comparatively easy for these discontented partisans -of the Shogun to foment an insurrection in the largest city of the -Empire, which might assume serious proportions before it could be -quelled, especially in those days when the means of communication and -transportation were yet very primitive. Hence, it was decided to -remove the central government to the possible hot-bed of disaffection -and, by the strong arm of the newly-constituted administration, to nip -in the bud all signs of rebellion. And so the Emperor and his Court -forsook the city which had been the nominal capital for a thousand -years and took up their abode in the great military centre which was -known as Yedo; but when the Emperor arrived at the old<span class="pagenum">{2}</span> castle of -the Shogun, he gave it the name of Tokyo, or the Eastern Capital, to -distinguish it from the late capital, Kyoto, which is on that account -also spoken of by the people as Saikyo, or the Western Capital.</p> - -<p>But Yedo itself was not very old. Towards the close of the fifteenth -century, a renowned warrior, Ota Dokan by name, built a little castle -in the village of Yedo. Not long after his death, his family became -extinct and others succeeded to the lordship of the little castle. A -century later, Tokugawa Iyeyasu, one of the most powerful daimyo, or -territorial lords, at the time, became master of the Eight Provinces -east of the Hakone Mountains and was on the point of establishing his -government at Kamakura, the capital of the first line of Shogun, when -he was persuaded by his suzerain, the Taiko Hideyoshi, who is best -known to history for his invasion of Korea, to set up his headquarters -at Dokan’s castle-town which possessed great strategic advantages over -Kamakura. Accordingly, in 1590, Iyeyasu came to the village of Yedo -and saw that the castle could be developed into a formidable fortress. -At once he set to work rebuilding it on a gigantic scale. Bounded on -the north and west by a low line of hills, on the south by the Bay of -Yedo, and on the east by marshes, it was in those days of bows and -arrows and hand-to-hand fights almost impregnable. Behind the hills -lay the wide plain of Musashino, across which no enemy could approach -unobserved, while it was equally difficult to make a sudden attack -upon the castle from the sea or over the marshes. The castle covered -upwards of five hundred acres within its inner walls. The swamp was -reclaimed, and merchants, artisans, priests, and men of other crafts -and professions were induced by liberal offers to settle in the new -city. The reclaimed land soon became the principal merchant quarter.</p> - -<p>In 1603, Iyeyasu became Shogun, or military suzerain of the country. -The Shogun was appointed by the Emperor, who delegated to him the -civil and military government of the land. The Emperor made the -appointment nominally of his own will; but in reality he was compelled -to confer the title on the most powerful of his subjects. It was to -Iyeyasu but a confirmation of the<span class="pagenum">{3}</span> influence he already wielded as -the most formidable of all the territorial barons. And thus fortified -by the Imperial nomination, he began at once to take measures for the -general pacification of the country which had for years been plunged -in a terrible civil war. His first step was to consolidate his power; -and it was done with such success that the Shogunate remained in his -family for two hundred and sixty-five years. This predominance of his -family was in a great measure due to his skill in providing against -those evils which had wrecked former lines of Shogun. All these -dynasties had fallen through coalitions of powerful daimyo in -different parts of the country and the consequent inability to cope -with insurrections which broke out simultaneously in various quarters. -To prevent such coalitions Iyeyasu created small fiefs around the -territories of great daimyo and gave them to his own adherents, who -acted as spies upon these daimyo and frustrated any attempts they -might make at conspiracy. The territories along the great highway -between Yedo and Kyoto he also apportioned among his followers, so -that he had always a ready access to the Emperor’s city and could -without difficulty control every movement of the Imperial Court. -Another plan he formed towards the same end, though it was not -actually carried out until the time of his grandson. This was the -compulsory residence of the daimyo in Yedo for a certain term every -other year; the time for reaching and leaving the city was fixed -for each daimyo by the Shogun’s government. Their wives, with rare -exceptions, remained permanently in Yedo and were practically hostages -at the Shogun’s court.</p> - -<p>The effect of this last measure was the increased prosperity of Yedo. -All the daimyo were compelled to keep a house in the city. They built -most of their palaces around the castle, and in the same enclosures -were erected numerous houses for their retainers. Many daimyo had one -or more mansions in the suburbs, not a few of which were noted for -their size and their beautiful grounds. The most celebrated of these -mansions is now the Imperial Arsenal, the garden of which is one of -the sights of Tokyo; and another forms a part of the Palace of the -Crown Prince and is also the place where the Imperial chrysanthemum -party is given every<span class="pagenum">{4}</span> autumn. The building of the daimyo’s mansions, -the number of these lords being at the time about two hundred and -fifty, naturally attracted merchants, artisans, and other classes of -people from all parts of the country. And Yedo rose before long to -be the most flourishing city in Japan. It set the example to all the -other cities of the Empire, for the daimyo copied in their own -castle-towns all that they found to their taste during their forced -sojourn in Yedo. This leading position which the Shogun’s city held in -the feudal days has been retained even in an increased measure by the -capital of New Japan.</p> - -<p>Some idea of the prosperity of Yedo may be formed from the fabulous -accounts of its wealth current among the country-people, who believed -that in the main streets of the city land was worth its weight in -gold. But a more definite proof is to be found in the computations -which were made from time to time with respect to its population. -Estimates based upon official records in the early years of the -Shogunate are very incomplete. Thus, we are told that there were in -1634, 35,419 citizen householders and twenty-three years later, as -many as 68,051, which would give a citizen population, at the rate of -4.2 persons per household, of 148,719 and 285,814 respectively, an -increase which is obviously too great for so short an interval. The -first trustworthy computation is probably that for the year 1721, when -the citizens and their families were said to aggregate about half a -million and the military class, with their servants, were put at a -little over a quarter of a million. Priests, street-vendors, and -beggars with whom the city swarmed did not most likely fall much below -fifty thousand, so that we may without any great error take the total -population at eight hundred thousand. More than a century later, in -1843, that is, a few years before the outbreak of the dissensions -which finally broke up the feudal government, the total population was -calculated from similar sources at 1,300,000, of which 300,000 or -nearly one quarter, belonged to the military class. Old European -travellers put the population of Yedo at various figures ranging from -a million and a half to three millions, but the above computation is -probably as near the truth as we can hope to get; and in view of the -fact that<span class="pagenum">{5}</span> Yedo was a dozen years later torn by factions and was -practically in a state of civil war, we may safely conclude that its -population never exceeded that calculated for the year 1843.</p> - -<p>In the above-mentioned estimate the military population of Yedo is put -at 300,000. It was computed in the following manner:—There were in the -country two hundred and sixty-seven daimyo, every one of whom had two -or more mansions in Yedo. The total number of their retainers and -servants, with their families, in fact, of all who depended for their -subsistence upon these barons, was calculated at over 137,000. The -immediate feudatories of the Shogun who all lived in Yedo, numbered -22,000; and they, with their families and servants, made up 160,000. -From these figures the great influence wielded by the samurai in Yedo -may be readily inferred.</p> - -<p>Though Yedo thus prospered and the Shogun’s rule there seemed firmly -established while thousands of samurai were ready to lay down their -lives for his welfare, contentment was far from universal in the -country. Some of the great daimyo whose ancestors had submitted to -Iyeyasu only because of his overwhelming power, would have gladly -raised the standard against his descendants if they had seen any -chance of success; they knew that two centuries and a half of peace -had enervated the Shogun’s court and luxurious habits corrupted his -government and that it would not be a difficult task to crush him if -they could form a coalition against him. But as yet they did not know -whom to trust among their fellow-daimyo, and discontent smouldered -ready to burst out at the first opportunity.</p> - -<p>And that opportunity came in good time. The arrival of Commodore -Perry’s squadron and the subsequent conclusion of treaties by the -Shogun with the foreign powers are matters of history. Centuries of -isolation had lured the nation into the belief that it could for ever -remain free from all contact with the outside world; the treaties, -therefore, came upon it as a rude awakening from its long-cherished -dream, and the possible consequences of the opening of the country -to foreign trade and intercourse naturally aroused all its fears. A -strong agitation arose in denunciation of the<span class="pagenum">{6}</span> Shogun’s act to which -the Emperor’s sanction had not yet been given, and when orders came -from Kyoto to abrogate the new treaties, the enemies of the Yedo -government saw their opportunity; they turned to the sovereign -who lived hidden from public gaze in his palace and knew that the -salvation of their country could be brought only by the Emperor coming -to his own again and assuming the direct government of his people. -Leaders among these loyalists were the clans of Satsuma and Choshu, -two of the most powerful in Japan, which were later joined by those of -Hizen and Tosa, and many others. The Shogun did his utmost to suppress -these risings; but being at length convinced, by his utter failure, of -his own powerlessness, he resigned his office in 1867 and restored the -reins of government into the hands of his sovereign.</p> - -<p>The Emperor thereupon made Yedo his capital and to it flocked the men -who had helped to overthrow the Shogun’s government. The small bands -of the latter’s adherents who still offered resistance were soon -overcome. The national government was reorganised by men from the -loyal clans. Though the Shogun had been denounced for his friendly -attitude towards foreigners, the new government was even more -cordially disposed towards them. The truth is that though the Shogun’s -enemies were at first all for the expulsion of foreigners out of the -country, wiser heads among them soon came to understand that it would -not be possible to get rid of these unwelcome visitors and return to -the old state of isolation. This conviction was especially brought -home to the great clans of Satsuma and Choshu when Kagoshima, the -chief town of the former, and Shimonoseki, the seaport of the latter, -were bombarded for outrages upon Europeans, one by a British fleet in -1863 and the other by combined squadrons of Great Britain, France, -Holland, and the United States in the following year; and they saw -that the only way for their country to preserve her independence and -secure a footing in the comity of nations was to be as strong as those -powers and advance in that path of civilisation which had given them -such a commanding position in the world. But so long as the Shogunate -stood, they let the anti-foreign agitation take its course; when, -however, it fell and the way was<span class="pagenum">{7}</span> cleared for a reorganised -government, they set to remodelling it on western lines. Then -commenced that process of national renovation which has astonished the -world.</p> - -<p>With the fall of the Shogunate and the reorganisation of the national -government the feudal system was doomed; for such a programme as -Japan had already sketched out for herself was incompatible with that -medieval form of government. This fact was soon recognised by the -daimyo of Satsuma and Choshu, who offered in 1868 to surrender their -fiefs; the generous offer was gladly accepted and their example was -followed by all the other daimyo. But for the time the ex-daimyo were -all appointed governors of their respective fiefs so that they might -aid in bringing their former subjects to a full sense of the new -condition of things. Three years later, in 1871, the clans were -abolished and the whole country was divided into prefectures. The -daimyo and their retainers received government bonds in commutation -of the incomes they had thitherto derived from their fiefs. The -substitution of prefectures for clans was made with the object of -breaking up the clan bias which was prejudicial to national unity and -of giving the central government a more complete control over the -provinces by the appointment to prefectural offices of high officials -from Tokyo. For to prevent disaffection or crush open revolt in the -provinces, it was necessary to centralise as much as possible the -government of the country; and with all its precautions, the new -government had to cope with several little uprisings, culminating in -the Satsuma rebellion which spread over a greater part of the island -of Kyushu and taxed its resources to the utmost. But when this was -quelled, the country enjoyed absolute peace; no internal disorder has -since taken place with the sole exception of a small local trouble in -1884.</p> - -<p>The result of this centralisation was that Tokyo became the centre of -the whole national life. Men seeking office hurried to it; students -entered its schools; the trades and professions seemed to thrive only -in the capital. The measures which the government took at the time -tended still further to make Tokyo attractive. For the Restoration and -the consequent national reorganisation were for the<span class="pagenum">{8}</span> most part the -work of the military class, or rather of the samurai of a few clans -under the guidance of a small group of leaders. The country bowed to -the inevitable; but the people had little or no voice in the matter. -Whatever drastic measures the government might take, the nation -at large could not at a word of command throw off the immemorial -traditions in which it had been brought up; it failed to realise the -drift of the new policy its leaders were entering upon. Consequently, -the first and most important duty of the government was to guide its -people in the path it had taken. New laws were published with minute -instructions; schools of all kinds were established on the western -plan, the higher colleges being located in Tokyo; model government -factories were built in the environs of the city; in short, nothing -that a paternal government could do was omitted to take the people -by the leading-strings. The higher schools were soon filled; their -graduates found ready employment. The country was ruled by a huge army -of officials, who, taking as they did the place of the old samurai -in the popular estimation, commanded respect and deference often -out of proportion to the importance of their posts, which, with -the comparatively high salaries they enjoyed in those days, made -government service the most attractive of all occupations. In fact, -in the early days, Tokyo may be said to have derived its enhanced -prosperity from the superabundance of officials. Then too, men of the -legal, medical, and other professions all opened practice in Tokyo; -only in recent years when every rank has been overcrowded in the city, -have they sought fresh fields in the provinces.</p> - -<p>It was not long, however, before the evils of excessive centralisation -began to make themselves felt; and when the task of national -reorganisation was fairly complete, steps were taken towards -decentralisation. Prefectural assemblies were opened in 1881 as a -preliminary measure to the establishment of the national assembly. In -1888, local self-government was granted to provincial cities, towns, -and villages, and everything was done to promote local prosperity. The -close of the year 1890 saw the opening of the national diet. The war -with China in 1894–5 and that with Russia<span class="pagenum">{9}</span> ten years later brought -on in either case a sudden activity in all departments of commerce and -industry and gave a great impetus to railway enterprise. Many bogus -companies, it is true, were formed at the same time, and their -collapse was a serious set-back to the national economy. But the -undoubted increase of commercial and industrial enterprises has served -to relieve the pressure of population upon Tokyo. Osaka, for instance, -which has for centuries been a great commercial centre, has within the -last few years become as great a centre of industry, with a population -exceeding a million. Kyoto, the old capital, remains somnolent; but -Nagoya and the trade-ports of Kobe and Yokohama are forging ahead. -In short, though Tokyo, as the capital, will probably remain the -largest city in the Empire, it cannot be denied that it is not now so -far in advance of the rest as it was a few years ago. This rise -of great provincial cities is a necessary result of the growth of -manufacturing industries which are bound, if the country is to -prosper, to take the place of agriculture, which is too limited in its -scope in a country of such a moderate extent as Japan. It is indeed -but a repetition of the rise of the great provincial towns like -Birmingham, Sheffield, and Manchester in England in the last century.</p> - -<p>Still Tokyo must take the lead in all that pertains to the adoption -of western civilisation. Osaka and other manufacturing cities will -develop the inevitable but unwelcome phases of western industrialism. -Already the labour problem looms before us, and the government must -before long legislate on the question. There are also signs of -socialistic agitation. But these questions do not affect Tokyo so -seriously as other cities, for the factories on its outskirts are -comparatively few and the land is too valuable for residential -purposes to be occupied by manufactories.</p> - -<p>Tokyo will remain what it has always been, the home of the best -classes in every department of national life. It will always indicate -the high-water mark of oriental culture and occidental influence. -Here, as nowhere else, will be seen that antagonism of the two, the -pressure of western customs and ways of life following on the heels of -the sciences and practical knowledge we are eagerly imbibing from the -West and the resistance of oriental traditions and<span class="pagenum">{10}</span> usages, which -refuse to admit a tittle more than is absolutely necessary to bring -the country to a material and intellectual equality with the foremost -nations of the world. To those who look below the surface nothing -is more interesting in viewing the progress of Japan than this -combination of radicalism and conservatism. The Japanese, for -all his apparent love of innovation, still retains that stolid -self-satisfaction usually associated with the oriental mind, though it -is no rarer in the West. He has long recognised that his country must -advance along the lines taken at the Restoration, but he would have -the development take place without the sacrifice of the national -characteristics which have marked his countrymen from time immemorial. -The agitation which was set up some twenty years ago for the -preservation of these characteristics by those who feared the mania -for everything European which was then at its height would result -in the obliteration of the qualities which have kept Japan in full -vitality through the centuries, still finds an echo in his heart. The -threatened sudden metamorphosis of those days was but a passing whim; -the change is now slower and more subtle, and it is hard to mark the -exact line at which the encroaching tide of European civilisation -shall be made to stop. But the Japanese feels that the line must be -drawn somewhere. The problem is certainly difficult to solve. It -appears hardly possible to reap the fruits of the material and -intellectual progress of the West and yet to shut out the moral and -religious sources of that progress; but for all that, it would be -premature to pronounce it impossible. For we have already done what -seemed at first beyond the verge of possibility. Who, for instance, of -the thousands who nightly thronged to the Savoy Theatre to laugh over -the famous Gilbert and Sullivan opera, would have thought at the time -that a few years thence their country would form a treaty of alliance -with the land of Koko, Yum-yum, and Nankipoo? They would have flouted -the very idea; but that alliance is generally regarded as a natural -outcome of the recent course of events in the Ear East. Would it be, -we wonder, a much harder task to discriminate the elements of European -civilisation?</p> - -<p>There are of course people who find their account in advocating<span class="pagenum">{11}</span> -the rapid adoption of everything European; but their utmost efforts -notwithstanding, there is one citadel which will long resist their -attacks and remain almost as purely Japanese as in the days of their -forefathers. That impregnable citadel is the home; woman is in Japan -as elsewhere the greatest conservative element of national life, and -within her sphere of influence tradition reigns as supreme as ever. -Globe-trotters who advise their friends to visit this country with as -little delay as possible for fear that in a few years Old Japan would -cease to be, do not reckon with our domestic life. Japanese women are -as a class gentle, pliant, and docile; and these qualities stand them -in good stead at home. Whether it be that they manage with all their -demureness to twist their lords round their little fingers or that the -latter are afraid that any change in home life would develop a new -revolting woman who would refuse to be as submissive as they are at -present, the fact remains that with the mass of the nation there has -been little change in the conditions of domestic life. And what these -conditions are and how little the influx of new ideas has affected the -home of Old Japan, it is the object of the following chapters to relate.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{12}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.<br /> -<span class="smaller">THE STREETS OF TOKYO.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">The area and population of Tokyo—Impression of greater - populousness—Street improvements—Narrow streets—Shops and - sidewalks—Road-making—Dusty roads—Lamps and street - repairs—Drainage—Street-names—House-numbers—Incongruities.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_t.png" width="34" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE area of Tokyo is not so great as is generally supposed. The people -of Yedo used to say that their city was ten miles square; but the -extreme length, from north-east to south-west, of Tokyo which does -not differ materially in its limits from the old city, is no more -than eight miles. The actual area is only 18,482 acres, or nearly -twenty-nine square miles. The population fell with the decline of the -feudal government and was under a million in the early days of the new -regime. The registered population returned to one million in 1884. The -municipal census which was taken for the first time on the first of -October, 1908, gave the settled population as 1,622,856, composed -of 872,550 males and 750,306 females, and the number of families -as 377,493. This took no account of the floating population which -probably exceeds a hundred thousand; there is also a large population, -not less than a quarter of a million, which the rise of rents and the -facilities of electric-tramway communication have sent outside the -administrative limits of the municipality; it forms, properly-speaking, -a part of the population of the city.</p> - -<p>Tokyo is therefore a great city; but the stranger who visits its -streets for the first time usually gets an impression of an even -greater populousness. For the streets are always in the evening -teeming with young children; they are not gutter-snipes, but children -of respectable parents, small tradesmen or private persons of slender -means, who let them run about on the public road rather than romp in -their narrow dwellings. But it is not the children alone<span class="pagenum">{14}</span> who -think they have a greater right of way over the roads than the public: -for on summer evenings especially, men and women turn out of doors -and walk about or sit on benches outside their houses. Shops are -completely open and reveal the rooms within, so that whole families -may be seen from the streets; and as most houses are of only one or -two stories, people live for the most part on the ground-floor. Even -in private residences of some pretensions, the thin wooden walls allow -voices to be easily heard on warm days when the rooms are kept open. -So that from the people he sees crowding the houses and the noises he -hears on all sides, the stranger is often deceived into giving the -city credit for a larger population than it actually possesses.</p> - -<div id="img_p013" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p013.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A STREET IN YEDO.<br /> - <span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SETTAN, 1778–1843).</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>The streets themselves are worth notice. If the foreigner who comes to -Japan expects to see in such a great capital the asphalt carriageway -and paved sidewalk of his native country, he will be sadly -disappointed, for Tokyo, with all its multitudinous thoroughfares, -cannot boast even the boulevards and avenues of a European provincial -town. In spite of the efforts of the Tokyo municipality, the streets -are still narrow. Their total length is about six hundred miles, with -a width ranging from one yard to fifty, the average being nine yards. -It was decided twenty years ago to widen some three hundred miles of -these roads, giving the largest a width of forty yards for carriageway -with a footway on either side of six yards, and the smallest a -carriageway of twelve yards and a footway one yard wide. The work -is to be accomplished in ninety years. Improvements to this end are -slowly going on. The fact is that the City Fathers missed a great -opportunity in the early years of the new regime when, upon the -desertion of the residences of the daimyo and other feudatories after -the fall of the Shogunate, land could have been purchased for a song, -for it went begging in the heart of the city at less than thirty yen -an acre. Those who were wise enough to buy it have made big fortunes, -for the same land now sells for a hundred thousand yen or more per -acre. Now, however, the municipality cannot command sufficient funds -to purchase the land needed for improvements along the streets -proposed, but buys it up only when it is absolutely necessary to -relieve the congestion<span class="pagenum">{15}</span> of traffic; and elsewhere it waits -patiently until a fire burns down the streets and clears the -required space for it as, in that case, it will not have to give any -compensation for the removal of the houses.</p> - -<p>In the old days, the narrowness of the streets did not interfere with -such traffic as was then carried on. The daimyo and others of high -rank rode in palanquins, and officials went about on horseback; but -the rest of the world walked. The citizens were not allowed to make -use of other legs than their own. Those who had to go about much put -on cheap straw sandals, which were thrown away at the end of their -journey, so that they did not give a thought to the width or the state -of the road as they had in any case to wash their feet afterwards; -while others, of the common people, were, if they met a daimyo’s -procession, thrust to the wall or oftener into the ditch, and they too -cared as little for the width of the thoroughfare. And when a samurai -met another in a narrow lane, it was by no means rare, if their -sword-scabbards touched in passing, for an altercation to arise and -be followed by bloodshed; but as brawls were in their way, they did -not trouble themselves about the widening of the road. Pedestrians, -moreover, could always pick their way in any street, and if they saw -coming towards them a daimyo’s retinue or a company of swash-bucklers, -they usually turned into a side-street. To the happy horsemen and -palanquin-riders the size of a street was a matter of absolute -indifference, for if those on shanks’ mare got in their way, it was -their lookout. But luckily for these walkers there was little else for -them to dodge, for vehicles were comparatively few. The only objects -on wheels were handcarts and waggons drawn by horses or oxen. These -waggons came from the country with bags of rice, fuel, and other -necessaries, and were used, not for their speed which was a snail’s -pace, but for their carrying power.</p> - -<p>In these latter days, however, things have materially changed. Men -to-day would be put to the blush by the hale old survivors of those -pedestrian times, for they have gone to the other extreme. The -conveniences of the jinrikisha, or two-wheeled vehicles drawn by men, -and latterly of electric tramways have sapped all energy out of them, -and we hear little nowadays of walking feats. There<span class="pagenum">{16}</span> were in 1900 -forty-six thousand jinrikisha in Tokyo; but the electric cars, which -began to run a few years later, are driving them out of the city, for -they are now less than one-half of that number. Still, the pedestrian -has need to keep a good lookout on the road, for where, in the absence -of footways, men, women, children, vehicles, and horses move about in -an inextricable jumble, it is a matter for wonder that accidents are -not more frequent. Besides the jinrikisha and electric cars, there are -thousands of handcarts, some drawn by coolies and carrying objects of -every description from household articles to stones for road-making -and trees for gardens, and others drawn by milkmen with their -milk-cans, by apprentices with their masters’ wares, by pedlars with -various assortments to attract the housewife’s eye, or by farm-boys -with vegetables fresh from the field. There are but a thousand waggons -drawn by horses or oxen in Tokyo; but as there are twice as many more -in the surrounding country, they are very much in evidence in the -city since they make their presence unpleasantly obtrusive in narrow -streets. These waggons, however, move slowly and give one time to get -out of their way. In this respect they are better to meet than the -carriages which drive on indifferent to the width of the road; in -narrow streets the latter are preceded by grooms who hustle all -loiterers out of the way. They are only less eagerly shunned than the -motor-cars and the files of handcarts which move leisurely along with -pink flags marked “ammunition” from the Imperial arsenal.</p> - -<p>But the Ishmael of the streets of Tokyo was until lately the bicycle. -A few years ago there were six thousand of these machines in the city; -they were patronised by shop-apprentices who, with large bundles on -their backs, scorched through crowded streets careless of accidents -to themselves or others. These apprentices were therefore in the -policeman’s black books; nor did the jinrikisha-man look upon them -with any favour, for he regarded bicycling as an innovation intended -to defraud him of his fares. But his hostility against the bicycle -melted away when he was confronted by the electric car which has -proved itself the most formidable of his foes. The bicycle, too, has -suffered an eclipse;<span class="pagenum">{17}</span> for apprentices and others of its patrons -find it more expensive to keep it in repair than to travel by the car -at the cost of a penny per trip. The motor-car also made its debut a -few years back and the dust it raises and the smell of petrol it leaves -in its track have brought upon it the anathema of all pedestrians; and -though the police regulations prohibit a motor-car from traversing -streets less than twelve yards wide, it runs merrily through lanes and -small side-streets. It sometimes charges into shops and makes havoc -among their merchandise. The pranks it plays in the hands of unskilful -chauffeurs are not likely to lessen its unpopularity.</p> - -<p>What with carriages, jinrikisha, waggons, handcarts, and bicycles -jostling one another and men, women, and children threading their way -through the labyrinth or fleeing before motor or electric cars, the -more frequented streets of Tokyo present a confused mass of traffic; -but in respect of actual numbers they are really less crowded than -western streets of similar importance. The busy appearance is mostly -due to the absence of sidewalks, and the bustle is increased by the -wayfarers having to run to and fro to get out of the way of the -vehicles. In streets provided with sidewalks one would expect less -confusion; but as a matter of fact, people are so used to walking -among vehicles of all sorts that they prefer sauntering on the -carriageway to quietly pacing the sidewalks; and it is no uncommon -experience to meet a company walking abreast in the middle of the road -and dodging carriages while the sidewalks are almost deserted.</p> - -<div id="img_p018" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p018.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SHOP IN TOKYO. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Sidewalks are not likely to gain in popularity until improvements are -made in the arrangements of shops. There are no streets in Tokyo which -are known as fashionable afternoon resorts, because the shops are so -constructed that one cannot stop before them without being accosted by -the squatting salesmen. Only in a few main streets are there regular -rows of shops with show-windows against which one could press one’s -nose to look at the wares exhibited or peer beyond at the shop-girls -at the counter; but then business is not done in Japan over the -counter, nor do shop-girls hide their charms behind a window, for the -shops are open to the street and the show-girls, or “signboard-girls” -as we call them, squat<span class="pagenum">{19}</span> at the edge visible to all passers-by and -are as distinctive a feature of the shop as the signboard itself. The -goods are exhibited on the floor in glass cases or in piles, a custom -which is not commendable when pastry or confectionery is on sale, for -standing as it does on the south-eastern end of the great plain of -Musashino, Tokyo is a very windy city, and the thick clouds of fine -dust raised by the wind on fair days cover every article exposed and -penetrate through the joints of glass cases, so that in Tokyo a man -who is fond of confectionery must expect to eat his pound of dirt not -within a lifetime, but often in a few weeks. If one stops for a moment -to look at the wares, he is bidden at once to sit on the floor and -examine other articles which would be brought out for his inspection, -whereupon he has either to accept the invitation or move on. One -seldom cares therefore to loiter in the street. The only shops that -are often crowded by loiterers are the booksellers’ and cheap-picture -dealers’.</p> - -<p>But even more unpleasant than the narrowness of the streets is the -state in which many of them are to be found. In a few streets the -roadway has been dug up and pyramidal stones have been laid on the bed -with the points up; they are then covered with earth and broken stone -and finished with a top-dressing of gravel. They are not, however, -rolled as steam-rollers have only lately made their appearance in -Tokyo; sometimes small stone-rollers, about two feet in diameter, are -drawn over the metal by a dozen coolies, but the work is inefficient -as the pressure of such toy rollers is too slight to make any sensible -impression. For the most part, therefore, newly-made roads are left to -be levelled with the beetle-crushers of the long-suffering public. -The municipality finds it the cheapest way. This is bad enough on the -gravelled road, but the tortures it inflicts on men and beasts of -burden, to say nothing of the rapid wear and tear of vehicles, are -indescribable when the thoroughfare is repaired in the orthodox style. -Whenever the road wants mending, cartloads of pebbles are, according -to this method, brought from the beds of the rivers in the -neighbourhood of Tokyo and scattered over the highway. They are laid -evenly, but not levelled or rolled. The public press them down as they -walk with their clogs, sandals, or boots; immediately any part is -embedded in the<span class="pagenum">{20}</span> soil, that path alone is used till it is beaten -flat, so that one often sees a narrow path meandering in a wide -stone-covered road, along which all traffic is carried on and the rest -of the road is practically unused. When this path is beaten in and -becomes hollow, more cartloads of pebbles are thrown upon it and -the public recommence their patient task of road-levelling. But -fortunately for them, they are materially aided in this benevolent -work by the solstitial rains, which when they come down in torrents, -soon bury the stones in the clayey soil, and for the nonce the people -walk over it rejoicing until the municipality sets them a new task; or -the rains have done their work but too well and the poor pedestrians -find themselves wading through quagmire.</p> - -<p>Indeed, quagmire is what we find in many streets after rain; for the -supply of rubble is necessarily limited as it comes mostly from the -rivers in and about the city, and consequently a majority of roads are -left uncared for. These, after a heavy rain, are covered with a thick -coating of mud, which when the sun has dried it, leaves behind deep -ruts, making the roads more unpleasant to walk on than when covered -with pebbles. In midsummer when the ridges of these ruts have been -pulverised and blown in all directions so that one appears to be -walking on sand, the roads are watered twice or more every day. The -watering is done on high roads by coolies with small hand-drays out of -which water is sprinkled spasmodically, and as the men stop from time -to time to take breath, there are on many spots pools of water in -which one can soil one’s footgear as effectually as on the rainiest -day. But worse still is the watering done by private persons on the -part of the road facing their dwellings. These merely ladle the water -from their pails and sprinkle it in splashes, leaving in the middle of -the street puddles for children to make mud-cakes in. In short, the -great objection to the way in which the streets are watered in Tokyo -is that it is too much for laying the dust, but not enough for -flushing the roadway.</p> - -<p>The pedestrian has therefore to be very careful in selecting the part -of the road to walk on in both wet and fine weather. This is not very -difficult in the daytime; but at night, especially when there is no -moon, the task is hard to accomplish with success;<span class="pagenum">{21}</span> for rarely are -street lamps set up at the public expense, and in most streets the -inhabitants have lamps for their own convenience over their front -doors or gates; but the light of these lamps is very meagre as they -are naturally not intended to guide the stray wayfarer over the road. -But even these are of some service in streets of shops where the front -doors are ranged pretty closely together; in roads, however, where -there are only private houses, the gates being far apart, the lights -are also at some distance from each other and the passenger has mostly -to trust to his luck to keep himself clean. That luck, however, -deserts him at times, for the repairs which the roads seem to undergo -in every part of the city are astonishingly frequent. It is not the -mere mending that is the cause of the trouble, but the constant -pulling up of the roads for laying or repairing gas-pipes, -water-pipes, and what not that so often brings one to an <i>impasse</i>. -As, moreover, the authorities work independently of one another, a -road which has been dug up for one purpose and filled in again, may be -pulled up for another. Matters are not likely to improve in the near -future, for before long the telegraph and telephone authorities must -have a hand in digging up the road; at present the wires are overhead, -but the poles are already overweighted and cannot be loaded much more -without serious danger to traffic. Electric-light wires are equally -menacing; and the situation is only aggravated where the electric cars -run through crowded streets of the business quarters.</p> - -<p>The wretched state of the roads after rain is undoubtedly due to -imperfect drainage. The cross-section of the roads has little or no -curvature or gradient, and the gutters, where they have been made, do -not drain off and are only receptacles for muddy stagnant water. They -are occasionally cleaned by heaping the mire on the roadside. And -yet, curious to state, in spite of these insanitary methods, the rate -of mortality in Tokyo is not so high as might be expected. It varies -from twenty to twenty-five per thousand on the registered population -and therefore must be less when the floating population is taken into -account. It shows that Tokyo is not an unhealthy city, and when the -municipality has carried out the plan it has made for a drainage -system, the Japanese<span class="pagenum">{22}</span> capital will probably compare favourably with -most other great cities of the world.</p> - -<p>There is one peculiarity about the streets of Tokyo which deserves -mention, that is, the way they are named. Of course every thoroughfare -has a name given to it; but it differs from streets in other countries -in that name being the designation, not of the thoroughfare itself, -but of the section or piece of land through which it runs. Thus, two -or more thoroughfares which run through the same section are known by -the same name; in a large section there may be a dozen streets running -in all directions and bearing the same name. When a road runs on -the boundary of two sections, the opposite sides would be known by -different names, and a man walking in the middle of such a road would -be perambulating two streets at one and the same time. Some of the -larger sections, if regularly built, are divided on the main road -into subsections by streets crossing them; but irregular streets are -arbitrarily subdivided so that it is often very hard to find one’s -way through them. As many sections are full of tortuous streets with -turnings and alleys, the numbering of houses in a section is often -complicated, and one seldom knows where the numbers begin or end. -Frequently consecutive numbers are to be found in entirely different -directions and in hunting up a number, one has to traverse the length -and breadth of the section before one comes upon it.</p> - -<p>The numbering of houses is further complicated by the fact that the -same number is given often to dozens, and sometimes to hundreds, of -houses. The explanation is that the numbering first took place while -the great daimyo’s mansions were still standing; and when they were -pulled down and cut up into smaller lots, these lots retained the same -numbers. There are in Tokyo at least two of these great estates which -have been divided into nearly a thousand house-lots. It is indeed hard -to see how these houses could be renumbered, because in that case -every division of an estate would necessitate the renumbering of the -whole street, which, in a city like Tokyo where the sizes of houses -are constantly changing, would be simply intolerable. Besides these -divisions of mansions, we must take into account the frequency of -fires.<span class="pagenum">{23}</span> Changes take place not seldom after a fire in the number -of houses in a street, and it would of course be impracticable to -renumber the whole street whenever a portion of it is burnt down. -Sometimes an additional designation, usually a second set of numbers, -is given to a group of houses with the same street-number; but fancy -names, such as are common in the suburbs of London, are hardly ever -given to dwelling-houses. It may therefore be imagined that it is no -light task to look up a friend in an unfamiliar quarter.</p> - -<p>The stranger, then, who visits the streets of Tokyo will find much to -arouse his curiosity in the open, windowless shops, the jinrikisha, -the native dresses of men and women, the throngs of hawkers, and the -ceaseless din of traffic; and at the same time, as he comes to Japan -usually in search of the quaint and <i>bizarre</i>, he will perhaps be -disappointed when he sees the countless overhead wires, the electric -trams, omnibuses, and bicycles, European clothes of all shades and -descriptions, and other encroachments of western civilisation, which -he had hoped to leave behind him and which somewhat shock his artistic -sense in their new surroundings. But these inæsthetic innovations -he must put up with, for they are typical of the present stage of -Japanese civilisation, and nowhere else are they more marked than in -Tokyo. The herculean task Japan has set herself leaves her little -leisure to consider its artistic effects; she is too much in earnest -to waste a thought on the awkward cut of the habiliments she is -donning; and only when she has so adapted herself as to fit them -exactly, will she turn her attention to their frills and trimmings.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{24}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.<br /> -<span class="smaller">HOUSES: EXTERIOR.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Name-plates—Block-buildings—Gates—The exposure of - houses—Fires—House-breaking—Japanese houses in summer and - winter—Storms and earthquakes—House-building—The carpenter—The - garden.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_w.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WE have already said that the complicated way of numbering streets and -the inclusion of a large group of buildings in one number make it hard -to find any particular house. They necessitate a dreary going to and -fro through a series of thoroughfares, which is very trying to one’s -temper and would in most cases oblige one after a long search to give -it up altogether, were it not for the circumstance that not only -shops and private offices, but also nearly every private house, has -a name-plate nailed over the front door or on the gate-post. If, -therefore, we can, in the course of our wanderings through a street, -alight upon the right number, we can generally find the house, -provided there are not too many with the same number. The name-plate -has usually inscribed on it the number of the house and the name of -its occupant, and his title if he is a peer. Besides the name-plate, -there is on the gate-post the brass-badge of the insurance company if -the house has been insured, to enable the company’s private firemen to -identify the house and give necessary assistance in case of a fire -in the neighbourhood. The gate-post has also the telephone-number -placarded in large figures for the telephone-rate collector’s -convenience.</p> - -<p>Shops and most mercantile offices open directly upon the street; but -with respect to private houses there is no definite rule. Cheap houses -are built in long blocks; of these the worst description is to be -found in back courts; they are of one story, or if of two stories, -the second has a very low ceiling. They are usually in a dilapidated -condition and propped up on all sides; they are in<span class="pagenum">{25}</span> fact our -slums. The smallest of these houses is only twelve feet by nine. A -block may be made up of a dozen such houses, six on either side with a -wall running through the middle from end to end. It is a peculiarity -of our tenement houses which have to be low on account of the -frequency of earthquakes that they are thus divided vertically -into narrow compartments and differ in this respect<span class="pagenum">{26}</span> from the -many-storied houses in the West, which are divided horizontally and -occupied in flats. While the ground-rent is still comparatively low, -this habitation in transverse sections, so to speak, is feasible -for the poor; but even now, as the rent is steadily rising in all -quarters, the tendency is to drive these humble dwellers outside -the city limits. As it is, only in the poorer districts are these -miserable houses to be seen; for in the busier quarters the -ground-rent is already too high for them. But buildings in blocks are -not all of the poorest kind, though it must be admitted that dwelling -in a “long building,” as a block of this description is called, -implies on the face of it life on a humble scale. In the old times -well-to-do retainers, who had large houses of their own in the -country, lived when in Yedo in the “long buildings” surrounding their -lord’s mansion. Small shops are also built in blocks.</p> - -<div id="img_p025" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p025.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>IN THE SLUMS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Though many private houses in the business quarters have no gates, -those of any pretensions in the residential districts where land is -naturally cheaper, are mostly provided with them. It is not usual for -professionals in humbler walks of life and for artisans to live within -a gate; but officials and others of some social standing prefer to -have one to their houses. Sometimes there is a single gate to a large -compound with a number of small houses in it; in such a case the -gate-post is studded with name-plates. Gates, too, vary in size and -form. The most modest are no more than low wicker-gates which can be -jumped over and offer no bar to intrusion. Others are of the same -make, but stand higher so that the interior can be seen only through -cracks. But the most common consist of two square posts with hinged -doors which meet in the middle and are kept shut by a cross-bar -passing through clamps on them. These gates may be of the cheapest -kind of wood, such as cryptomeria, or may be massive and of hard wood. -Another common kind has a roof over it with a single door which is -hinged on one post and fastened on to the other and provided with a -small sliding-door for daily use. The larger pair gates have also -small side-doors for use at night when they are themselves shut.</p> - -<div id="img_p027" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p027.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A HOUSE AND A GATE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>After entering by the gate, we come to the porch; the distance<span class="pagenum">{27}</span> -between them varies with the size and exposure of the house. It is not -true, as has been said by some writers on Japan, that in our houses -the parlour and the garden invariably occupy the rear while the -kitchen is in front. Their position depends upon the exposure of the -house. No people short of savages probably lead a more<span class="pagenum">{28}</span> open-air -life than we do in our wooden houses. Our paper sliding-doors, which -are our only protection against wind and cold in winter, admit both -light and air; and we provide personally against the cold by wearing -wadded clothing and huddling over braziers, while in summer all the -sliding-doors are often removed to let the cool breeze blow through -the house. It becomes, then, an important matter in building or -selecting a house to see that its principal rooms are so arranged as -to get the warm rays of the sun in winter and the cool breezes in -summer. As both these are to be obtained from the south, the principal -rooms are made to expose their open side to that direction. In winter -the exposure of these rooms makes a vast difference in the consumption -of charcoal as the sun shining through the open side warms the rooms -more thoroughly than the braziers can do. Next to the south, the east -is the favourite direction, as the east wind coming over the Pacific -Ocean is milder than the north or west. The west wind, crossing as it -does the snowy ridges of Central Japan, is cold in winter while the -piercing rays of the westering sun make the rooms intolerably hot in -summer; and the north wind is cold in winter and in summer breezes -seldom come from that direction. In short, then, the principal rooms -face the south, if possible, or south-east, or sometimes the east. As -the garden is naturally in front of the principal rooms, its position -depends upon theirs, and it is made to lie, if possible, on the south -side of the house. If the gate is on the north side of the premises, -it is close to the house; but if it is on the south side, the garden -intervenes. It should, however, be stated that some people purposely -make their principal room face north; their reason is that if the -garden lay south of the house, the trees and plants in it would -display their north or rear side to those within, and they are -therefore willing to put up with the cold blasts from the north for -the pleasure of looking at the front and sunny side of their plants.</p> - -<div id="img_p029" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p029.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A ROOFED AND A PAIR GATE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Most houses in Japan are made of wood. In Tokyo only a little over -one-eighth of the houses are made of other materials, that is, of -brick, stone, or plaster, so that the capital may be said to be a city -of wooden houses. It is therefore, needless to add,<span class="pagenum">{29}</span> often ravaged -by fire. In old Yedo fires were known as the “Flowers of Yedo,” being -as much among the great sights of the city as the cherry-blossoms on -the south-east bank of the River Sumida, the morning-glories of Iriya, -or the chrysanthemums of Dangozaka, for which Tokyo is still noted. -Under the feudal<span class="pagenum">{30}</span> government occurred several fires which burnt -down tens of thousands of houses, and even under the new regime -disastrous fires are not unknown. On two occasions, in 1879 and -1881, over ten thousand houses were destroyed; but the last great -conflagration took place in 1892 when four thousand buildings were -devoured by the flames. Since then, though fires have been frequent -enough, their ravages have been more limited, thanks to a more -efficient system of fire-brigades and plentiful supply of water. -During the last few years the average number of houses annually -destroyed has been about seven hundred, which cover an area of seven -and a half acres; and as the total area of buildings in Tokyo is -three thousand seven hundred acres, the fires destroy every year one -five-hundredth part of the city. The actual loss of property is not so -great as might at first sight be supposed; for it is a notorious fact -that houses in Tokyo are not so carefully constructed as in Kyoto and -other cities, and the greater risks from fire incurred in the capital -discourage the building of costly houses unless they are to stand on -extensive grounds. Formerly it was calculated that the average life -of a house was about thirty years; but now the lesser frequency of -fires would give them a much longer lease. This is comforting to -house-owners; but it must be confessed that wooden houses more than -thirty years old are not pleasant to live in. The timber, unless -extremely well-seasoned, becomes warped and the pillars of the house -get out of the perpendicular, with the result that the sliding-doors -refuse to close flat upon them but leave a space at the top or bottom -through which the cold wind whistles at will in winter. This is the -case even with carefully-built houses, while in others the defects -are still more glaring. The jerry-builder’s hand is conspicuous in -most houses to let, and the rent is high compared with the cost of -construction. The landlords protest that they have to charge a high -rent as whole blocks may be swept away in one night through malice -or stupidity. And there is something to be said for their argument, -especially as fire insurance is still far from universal, for it -is strange when one comes to think of it that there are not more -destructive fires. It is so easy to burn down a wooden house. A rag -soaked with kerosene is enough<span class="pagenum">{31}</span> to destroy any number of houses -and is the favourite means with incendiaries who hope to steal -household goods which are brought out in confusion into the street -whenever there is a fire in the neighbourhood. Besides, a slight act -of carelessness or neglect may lead to a terrible conflagration; a -candle left too near a paper sliding-door was the origin of the great -fire of 1892 already mentioned. Similarly, a kerosene lamp or a -brazier overturned, a pinch of lighted tobacco or an unextinguished -cigar-end, an over-heated stove or a piece of red-hot charcoal dropped -on the floor, these are among the commonest causes of fires; and even -the cheap Japanese matches, of which as the splints are not dipped in -paraffin, at least half a dozen are needed to light a cigarette in the -open air, are responsible for as many fires every year. Since such -slight accidents may at any time lead to great disasters, the -inhabitants, as they go to bed, are never sure, especially in crowded -quarters, of still having a roof over their heads next morning. They -may be aroused from their slumbers by the dreaded triple peal of the -alarm-bell and find the neighbouring street or next door wrapped in -flames, and just manage to run out of their houses with nothing but -the clothes on their backs. We are, however, so used to the fire-alarm -that if the peals are double to indicate that the fire is in the next -district, we only get out of bed to look at it from idle curiosity and -turn in again unless our house is leeward of the burning district or -we have to run to the assistance of a friend there; and if the bell -gives only single peals, which signify that at least one district -intervenes between the burning street and the fire-lookout, we turn in -our beds and perhaps picture to ourselves the lively time they must be -having in that street. A fire is, on account of its uncertainty and -suddenness, only less feared than an earthquake, and the general -feeling among the citizens is that of insecurity.</p> - -<p>There is, however, still another element of insecurity in wooden -houses. House-breaking is by no means difficult in Tokyo. In the -daytime the front entrance is generally closed with sliding-doors -which can, however, be gently opened and entered without attracting -notice unless some one happens to be in an adjoining<span class="pagenum">{32}</span> room. The -kitchen door is usually kept open, and it is quite easy to sneak -into the kitchen and make away with food or utensils. Tradesmen, -rag-merchants, and hawkers come into the kitchen to ask for orders, to -buy waste-paper or broken crockery, or to sell their wares, so that -there is nothing unusual in finding strange men on the premises. -Sometimes these hawkers are really burglars in disguise come to -reconnoitre the house with a view to paying it a nocturnal visit. -At night, of course, the house is shut and the doors are bolted or -fastened with a ring and staple, but very seldom locked or chained. -As the doors are nothing more than wooden frames with horizontal -cross-bars, on which boards less than a quarter of an inch thick are -nailed, it would not be difficult to cut a hole with a chisel large -enough for the hand to reach the bolt or the staple or to clear the -whole space between the cross-bars for the body to pass through. But -quieter methods are generally preferred. Single burglars usually come -in by the skylight, closed at night by a small sliding-door, which -does duty as chimney in the kitchen, or crawl under the floor which -is some two feet from the ground, by tearing away the boarding under -the verandah and come up by carefully removing the loose plank of the -floor, under which fuel is kept in the kitchen. If the burglars are in -a gang, they naturally come in more boldly than these kitchen sneaks. -Once inside, the thief has the run of the house as all the rooms<span class="pagenum">{33}</span> -communicate by sliding-doors and are never locked, and the whole -household is at his mercy. Since, then, houses are so easy of entry, -it might be supposed that burglaries are very frequent in Tokyo; that -such is not the case is probably due to the somewhat primitive methods -pursued by these gentry and to the effective detective system of the -police authorities. The strict police registration of every inhabitant -and the easy access of all the rooms in a house make concealment very -difficult, and the criminal is readily shadowed as he wanders from -place to place throughout the Empire.</p> - -<div id="img_p032" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p032.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>DOOR-FASTENINGS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>To this general insecurity from fire and burglary all wooden houses -are subject; but if we take into consideration the actual number of -homes which fall victims to them, we are compelled to conclude that -though the feeling of insecurity may always be present, the chances of -its being realised are somewhat remote, so that it is not so bad as it -looks in these respects to live in the wooden houses of Tokyo. Fires -are most frequent in winter from braziers being then in use and -kerosene lamps being in requisition for longer hours every evening, -and burglaries, too, increase in the same season from the sufferings -of the poor being intensified. But in the summer heat the Japanese -house is extremely pleasant. The whole house is open and lets the cool -breeze blow from end to end; bamboo screens are hung in front of the -verandah where it is exposed to the burning rays of the sun. On the -second story we sit in thin cotton garments and feel the breeze all -over the body, and look down upon the landscape garden before us -or beyond at the peerless Mount Fuji on the south-west or at Mount -Tsukuba on the northern edge of the Musashino plain. It is especially -enjoyable when fresh from a hot bath, we squat or loll on the mats, -fan in hand, and engage in desultory talk or in a quiet game until the -sun sinks and wine and fish are brought before us. The Japanese house -is an ideal summer villa when we can rest ourselves from the heat and -dust of the busy city. But in the city itself it is far otherwise. The -dust blows in with every gust, and the house, to be properly kept, -must be swept several times a day. The narrowness of the streets and -lowness of the ceilings give the<span class="pagenum">{34}</span> shops in crowded quarters -insufficient light, though more than enough of dusty air. But in -winter we feel the inadequacy of wooden houses; it is next to -impossible to keep out the cold effectually; a room never gets -thoroughly warmed. The wind blows in through the crevices of the -sliding-doors, for the edges on which these doors meet are flat and -never dovetailed. The paper of the doors is porous, and through its -pores the air gets in; there is certainly this to be said for it that -in a Japanese room one need never fear asphyxiation, however much -charcoal may be burning in the braziers. These braziers are for -warming the hands and the face if one crouches over them; but for the -body, we get the warmth from the abundance of wadded clothing. We can -therefore keep fairly warm if we merely sit on the mats; but directly -we move or stand up, the cold attacks us. Most Japanese are, however, -used from childhood to these cold rooms and do not feel the chill. -Many of them think nothing of sitting for hours in a cold draught.</p> - -<p>A Japanese wooden house looks pretty when new; but after some years -when the outside is weather-beaten, the pillars begin to warp and the -walls to crumble, its charms, too, are on the wane. A well-built house -may be comfortable for twenty or at most thirty years, after which it -is uninhabitable without considerable repairs. The few private houses -which still remain that were built before the Restoration are at best -rain-proof, and afford little protection against wind. There are -certainly public buildings, such as shrines and temples, which have -survived many centuries and are not unfrequently picturesque as they -peer through their groves; but a close inspection would soon reveal -the repairs they have undergone, pillars repainted, roofs retiled, -gable-ends regilt, and the interior generally renovated. There is -wanting in Japanese dwelling-houses that poetical charm which age -lends to brick and stone buildings in the West with their dark-stained -casements and ivy-mantled walls; and time which mellows and imparts a -deeper hue to stone dry-rots wood and saps it of its strength, and -long before storms make any impression upon brick, the frame-house -falls to the ground. But in Japan it is not merely wind and rain<span class="pagenum">{35}</span> -that houses have to contend against; the earthquake is the foe that -makes them to totter. Every earthquake, by shaking them up, tends to -loosen the joints and disturb the equilibrium of the building; and as -a good many such shocks, about a hundred and fifty, occur in the -course of a year, their combined effect is by no means negligible. -Houses have therefore to be built with the possible effects of -earthquakes in view.</p> - -<p>The most obvious of the provisions against earthquake effects is the -small height of the houses. Most dwelling-houses in Tokyo have only -one or two stories; there are far more of the former than of the -latter; and even of the latter kind, the upper story is usually much -smaller than the lower. The floor stands about two feet from the -ground; the ceiling is eight or nine feet in height on the lower floor -and often less than eight feet on the upper. The outer walls sometimes -rest on a low stone course; but the verandah is supported by short -wooden pillars resting on stone slabs. The house, in fact, merely -stands on a few stone slabs and courses and can, as is indeed -sometimes done, be lifted bodily and removed to another site. Over the -verandah, if there is a story above, a small roof projects to prevent -the rain from blowing into, the rooms behind it. The housetop is never -flat, but has a great rough-hewn beam for roof-tree with rafters on -either side, which are covered with lath. Semicircular tiles are -laid over the roof-tree with a thick substratum of mortar, while the -slanting sides are covered with pantiles. The gutter is sometimes made -of copper, but more commonly of bamboo or tinplate. The roof is built -before the walls or the floor. First, the ground is levelled and the -stone foundation made for the pillars. Meanwhile the pillars, joists, -beams, and ties have been made, and are now set up and fitted. As soon -as the frame is built, the roof is put on and covered for the while -with matting so as to enable the workmen to work inside irrespectively -of the weather. The verandahs, floors, ceilings, and grooves for -sliding-doors are made. The carpenter’s work is then done; and the -tiler is called in for the roof-tiles, the plasterer for the walls, -and the joiner for the sliding-doors. The tiles are of a uniform size -and generally of the same shape. The<span class="pagenum">{37}</span> walls are made with a lathing -or frame of slender bamboo, which is covered with clay and over it one -or more coatings of plaster. In some buildings the coatings of the -outer walls are replaced by clapboards, which are painted black if the -wood is of an inferior quality or too weather-beaten. The paper-hanger -is called in to paper the sliding-doors and the mat-maker comes to -cover the floor with mats. The house is then complete.</p> - -<div id="img_p036" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p036.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A HOUSE WITHOUT A GATE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>In Japan there was neither an architect nor a builder as a distinct -calling. Even now, ordinary dwelling-houses are not built by either of -them; it is the carpenter who has charge of their construction. The -carpenter’s is a dignified craft; he is called in Japanese the “great -artificer,” and stands at the head of all artisans. In the building of -a house, a master carpenter is called in; he prepares the plans, -and if they are approved, he sets to work with his apprentices and -journeymen. The other artisans, the tiler, the plasterer, and the -joiner, work under him. He is not as a rule an educated man and knows -his trade from having worked at it from apprenticeship; and for his -diligence or intelligence he has been set up by his master, or it may -be that he has found a wealthy patron, or more probably, he comes of -a carpenter’s family and has succeeded his father. Making use only -of the knowledge acquired during his term of apprenticeship or -service as journeyman, the master carpenter has little occasion to -display his inventiveness or originality, for he need only follow the -time-honoured conventions which hold sway in his craft as in all other -arts and crafts of the country. Hence, monotony is a distinctive mark -of Japanese domestic architecture; there is a sameness of style in all -our dwelling-houses. The chief and perhaps the only point upon which -the carpenter has to bring his ingenuity to bear is the arrangement of -the rooms. If he has a large site to build on, he will spread out the -building so as to secure as much southerly or south-easterly exposure -as possible without counteracting inconveniences; but if the site is -confined, he has to change his plans accordingly. Much depends upon -the lie of the land. His object is to have no rooms that are useless -or inconvenient. This is not such an easy task as may appear at first -sight in a house in<span class="pagenum">{38}</span> which, with one or two exceptions, the rooms -may be turned into any use; for the very indefiniteness of their -disposal makes the problem more difficult to solve than in the case of -a house in which a definite use is assigned to each room at the time -of erection.</p> - -<div id="img_p038" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p038.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A GARDEN. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Convention also makes itself felt in the laying out of a Japanese -garden, though a greater latitude is allowed to the gardener’s -ingenuity. Still the principles remain unchanged. In a large garden -we usually find a pond, dry if no water is available, and surrounded -with rocks of various shapes, and a knoll or two behind the pond with -pines, maples, and other trees, and stone lanterns here and there. A -few flowering shrubs are in sight, but these are<span class="pagenum">{39}</span> planted for a -season; thus, peonies, morning-glories, and chrysanthemums are removed -as soon as they fade, while corchoruses and hydrangeas are cut down -leaving only the roots behind. The chief features of the garden are -the evergreens like the pine, trees whose leaves crimson in autumn -like the maple, and above all, the flowering trees like the plum, the -cherry, and the peach. A landscape garden presents, when the trees are -not in blossom, a somewhat severe or solemn aspect; we do not expect -from it the gaiety which beds of flowers impart. Indeed, many European -flowering plants have of late been introduced, such as anemones, -cosmoses, geraniums, nasturtiums, tulips, crocuses, and begonias; but -they still look out of place in a Japanese garden. Roses are sometimes -planted, but they are almost scentless. The humidity of the climate -appears to militate against the perfume of flowers.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{40}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.<br /> -<span class="smaller">HOUSES: INTERIOR.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">The sizes of rooms—The absence of - furniture—Sliding-doors—Verandahs—Tenement and other small - houses—Middle-sized dwellings—The porch and anteroom—The - parlour—Parlour furniture—The sitting-room—Closets and - cupboards—Bed-rooms—The dining-room—Chests of drawers and - trunks—The toilet-room—The library—The bath-room—Foot-warmers.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_a.png" width="30" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">A Japanese room is measured, not by feet and inches, but by the number -of mats it contains. A mat consists of a straw mattress, about an inch -and a half thick, with a covering of fine matting which is sewn on at -the edges of the mattress either by itself or with a border, usually -dark-blue and an inch wide, of coarse hempen cloth. It is six feet -long by three wide; this measure is not always exact, but may vary by -an inch or more in either direction. When a house is newly built, the -mat-maker comes to make mats to fit the rooms in it. But in spite of -the variation, the size of a room is always given in the number of -mats it holds, so that we never know the exact dimensions of a room. -The smallest room has two mats, that is, is about six feet square; the -next smallest is three-matted, or three yards by two. Four-matted -rooms are sometimes to be found; but such rooms are unshapely, being -four yards long by two wide. A room with four and a half mats is three -yards square and has the half mat, which is a yard square, in the -centre. The next size is six-matted, or four yards by three and is -followed by the eight-matted, or four yards square. The ten-matted -room is five yards by four and the twelve-matted is six yards by four. -It is only in large houses that there are rooms with fifteen or more -mats. In some restaurants and story-tellers’ halls we come upon rooms -with a hundred mats. Some rooms have five or seven mats; but they are -really of six or eight mats with the space of one mat occupied by a -closet or an alcove. It will thus be seen that in most rooms the<span class="pagenum">{41}</span> -length is either equal to the breadth or at most only half as much -again. This tends to make the proportion between the two somewhat -monotonous.</p> - -<div id="img_p041" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p041.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SIX-MATTED ROOM AND VERANDAH. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The commonest rooms are those with four and a half, six, or eight -mats, that is to say, rooms which are three or four yards square or -four yards by three. Such rooms would be very small in a house built -in European style; there would hardly be elbow-room and one could not -move an inch without knocking down some piece of furniture. But in a -Japanese room there is but little furniture, and certainly none that -one could bring down by knocking against it with the exception, -perhaps, of the screen. Our rooms look very bare to foreigners and -appear to lack comfort to those who have lived in European apartments; -but from the Japanese’s<span class="pagenum">{42}</span> point of view, rooms furnished in the -approved European style suffer from excess of furniture and partake -too much of the nature of a curiosity shop or a museum. This may be -going too far; but there is undoubtedly something repugnant to the -Japanese canons of taste to find all the art treasures of the house -exhibited from day to day on the walls or in the corners of the rooms -to which guests have access. The absence of movable furniture in a -Japanese room, by allowing more free space, makes it look larger than -a European room of the same size. We squat on the mats, and our line -of vision, being consequently much lower than if we sat in a chair, -gives the room a further appearance of greater size. The illusion is -kept up by the lowness of the ceiling, which though seldom more than -eight or nine feet high, seems to be loftier as we squat under it.</p> - -<p>The size of a mat being, as already stated, roughly six feet by three, -the yard has naturally become the unit by which other parts of a room -or a house are measured. Thus, the sliding-doors are usually a yard -wide. As these doors are always in pairs and move in two grooves each -at top and bottom, there are a pair in grooves six feet long and two -pairs in those of twelve feet; but in grooves nine feet in length -there are either a pair or two, commonly the latter, in which case -the sliding-doors are each three-quarters of a yard wide. The -sliding-doors are of two kinds: the <i>shoji</i>, or paper sliding-doors, -which are partitions admitting light, and the <i>fusuma</i> (also -called <i>karakami</i>), or screen sliding-doors, which merely serve as -partitions. The <i>shoji</i> consists of a wooden frame, an inch or more in -thickness, with thinner cross and vertical pieces forming lattices -about nine inches wide by five high. It is covered on the outside with -thin rice-paper, which admits light but is not transparent. It is of -use when there is light on one side as at the verandah or window or -where a room or a passage would be too dark if <i>fusuma</i> were put up. -The <i>fusuma</i> consists of a wooden frame with a few pieces within, -which is pasted over on both sides with thick paper and covered with -ornamental paper. It is quite opaque. The frame and lattices of the -<i>shoji</i> are of plain white wood; but the frame of the <i>fusuma</i> is -often varnished, though it<span class="pagenum">{43}</span> may also be left plain. The <i>fusuma</i> -has a small hollow handle, a few feet from the floor, which is -sometimes highly ornamented.</p> - -<p>The verandah is also usually three feet wide. It consists generally -of long narrow planks ranged parallel to the grooves of the -sliding-doors, though it is sometimes made up of wider pieces set at -right angles to them. In the former case the planks, as they age, -shrink and leave cracks between, which admit light when the outer -doors or shutters are closed in the daytime. Bamboos are sometimes -laid between the pieces to cover the shrinkage. The shutters run in -grooves on the outer edge of the verandah. They are also three feet -wide and kept in a receptacle at the end of the groove. The last one -only is usually bolted. There are similar shutters at all the windows, -which are also provided with paper sliding-doors and lattices or bars -as precautions against house-breaking. When a verandah runs along more -than one room, there are pillars on its outer edge just inside the -groove of the shutters and opposite the pillars dividing the rooms. -All sets of sliding-doors need a pillar to close against at either end.</p> - -<p>The smallest houses are those in the slums which have only three -yards’ frontage and a depth of four yards. The entrance, the space for -kitchen utensils and the sink, and perhaps a closet or cupboard would -leave room for little more than three mats, on which the whole family -live; but as children spend all their playtime outside and come in -only for meals, it is at night that the house is crowded, and even -then as they sleep higgledy-piggledy, a couple or so of children -do not inconvenience their parents to any appreciable extent. A -two-roomed house is common enough and is not confined to the slums. -A childless old couple, when the wife has to do the household work, -find such a house large enough for them. Artisans also live in them. -Three-roomed houses, too, are very common. Houses built in blocks -are oftenest of this size. They are made up of the porch, the -sitting-room, and the parlour or drawing-room. These three rooms are -the essential portions of a house; and larger houses merely add to -them. A visitor calls at the porch, the paper sliding-door is opened, -he is invited to come in, he leaves his hat and greatcoat in the -porch, and enters the<span class="pagenum">{44}</span> parlour. The master, or in his absence his -wife, entertains him there, while the rest of the family remain in the -sitting-room. In cold weather the sliding-doors between the two rooms -are closed; but in summer they are kept open, or frequently doors with -reed screens within the frames are used. These admit the breeze and -let the people in the other room be seen; but the fiction of their -invisibility is kept up and those in the inner room are not obliged to -greet the visitor.</p> - -<p>In a four-roomed house the fourth room may be the servant’s room, if -one is kept, a toilet-room, or a reserve room without any definite -purpose. A five-roomed house may be taken as the smallest in which a -man of the middle class would live. One living in a smaller house may -be reckoned among that class; but five rooms are perhaps the fewest in -which one can live with comfort if there are not too many children or -dependants. A servant would be kept and a room assigned to her, though -it would not be exclusively her own as much household work would be -done there. The fifth room would be the anteroom or a private room -where the family effects, especially the wardrobe, would be kept. -Houses with more rooms are pretty numerous; but probably ten rooms may -be put as the limit for the middle class proper, if they do not indeed -exceed its means. The average size for that class may be given as -seven or eight rooms. In such a house there would be, in addition to -the three rooms first mentioned, the anteroom, the servant’s room, -the room for the wardrobe, and one between the sitting-room and the -kitchen or back-entrance where inferior callers, such as tradesmen, -artisans, servants’ relatives, or former dependants would be received. -The eighth room, if there is one, may be reserved for the father or -mother of the master or his wife, who may be staying with them, the -master’s private room, the children’s study, or the student’s room. As -the rooms, with the exception of the porch, parlour, and perhaps the -servant’s room, are not built with a definite object in view, they can -be used in any way. This is in a sense convenient; but it has also -this disadvantage that the very indefiniteness of their object often -makes them inconvenient for any purpose, for in many houses there are -rooms which cannot<span class="pagenum">{46}</span> be utilised, sometimes owing to their exposure -which makes them too cold or too hot for comfort or too dark to work -in, and sometimes by reason of their position which renders them good -only for passages from one room to another.</p> - -<div id="img_p045" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p045.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE PORCH, OPEN AND LATTICED. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Although, as has already been stated, there is no hard and fast -rule for the disposition of the rooms, the commonest is perhaps the -following:—At the front entrance there is the porch; the ground in -front of it may be open with only a roof projecting over it, or it may -be enclosed by latticed doors. In the open porch there is a stone step -where the footgear are taken off before entering, while in the closed -one there is a wooden ledge for stepping from the ground on to the -mats. The porch itself, which would correspond to the hall in a -European-built house, is of two or three mats; here the visitor leaves -his hat, greatcoat, and other articles which he would not take into -the parlour. On one side of the porch may be the student’s room if -there is one at all and on the opposite side the porch opens upon the -anteroom. The size of this room depends upon that of the parlour; -sometimes it is of the same size, but more frequently smaller by two -or more mats. Thus, if the parlour is of ten mats, the anteroom has -eight; and if the former has eight mats as is oftenest the case, there -are six in the other. The anteroom opens upon the same verandah as the -parlour; and the two rooms are separated only by sliding-doors, so -that these doors may, when necessary, be removed and the two rooms -run into one. Such a room, which would have from fourteen to eighteen -mats, would be large enough for most purposes. The anteroom thus opens -upon the porch on one side, upon the verandah on another, and upon -the parlour on the third, and on the fourth it usually communicates -directly or indirectly with the servant’s room. In large houses, -however, there is a separate passage from the kitchen to the porch. -Thus, the room is open on all sides though there may sometimes be a -bit of a wall by the doors from the porch and the kitchen. The room -has little furniture, except, perhaps, one or two framed pictures or -writings over the lintels of the doors; and in rare cases there is an -alcove<span class="pagenum">{48}</span> by the wall. Cushions for callers are usually kept in a -corner of the anteroom.</p> - -<div id="img_p047" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p047.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>AN EIGHT-MATTED PARLOUR. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The parlour, the principal room of the house, is always kept tidy. It -has an alcove, six feet long by three deep, consisting of a dais, a -few inches high, of plain hard wood, which will bear polishing, though -a thin matting is sometimes put over it. Not unfrequently, another -piece of wood, generally square, forms the outer edge so that the -thickness of the floor of the alcove can be concealed. The dais has a -special ceiling of its own, or a bit of a wall, of plaster or wood, -coming down over it a foot or more from the ceiling. On the dais is -set a vase of porcelain or metal, bottle-shaped or flat, in which -branches of a tree or shrubs in flower are put in, and on the wall -is hung a <i>kakemono</i>, or scroll of picture or writing. These two -constitute the main ornament of the room. New flowers are put in every -few days and the <i>kakemono</i> is changed from time to time. This is the -peculiarity of the <i>kakemono</i> as a piece of house decoration. We do -not exhibit all our treasures in <i>kakemono</i> at the same time, but -hang them one, two, or three at a time according to the size of the -alcove and the <i>kakemono</i> themselves, so that the visitor calling -at different seasons may delight his eyes with the sight of fresh -pictures or writings each time he calls. The inmates, too, do not grow -weary with gazing at the same pictures day after day, but enjoy the -variety the seasons offer. To the Japanese it is a more artistic and -pleasurable method of displaying his treasures than keeping them all, -as it were, on permanent exhibition. The flowers, too, in the vases -are arranged in an artistic style; their arrangement is an art which -boasts many schools and professors and is considered an indispensable -branch of a girl’s education. They are not thrown haphazard in a -bundle into a vase and expected to give pleasure merely by the -profusion of colours and forms, It may be a single stem or half a -dozen with the flowers ranged in relation to one another after fixed -canons of the art.</p> - -<p>There are in the parlour as in the anteroom pictures or writings in -frames over the lintels of the sliding-doors. On a line with the -alcove and usually of the same length is another<span class="pagenum">{49}</span> recess, with a -small closet at the top or bottom where the <i>kakemono</i> and their cases -are generally kept. In this recess there are, also, a pair of shelves -at different heights and coming out from opposite walls, the free -ends of which overlap each other a few inches. On these shelves some -ornaments, usually curios, are placed. When unoccupied, the room is -kept clear of any other object. When a visitor calls, even the cushion -is brought from the anteroom for him to sit on, and then a small cup -of tea set before him and a brazier if it is cold and if warm, a -<i>tabako-bon</i>. The cushion is round or square; that for summer is made -of matting, hide, or a thin wadding of cotton in a cover of hempen -cloth, while for winter use the wadding is much thicker and the cover -is silk or cotton. It is about sixteen inches at the side if square. -The brazier is of various shapes and makes. It may be a wooden box -with an earthenware case inside or with a false bottom of copper, or -it may be a glazed earthenware case alone; the wooden box may be plain -with two<span class="pagenum">{50}</span> holes for handles, or it may be elaborately latticed; -and sometimes a brazier is made of the trunk of a tree cut with -the outside rough-hewn or only barked and highly polished. The -<i>tabako-bon</i>, or “tobacco-tray,” is a small open square or oblong box -of sandal-wood or other hard wood, which holds a small china or metal -pan, three-quarters full of ashes, with a few tiny pieces of live -charcoal in the middle to light a pipe with, and beside it a small -bamboo tube with a knot at the bottom for receiving tobacco-ashes.</p> - -<div id="img_p049" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p049.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A VISITOR. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The sitting-room has little furniture. An indispensable article in it -is the brazier, usually oblong, with a set of three small drawers one -under another at the side and two others side by side under the<span class="pagenum">{51}</span> -copper tray filled with ashes, on which charcoal is burnt inside an -iron or clay trivet. On this trivet is set a kettle of iron or copper. -The iron kettle is made of thick cast-iron and kept on the trivet -so as always to have hot water ready for tea-making: and the copper -kettle is used when we wish to boil water quickly. Beside the brazier -is a small shelf or cabinet for tea-things. Behind the brazier is a -cushion where the wife sits; this is her usual post. There is also a -cushion on the other side or the brazier, where the husband or other -members of the house may sit.</p> - -<div id="img_p050" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p050.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SITTING-ROOM. - </div> -</div> - -<p>As for the other rooms of the house, there is no fixed article of -furniture as much depends upon the uses to which they are put. The -general absence of furniture in the rooms, however, does not imply -that we are absolutely without necessary articles of daily use. The -principle on which we proceed is to keep in a room only such articles -as are in constant use, the rest being put away as soon as they are -done with and brought out again when they are needed. Hence, one -of the most striking features of a Japanese house is the number of -closets and cupboards in it. Indeed, next to the arrangement of the -rooms, the most important consideration in selecting a house is the -number of closets it contains. These closets are three feet deep and a -yard or two in width. Considering the quantity of household goods that -are put away in these closets, there is no inconvenience we feel so -much as their scarcity.</p> - -<p>There are no rooms specially set apart for sleeping. This absence of -bed-rooms enables us to put up with fewer rooms than would be required -in a European house for a family of the same size. There are no -bedsteads. A bed consists of one or two mattresses, and one or two -quilts according to the season, and a pillow. These beds are spread in -any room that is handy and put away in the closets in the morning. The -parents and the children, especially if young, sleep in the same room; -and unless there is an out-of-the-way chamber where they can sleep in -peace, their beds are made in the parlour. For if the beds are made in -that room, the others can be swept and made ready for use while the -family are still in bed. In the sitting-room breakfast can be got -ready, while the anteroom can be used at once if a visitor calls, as -he sometimes<span class="pagenum">{52}</span> does very early in the morning or very late at night -when the children have been put to bed. In a two-storied house an -upstair room is often used as a reserve parlour, so that the anteroom -need not be got ready for receiving callers at unseasonable hours. If -the family is a large one, the rest shake down where they are least in -the way. The rooms to sleep in every night are of course assigned to -permanent members of the household; but country-cousins on a prolonged -visit can be put to bed anywhere without much inconvenience. For the -belated guest the bed is spread in the parlour and its usual occupants -are driven into other rooms.</p> - -<p>There is no special dining-room. The family take their meals in the -sitting-room. If there is a visitor, a dinner-tray is set before him -as well as before the host in the parlour; thus, there is no need -to have a room set apart for dining. A Japanese at home, then, may -remain all day in one room; he can sleep, take his meals, receive his -friends, or study without once standing up, for the room changes its -character with the articles that are brought into it.</p> - -<div id="img_p052" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p052.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A CHEST OF DRAWERS AND A TRUNK. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{53}</span></p> - -<p>Articles of clothing are put into chests of drawers or wicker-trunks. -Chests of drawers are commonly made in halves with two drawers each, -put one upon the other and fastened by iron clamps. This is to -facilitate their removal, a provision which is of importance where -fires are frequent. The wicker-trunk has a lid which is as deep as the -trunk itself and encloses it, and thus any amount of clothing may be -put into it up to the joint depth of the two. The trunks are hidden -away in the closets; but the chests of drawers, if they cannot be put -into a closet without inconvenience as they are over three feet wide, -are set in a corner or against a wall. Indeed, they are purposely put -sometimes where they can be seen and become part of the furniture of -the room. In large houses where there are godowns, or fireproof -plaster storehouses, the chests are put in them, and only such as -contain articles of daily wear for the season are kept in the house -itself.</p> - -<p>If the house is large enough, a special room is set apart for toilet; -but even then, as the toilet-case and its appurtenances can be readily -moved to any other room, the toilet-room is more useful for keeping -the necessary articles than for the toilet itself. And from the way in -which Japanese dresses are worn, that is, as nothing is put on over -the head like a jersey or the feet foremost like the European nether -garments, a Japanese woman can change her clothes without exposing her -body, and it is possible for her to dress or undress in any part of -the house. When she is going out with her children, she often manages -to turn the house inside out by calling upon its inmates to help her -and the children to dress. Tables or desks are set for children in a -spare room or in a corner of one that is occupied; but there is no -nursery, and the children pervade the whole house. They play wherever -they please, and peace prevails only when they are out or asleep.</p> - -<p>Nor is there a special room for books, for the library does not find -a place as an important feature in a Japanese house. We Japanese are -not a nation of readers. A man of ordinary education has studied the -Chinese classics and read the legendary histories and quasi-romances -of his country recounting the exploits of the favourite national -heroes; he also reads the papers and some of the<span class="pagenum">{54}</span> current -literature; but his knowledge of books cannot be said to be wide or -sympathetic. What books he has, if they are in the usual Japanese -style of binding, are piled up in small wooden cases with lids in -front. If he has a godown, he keeps the more valuable of his books in -it and only brings out such as he may require at the moment; but there -are not many, besides those with whom literature is a hereditary -calling, with so many books as to need storing in godowns. Far more -Japanese take to the composition of Chinese poems or Japanese odes as -a refined pastime, while a still larger number lose their heads over -games of <i>go</i> and chess. For these they use their private rooms more -frequently than for reading and study.</p> - -<p>Public baths are, on account of their great convenience, largely -patronised in Tokyo; but in many private houses bath-rooms are also -built. A bath-room of the ordinary size is three yards by two. The -bath of the commonest kind is made of wooden staves bound together -with metal hoops. It is oval in shape and inside the bath near the -edge a thin iron cylinder with a grating at its lower end passes -through its bottom. Into this cylinder live charcoal is put in to heat -the water of the bath; and a small plank partitions the cylinder to -protect the bather from being burnt by contact with it. Oblong baths -are now made with thick wooden sides and a furnace at one end which is -fed with coke or faggot. The ground of the bath-room is paved with -stone or beaten down with concrete; and on it stands a movable -flooring, a foot or more high, of narrow planks with open spaces -between to allow the water to run down. The bath holds one person or -at most two spare persons, and the water in it is deep enough to cover -the crouching body. The bather always washes himself on the flooring -and gets into the bath only to warm himself.</p> - -<div id="img_p055" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p055.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>FOOT-WARMERS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Sometimes a small square hearth is cut in the sitting-room or some -other convenient room; and in cold season a wooden frame supported by -four pillars is put over the hearth and covered with a large quilt. -Live charcoal is put into the hearth and the family sit around it with -their knees under the quilt or lie down with their feet stretched out -to the hearth. At other seasons the wooden<span class="pagenum">{55}</span> frame is removed and a -small mat of the same size as the hearth is put over it. As the hearth -cannot be moved about, most people prefer a portable foot-warmer, -which is usually a square wooden box with openings at the top and -sides; one of the sides slides open and through it an earthen pan of -live charcoal is placed inside. A quilt is laid over it as in the -case of the hearth. Another, made specially for putting in bed, is of -earthenware with a rounded top, which takes some time to heat. As the -ordinary cut charcoal is consumed too quickly, balls of charcoal dust -are used in these foot-warmers.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{56}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.<br /> -<span class="smaller">MEALS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Rice—<i>Sake</i>—Wheat and barley—Soy - sauce—<i>Mirin</i>—Rice-cooking—Soap—Pickled vegetables—Meal - trays—Chopsticks—Breakfast—Clearing and washing—The kitchen—The - little hearth—Pots and pans—Other utensils—Boxes and - casks—Shelves—The sink and water-supply—The midday meal—The evening - meal—<i>Sake</i>-drinking.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_r.png" width="35" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">RICE is the staple food of the Japanese; and no other food-stuff -stands so high in popular esteem, or has a tutelary deity of its -own. This rice-god has more shrines than any other deity, for he is -worshipped everywhere, in town and village, and often a small shrine, -no bigger than a hut, peeps amid a lonely cluster of trees surrounded -on all sides by rice-paddies, its latticed door covered from top to -bottom with the <i>ex-votos</i> of the simple peasant folk. Under the -feudal government the incomes of the territorial lords and their -retainers were assessed, not in money, but in the quantity of rice -that was annually brought into their granaries; and rice naturally -became the standard for the valuation of all other commodities. -The rice so garnered was subsequently converted into currency by -exchange-brokers. Under the new regime, however, rice no longer holds -the same pre-eminent position, but it still rules to a great extent -the market for other goods. The fluctuations of its prices on the rice -exchanges are eagerly watched by the whole nation; and references to -the weather, especially in summer, invariably end in speculations as -to its effect on the rice-crop, and the people put up unmurmuringly -with the heavy solstitial rains because most rice-fields are paddies -to which a plentiful supply of water is essential. Japan, in fact, is -still an agricultural country, and the progress she has of late made -in her manufacturing industry is not yet great enough to shake off the -domination of agriculture, for no industrial problem agitates the -nation so much as the annual question whether<span class="pagenum">{57}</span> the country can -produce its normal harvest of rice, which amounts to about two hundred -and twenty million bushels.</p> - -<div id="img_p057" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p057.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SHRINE OF THE RICE-GOD. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Rice, however, certainly deserves the solicitude the whole nation -feels for it; for it is not only the principal food-stuff, but it -is also the grain from which the national drink is made. <i>Sake</i> is -produced by the fermentation of rice, and contains about fourteen -per cent of alcohol. Though foreign wines are now imported into the -country and beer is also brewed in large quantities, <i>sake</i> is still -the principal alcoholic beverage in Japan; almost all other drinks -which were in use in the old times were either varieties of <i>sake</i> or -contained it as their chief ingredient.</p> - -<p>Among other cereals that are largely used are barley and wheat. The -former is now much in request for brewing beer; and as it is more -digestible than rice, a mixture of the two is eaten by<span class="pagenum">{58}</span> many -families in Tokyo. Wheat is mostly used as flour; it enters into many -dishes as well as cakes. It is a popular favourite when it is made -into macaroni, though in this respect it is eclipsed by buckwheat.</p> - -<p>But in point of utility the soy bean comes next to rice, for our soy -sauce which enters into almost all dishes is made from the bean, -wheat, and salt. So extensively is this sauce employed that table -salt is comparatively little needed. The bean is also the principal -ingredient in <i>miso</i>, which is a mixture of the soy bean, steamed -and pounded, with rice-yeast and salt. This <i>miso</i> is largely used -in making soup; and soups into which it does not enter are usually -flavoured by boiling shavings of sun-dried bonito and straining them -off.</p> - -<p><i>Mirin</i> is a sweet variety of spirit, made by straining a mixture of -<i>sake</i>, steamed rice, and a spirit distilled from <i>sake</i> lees. It -is largely used in boiling fish and other food. Vinegar is made in -various ways from rice, barley, potato, or <i>sake</i> lees.</p> - -<p>The cooking of rice is a delicate process. It is first well washed -overnight by rinsing it again and again until the water is quite -clear, and emptied into a basket to strain. In the morning it is put -into a deep iron pot which rests on a round earthen hearth or range -by a flange around it; then, water is poured in, the actual amount -requiring nice adjustment so as not to make the rice too soft or too -hard, and next a thick wooden lid is put on. A few faggots are lit -under the pot; but as soon as the rice begins to spurt, the fire is -withdrawn, and the pot is allowed to cool slowly and equably; it is -next lifted off the hearth and set on a straw-stand. When the rice -has stood long enough to be of the same temperature and consistency -throughout, the lid is removed and the rice transferred into a -cylindrical wooden tub. Well-boiled rice is soft, but its grains have -a lustre and are distinct from one another so that any single grain -can be picked up with chopsticks. Excessive heat would have burnt the -parts nearest the sides of the pot, while sudden heat would have -produced rice of unequal consistency.</p> - -<p>After the rice-pot is removed, another pot is put over the hearth for -making <i>miso</i>-soup; if the kitchen range is double-hearthed,<span class="pagenum">{59}</span> -the remainder of the faggots lit for the rice is transferred to -the neighbouring hearth over which the soup-pot is hung before the -rice-pot is removed from the other. <i>Miso</i>-soup contains strips of -garden radish, edible seaweed (<i>alopteryx pinnatifida</i>), bean-curd, -egg-plant, or other vegetables according to the season. These two, the -rice and the soup, are all the cookery required in the morning. There -must of course be hot water for tea.</p> - -<p>An invariable accompaniment at Japanese meals is the pickled -vegetables. The commonest of these is the garden radish which has been -pickled in a paste of powdered rice-bran and salt until it assumes a -rich golden hue. Greens are also treated in the same way until their -colour is dulled. But garden radishes, greens, small turnips, and -egg-plants are also sprinkled over with salt and pressed for a few -days. A few slices of these vegetables, after being thoroughly washed -to get rid of the bran or salt, are always served at a meal. Most -foreigners consider their smell nauseous; but to a Japanese a meal, -however rich or dainty, would appear incomplete without these -vegetables, pickled or salted. <i>Kōkō</i> or <i>kōnomono</i>, which is the common -name for them, means “fragrant article,” and it is believed by many -foreigners that the name was given them on the <i>lucus a non lucendo</i> -principle; but the Japanese has no such aversion to their smell. The -repugnance of strangers to these pickles is similar to the attitude -of most Japanese towards cheese, the taste for which would require as -much cultivation as that for <i>kōkō</i> on the part of one to whom both -articles are foreign.</p> - -<p>The breakfast is, then, very simple. Sometimes the family take their -meals together at a large low table which is set before them at each -repast; but often a small tray, about a foot square and standing six -inches or more high, is placed before each member. In the left corner -of the tray near the person before whom it is set, is a small china -bowl of rice, while on the right is a wooden bowl of <i>miso</i>-soup, A -tiny plate of pickled vegetables occupies the middle or the farther -left corner, while any extra plate would fill the remaining corner. -This plate also holds something very simple, such as plums preserved -in red perilla leaves, boiled kidney bean, pickled scallions, minute -fish or shrimps boiled down<span class="pagenum">{60}</span> dry in soy sauce, a pat of baked -<i>miso</i>, or shavings of dried bonito boiled in a mixture of soy and -<i>mirin</i>.</p> - -<div id="img_p060" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p060.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A MEAL-TRAY. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The chopsticks are laid between the rim of the tray and the bowls of -rice and soup. They vary in length, those for women being shorter than -those for men but longer than children’s; their length may, however, -be put at between eight and ten inches. Some are square in section, -while others are round; but most of them taper towards the tip which -is either rounded or pointed. The commonest kind is of cryptomeria -wood, others are of lacquered wood or of bone, and the best are of -ivory. Many of them are also tipped with German silver. Chopsticks may -appear at first hard to manage; but their manipulation is not really -difficult when one comes to see the way in which they should be -handled. They are held near the upper or thicker end in the right -hand. One chopstick is laid between the thumb and the forefinger and -on the first joint of the ring finger which is slightly bent, and -held in position by the basal phalanx of the thumb; this chopstick is -almost<span class="pagenum">{61}</span> stationary. The other is laid near the third joint of the -forefinger and between the tips of that and the middle finger which -are kept together, and is held down by the tip of the thumb; it is, -in short, held somewhat like a pen, only the pressure of the thumb -is much lighter, for if it were heavy, the force put into it as the -chopstick is moved would relax the pressure on the other stick and -cause it to drop. The tip of the thumb serves, therefore, only as a -loose fulcrum for moving the stick with tips of the fore and middle -fingers, while the upper half resting on the last joint of the -forefinger is allowed free play. The most difficult part is the use of -the thumb; beginners press the stationary chopstick too hard and make -the tip of the thumb so stiff that the other chopstick cannot be -freely moved. It is quite easy, when one gets used to the thing, even -to move the stationary chopstick a little at the same time as the -other. The tips of the chopsticks must always meet. In the hand of -a skilled user a needle may be picked up with them; but it is quite -enough for ordinary purposes if we can pick a fish or take up a grain -of boiled rice.</p> - -<div id="img_p061" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p061.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>HOW TO HOLD CHOPSTICKS. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{62}</span></p> - -<p>When the breakfast trays are brought, cups of tea are poured. The tea -drunk at meals is common tea, which as it consists of old leaves, may -be taken in any quantity without affecting the nerves. A handful of -the leaves is thrown into an earthen tea-pot and hot water poured into -it; and the pot is set over a fire to keep it hot. The infusion is -of a reddish-yellow hue and is almost tasteless. The cups used are -generally cylindrical, like mugs without the handles, and are assigned -one to each member of the family. The china rice-bowls are also -permanently given to the members. When the tea has been sipped, the -bowl of rice is taken up and brought near the mouth, and a small -quantity is separated with the chopsticks and eaten. In eating rice, -the chopsticks scoop it up and bring it to the mouth as it would take -too much time to pick it up grain by grain. Alternately with rice, the -soup is sipped, and the condiments are also picked a little at a time -with the chopsticks. Two or more helpings of rice are taken; as it is -considered unlucky to eat only one bowlful, at least two are eaten -even though the second may be a small dose consumed for form’s sake. -One or two helpings of the soup are also taken; but it is not -good form to ask for a second helping of the vegetables and other -condiments on the tray. Rice is brought in the cylindrical tub into -the room and served out there; but the soup is kept over a fire in the -kitchen and the wooden bowls are taken there for the second helping. -The last bowl of rice is often eaten with tea poured into it, and the -bowl is brought to the mouth and the rice pushed into it with the -chopsticks. It is, we may mention in passing, only the rice-bowl, -besides those containing soup, tea, and other liquid or semi-liquid -food which cannot be picked up with chopsticks, that is brought to the -mouth; all other dishes are kept on the tray and the food is taken up -with the chopsticks. Finally, the rice-bowl is filled with tea only to -wash down any grains of rice that may be left in it.</p> - -<div id="img_p063" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p063.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A MEAL. - </div> -</div> - -<p>This finishes the breakfast. It does not take more than ten or fifteen -minutes; indeed, people pride themselves upon their quickness at -meals, especially at breakfast, as it implies that they have no time -to dawdle over their food, which is taken solely to ward off hunger -and maintain their health and strength. But it must be<span class="pagenum">{64}</span> admitted -that indigestion not unfrequently follows these hurried meals, to -which children are early taught to habituate themselves by parental -instruction and by a proverb which puts quickness at meals as an -accomplishment on a level with swiftness of foot. When the breakfast -is over, the trays, plates, and other utensils are taken back into the -kitchen, washed, and put away until they are needed for the next meal. -The wooden tub of rice is put into a straw casing in winter to prevent -its getting cold and hard and on a stand in a cool, breezy place in -summer to keep it from sweating.</p> - -<p>Let us next turn to the kitchen and see how it is arranged. The -kitchen varies very much in size; but the commonest range from six to -sixteen square yards, that is, it would, if it were matted, hold from -three to eight mats. But the floor is usually entirely boarded, though -in a large kitchen a mat or two are laid for the servants to sit on. -There is a space of ground at the entrance for leaving clogs in, and -another on which the sink is set. The most prominent feature of the -kitchen is the hearth for cooking rice. It is made of a shallow wooden -box, on which a square plaster casing is built with a round hole at -the top and an aperture at a side. On the hole the rice-pot is put; -and the side-opening is used for feeding the hearth with small faggots -which are kept in a cavity under the wooden box. The hearth is as -often as not double, and over the other hole the soup-pot is set. The -plaster between the two holes is often replaced by a copper boiler for -boiling water with the heat of the faggots under the two pots. Over -the hearth is a skylight in the roof, for the part of the house where -the kitchen is situated is always one-storied; and a sliding shutter -is moved up and down along the incline of the roof and fastened by a -cord. The skylight is useful on a fine calm day as an outlet for the -smoke of the hearth; but when a wind blows against the roof or the -rain comes pouring in, it has to be closed at the time when it is most -needed, for if the skylight is closed, the windows are also shut, -with the result that the smoke spreads over the whole house. In some -houses, therefore, chimney-flues have taken the place of<span class="pagenum">{66}</span> -skylights, which are, moreover, as has already been observed, among -the burglar’s favourite means of ingress.</p> - -<div id="img_p065" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p065.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE KITCHEN. - </div> -</div> - -<p>For ordinary cooking purposes a small hearth of plaster, stone, or -iron is used. It is round or square, and larger at top than at bottom. -The top is open with an earthen grating at a few inches’ depth from -the edge, and an ash-box underneath, which has an outlet at the side -for raking out the ashes and fanning the fire. But little charcoal is -needed as the space between the grating and the bottom of the pot is -very limited. Near the larger hearth is a black earthen pot with a -lid, into which half-burnt charcoal is put and extinguished with -water; and when they are dry, these half-burnt pieces are used for -lighting fresh charcoal with as they catch fire much more readily. For -stirring and clearing the hearth, we use a shovel with a long wooden -handle and a pair of long iron rods which are held like chopsticks to -pick up pieces of charcoal or cinders. The tongs which are used for -braziers are much shorter and made of iron, copper, or brass; they -are also used like chopsticks and are indeed called in Japanese -“fire-chopsticks.” A hollow bamboo tube with a knot at one end which -has a little hole in the centre takes the place of bellows.</p> - -<p>Besides the iron pots for making soup and other food on a large scale, -which are set on the great hearth, we have small pots and pans for the -little hearth. The pots have semicircular handles of metal, the ends -of which are hooked into holes on opposite sides of the pots, while -the pans have wooden handles fitting into sheaths at the side. They -all have wooden lids. Fish and other food are roasted on an iron -netting, about a foot square, which is put over the little hearth. -When a fish is roasted, the fat melts and drops into the fire, raising -large volumes of oily smoke and emitting a smell which fills the whole -house. One can always tell, when a mackerel pike, for instance, is -being roasted, long before one enters the house.</p> - -<div id="img_p067" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p067.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SKYLIGHT AND THE KITCHEN-GOD. - </div> -</div> - -<p>For transferring rice into a tub or a bowl a wooden spatula is used, -while soup and other food which cannot be picked up with chopsticks -are put with a wooden spoon into bowls or on plates. For gravy a small -earthen spoon is used. Kitchen knives are of<span class="pagenum">{67}</span> three kinds: the -square for common use, the triangular for dressing fish, and the long -narrow-edged one for cutting thin slices of fish. The dresser is a -thick, two-legged board, at which one has to kneel or squat. There -are also bamboo baskets for carrying vegetables and other food which -require to be washed; but those things which<span class="pagenum">{68}</span> are eaten without -first washing and must therefore be kept free from dust are brought -home in a round wooden box with a lid and a handle. For pounding soft -objects there is an earthen mortar shaped like an inverted cone, with -rough ribbed sides, against which the objects are rubbed with a wooden -pestle.</p> - -<p>Uncooked rice is kept in a large box in a corner of the kitchen and is -measured out whenever needed with a square wooden measure. Charcoal is -brought in straw bags and emptied into a box under the floor of the -kitchen or kept in an outhouse, and is in either case brought out for -use in a bamboo or cane basket lined with paper. Soy is usually sold -in wooden kegs as it does not change with time; but the poor buy it -in half-pint bottles. <i>Sake</i>, on the other hand, is apt to grow sour, -especially in hot season, and is bought in long-necked bottles holding -a few pints; but if there are heavy drinkers in the family or many -guests to entertain, casks are laid in. Pickled vegetables are made in -old <i>sake</i>-casks which are put in a corner of the kitchen, often on -the ground.</p> - -<p>Around the kitchen are shelves, open or with doors, on which the -services and utensils are kept. The sets for use when there are guests -are carefully wrapped in paper or cotton and stored in special boxes -in the kitchen or some other room. There is no pantry; but as every -preparation is served separately in a bowl or on a plate, the quantity -of crockery in a Japanese kitchen is very great. There is a shelf high -upon the wall near the large hearth, dedicated to the kitchen deity, -to whom offerings of rice and flowers are daily brought.</p> - -<p>The sink, which is of wood, usually lies level with the kitchen floor, -and one either squats on the floor or stands on the ground before it. -Here all kitchen utensils and services are washed, everything in fact, -except the kettles of copper, bronze, or iron, which are never washed -but grow mellow by being patted with pieces of cloth steeped in hot -water. Beside the sink are an earthen jar to hold water for washing -and a wooden pail for drinking water, but there is really no -difference in the quality of the liquid in the two receptacles as it -has in either case been drawn from the well. The wells are either -private or public; in the latter case, they are used by the whole<span class="pagenum">{69}</span> -neighbourhood, a small tax being levied for their maintenance, and are -the favourite resorts for the exchange of scandals. As these wells -have all wooden sides and a square wooden flooring where washing is -done, they present a far from cleanly appearance, and the water is as -often as not contaminated, especially in the crowded quarters of the -city. The Tokyo municipality undertook some years ago to supply pure -water, and as water-pipes have been laid throughout the city, the -wells are rapidly disappearing in Tokyo.</p> - -<div id="img_p069" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p069.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A WELL. - </div> -</div> - -<p>As we have described the general appearance of the kitchen, we will -now return to the sitting-room. The breakfast things have been -removed; but preparations have before long to be made for the midday -meal. If the master of the house is not at home, or indeed even if he -is, unless he has a visitor, the meal is very simple. It may consist -of some vegetable soup, boiled vegetables, such as carrots, burdocks, -turnips, or pumpkins, or dried or cured fish, like<span class="pagenum">{70}</span> salmon, -sardines, herrings, or mackerel, or perhaps fresh fish boiled, basted, -or roasted. There may be the same condiments as at breakfast.</p> - -<p>The evening meal is the principal repast of the day. It may not differ -materially from the midday meal, though fresh fish is more frequently -served then than at noon. The fish may be boiled in a mixture of -<i>mirin</i> and soy, be put into a soup made with an infusion of dried -bonito shavings, be roasted on the iron netting with a sprinkling of -salt or repeated coatings of soy, or be taken raw in thin slices. -This raw fish is a peculiarly Japanese dish. A side of a fish, after -removing the bones, is cut into thin slices and served with grated -garden radish and eutrema, the latter in its hot taste being -something between ginger and mustard, and also with a boiled yellow -chrysanthemum. The fish is soaked in a little plat of soy in which the -radish and eutrema have been mixed. The raw fish, especially if it is -the sea-bream, is a delicacy which is highly appreciated in Japan, -though many Europeans who relish raw oysters recoil from the very idea -of eating any fish uncooked.</p> - -<p>People who take <i>sake</i> have it usually with their evening meal, though -some, of course, drink it at every repast and between meals as well. -It is, however, the custom to take it in the evening when the day’s -work is done. It is brought in a little china bottle which has been -put into a boiling kettle and warmed. It is taken hot, and its effects -are naturally more rapid than when it is taken cold, and pass off as -rapidly. It is poured into a tiny cup; and as one sips it cup after -cup, it warms one up quickly, but when its effects pass off, it is apt -to give one a chill; hence, a man who goes to sleep immediately after -drinking <i>sake</i>, needs more bedding than usual to avoid a cold on -awaking. Another peculiarity in <i>sake</i>-drinking is that we take it -with fish or other dishes at the beginning of a meal, and when we have -done with it, we take rice. This drinking on a empty stomach helps to -make it effective; and the Japanese way of drinking produces a quick -but brief state of exhilaration.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{71}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.<br /> -<span class="smaller">FOOD.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Japanese diet—Vegetables—Sea-weeds and flowers—Fish—Shell-fish—Crabs - and other molluscs—Fowl—Meat—Prepared food—Peculiarities - of food—Fruits—The bever—Baked potatoes and - cracknel—Confectionery—Reasons for its - abundance—Sponge-cake—Glutinous rice and red bean—Kinds of - confectionery—Sugar in Japanese confectionery.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_i.png" width="27" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">IT will be seen from the foregoing chapter that the Japanese diet -consists almost entirely of fish and vegetables. It is true that we -also eat domestic and other fowls, and in Tokyo and other large towns -a quantity of beef and pork, and horseflesh as well, is consumed; but -their consumption is insignificant compared with the part fish and -vegetables play in the Japanese culinary art.</p> - -<p>We have a great variety of vegetables. The commonest and most useful -of them is the garden radish, which is pickled or salted, boiled -almost dry with <i>mirin</i>, sugar, and bonito shavings, put into soup, or -grated to flavour raw or fried fish. Carrots and turnips, the burdock -and the arrowhead are also boiled and served by themselves or together -on a plate. We boil or put into soup the potato, the yam, and the -taro, of which we have several varieties. Cucumbers are either pickled -or served raw with pepper and vinegar. The egg-plant and the melon are -also pickled or put into soup. We pickle or boil the onion, scallion, -spinach, and lettuce. The kidney, horse, and other beans are in great -favour and dressed in various ways. Mushrooms and several other fungi -growing on trees or on rocks are served with fish or vegetables. The -bulb of the tiger-lily and the rhizome of the lotus are boiled; the -former is very soft, but the latter is hard and indigestible. The -bamboo-shoots, when very young, become soft on boiling and are much -in demand in April; but they grow fast and soon become too hard. Rice -boiled with bits of bamboo-shoot is a favourite food in that<span class="pagenum">{72}</span> -month. The water-shield is held by some people to be a delicacy, -while others esteem as highly the common bracken, snake-gourd, and -water-pepper.</p> - -<p>Sea-weeds are also in great demand. Of these the principal are the -<i>konbu</i> (<i>laminaria japonica</i>), which is largely exported into China, -and the laver, which is obtained in thin sheets and taken with -soy alone or with rice rolled in it. The cherry-flowers and the -chrysanthemums are also articles of food; the former are salted, put -into hot water, and served in place of tea, while the latter, always -the yellow variety, are either fried with a coating of <i>kuzu</i> -(<i>pueraria Thunbergiana</i>) or boiled in brine and pressed.</p> - -<p>Japan is especially rich in fish, as is to be expected from her -extensive coast-line and great length from north to south. There -are said to be about six hundred varieties of fish in the waters -surrounding the country. Of these the one which is held in highest -esteem is the <i>tai</i>, a species of the sea-bream (<i>pagrus cardinalis</i>). -It is served in various ways; indeed, so numerous are these ways that -there is extant an old Japanese book entitled “The Hundred Excellent -Methods of dressing the <i>Tai</i>.” It may<span class="pagenum">{73}</span> be boiled, roasted, basted, -salted, or taken raw. Most other fish may be similarly treated, -though they may not be considered so delicate. For being taken raw in -thin slices, the fishes esteemed next to the <i>tai</i> are the plaice, -gilthead, tunny, and bonito. Others are mostly preferred boiled. Among -the commonest of these fishes are the gurnard, Prussian carp, common -carp, wels, flying-fish, mackerel, frigate mackerel, horse-mackerel, -mackerel pike, trout, rock-trout, white-bait, sand-fish, goby, -sting-ray, sword-fish, sardine, salmon, sole, hair-tail, goose-fish, -cod, half-beak, yellow-tail, grey mullet, shark, and sea-eel. The -salmon comes to Tokyo salted, while the herring is sun-dried. The -sardine and mackerel pike are usually roasted. The eel is treated only -in one way; it is split from gill to tail, the back-bone is extracted, -and the head cut off; the two sides are laid out flat and bamboo -skewers are passed through them, and they are roasted over a fire, -being from time to time dipped in a gravy of <i>mirin</i> and soy. Tokyo is -especially noted for eels served in this way. The loach is also split -and the bones are extracted; it is served in a pan over a hot-water -bath, with eggs and chips of burdock.</p> - -<div id="img_p072" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p072.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>RAW FISH, WHOLE AND SLICED. - </div> -</div> - -<p>There are also many kinds of shell-fish in Japan. Of the univalves -the principal are the sea-ear and top-shell, while among the bivalves -are the oyster, clam, sea-mussel, razor-shell, cockle, swan-mussel, -otter-shell, and rapana. They are mostly boiled; the clam and -sea-mussel, and others with comparatively thin shells are served in -a bowl of slightly-flavoured hot water, which can hardly be called -soup. The oyster is always shelled and served by itself or with eggs.</p> - -<p>Crabs, squills, lobsters, shrimps, and prawns are abundant. The -cuttle-fish and octopus are very common articles of food, and the -pond-snail is appreciated by some people. Sun-dried cuttle-fish are -also very common; they are flat and hard, and are cut into slices -which are roasted and dipped in soy.</p> - -<p>Of fowls the variety is somewhat limited. We have of course the -domestic fowl. The most esteemed of all fowls is the crane, after -which come Bewick’s swan, the heron, wild goose, wild duck, common -duck, pheasant, quail, pigeon, woodcock, and water-rail,<span class="pagenum">{74}</span> while -among the smaller birds are the sparrow, lark, and siskin. As we do -not use a knife and fork at table, all fowls have to be cut up before -they are served. A favourite way is to serve them in small slices in -soup; but they may also be brought in with vegetables on a plate. The -commonest method with the domestic fowl and duck is to boil them in -small slices in a shallow pan with bits of onion in a gravy of soy, -<i>mirin</i>, and sugar. The pan has a small hollow at a side, into which -the gravy runs so as not to saturate the meat too much. The small -birds are served whole, and when chopsticks fail, the hands and teeth -are brought into requisition.</p> - -<p>It is only of recent years that we have begun to eat beef and pork; -but we have in Tokyo a large number of shops where they are sold. -There are two kinds of such shops; one is the regular butcher’s, while -the other is a sort of restaurant where beef is served in the same -manner as the domestic fowl and duck above mentioned. Here <i>sake</i> and -rice are also obtainable. There are many restaurants in European -style; but the cuisine in most of them is non-descript and the dishes -are confined to the simplest kind. The absence of mutton, moreover, -sadly limits, the range of plats.</p> - -<p>Though cooking is mostly done at home, no small quantity of prepared -food is bought for the meals. The most important of such food is the -bean-curd. For this the soy bean is soaked in water, ground, steamed, -and strained; and the liquid is allowed to coagulate by the addition -of brine and then pressed in a square box with a cotton-cloth bottom -until the water has been drawn off, leaving behind a soft white curd. -This curd is cut into small slices and put into soup in the morning; -it is sometimes thrown into hot water, and as soon as it is warmed, -dipped into a mixture of soy and <i>mirin</i> and eaten. It is also fried. -Indeed, the bean-curd shares with the <i>tai</i> the distinction of having -a special treatise dealing with a hundred ways of dressing it. Another -favourite breakfast food is the steamed peas, which are eaten with -mustard. Plums which have softened and reddened by being preserved in -perilla leaves are often, after extracting the stones, boiled with -sugar until they become gelatinous. Boiled beans, the egg-plant -preserved<span class="pagenum">{75}</span> in mustard, and ginger in perilla leaves are common -breakfast condiments. Fish and vegetables coated with flour and fried -in rape-oil are favourite articles of diet. Commonest among fried -vegetables are sweet potatoes, leek, and lotus rhizomes, while -lobsters similarly served are highly esteemed. Another favourite is -the flesh of sturgeon minced very fine, seasoned with <i>sake</i> and salt, -and baked. It is made into a roll with a hole through the centre or is -semi-cylindrical with a flat side.</p> - -<p>It will thus be seen how completely our diet differs from the -European; and it is no matter for wonder that the other conditions of -life should be as dissimilar. Many Europeans in Japan find our meals -unsatisfying; but at the same time there are not a few Japanese who -do not feel that they have had a full meal unless they finish up a -European dinner with rice and-pickled vegetables. There is certainly -far greater sustaining power in European food, and our medical -authorities urge a more extensive use of animal food besides fish. -Rice and vegetables, it is true, fill the stomach; indeed, one may -even feel surfeited, and yet in a short time the strain disappears and -hunger returns. For this reason coolies and others engaged in severe -physical labour take four or more meals a day. Pickled vegetables are -indigestible; but as they are indispensable at every meal, the natural -result is that dyspepsia is one of the commonest ailments that a -Japanese is subject to. It should, however, be added that it is not -pickled vegetables alone that are responsible for this prevalence of -dyspepsia; for the Japanese, and more especially the citizens of -Tokyo, probably take more food between meals than any other people, -and that too at irregular intervals.</p> - -<p>As there is no dessert at a Japanese meal, fruits are commonly eaten -at odd hours, especially by children. In the early months of the year -we have the apple and the orange. The former is mostly cultivated in -Yezo, the most northerly of the larger islands, while the latter comes -mainly from the southern section of the main island. Oranges are -all mandarins with or almost without pips; of these there are many -varieties, and some of them are very sweet. The shaddock is also very -common. There are different kinds of<span class="pagenum">{76}</span> citrons; but they are seldom -eaten by themselves, being like the lemon mostly used to flavour -dishes. Strawberries there are in plenty; but they are mostly watery -and lack sweetness owing to the great humidity of the Japanese -climate, which spoils both fruit and flower, depriving one of taste -and the other of fragrance. Cherries have recently been introduced and -cultivated in many localities; for the Japanese cherry-tree is grown -solely for its beautiful flowers and its fruit is too small to be -eaten. The Japanese plum-tree is also reared for its flowers, but -produces fruit in large quantity; it is hard, and is eaten raw with -a little salt to counteract indigestion, pickled in vinegar, or -preserved in perilla leaves. The Japanese apricot is inferior to the -English apricot and nectarine; and so is the peach which is pointed at -the top and hard-druped. Figs are always eaten raw. The loquat tastes -fairly good, but its large stones leave but little to eat; and the -pomegranate is open to a similar objection that it is too full of -seed for enjoyment. The Japanese pear is different to the European -species; it has not the peculiar shape of the latter, but looks like -a large pippin in shape and colour, only that it is speckled all over -with minute greenish-white spots; it is juicy but comparatively -hard. Acorns of different kinds of oak are parched and shelled. Our -chestnuts do not differ from the European. They are roasted or boiled -unshelled; but when they are shelled and boiled soft, they form part -of an important dish at Japanese dinners. Grapes, too, are plentiful; -they are fair, though of course inferior to European hot-house grapes. -Bananas we get from the Bonin Islands and pine-apples from Formosa. -But the best of all Japanese fruits is the persimmon; it is a -peculiarly Japanese fruit. There are many varieties, some of which are -delicious. Some of the larger sort are thrown into empty <i>sake</i>-casks -and left to mellow, while others are peeled, dried, and preserved in -sugar.</p> - -<p>As the second meal of the day is taken at noon and the last at -sundown, it is not unusual, especially in summer, to have something at -three or four o’clock. When there are artisans or labourers at work in -the house, they are always given tea with some food about that hour; -and if there is a visitor, a lady or a friend of the family,<span class="pagenum">{77}</span> its -women folk generally manage to have this bever. It may be no more than -confectionery; but the most common food taken on such an occasion is -<i>sushi</i>, which is a lump of rice which has been pressed with the hand -into a roundish form with a slight mixture of vinegar and covered on -the top with a slice of fish or lobster, or a strip of fried egg, or -rolled in a piece of laver. As the lumps are small, being seldom more -than two or three inches long, several of them are set before each -person. The favourite fish for the purpose is the tunny, though others -are also largely used. Another common dish for the bever is the soba, -which is a sort of macaroni made of buckwheat; in its simplest form -it is brought on a small bamboo screen laid on a wooden stand; it is -dipped, before eating, in an infusion of bonito shavings flavoured -with a little soy and <i>mirin</i>, to which small bits of onion and -Cayenne pepper have been added. The macaroni is also boiled with fried -lobsters, fowl, or eggs and served in bowls. Wheaten macaroni is also -dressed in the same manner; it is much thicker than that of buckwheat.</p> - -<div id="img_p077" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p077.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'><i>SUSHI</i> AND <i>SOBA</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>But it is in winter evenings that there is a great deal of eating -<span class="pagenum">{78}</span>to while away the dreary hours after the early supper. Children, -students, and others to whom inexpensiveness is a consideration, take -to sweet potatoes which are boiled in slices or baked whole or in -pieces. Another article, equally in favour for its cheapness, is a -kind of cracknel made by baking and dipping small disks of rice or -wheaten flour in soy. Parched peas rolled in salt or sugar and roasted -acorns and chestnuts are also much in demand.</p> - -<p>The variety of confectionery is very great. This is due to two causes. -First, it is the custom to take a present with us when we go to visit -a friend whom we have not seen for some time or to pay our respects to -a superior. It may be some fruit in season, or a box of eggs, a brace -of wild ducks or geese, or a case of beer, handkerchiefs, or, indeed, -any article conceivable; but the commonest is confectionery. If one -goes to ask a favour or express thanks for a service rendered, or to -keep oneself in the other’s good books if he is a superior, where, in -short, some personal advantage is sought immediately or prospectively -or has been gained, one naturally makes presents of some value; but if -it is only to pay the compliments of the season and merely to remind -the other of one’s existence, articles of slighter value, such as -confectionery, are given. In the latter case the recipient makes to -the other a similar present when he returns the call. This exchange -of presents takes place among friends, especially at the end of the -year. So general is the custom that on a man with a wide circle of -acquaintances these gifts about the New Year’s tide entail serious -expenses. He may of course send to a friend a present he has received -from another; but he has to be very circumspect how he disposes of -such presents, for it sometimes happens that this repeated passing on -of a gift from one person to another ends in its reverting to the -original donor in a condition by no means improved by its frequent -journeys. Similar presents are made in midsummer, though the custom is -not so general as at the other season.</p> - -<p>The second reason for the variety of confectionery lies in the custom -of setting some cake before a visitor. When any one calls and is shown -in, tea is brought before him together with a plate of confections. -The tea is of course drunk, but the cake is<span class="pagenum">{79}</span> more frequently left -untouched; it ought in that case to be wrapped in paper and given to -the visitor to take home, but the rule is not always observed and -the cake is often left to do duty before successive callers until it -becomes too stale for presentation. In a family with children, they -generally manage to make away with it as soon as the visitor is gone. -When, however, a doctor is called in, the cake is always wrapped in -paper and given to him; and the doctor takes it as a matter of course.</p> - -<p>These two customs, then, naturally create a large demand for -confectionery of all kinds. The most common cake for making a present -of is a sort of sponge-cake. It is not of Japanese origin, but appears -to have been introduced by the Spaniards in the early days of foreign -intercourse more than three centuries ago. It is put in a cardboard -or wooden box; and, in view of the custom above referred to of passing -a present on from one to another until it grows stale, the best -confectioners in Tokyo now put on the box the date of its sale so that -their reputation may not suffer through<span class="pagenum">{80}</span> the deterioration of their -confection by its repeated travels. The precaution, however, is hardly -necessary as the custom is too widely known for any one who receives -musty sweetmeats to accuse their maker of dishonesty.</p> - -<div id="img_p079" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p079.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A BOX OF SPONGE-CAKE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The bulk of confectionery is made of rice, red beans, millet, or -sugar. Glutinous rice is steamed, pounded in a wooden mortar into a -pasty consistency, and left to cool. This is made into little cakes, -which are boiled and eaten with greens in soup at the beginning of the -year and are at other times baked and dipped in soy and sugar. But for -making confectionery, the pounded rice is not allowed to cool as it -is, while hot, soft enough to take any shape. It usually forms the -outer cover of dumplings filled with a sugary mixture. The red bean is -boiled, pounded, and strained through a coarse cotton bag to get rid -of the skin, though the latter is sometimes retained, in which case -the straining is unnecessary, and finally mixed with sugar. This red -bean jam is the most important ingredient of Japanese sweetmeats as -there is in our confectionery no other equivalent of the fruit jam. -Sometimes, however, other beans are substituted for it, especially -when a white jam is needed. The red-bean jam is also used in making -red soup into which small rice dumplings are thrown; this soup is much -in demand, especially in winter, to while away the tedium of long -evenings. The red bean is also boiled with rice to give it a colour; -the red-bean rice is eaten in old-fashioned families three times a -month, on the first, fifteenth, and twenty-eighth. A kind of white -candy is made from a mixture of glutinous rice and rice-yeast. -Agar-agar, or the Bengal isinglass, which is obtained from a seaweed, -is used for making jellies. Starch extracted from the root of the -<i>kuzu</i> (<i>pueraria Thunbergiana</i>) is also much employed in confectionery.</p> - -<p>Numerous as are the confections made, the more common among them are -the following, which may of course be varied by the addition of other -ingredients. A kind of Turkish delight is made from a mixture of -glutinous rice, syrup, and white candy, boiled and brought into -proper consistency by throwing in a little <i>kuzu</i> starch. By steaming -a mixture of red beans, sugar, wheat,<span class="pagenum">{81}</span> and <i>kuzu</i>, we get a -sweet dark-red cake, which is almost as popular as the sponge-cake. -A mixture of glutinous rice steeped in water and rice-yeast left -overnight in a hot-water bath is, after being strained and steamed -with a small quantity of wheat, made into little balls around a lump -of red-bean jam. This is also a very common confection. Caramels are -made with long beans or peanuts inside. By boiling a mixture of -agar-agar and sugar for some time over a slow fire, we get a soft, -translucent jelly which is put into a mould and afterwards cut up.</p> - -<p>There are many others of a similar composition, often coloured, -flavoured, or peculiarly shaped; but their principal ingredients are -the articles already mentioned. Japanese confectionery is noticeable -for the large quantity of saccharine matter it contains, which -varies, except in rare cases, from one to three fourths of the whole -composition. It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that indigestion -is a frequent result of a too free indulgence in Japanese confections.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{82}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">MALE DRESS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Japanese and foreign dress—Progress in the latter—Japanese clothes - indispensable—<i>Kimono</i>—Cutting out—Making of an unlined dress—Short - measure—Extra-sized dresses—<i>Yukata</i>—The lined <i>kimono</i>—The wadded - <i>kimono</i>—Under-dress—Underwear—<i>Obi</i>—<i>Haori</i>—The crest—The uncrested - <i>haori</i>—<i>Hakama</i>—Socks—How to dress Wearing of socks.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_a.png" width="30" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">A stranger in the streets of Tokyo cannot but be struck by the number -of Japanese, especially men and boys, who are dressed in European -clothes. The western costume, if less picturesque, is certainly more -handy than the Japanese; it allows a greater freedom to the limbs, -whereas in the latter the long sleeves are apt to be caught by knobs -and corners and the skirt is always in the way when we wish to run or -walk fast. For this reason the European male dress is largely worn in -schools, government offices, and private places of business, which -are built in a style more or less foreign and furnished with chairs, -benches, and tables; for squatting is uncomfortable with foreign -clothes and, whatever the dress may be, is a more complicated way of -resting ourselves than sitting in a chair, besides requiring a greater -effort when we wish to rise. But there are further reasons for -the favour which European clothes enjoy in Japan. They last much -longer than Japanese, for silks wear out pretty quickly if they are -constantly in use and are, moreover, torn more readily. If they are -soiled, they have to be taken to pieces, washed, perhaps redyed, and -remade. Besides, a Japanese outfit of fair quality is more costly than -a European suit. And as the custom stands in Japan, we have to provide -ourselves with several Japanese suits; whereas so many changes are not -needed of European clothes, in respect of which the Japanese people, -as a whole, have not yet learned to discriminate so rigidly as when -their national costume is concerned. A man may, in fact, wear the same -frock-coat<span class="pagenum">{83}</span> all the year round and make it last long by taking as -great care of it as he does of his Japanese clothes. All things -considered, then, European clothes are both more handy and economical, -and on that account preferred to Japanese on business and ceremonial -occasions.</p> - -<p>In the early days of the new regime when European clothes were -comparatively rare and not unfrequently worn rather as a sign of -their wearers’ progressive spirit than for their convenience, it was -considered sufficient if they were simply European, no account being -taken of their cut or style. A man in a tweed cutaway or serge lounge -suit found ready access to an evening party or a semi-official -gathering. But as time went on, the frock-coat became the usual dress -on such occasions; still, silk hats were not yet generally worn, and -bowlers remained the common wear. The evening dress was the official -suit and was worn at one time even in the morning, if there was an -official ceremony at such early hours. It is only within the last -decade that silk hats have come into vogue; and they are now worn with -the frock-coat or evening dress at all parties and social gatherings. -But as they are still only worn at social functions, they last a long -time, and at garden parties silk hats of all ages and styles may be -seen.</p> - -<p>The rapid encroachment of European clothes into Japanese society is -undeniable; and if we may judge from the steady increase of tailoring -establishments in Tokyo and elsewhere, they seem destined to command -a still greater popularity. But there appears to be little ground for -the prediction often made by European writers that the national dress -is doomed. For so long as Japanese houses remain radically unchanged -and we are forced to squat on the mat, Japanese clothes cannot be -dispensed with. European clothes are not comfortable to squat in; as -the body cannot be kept quite straight, the collar presses on the -throat, the waistcoat gets creasy, the trousers soon become baggy -about the knees, and the socks are but a poor protection against the -cold since they cannot be hidden as under the skirt of the Japanese -dress. In a room warmed only by a small brazier, we feel the winter -chill more severely in European clothes than in Japanese. In summer -no one<span class="pagenum">{84}</span> who has once worn the Japanese <i>yukata</i> would willingly -take it off, for it is the slightest possible consistent with decency -as it is nothing more than a single unlined dress. It is the coolest -imaginable. Other Japanese summer clothes are only less cool than the -<i>yukata</i>. Hence, a Japanese of the upper or middle class has usually -to provide himself with both European and Japanese suits, that is, if -he wears European clothes at all, and is put to double expenses in -the matter of clothing. And to be completely equipped in both requires -no light purse.</p> - -<p>The ordinary Japanese dress is shaped like a gown with hanging -sleeves. As the exact shape of the <i>kimono</i>, as it is called, appears -unknown to those who have never seen it, we will here explain how a -<i>kimono</i> is made.</p> - -<p>The <i>kimono</i> is made out of a piece of silk, cotton, or hemp cloth, -usually eleven inches wide and about thirty-five feet long. Cloths are -always made of nearly the same measure or of double the length just -mentioned, that is, if they are for making <i>kimono</i>. The length and -width may vary slightly, cotton cloths being for instance smaller than -silk. The cloth is cut out into two pieces each for the body, the -sleeves, and the gores, and one for the band and sometimes another for -the upper band, or into seven or eight pieces in all. The body pieces -are each ten feet long and the sleeve pieces three feet and a half, -so that the two pairs take up twenty-seven feet; they are of the same -width as the original piece. The remainder is cut into two strips, -usually six and five inches wide, of which the former is cut in two -lengths of four feet three inches each, if possible, for the gores and -the latter into a strip, five feet eight inches long, for the main -band, the remainder being used, if needed, for the upper band.</p> - -<p>We now pass on to the making of the male unlined <i>kimono</i>, as -naturally it is of the simplest form. In the first place, the length -of a <i>kimono</i> varies with the size of the wearer; it is not only -his height, but his condition as well, that has to be taken into -consideration, for broad shoulders, a thick chest, and rounded hips -require more cloth, longitudinally and laterally, than a body of the -same height but with less flesh. The usual length is about four feet -six inches<span class="pagenum">{85}</span> for the average Japanese whose height is five feet -three or four inches. The two body pieces are first placed side by -side and sewn together half the length, the edge sewn in being about -half an inch; and then at the end of the seam the pieces are cut two -inches and a half and folded down at that width all along to the free -ends, so that when they are spread out, there is a channel five inches -wide along half their length. They are then folded in two so that the -free halves are exactly over the sewn halves. The outer edges are then -sewn from the end up to a point a foot and five inches below the fold. -The sewn halves form the hind part and the free halves the front of -the <i>kimono</i>. Next, the pieces for the gores are sewn on from the end -along the free edges of the body pieces. The skirt is stitched, and -the <i>kimono</i>, which is now an inch or so less than five feet, is -tucked in to the required length at the hips where the tucking would -be concealed under the <i>obi</i>, or sash. The edge of each gore is -stitched to a certain height which depends upon the length of the -<i>kimono</i>, and from this point to the top of its juncture with the body -piece the gore is turned, and the triangle thus formed is folded again -and again so as to be enclosed in the band which is next sewn on over -the folded edges of the gores and round the breast and neck of the -body pieces. The band itself is made by folding the band piece -lengthwise into two and turning in the edges. The upper band which -serves as an anti-macassar is then sewn over the main band around the -neck. The sleeves have in the meantime been sewn into oblong pieces a -foot and seven or eight inches long by ten inches wide. The outer edge -has been sewn together for nine and a quarter inches from the bottom, -the remainder being hemmed round to allow the hand to pass through; -and the inner edge, of which two and a half inches have been stitched -at the lower extremity, is now sewn on to the body piece.</p> - -<p>The dress is now complete. Sometimes when the cloth is slightly short -of measure, it cannot be made in the way just described. The body -pieces are taken at lengths which admit of but little tucking at the -hips; and the gores are cut slantwise, leaving no triangular pieces -to be folded in. But in that case, when the dress<span class="pagenum">{86}</span> is remade, the -same parts of the gores will be exposed, whereas if the gores are -oblong, they can be reversed so as to expose the parts which were -formerly folded in and are therefore practically new.</p> - -<div id="img_p086" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p086.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>KIMONO</i>, REAR AND FRONT VIEW. - </div> -</div> - -<p>These dresses can be taken to pieces and remade so long as the cloth -is not worn out; and as they can be made to fit most persons by -judicious tucking in or letting out, they are often washed and remade -for others than the original wearer. As the maximum length of the body -pieces is about ten feet, a cloth of the usual length would be too -short for those who measure more than four feet ten or eleven inches -from the nape of the neck to the ankles. A spare person, five feet -eight inches in height, might just manage to make himself a dress out -of a cloth of the usual length; but a man of a greater stature or of -the same height with more flesh would have to get a cloth specially -woven for him or buy a double length. Moreover, if a cloth is too -short for the height, it would also be in all probability too narrow -for the sleeves, which would then require a strip to be sewn on to -cover the arms.</p> - -<p>The unlined dress of coarse bleached cotton, known as <i>yukata</i> or -bath-dress, is the simplest and most comfortable for summer wear. It -is worn immediately next to the skin without underwear of any<span class="pagenum">{87}</span> -kind, and is washed whole every few days in midsummer. It is commonly -white or blue with stripes, spots, or other simple designs. If the -dress is of silk, hemp, or of a better kind of cotton, an underwear of -bleached cotton is put on. This resembles the <i>kimono</i> in form, only -that it is much shorter, coming down only to the thighs, and has open -sleeves and no gores. The unlined <i>kimono</i> is worn when one goes out -in summer; the <i>yukata</i> is mostly for home wear or put on for a walk -in the evening. The unlined clothes are worn through midsummer from -the middle of June until the latter half of September.</p> - -<p>The lined <i>kimono</i> differs from the unlined in having a lining, which -is usually of dark-blue silk or cotton. The lining is first made -separately from the covering, and its pieces, which are similar to -those of the other with a slight shrinkage in the measurement to allow -for its being the inner side, are stitched together, except at the -edges of the sleeves, skirt, gores, and the inner border of the body -pieces, which are sewn on to the corresponding parts of the outer -cloth. The band of the latter covers both cloths; and at the opening -of the sleeves a stiff piece of cloth trims the edges as that part -is apt to be rapidly worn out from the movement of the wrist. The -underwear is the same as in the case of the unlined <i>kimono</i>. The -lined <i>kimono</i> is worn for a shorter time than the unlined, in fact, -for about a month at the transition from the unlined <i>kimono</i> to the -wadded and <i>vice-versa</i>. The lined <i>kimono</i> was not recognised by -the old-time etiquette which did not sanction any intermediate dress -between the unlined and the wadded; but of its comfort as a -<i>demi-saison</i> costume there can be no question.</p> - -<p>The wadded <i>kimono</i> is the most important of all as it is worn for a -longer period than the others. It is simply the lined <i>kimono</i> wadded, -and is made similarly to it. When the two halves, the outer and the -inner, have been stitched separately, they are first joined together -at the skirt, turned inside out, and spread on the floor. The wadding -is then put on the outer half, the lining is brought over and sewn on, -and finally the whole dress is turned back the right side out. The -lining is made narrower than the covering as it remains inside, but -is slightly longer to allow for the<span class="pagenum">{88}</span> bulge of the wadding. The -wadding may be of floss-silk as when it is desired to keep the dress -thin and light; or it may be of ginned cotton with a thin coating of -floss-silk; the floss-silk is needed because if the wadding were -only of cotton, it would fall in the course of time and gather at -the skirt, whereas the floss-silk adheres to the cloth with such -pertinacity that part of it oozes out through the texture of the -cloth and forms little white lumps on the outside.</p> - -<p>The wadded clothes are worn double in midwinter. The under-dress is of -slightly smaller dimensions than the upper. It is usual to make its -body of a less stiff material than the other, for if it were as stiff -or thick, it would be uncomfortable to wear. Hence, the gores, the -skirt, the band, and the wrist-ends of the sleeves, that is, the -visible portions, are made of stiff stuff; but the rest is of softer -silk or cotton.</p> - -<p>Under the lower <i>kimono</i> is worn a doublet, thickly wadded and coming -down to the knees. It is made of inferior silk and has a black silk -band. Under this is the same underwear as in the case of the lined -<i>kimono</i>. The doublet has sleeves like the <i>kimono</i>. The merino -undershirt is now frequently worn instead of the Japanese underwear; -it is certainly warmer than the other which lets the wind and cold -enter through its open breast and sleeves, but it cannot be said to -add to the picturesqueness of the national costume. Merino drawers -are also worn; they are useful as the skirt is often on a windy day -blown aside and exposes the legs to the cold.</p> - -<div id="img_p088" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p088.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>OBI</i>, SQUARE AND PLAIN. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{89}</span></p> - -<p>The <i>obi</i>, or sash, is about four inches wide and varies in length -from twelve feet and a half to fourteen. It is usually of the same -material on both sides and can be worn either side out. It is stitched -along one edge and stiffened with a padding. This is the regular sash, -commonly called the square <i>obi</i>; but when we are at home, go out for -a walk, or visit an intimate friend, we prefer another kind of sash, -which is a piece of white crêpe, about ten feet long and varying in -width from a foot and a quarter to two feet, and stitched at the ends -to prevent their fraying. It is much more comfortable than the other.</p> - -<p>The <i>haori</i>, or outer coat, is worn over the <i>kimono</i>. It comes down -only to the knees or a little lower. It has no gores in front like the -<i>kimono</i>. The neck-band runs down to the skirt. The <i>haori</i> is open in -front and the band falls straight from the shoulders on both sides, so -that there is no need for gores in front which are required only for -folding over; but there is a narrow gore on either side coming down -from the lower extremity of the sleeve to the skirt. The sleeves of -the <i>haori</i> are just large enough to enclose those of the <i>kimono</i>. At -the skirt the body pieces are turned in and form the lining of the -lower part of the <i>haori</i>; and so the full length of a cloth, that is, -about thirty-five feet, is taken in the same way as in the making of -the <i>kimono</i>. The upper part of the <i>haori</i> and the sleeves are lined -with another material; that for the upper part is<span class="pagenum">{90}</span> often of bright -colours or embroidered; it is, in fact, the only portion of the male -dress where the usual rule of sober colours is not strictly adhered -to, and people who aspire to be chic sometimes use for the lining a -more expensive material than the outer cloth. Unlined <i>haori</i> which -are made of silk gauze or similar thin stuff for summer wear, are -woven shorter than the others to dispense with the skirt-lining. The -<i>haori</i> for winter wear is sometimes wadded with a thin layer of -floss-silk. About fifteen inches down the neck, a small loop of the -same material as the <i>haori</i> is stitched on to the band on either -side, and to this a silk cord is fastened and tied in the middle to -keep the <i>haori</i> from slipping off. Sometimes the cords are made in a -knot or a bow and fastened to the loops by hooks at the ends.</p> - -<div id="img_p089" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p089.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>HAORI</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The <i>haori</i> worn on a visit or on formal occasions is usually black -and adorned with the family crest. The crest is found on three or five -parts of the <i>haori</i>, one in the middle of the back over the seam, -and one each on the back of the sleeve, and if there are five crests -altogether, one each on the breast of the body piece between the band -and the sleeve. The crest is of various forms and is about an inch -from end to end. It is invariably white; the white cloth is specially -dyed for the purpose so that the crest is the only portion left -undyed; but sometimes ready-dyed cloths with white disks for the -crests are bought, when the crests have to be drawn on them, or if -they have no such disks, the crests are sewn on.</p> - -<p><i>Haori</i> for common wear have no crests and are plain, twilled, or -striped and of sombre hues, though not necessarily black. Those for -home wear are often much longer than ordinary <i>haori</i> and are thickly -wadded with cotton. They are also without crests.</p> - -<p>The <i>hakama</i> is a sort of loose trousers. Either leg is made by -joining along the nape five pieces of cloth about a yard long, four of -which are of the full width of the cloth and the fifth of half that -width. The skirt is sewn by turning in the edge three times to stiffen -it. The two legs are joined in such a manner that the half-width -pieces form the inner side and the lowest point of the fork is about -twenty-two inches from the skirt. In front a longitudinal plait is -made an inch or so to the left so that its edge is in<span class="pagenum">{91}</span> the middle; -two more plaits are made to the left and two to the right, and a third -on the latter leg under the middle fold. A similar but deeper plait is -made behind on either leg, that on the right having its edge in the -middle. These plaits are not stitched, but merely hot-pressed so that -they can be opened at will; and as they are much deeper at the skirt -than at the top, they give free play to the legs when walking and make -the <i>hakama</i> appear to fit more closely than it would without them. -The upper half of the <i>hakama</i> is open at either side, the fork at -which is of about the same depth as that in the middle. The top of the -front half which is about a foot wide, is sewn on to the middle of a -band which is folded and turned in to the width of half an inch and is -about eleven feet long, thus leaving a free end five feet long on -either side of the front half. The back, the top of which is narrower -than that in front, is surmounted with a piece of thin board on which -the cloth is pasted with starch mucilage. This board has also a narrow -band, two feet long, on each side. The <i>hakama</i> is lined or unlined, -but never wadded.</p> - -<div id="img_p091" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p091.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>HAKAMA</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{92}</span></p> - -<p>Socks are made with a thick cotton sole and a cover of common cotton -or calico, black or white, which comes up only to the ankle-bone. They -are split between the big toe and the next for holding the thong of -the clogs. They are kept from coming off by two or three small metal -clasps catching a cord behind the heel.</p> - -<div id="img_p092" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p092.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>SOCKS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Now the Japanese suit is complete. In summer we wear the <i>yukata</i>, or -the coarse unlined cotton <i>kimono</i>, at home, or an unlined dress of -cotton or other material with underwear when we go out. We always put -on our clothes by folding the left over the right. The clothes are -folded one by one, that is, the underwear is first folded left over -right, over it the doublet, and lastly the <i>kimono</i> which, if double, -are folded in pairs. The principle in putting them on is that their -bands shall alternate right and left and the folds form gradations -widening with the outer garments, so that from the bands one can tell -the quantity of clothing a man has put on. We wind the <i>obi</i> over the -<i>kimono</i>. If it is the unlined crêpe, we merely wind it round and -either tuck in the ends under the folds or tie them behind; but if it -is the square <i>obi</i>, we leave behind one end about ten inches long and -winding the <i>obi</i> twice round, fold the<span class="pagenum">{93}</span> other end, the tip of -which is tucked under the fold, at such a length that a foot or so of -the doubled end is left over. The two ends are tied together in a -double knot with the two extremities slanting upward one on each side -of the knot. The knot is tied behind over the spine, the <i>obi</i> being -wound just above the hips. Over the <i>kimono</i> we wear the <i>haori</i>. The -<i>haori</i> is neither a greatcoat nor a coat properly so called; for we -wear it on all occasions and indoors, and yet we may on informal -occasions take it off without breach of good manners. Indeed, a man -who walks abroad without a <i>haori</i> would be in an entirely different -position to one who goes about in shirt sleeves. The crested <i>haori</i>, -which is invariably worn on formal occasions, is a ready means of -identification; and accordingly, when we are unwilling to attract -attention or to risk recognition, the uncrested is commonly put -on. The <i>hakama</i> is worn when we have to be properly dressed, on -occasions, that is to say, when one would wear a frock-coat or an -evening dress; at schools and in government offices the <i>hakama</i> -is indispensable when Japanese clothes are worn. In putting on a -<i>hakama</i>, the front band is first brought flush with the upper edge of -the <i>obi</i> and the ends are each passed once and half round the body -and tied behind under the knot of the <i>obi</i>; and then the board at the -back is perched over the same knot to prevent its slipping down, and -the ends of its bands are tied in front.</p> - -<p>The socks are worn with all clothes except the <i>yukata</i>; but many -people go about barefooted, save in winter. The white is the colour -worn on formal occasions; but the black is popular as it wears better -than the other and does not betray the dirt when it is soiled. Only -young children wear socks of other colours, such as red and yellow.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{94}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">FEMALE DRESS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1 mb1">Attempts at Europeanisation—Difference between Japanese and foreign - dresses—Expense and inconvenience of foreign dresses—Japanese - dresses not to be discarded—How the female dress differs from the - male—Underwear and over-band—<i>Haori</i>—<i>Hakama</i>—<i>Obi</i>—How to tie - it—The dress-<i>obi</i>—The formal dress—Home-wear—Working clothes—The - sameness of form—The girl’s dress—Dress and age.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_t.png" width="34" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE late Prince Ito’s first administration which lasted from 1886 to -1889, was a period of great pro-European activity when heroic attempts -were made to Europeanise the entire social organisation. The most -conspicuous of these attempts were the strenuous efforts made to -remodel the social life of the nation; and with that object in view, -various social customs of the West were introduced. Balls and soirées -were given in official circles and among peers and men of wealth. One -of the direct consequences of this innovation was the eager adoption -of the foreign costume by ladies of rank and position, whose example -was soon followed by their humbler sisters. Women in European dresses -were common objects in streets and at public gatherings. And it looked -for a time as if the national costume were doomed.</p> - -<p>But it was not long before a reaction set in. A cry arose in various -quarters for the preservation of national characteristics; and though -there was a section of these reactionaries who would resist the -introduction of western innovations in all departments of life, the -general sense of the nation was to yield only so far as a change was -necessitated by the incompatibility of the old customs with the new -conditions imposed by the adoption of western civilisation. And among -the first to feel the effect of this reaction was the western style of -female dress; and our women fell back upon their national costume. It -was as well that the reversion to the old style took place before the -reforming spirit had gone too<span class="pagenum">{95}</span> far, for, to tell the truth, the -Japanese woman seldom appears to advantage in a European dress. If she -looks graceful in her <i>kimono</i>, she cannot be equally prepossessing in -a bodice and a skirt; and those who are charming in a western costume -are the reverse in their native dress. The conditions which are needed -to give charm to the wearer of the <i>kimono</i> are totally different to -the conditions which one associates with elegance in European dress. -The former require rounded or sloping shoulders, for square ones -would put the sides of the dress out of shape and interfere with the -graceful disposition of the sleeves. The body should be bent forward, -for if it were held straight or bent back, the dress at the breast -and the knot of the <i>obi</i> would suffer; and for the same reason full -breasts are out of favour. The close-fitting skirt of the <i>kimono</i> -prevents the feet from being set far apart, and the wearer cannot take -long strides. Her feet are turned slightly inward and makes her wobble -a little as she walks. Such a gait would be very ungainly when a woman -puts on a European dress. It may be possible for her when she dons -European garments to assume another gait than that she is used to in -Japanese; but it is naturally very hard to throw off on occasion a -habit acquired from childhood.</p> - -<p>But what really led to the discarding of the European dress was not so -much the uncomely form it presented as the expense and inconvenience -it entailed upon its wearer. It necessitates the possession of jewelry -which is useless in a Japanese dress; necklaces and bracelets are not -put on with the latter. The foreign dress is, moreover, extremely -inconvenient in a Japanese house. A man can squat in European clothes -without much difficulty if his trousers are baggy enough to allow the -knees to be doubled; and if they are creased, they may be set right -again with a little ironing. He can therefore visit his friends in -European clothes. With a woman the case is different. She cannot squat -in a European dress. Her corset would inflict on her excruciating -tortures as it gets out of shape when the body is bent forward in -squatting; she certainly could not bow her head to the mat in the -usual Japanese fashion. What trimmings she might have on her skirt -would be irretrievably<span class="pagenum">{96}</span> spoilt; and if she once squatted, she -could not get up without assistance or going on all fours. In short, -the European dress cannot come into vogue until Japanese houses are -remodelled and furnished with chairs instead of mats and cushions. -Moreover, the expense of having a fair wardrobe of both European and -Japanese dresses deters many women from taking to the former since -the latter are absolutely indispensable.</p> - -<p>Lovers of the picturesque may then rest assured that there is no -immediate prospect of the disappearance of the graceful <i>kimono</i>. -Largely as are the western clothes worn by Japanese men and boys, -there is not much danger of their totally supplanting the national -costume while the internal arrangement of the Japanese house remains -unchanged; and that transformation is, as we have already stated, to -be looked for in a very dim future. Still less probability is there -of a similar change in the costume of our women as it is even more -intimately connected than men’s clothes with domestic life. It is -indeed as well that it should be so, for much as we desire to make use -of the fruits of western civilisation, we would emphatically draw the -line when it comes to the appearance our wives and daughters shall -present at home. We may therefore leave out of consideration the -western costume as worn by Japanese women.</p> - -<p>The Japanese female dress does not differ essentially from the male; -the distinction lies in its proportions and colours. There is -therefore no need to describe it in detail; it will suffice if we give -the points of difference. Thus, the body pieces are a little narrower -to fit the slighter forms of women; but they are longer, the length -being from four feet nine inches to five feet. The tuck at the hip is -not sewn in as in a man’s dress, but the body is left loose so that -the dress may be worn with a train or tucked at the hip with a sash. -The tuck is usually about eight inches. The neck-band is also much -wider than men’s, being four inches and a half, and longer by an inch -or more. The sleeves too are longer by two inches or more; but the -opening at the wrist is smaller. The sleeves are open for about a foot -from the lower extremity so as to allow the wide <i>obi</i> to be worn -without inconvenience, and<span class="pagenum">{97}</span> sewn on to the body pieces for about -ten inches from the top. The front and back edges of the body piece -are hemmed for four inches before they are sewn together and leave an -aperture of that length under the joints of the sleeve. This opening -is made in all female dresses and exposes the sides of the body to the -air; but it is hidden from view by the sleeve and the <i>obi</i>, and is -visible only when the sleeve is held up; the object of this aperture -is to give free play to the breast part of the dress. In all female -dresses the sleeves are left open and hemmed from their joints with -the body pieces to the lower end. The skirt of the wadded <i>kimono</i> is -more heavily wadded than men’s and is rounded to show more of the -lining and the bulge of the wadding.</p> - -<p>Under the <i>kimono</i> a woman wears much the same clothing as a man; -but unlike him, she wears two loin-cloths. The lower one, which -is the loin-cloth proper, is a piece of bleached cotton wound round -the hips and coming down to the knees. It is called in Japanese the -“bath-cloth,” as it was formerly, and still is in some parts of the -country, worn when a woman takes a bath. The upper loin-cloth, called -the “hip-wrap,” is more ornamental; it is tied round the hips like -the bath-cloth, but comes down to the feet. It is usually made of -<i>mousseline de laine</i> or crêpe, and is red for girls, of a gay colour -with fanciful patterns for young women, and white for matrons. This -hip-wrap is replaced in winter by what we call a “long chemise,” which -is practically a <i>kimono</i> made without the tuck and of the exact -height of the wearer. Over the neck-band is sewn an ornamental band -called “half-band,” which is usually of crêpe, though some other light -silk may be used, red for young girls and of various colours, white, -black, violet, blue, or grey for grown-up persons. Flowers, birds, or -landscapes are embroidered on it with gold or silver threads or with -silk. This ornamental half-band is worn on the chemise or other -underwear next to the <i>kimono</i>. The <i>kimono</i>, the upper one if two are -worn, which is for home wear, is usually covered over the neck-band -with an over-band of satin.</p> - -<p>Women wear, like men, <i>haori</i> of various descriptions, the crested -<i>haori</i> of black crêpe, the uncrested made of silk, striped, spotted, -<span class="pagenum">{98}</span>or of other pattern, and the long <i>haori</i>, which though often -less wadded than men’s, reaches like theirs below the knees. A woman’s -<i>haori</i> differs from a man’s, like the <i>kimono</i>, in having sleeves -open on the inner side and a loop-hole under the arm.</p> - -<p>The <i>hakama</i> is worn by school-girls and their teachers, and by some -of the court ladies. The girl’s <i>hakama</i> differs from man’s in not -being divided. It is simply round like the European skirt; but it has -plaits which are not, however, so deep or so marked as men’s. It is -open, like theirs, at the sides near the <i>obi</i> and tied in the same -way.</p> - -<p>The Japanese woman’s pride, however, is the <i>obi</i>. It is often the -most costly of all her apparel. It is about thirteen feet long and -thirteen and a half inches wide. The <i>obi</i> for ordinary wear is made -by sewing together back to back two pieces of cloth, of which the face -is commonly of stiff stuff like satin and the lining of crêpe, or -other soft silk or cotton. But the <i>obi</i> worn on formal occasions -consists of a single piece of double width, which is folded in two -lengthwise and seamed; it is made of taffety, satin, damask, or gold -or other brocade. The Chinese satin has at one end the name of its -loom in red thread; and imitation satins and sateens have similar -names at the same end; and this end is always exposed to view when -the <i>obi</i> is worn. When sewn, the woman’s <i>obi</i> is padded like men’s.</p> - -<div id="img_p098" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p098.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>OBI</i> FOR ORDINARY WEAR. FOR GIRLS. FOR WOMEN. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{99}</span></p> - -<p>The tying of the <i>obi</i>, especially of the dress-<i>obi</i>, is by no means -a simple process. In the first place a woman puts on her dress in the -same way as a man, that is, she folds the front edges left over right, -and not right over left as in a European dress. When she has thus -folded her underwear, which she sometime ties round with a cloth cord -to keep it in place, she takes her <i>kimono</i>, single or double as the -case may be, and catching the two edges near the ends of the band, -holds them out behind her and raises them tightly until the skirt is -just at her ankles, that is, at the height at which she wishes it to -be, and then folding the edges stiffly one over the other, she ties -the dress at the hip with a cloth cord to prevent its slipping. Then -she arranges the upper half of the dress, putting the band in order -and pulling the loose part down so that the breast is pressed almost -flat, and ties the tuck just over the hips with a second cord. The -tuck is thus tied above and below; for this two different cords are -used in formal dresses, but for ordinary wear a single long narrow -sash of crêpe may be used for both purposes, the sash passing over -the tuck at the side. Next, the <i>obi</i>, if it is for ordinary wear, is -folded in two along its length and wound twice round the waist, thus -concealing the cord on the tuck and leaving at the back a foot or so -of one end, while the other end is three feet or more in length. The -former is folded lengthwise with the lining inside. The two ends are -tied in such a way that the doubled end comes out at the side slanting -downwards under the knot. The second end is, while being tied, folded -once with the lining outside and is pulled vertically so that the -folded part is held straight up; and it is drawn out until the length -above the knot is about the same as that remaining behind and then -dropped over the knot; and so, when it hangs down, its end or the fold -is higher than the end of the <i>obi</i> just by the width of the knot, -that is, by a few inches. The end under the knot displays the face -and the fold itself the lining. Some people keep the knot from coming -loose by tying a cord over it round the <i>obi</i>, while others merely -tighten it when it slackens.</p> - -<p>The <i>obi</i> for ceremonial occasions is tied in the same way, only -<span class="pagenum">{100}</span>that as it is of the same material on both sides, there is no -distinction of face and lining. When it is tied, a narrow sash with -a piece of board or stiff cardboard in the middle is put under the -vertical fold and raised above the level of the <i>obi</i>, and the ends -of the sash are tied in front and the knot is tucked under the <i>obi</i>. -This sash is a kind of bustle to keep the fold from falling. Next, the -fold is refolded inward, while the doubled end, instead of hanging out -as in the ordinary <i>obi</i>, is bent back and pushed under the fold. A -silk cord is then passed between the two faces of the fold along the -middle of the <i>obi</i> and tightly fastened in front over the <i>obi</i> by -means of a hook or buckle. This cord is intended to prevent the -doubled end and the fold, after the refold, from falling off. The hook -or buckle is usually in the form of a flower or some other simple -design in gold. Thus, it will be seen that in wearing the ceremonial -<i>obi</i>, a woman is tied twice each over and under it.</p> - -<div id="img_p100" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p100.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE DRESS-<i>OBI</i>. FOR GIRLS. FOR WOMEN. - </div> -</div> - -<p>As the <i>obi</i> is the most conspicuous part of a woman’s dress, the -<i>haori</i>, which would conceal it except in front, is not worn on -formal occasions. It is only worn at home or on an informal visit; -and in the absence of a <i>haori</i> to display her crest on, the<span class="pagenum">{101}</span> -woman has it dyed on her <i>kimono</i>, the number being three or five as -on the man’s <i>haori</i>. The formal dress is a suit of three <i>kimono</i>, -of which the second and lowest have white neck-bands. The skirt is -wadded much thicker than usual. Sometimes when it is too warm to wear -three <i>kimono</i>, the middle one is dispensed with and an extra band is -put on the lower <i>kimono</i> and a false skirt sewn on to it to make it -look as if there were an intermediate <i>kimono</i>. The formal colour of -the uppermost <i>kimono</i> is black, with five white crests; but except -on special occasions less sombre colours may be worn, of which the -favourite are blue, grey, and violet, all light-tinted. Underneath the -<i>kimono</i> is the long chemise which is the only article of clothing -that is allowed to be bright-coloured. It is often expensive; and just -as men line their <i>haori</i> with costly stuff which may or may not be -seen in company, so women expend as much money upon their chemises, -the skirt of which may be partly exposed to view as they walk. It is -commonly of figured crêpe, <i>habutaye</i>, or crêpe de Chine. Under the -chemise is the ordinary cotton underwear.</p> - -<p>When she goes out on an informal visit, the Japanese woman usually -puts on a crested <i>haori</i>; but if it is only for a walk, the <i>haori</i> -may be plain. The <i>kimono</i> may on such occasions be of any pattern, -only that when she makes a call, the band must be of the same cloth as -the <i>kimono</i>. At home a woman usually has on a black satin band as it -can be readily renewed, for owing to the liberal use of pomade on her -hair, the band is the part of her dress that is soonest soiled, and -hence the advantage of a band that can be easily changed. The part -of her dress which is, next to the band, most liable to be soiled is -the lap; for as we squat with our knees bent in front of us, we are -apt to lay in our laps whatever may be in our hands, and most women -therefore, except in families of higher position, wear aprons at home. -Those of the middle class take off their aprons when they go out; -but the wives and daughters of tradesmen and artisans wear them even -outdoors. Still, as it is not considered good form to have them on -when one receives calls, they should take them off before they go into -the parlour to welcome their visitors; as a matter of fact, however, -this<span class="pagenum">{102}</span> is done only when the visitor is one of superior position -who must be treated with great respect. The apron covers the front -part of the <i>kimono</i> below the <i>obi</i>, under which it is tied by a -cord attached to it. It is also worn by tradesmen and others whose -business it is to handle wares of any kind.</p> - -<div id="img_p102" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p102.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SERVANT WITH TUCKED SLEEVES. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The ordinary <i>kimono</i> is inconvenient for active work. Those whose -work requires a free movement of the limbs, commonly discard the long -sleeves and the skirt. Coolies and artisans wear tight-sleeved coats -and tight-fitting drawers of cotton. Women,<span class="pagenum">{104}</span> too, who labour -outdoors have on similar clothes sometimes; but more frequently they -wear tight-sleeved <i>kimono</i>, the skirts of which are tucked up to the -knees to facilitate their walking. Women, however, who live indoors -but have to move about at their household work, do not care to put on -tight-sleeved <i>kimono</i>, and they tie up their sleeves with a cloth -cord when they are actively employed. They are often to be seen -dusting and sweeping the rooms with their sleeves tied up and a -towel on their heads. The <i>kimono</i> appears indeed to be capable of -little improvement. The only concession that has been made to the -requirements of the latter-day school-girl is the contraction of the -sleeves. The “reformed dress,” as it is called, has large open sleeves -which can be tightened by means of a string. It is found very handy -and is worn by many school-girls. Reformed or unreformed, there is -this to be said for the Japanese woman’s dress that it does not suffer -in the matter of pockets or what serve as such from comparison with -man’s.</p> - -<div id="img_p103" class='figcenter illowp50'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p103.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE REFORMED DRESS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>There is then very little difference in the dress of a Japanese woman -indoors and out, except in the case of the formal dress. Even there -the form is the same. This uniformity of cut strikes one everywhere -in Japan; the dresses are all cast in the same mould. There may be -variations in the length of the sleeves or in the colour and texture -of the apparel; but even fickle fashion leaves the shape of the dress -unchanged; it only varies the stuff and the pattern.</p> - -<p>Children’s clothes differ slightly from their elders’. Up to about ten -they often wear at home the tight-sleeved <i>kimono</i>. Boys, indeed, may -continue to put them on far into the teens; but girls are soon dressed -in <i>kimono</i> of fancifully-figured crêpe or <i>mousseline de laine</i>, the -gayest of which are specially made for their wear. Their outdoor -<i>kimono</i> have sleeves almost touching the ground, and their formal -dress is black with light patterns on the lower part of the sleeves -and round the skirt. Their <i>obi</i> is folded almost perpendicularly -behind, the folded end coming close up to the shoulders; and over it -is tied a plain sash, usually of yellow or red crêpe, the knot being -tied at the side with the ends hanging down.</p> - -<div id="img_p105" class='figcenter illowp50'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p105.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A YOUNG LADY DRESSED FOR A VISIT. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{106}</span></p> - -<p>The girl, on reaching her sixteenth or seventeenth year, ceases to -be a child and becomes a <i>shinzo</i>, or maiden; she no longer puts -on gaily-coloured <i>kimono</i>, though she still retains the hip-wrap, -underwear sleeves, and band of crimson. At twenty-four, at which she -becomes a <i>toshima</i>, when she is supposed to be married, the colour of -her dress becomes more sober; the hip-wrap is white, the sleeves of -her underwear, though sometimes still red for a little while longer, -are oftener of a less conspicuous tint, and the band of blue, purple, -black, or other dark hues. For the first few years she may, in her -desire to conceal her age, affect the <i>shinzo’s</i> costume; but when -she reaches thirty, she is an unmistakable <i>toshima</i>. This stage -terminates at forty, when she comes to be spoken of as approaching old -age. She is dressed soberly as if to avoid notice. Forty is pretty -early for a woman to be classified as old; but in former days old age -began at fifty when a man was considered unfit for business and made -over his name and property to his heir. We mature early and decline at -the same rate. Indeed, man, says a Japanese proverb, lives but for -fifty years and rarely does his span extend to seventy years. Our -expectation of life is, then, two decades less than the Psalmist’s. -Impressed by its brevity, the Japanese woman knows that she ceases to -please after two score and unmurmuringly gives up hope. She does not -allow herself to be deceived when silver locks begin to appear among -the raven; and by her dress and coiffure she frankly confesses the -stage she has reached in the journey of life.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{107}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.<br /> -<span class="smaller">TOILET.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Queues—Hair-cutting—Moustaches and beards—Shaving—Women’s - coiffure—Children’s hair—“Inverted maidenhair”—<i>Shimada</i>—“Rounded - chignon”—Other forms—The lightest coiffure—Bars—Combs—Ornaments - round the chignon—Hair-pins—The hair-dresser—The kind of hair - esteemed—Lots of complexion—Girls painted—Women’s paint—Blackening - of teeth—Shaving of eyebrows—Washing the face—Looking-glasses.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_a.png" width="30" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">AMONG the earliest innovations after the Restoration to which the -Japanese people took kindly was the clipping of their queues. In the -old days men had little queues on the top of their heads. For this -purpose they shaved the crown and gathering the hair around, tied it -at the top with a piece of paper string; then, they bent the queue and -bringing it down forward over the forehead, fastened it with the ends -of the same string so that the queue was tied tightly to the first -knot. The end of the queue was cut straight. Fashion often changed in -the making of the queue, though its general form remained unaltered. -The bend, for instance, between the two knots might vary in size and -shape, and the queue itself in length and thickness, its girth being -regulated by the extent of the tonsure at the crown. Or the hair might -be full or tight at the sides and the back. The front was usually -shaved. In short, there was a wide scope for taste in the dressing of -the queue.</p> - -<p>These queues were untied and remade every second or third day, and -the head was shaved at the same time. Hair-dressing was therefore -a troublesome business, especially as one had generally to get -assistance for it. Consequently, when the cropping of the hair came -into vogue, people eagerly adopted it as it saved them time and -expense. At first they cut the hair long, letting it half hide the -ears and come down to the neck behind; but it became shorter by -degrees until now the fashion is to crop it to about<span class="pagenum">{108}</span> a quarter -of an inch, presenting a head which is appropriately known as -“chestnut-bur.”</p> - -<div id="img_p108" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p108.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>QUEUES. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Although pictures of old Japanese warriors represent them with -moustaches, the custom seems to have been under the Tokugawa rule to -be clean shaven about the mouth; only aged men indulged in beards, -while whiskers grown by themselves were almost unknown. After the -Restoration government officials began to grow moustaches, and for a -long time the favourite way of mimicking an official was to twirl an -imaginary moustache. But professional men of all sorts now let them -grow, so that they have ceased to be characteristic of officials. -Tradesmen, artisans, and coolies, however, are still clean shaven, or -at most have bristles of a few days’ growth.</p> - -<p>Japanese barbers shave not only the lips, cheeks, and chin, and the -borders of the hair, but they also pass their razors<span class="pagenum">{109}</span> over -the whole face, not sparing the forehead, the eyelids between the -eyelashes and the eyebrows, the cheek-bones, the nose, and the -ear-lobes, and unless their victim objects, they will insert a small -narrow razor into his nostrils and ears and twirl it rapidly round -with great dexterity. The shaving of the nostrils is easier in a -Japanese than it would be in a European on account of their greater -width, and another advantage arising from the shortness of the nose -is that the Japanese barber does not offer an indignity to his client -by tweaking his nose when he shaves his upper lip.</p> - -<div id="img_p109" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p109.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE “203-METRE HILL” AND “PENTHOUSE.” - </div> -</div> - -<p>Troublesome as was the man’s queue in the old days, it was a trifle -compared with the woman’s coiffure. In the early days of the present -regime when men began to cut their hair, many women followed suit -and cropped theirs as short. The government, however, interfered and -prohibited the cutting of the hair by women other than widows and -grandames with whom it was a time-honoured custom. In 1887 when the -pro-European craze was at its height, many women tied their hair in -European style; but it was subsequently abandoned by those who found -that by tying the hair in this manner,<span class="pagenum">{110}</span> they spoilt it for the -Japanese coiffure; for having been accustomed to oil it well for their -native style, they discovered that the hair, when bound without any -pomade, became very brittle and snapped short. Still, the European -style is now largely adopted because it does not require expert -assistance and the services of the professional hair-dresser can be -dispensed with. Various styles are in vogue. Soon after the fall -of Port Arthur in 1905, a high knot came into fashion under the -formidable title of “203-metre hill knot,” in celebration of the -capture of that famous hill which was practically the key to the great -fortress. The favourite at present with our women is a low pompadour -known as the “penthouse style.” But though the European way of -dressing the hair has become very popular, it is not likely so long as -the <i>kimono</i> remains unchanged that the Japanese coiffure, awkward as -it is compared with the European, will be entirely superseded by the -other.</p> - -<p>Newly-born infants are shaven; but as they grow up, a little circle -at the crown is left untouched. At first the circle is small, but it -grows larger with years; and at six or seven, boys let all their hair -grow and crop them when too long, just like their elders. Girls, -before they leave this “poppy-head” stage as it is called, have little -queues on the crown, tied less closely than men’s in the old days. -Next, at ten or more, they have their hair done in a more complicated -manner; sometimes the tresses are tied together at the crown and made -into bows, and sometimes the hair is<span class="pagenum">{111}</span> gathered at the top and -parted into two tresses, right and left, which are made into vertical -loops, joined together at the side, the joint being covered with a -piece of ornamental paper. It has of late become an almost universal -custom with school-girls to tie their hair with a ribbon and let it -down loose or plaited on their backs.</p> - -<div id="img_p110" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p110.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>YOUNG GIRLS’ HAIR. - </div> -</div> - -<p>From fifteen to well over forty, the favourite style is that known as -“inverted maidenhair.” The hair is in this coiffure first combed into -one bundle, except a triangular tuft over the forehead. It is tied at -the root and divided into two equal tresses, right and left, which are -then looped, the end of either tress being combed into the root of the -other; and the two loops are turned down and brought behind the crown, -and kept in place by being tied together to the first knot. The hair -at the sides and the back is swollen out by a dexterous jerk of a comb -or hairpin from underneath when it is first gathered. That at the -sides is further combed with a rough comb, while the hair at the back -is held in place by a spring hairpin. This is the lightest coiffure as -false hair is not generally required; but it is not the formal way of -dressing the hair.</p> - -<div id="img_p111" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p111.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE “INVERTED MAIDENHAIR.” - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{112}</span></p> - -<p>For young women the formal coiffure is the <i>shimada</i>, so called from -the name of the town on the high road between Tokyo and Kyoto, where -it first came into fashion. In this the hair is gathered and tied -tightly at or near the crown together with a large tuft of false hair. -The tip is folded in forward; the hair is then folded twice in the -same direction as the tip so that the edge of the fold is half an inch -or less behind the knot; and the whole is turned over the knot in such -a way that the edge of the second fold is forward of the crown. Then, -by a string passing over the knot the fold is tied down. The chignon -is formed by spreading out the hair; sometimes a piece of paper, of -the size of the chignon, is well pomaded and put under the surface -of the chignon to help it to keep in place. The size of the chignon -varies with the wearer’s taste; but, generally speaking, a young -woman’s is larger than her elder sister’s. Its position too varies, -as it depends upon that of the first knot, whether over or behind the -crown. In the formal coiffure of a young lady of social standing it is -close to the crown; but girls in a lower station of life or anxious to -be thought <i>chic</i> prefer the chignon to be more to the back of the head.</p> - -<div id="img_p112" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p112.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>SHIMADA</i> AND “ROUNDED CHIGNON.” - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{113}</span></p> - -<p>The <i>marumage</i>, or “rounded chignon,” of married women is formed by -tying the hair at the crown as in the <i>shimada</i>, and then making a -loop at the end. This is wrapped round with a piece of ornamental -cloth, usually of silk and dyed, and then folded forward; a small bar -is passed through the two sides of the loop and the main tuft; and -the latter is folded forward twice and the bar is brought down near -the crown. The hair behind is spread out into a chignon. Unlike the -<i>shimada</i>, this chignon is mostly back of the knot; it is held down by -a string tied to the knot and the loop. False hair is used, but to a -less extent than in the <i>shimada</i>; and a little paper pillow wadded -with cotton is put under the chignon to hold it in place. A small part -of the loop appears on each side of the chignon around the bar and -displays the piece of ornamental cloth. The size of the chignon varies -with the age of its wearer, the largest being adopted by young women -and the smallest by old matrons.</p> - -<p>There are said to be more than a hundred different ways, new and -old, of dressing the hair; and even at the present time there are -a score of them in vogue. But as most of them are combinations or -modifications of the three coiffures above mentioned, we need not -describe them. In all three the forelock is taken in a triangular tuft -and tied with a piece of string, and held down with a comb just in -front of the knot on the crown.</p> - -<p>Both the <i>shimada</i> and the <i>marumage</i> are heavy as they require false -hair. The hair needs also to be well oiled. The hair is done once in -three or four days, but is seldom washed, not more than once a month. -The head is consequently heated and a headache is often the result. -Lighter than either of these is the “inverted maidenhair,” which needs -no false hair unless the natural hair is too thin. It is preferred -when one is at home, and especially when a long spell of either of the -other forms of coiffure has ended in a headache. It is also in favour -sometimes for the reason that it does not, like the others, require -hair ornaments. A Japanese woman has no need of jewelry as it is not -the custom to wear brooches, ear-rings, necklaces, or bracelets; and -the only articles of gold or silver are, if we except the watch and -chain and the finger-rings, which are all of recent introduction, her -pipe, the<span class="pagenum">{114}</span> clasp of the <i>obi</i>-fastener, ornamental hair-pins, and -sometimes other articles for the hair.</p> - -<div id="img_p114" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p114.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>BARS, COMBS, AND BANDS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The married woman’s coiffure requires a bar through the chignon. This -bar varies in length with the width of the chignon, beyond which it -appears from a quarter to half an inch. The regulation bar is square -or oblong in section with flat or slightly<span class="pagenum">{115}</span> rounded ends. It -should be made of transparent, light-yellow tortoise-shell; but dark -tortoise-shell or lacquered wood with gold figures is also worn. There -are artists of high repute who make a speciality of the designing and -lacquering of these bars. Inferior kinds are made of black lacquered -wood or celluloid. Sometimes floral or other designs in gold or silver -are attached to the ends of bars intended for young women.</p> - -<p>The comb, on formal occasions, should be of the same material as the -bar. Such combs are usually of light-yellow tortoise-shell; they are -worn in front of the chignon and hold down the tip of the hair over -the forehead. They have curved backs and straight ends, and are -thicker than those used in hair-dressing, which are of boxwood. Other -ornamental combs are of various shapes; they may be curved toward the -tips, or may be longer and narrower or more rounded and wider than -the tortoise-shells. They are made, like the bars, of lacquered wood, -common tortoise-shell, or celluloid. The commonest kinds are of -boxwood. The combs used for combing the side-hair are wider at one end -than at the other, while those for gathering in stray locks are only -about an inch wide, close-toothed, and with a long, pointed handle, -and for removing scurf fine-toothed double combs are used.</p> - -<p>In the case of the <i>marumage</i> and sometimes of the <i>shimada</i>, the knot -of the root is hidden from sight by tying around it a thin strip of -metal, or a string of paste or coral beads. In the <i>shimada</i> a narrow -strip of white paper is also sometimes worn. The piece of cloth wound -round the loop of the <i>marumage</i> is usually of plain common silk -crimpled or netted, and often mottled. That worn by young girls in -coiffure that requires such pieces is plain red; but their elders -prefer quieter tints.</p> - -<p>The greatest variety is, however, to be seen in ornamental hair-pins. -These hair-pins have mostly two legs, though very simple ones are -one-legged. They are made of horn, ivory, wood, metal, or celluloid, -and have above the fork, if two-legged, some ornament, a bead, or a -design in metal, horn, ivory, bone, or other material. These designs, -if of the better quality, consist of figures in gold on lacquer -background or on ivory, or chasings of gold or<span class="pagenum">{116}</span> silver. The -hair-pins worn on formal occasions by young girls are surmounted with -a large flower in metal, from which hangs a red silk tassel. Grown-up -women set most value on silver or gold pins with a coral bead, -about half an inch in diameter. The coral most esteemed is pink or -flesh-coloured, though one of a darker hue is preferred by some -people. In the commoner kinds the legs are of<span class="pagenum">{117}</span> German silver as -wood or horn is liable to snap. There is no rule as to the length of -these hair-pins. They are stuck in under the chignon, or a little in -front or behind, but never in the chignon itself.</p> - -<div id="img_p116" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p116.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>ORNAMENTAL HAIR-PINS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Hair-dressing is no light task; and though a woman may be able -to do her own hair, she almost invariably gets it done by somebody -else as a great deal has to be done at the back of the<span class="pagenum">{118}</span> head. -The professional female hair-dresser is therefore an established -institution; she visits most houses at regular intervals. She has -usually an assistant, or rather an apprentice, who loosens and combs -the hair and prepares it for her to dress. A successful hair-dresser -probably makes more money than any other professional of her sex. The -geisha’s receipts may be larger, but her expenses are correspondingly -great so that her net profit is comparatively small, whereas the -hair-dresser needs neither capital nor stock, beyond a few combs, and -even these are often unnecessary as she uses those of her client. -Besides her regular charges, which are not heavy, she receives many -presents from those who are anxious for her to come at regular -intervals or out of turn, as when they are going out to a party, a -theatre, or some other place of public resort. She is also a great -gossip, a disseminator of scandals, and in this respect she has the -advantage over the barber who has himself no mean reputation in that -direction in Japan as everywhere else; for whereas the barber has to -retail his discourse more or less in public before the other clients -who are awaiting their turn, the woman purveys her news in the privacy -of the lady’s toilet-room. And as the discussion of her neighbour’s -private affairs and the tearing of her character is no less a -favourite occupation with the Japanese woman than with her European -sister, it is not always for the sole purpose of having her hair done -that she eagerly waits for the hair-dresser’s visit.</p> - -<div id="img_p117" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p117.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE HAIR-DRESSER. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Our hair is always black until it begins to turn gray; and women -esteem glossy-black, straight hair. Curly hair is held in such horror -that it is said to spoil any face however comely in other respects. -And the hair-dresser’s apprentice, when she comes to undo her client’s -hair for re-dressing, first loosens it and combs it to free it of -tangles, and then with a cloth dipped in boiling water, straightens -it until all traces of former bends and twists have disappeared, and -applies to it a pomade to keep it from curling or getting out of -shape. Next to the glossy appearance of the hair, its borders receive -careful attention. There should be no clusters of short hairs about -the borders, which should show a clear demarcation between the -hair and the skin. Hairy borders are regarded to<span class="pagenum">{119}</span> be as great -blemishes as clumsy hands and feet. The short hair over the forehead -is, however, tolerated as hardly any one is free from it; but at the -same time the border over the forehead should rise from either temple -in a slight curve until it is right over the forehead when it should -meet the other in a faint downward curve. From a fanciful resemblance -of such a border to the outline of Mount Fuji, the forehead is then -known as the “Fuji forehead,” and highly admired as an important -feature of personal beauty.</p> - -<p>The Japanese woman does not allow any hair or even down to grow on her -face, and from time to time shaves the whole face like the other sex. -We are not a hairy race, and our women have on the whole very smooth -faces. We hardly ever see them with moustaches or stumps of hairs -on their faces. It is not improbable that this shaving of the face -contributes to the early loss of complexion among the Japanese women; -but the arch-enemy of the clear complexion is certainly the paint, for -painting is an almost universal custom in Japan.</p> - -<p>Young girls are painted quite white and present a somewhat ghastly -appearance, for the paint is a thick paste of white powder, coarser -than <i>poudre de riz</i>, and is daubed over the face with the hands. The -neck and the upper part of the breast are also painted; but the paint, -it must be admitted, is too conspicuous to be mistaken for the natural -colour of the skin, and the Japanese girl knows it. If the hair hung -over her neck and face in fringes or ringlets, we might suspect her of -attempting to pass the paint for her own skin; but the hair is combed -up into a knot at the crown and the borders of the hair are strongly -marked on the forehead and the neck. As, however, the hair is usually -thick over the forehead, the contrast there between the paint and the -natural skin may not be striking; but at the back it is impossible to -conceal the difference, and as if to make a virtue of necessity, the -paint is daubed at the borders in a very angular zigzag, which -emphasises the difference between it and the brown skin.</p> - -<p>The paint is laid on less thickly as the girl grows up; and though -many women, especially those from the country, make a liberal use of -it, the custom in Tokyo is to apply a dilute solution<span class="pagenum">{120}</span> lightly so -that one can hardly tell at a distance whether the face is painted or -not. The neck, however, is more thickly painted. Vermilion is applied -to the lips in degrees varying with the age.</p> - -<p>The blackening of the teeth is fast going out of fashion; nowadays in -Tokyo, only middle-aged women and their seniors take to it, though -young married women among the lower classes are sometimes to be seen -with blackened teeth. In ancient times men of rank and position -blackened their teeth; it was a sign of good birth, and the expression -“white teeth” was synonymous with plebeianism. This custom was -subsequently confined to court nobles, and was later still adopted by -married women. The idea seems to be that as black is the only colour -that remains unchanged, the teeth were blackened in token of their -owner’s constancy and fidelity.</p> - -<p>The eyebrows are shaven in infants and little children, especially -girls, with the object of making them grow thick. Women touch them up -with Indian ink or burnt-cork powder. They used to shave them off upon -marriage at the same time as the first blackening of the teeth; but -this custom is, like the other, dying out. Many women, however, shave -off their eyebrows when they reach the age of forty or thereabouts, as -they prefer to have none at all to having them thin and irregular.</p> - -<p>Before they commence their toilet, women take a bath or wash their -faces, necks, and shoulders over a tub unless it is early morning in -cold weather. Soap is a foreign innovation; and the same purpose was -served by the use of fine bran powder obtained by sifting rice after -its final cleaning in a mortar. A handful of this powder is put into a -little cloth bag, which is then wetted and rubbed against the skin; -and the turbid water which exudes through the texture of the bag is -very efficacious in cleaning the skin. It is now used together with -soap. Young women sometimes put other substances with the bran into -the bag, such as pulverised egg-shells which are said to remove stains -from the skin and the powered bark of a species of magnolia.</p> - -<p>Our women, squatting as they do at their toilet, do not need a -dressing-table, instead of which they set before them a small wooden -<span class="pagenum">{121}</span>box with three or four drawers and surmounted with a square -looking-glass hinged on two supports which stand on the box. In the -old days when glass was unknown or at least very rare, a metal disk -highly polished on one face and with a handle was set on a stand. -Now, however, sheet-glass mirrors are very common, though those of -plate-glass are less used owing to their higher prices as they have, -unlike the sheet-glass, to be imported from abroad.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{122}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.<br /> -<span class="smaller">OUTDOOR GEAR.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Boots and shoes <i>versus</i> clogs and sandals—Inconvenience of - foreign footgear—Shoes and boots at private houses—Clogs and - sandals able to hold their own—How clogs are made—Plain clogs—Matted - clogs—Sandals—Straw sandals—Headgear—Woman’s hood—Overcoats and - overdresses—Common umbrellas—Better descriptions of - umbrellas—Lanterns—Better kinds of lanterns.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_e.png" width="30" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">EUROPEAN clothes are, as we have seen, replacing the Japanese male -dress in schools, public offices, and other quarters, and are checked -in their advance only by the unaltered state of Japanese homes. In the -matter of footgear the case is almost similar, only that boots and -shoes have superseded clogs and sandals to a far greater extent than -coats and trousers have the <i>kimono</i>. For people in foreign clothes -almost invariably wear foreign footgear; it is only in wet weather -that one sees sometimes a Japanese in European clothes walking through -the mud in clogs instead of boots; and a great many in native clothes -wear boots and shoes. There are plenty of people who go in <i>hakama</i> to -schools and public and private offices; but where these buildings are -in foreign style as most of them are, people are not allowed to enter -with their clogs, and the only alternative is that they must wear -sandals or boots. But as the sandals cover the feet with dust in dry -weather and with mud in wet, many persons prefer to walk in clogs and -change them for sandals at the school or office; but as this means -that they must leave at the entrance their sandals at night and their -clogs in the daytime, they run the risk of losing them. Hence, there -is a steady increase in the number of those who wear boots or shoes, -which if one gets used to them, are easier to walk in than clogs or -sandals.</p> - -<p>Boots and shoes go very well with the <i>hakama</i>, which, being loose and -wide, does not rub against them; but they are not so convenient when -we are in <i>kimono</i> only. The leather, by rubbing<span class="pagenum">{123}</span> against the -<i>kimono</i>, wears it, especially if silk-lined, much more quickly than -do clogs; for in a Japanese dress it is not the thongs of the clogs -so much as the socks that rub against the lining of the <i>kimono</i>. And -these socks naturally wear it out more slowly if they are of calico, -and not of cotton.</p> - -<p>In going into a Japanese house, one has to take off the clogs, -sandals, boots, or shoes; and consequently it is more convenient to go -in either of the former two as they can be slipped off without the -least trouble. And also, as the socks are visible in wearing clogs, we -seldom go out in shabby ones; but when we put on boots or shoes, we -not unfrequently forget there is a hole in the sole of a sock, or it -may be that we put up with worn-out socks believing there would be -no need to take off our boots until we come home, and then, being -suddenly called by business to a private house, we repair thither and -on pulling off our boots, see with dismay the toes peeping out of the -socks. Another disadvantage of boots when we visit a private house is -that felt in winter, which has already been referred to in a former -chapter; that is, though there are braziers for the hands, no -provisions are made for the feet which are soon benumbed through -the socks, which however thick they may be, are not so warm as the -Japanese socks, especially when the latter are under cover of the -<i>haori</i>. Still, boots and shoes are often unavoidable when we pay a -chance visit; but then the boots should be elastic-webbed, for if we -call with laced boots on, the servant who answers the door has to wait -patiently in the draught until we take them off. The situation is -aggravated when the visitor leaves; for then the host and his servant, -and if he is a friend of the family, the wife and the children, will -come to the porch to see him off and remain there until he leaves the -house. If the caller has any tact, he will merely tuck in the laces -and walk out with his boots flopping and tie them when he is out of -the premises. Many visitors, however, think nothing of keeping the -whole family shivering in the cold while they leisurely lace their -boots, for probably they too are put to the same ordeal when they have -visitors in laced boots. For their greater handiness in this respect -shoes were at first almost exclusively worn; but now boots are -supplanting them to a large extent on account of their superior ease -in walking.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{124}</span></p> - -<p>As these disadvantages, then, attach to boots and shoes when we wear a -<i>kimono</i> or visit a Japanese house, clogs and sandals are able to hold -their own against the invasion of foreign footgear, and are likely to -continue in favour so long as we are obliged to go indoors barefooted -or in socks only, which means, while the interior of Japanese houses -is unchanged and people squat on mats instead of sitting in chairs. As -it will be a long time before the interior can be Europeanised, the -clogs and sandals will for many a year to come remain the national -footgear of the Japanese. Our description of the Japanese dress would -therefore be incomplete without a reference to the clogs and sandals.</p> - -<p>To begin with the clogs, they are either plain or matted. A plain clog -consists essentially of a piece of wood, oblong or with rounded ends, -just large enough to cover the sole of the foot, and supported by two -flat, oblong pieces of wood, running from side to side and one behind -the other. The sole-piece has three holes, one on each side just -in front of the hind support and one in the middle in front of -the forward support. A thick thong of hemp is passed through the -side-holes from above and the ends are tied<span class="pagenum">{125}</span> together under the -sole-piece; the part on the upper face of the sole-piece, which is -covered with cloth or leather, is just long enough to be stretched out -to the third hole; a similarly-covered thong is passed through a hole -pierced in the top of the first thong and its ends are pushed through -the hole in the sole-piece and tied in a knot on the nether side. The -second thong thus holds down the first, which is separated from the -sole-piece by a distance just enough to pass the toes between them. In -wearing a clog the toes are slipped in under the side-thong and the -top-thong is held tightly between the big and the second toe. The -side-thong presses on the joints of the toes and prevents the clog -from slipping off. If the top-thong is gripped tightly, the toes will -naturally be bent and press down the fore-end of the clog and, the -top-thong acting as a fulcrum, the hind-end will press against the -heel. Thus, there will be little difficulty in walking in clogs. But -if the grip be relaxed, the hind-end will drop and, in walking, be -dragged on the ground; and as it will hurt the toes to be always in -tight grip, the clogs are very often merely hanging on to the toes and -are consequently dragged along. It is this dropping and dragging of -the hind-end which makes the clogs clatter so noisily on the stone -pavement and wooden flooring.</p> - -<div id="img_p124" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p124.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>PLAIN CLOGS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Plain clogs vary in height; they are cut out of a single piece of wood -or else have the sole-piece made separately from the supports. Those -for rainy weather are five or six inches high; the supports are made -separately and fit into grooves on the nether side of the sole-piece, -and the thongs are covered with leather. There is a toe-cap to serve -as mud-guard, made of thick waterproof paper or leather and held down -by two pieces of twine from its ends, which are tied behind the hind -support. There is a similar kind, much shorter and without a toe-cap, -which is put on in fine weather. But the favourite form with men at -present is cut out of a single piece of wood; the thongs are covered -with cloth or leather, preferably the latter. The rain clogs for women -have their edges and nether sides often varnished black.</p> - -<p>Matted clogs are mostly of a single piece; the two ends are rounded; -the under-side of the toe-end slants downward so that<span class="pagenum">{126}</span> the part -touching the ground is a thin, angular edge, while the hind support -is comparatively thick. The hole for the top-thong is enlarged on the -nether side so that the knot of the thong can be enclosed in it and -a metal cover tacked on it to keep the knot clean. This is a wise -precaution, because the top-thong is the weakest part of the clog; if -one stumbles, for instance, the thong is strained and often snaps, and -it has to be renewed. The matting which is woven fine with rushes, is -tacked on the sole-piece. In the clogs for women the hind support is -large, being of the same form as the hind-end of the sole-piece and -leaving just space enough for tying the thong ends. In those for young -girls the supports touch each other with a cavity within for tying the -thong ends; these clogs are painted black, brown, or red; and those -for very little girls have often tiny bells in the cavity, which -tinkle as their wearer toddles along. There is another variety for -women, in which the hind support is mortised as in the rain clogs. The -thongs are covered with leather or dark-coloured silk or hemp cloth -for men, while the coverings for women are mostly of silk, cotton, or -hemp cloth, the commonest being heavy woven silk, plush, velvet, and -<span class="pagenum">{127}</span>velveteen, and those for girls are usually of red or purple -velvet or plush. Clogs, especially of the better kind, and thongs are -sold separately, and they are fitted while the customer waits. The -best clogs are made of paulownia wood and those of inferior quality -are of cryptomeria and other common wood, while the supports, if made -separately, are of oak for better qualities and beech for inferior -ones.</p> - -<div id="img_p126" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p126.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>MATTED CLOGS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Sandals are made of matting or straw. Matted sandals are the lightest -and easiest to wear of all footgear; but they are apt to cover the -feet with dust in dry weather and to become sodden and muddy in wet -weather or after rain. They are comfortable only on dry hard ground. -Common sandals are lined on the sole with strands of hemp. Another -variety has a thick wooden sole in lateral sections so as to allow the -matting to bend freely. But the sandals of the best quality, which are -at present very popular and<span class="pagenum">{128}</span> known as “snow-sandals,” though -they are unfit for walking in the snow, have soles of untanned hide -with a flat piece of iron at the heels to prevent their slipping; -but the feet, especially if socked, slip on the smooth matting unless -the thong is held very tightly, which defect renders these sandals -unsuitable for fast walking. Still another kind, also very popular, is -lined with caoutchouc.</p> - -<div id="img_p127" class='figcenter illowp50'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p127.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>MATTED SANDALS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Straw sandals, on the other hand, are fitted for running or long -walks. The thongs, which are of straw, are tied over the toes and -around the foot just over the ankle. Though these thongs are apt at -first to cut the feet if unsocked, they are easy and comfortable when -one gets used to them. They are worn by coolies and others whose -business it is to be constantly on their feet. Unfortunately, they -soon become sodden in rain or over a muddy road; but as they are very -cheap, they are frequently changed in a long journey. Cast-off -straw sandals are among the commonest sights on the road on a rainy -day.</p> - -<div id="img_p128" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p128.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>STRAW SANDALS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Next to the covering for the feet, the most important article of -outdoor wear is the headgear. In the old times a majority of the -<span class="pagenum">{129}</span>people went bareheaded; and even now hats are often worn for -appearance rather than from necessity. Except in very cold weather, -there is little difference in the temperature within doors and -without, and one does not feel it necessary to wear a hat in the -open air. There are still people who go about bareheaded except in -midsummer and midwinter. With European clothes we naturally wear -hats, but with Japanese clothes there is no such invariable custom. -However, the habit grown with foreign clothes has passed on to the -national dress, and now bowlers, wideawakes, chimney pots, Panamas, -straw hats, and caps are in their season to be seen everywhere. The -hats used in the old days served as sunshades no less than as mere -head-coverings. Of these the black-varnished, wooden hat, shaped like -a flattened cone, which was worn by the military class, has entirely -disappeared. Street-vendors and pedlars still wear in the summer heat -large, flattish, round hats of bamboo-sheaths, which are light but -very fragile, while mushroom-like hats of spliced bamboo covered with -white or black cloth are extensively worn by coolies. A rush-hat deep -enough to cover the whole face but with a peep-hole for the eyes, -which was formerly worn by samurai out of employment to avoid -recognition, is now worn for the same reason by fortune-tellers at the -roadside and by prisoners under trial on their way to the law-court. -Convicted prisoners, however, wear the mushroom-hat.</p> - -<div id="img_p129" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p129.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>OLD HEADGEAR. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{130}</span></p> - -<p>Women wear nothing on their heads except in midwinter for fear of -deranging their elaborate coiffure. The large chignon is as great a -protection against heat, cold, and wind as any European bonnet. In -winter, however, women wear a hood of <i>mousseline de laine</i> or crêpe -lined with common silk. It is oblong in shape,<span class="pagenum">{131}</span> being five feet -long by about two wide; it is folded in two and at one side, about a -foot from the fold, the edges are sewn together for an inch. The loop -thus formed is the face-opening. The hood is put carefully over the -head so that the face is visible at the opening, and a loop of string -on either side of the fold is passed over the ear to keep the hood in -place; and the ends of the hood are brought forward, folded loosely -over the nose, mouth, and throat, and tied together behind on the -neck. The hood which lies lightly on the head can be taken off without -deranging the hair to any extent. Women are expected to take off the -hood when they meet an acquaintance in the street, though they omit to -do so if he is an intimate friend. The hood keeps the head, neck, and -shoulders very warm.</p> - -<div id="img_p130" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p130.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A HOOD. - </div> -</div> - -<p>At one time shawls were much in vogue and worn together with the hood; -but they have of late fallen out of favour. Their place is taken by -“azuma-coats,” which are overdresses worn over the <i>kimono</i>. They -resemble the latter in form, except that they are looser and have much -wider bands which come down to the skirt and dispense with gores -altogether. In the latest forms the sleeves are very large; the front -is double-breasted with the throat open; and the overlapping parts -button at the breast by means of a loop and knot and are tied at the -hip with a string. They are made of silk. They are vulgarly known as -“rag-concealers,” as many women put them on when they go out to hide -the shabby dresses underneath. Men’s favourite overcoat for the -<i>kimono</i> is a kind of Inverness cape, with a long skirt to cover the -<i>kimono</i> and large arm-holes for the sleeves. These are also made of -wool. Among the lower classes there are still men in Tokyo who wear, -as do peasants in the country, a straw rain-coat which covers the -body and the sleeves, but leaves the legs bare; they are unpleasant -neighbours in an electric car on a rainy day. The majority, however, -especially coolies, messengers, and postmen, put on a coat shaped like -the <i>haori</i> and made of waterproof oil-paper or rubber-cloth.</p> - -<p>There is a great variety in umbrellas. The Japanese umbrella, as -may be seen from the innumerable samples to be found the world over, -has bamboo ribs and stem and is covered with oil-paper and<span class="pagenum">{133}</span> -surmounted with a thick paper cap into which the ribs run. It is -a heavy clumsy article; and it cannot be used like the European -umbrella, in place of a walking-stick in fine weather, as we should be -afraid of knocking the cap off if either end touched the ground. It -has to be carried with the handle downward after a rain to let the -water drip off. Its only advantages are its cheapness and its size as -it is large enough to shelter the whole body from rain. The common -kind, such as is used by servants going out on an errand and by the -poorer classes, is of plain oiled paper marked with the name, usually -the first syllable, of its owner, and his trade sign if he is an -artisan or tradesman, and sometimes his address as well. It can be -readily identified; and one cannot therefore put up, as if it were -one’s own, in broad daylight an umbrella with one’s neighbour’s name -and address plainly written on it. Besides, as these umbrellas are -very cheap, it would be hardly worth while making off with them.</p> - -<div id="img_p132" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p132.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>AN OVERDRESS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Umbrellas of the better sort have black caps with concentric rings in -black and red on the covering, though light-yellow rings are also -to be found among them. They are known as “serpents’ eyes” from a -fanciful resemblance thereto of these rings. They are, however, being -superseded by foreign umbrellas with iron ribs and cloth covers which -are more convenient to carry. Gigantic umbrellas are sometimes set up -for shading street-stalls. Sunshades resemble the “serpents’ eyes” in -form, except that the paper is not oiled and the centres and rings are -blue or white; but they too are going out of use. The sunshades which -find such a large sale abroad with gay pictures and flowers painted on -them, are used in Japan by children only, especially by little girls.</p> - -<p>The streets of Tokyo are ill-lighted. Street-lamps set up by the -municipality are comparatively few; and what light there is in most -streets comes from the lamps hung over the gates and front doors of -private houses; and where these houses are far apart, one has to walk -in absolute darkness. Hence, at night many people carry lanterns to -light them over ruts, mire, and diggings. The general make of the -Japanese lantern is too well known everywhere to need special mention. -They are all collapsible. The simplest<span class="pagenum">{134}</span> and cheapest form used -by wayfarers is the telescopic lantern, which is often given at -tea-houses and restaurants to their customers when they wish to walk -home. It is cylindrical when open, and the diameter of the body being -less than that of the top and bottom which are made of a thin piece of -wood, the body is concealed between them when closed and the lantern -can be readily carried in the pocket. It is held by a string attached -to the top. The lantern used by coolies and errand-boys is similarly -shaped, but of stronger material, and has a bow, the ends of which are -fixed to the top and bottom to keep the lantern stretched. The top is -not open as in the other, but has a hinged lid which when closed, -keeps out the wind. The lantern commonly carried in the streets is -spherical and has a bamboo handle attached to the top by a piece of -wire.<span class="pagenum">{135}</span> The lanterns which are so extensively exported abroad are -similarly shaped; but the red or red and white kinds are in Japan hung -only at festivals or suspended in festoons over shop fronts at opening -sales and on other special occasions. The lanterns used by tradesmen -and artisans, are commonly marked with their trade or firm names in -large black characters on the body, while those of private families -are adorned with their crests.</p> - -<div id="img_p134" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p134.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>LANTERNS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>There are also round and bulging kinds, sometimes quite spherical and -sometimes more elongated, stretched out by a bow and having a hook -attached to the top, so that they can be carried about or hung on -to bars. They have also lids like the coolies’ lanterns. They are -especially used at fires; indeed, they form a distinctive feature in -the confusion and disorder which invariably prevail on such occasions. -There is another kind, known as the horseman’s lantern, which is -spherical, with a roof over the top which is open; the handle is of -lacquered wood, within which is a piece of whalebone with its end -attached to the lantern, and by means of this whalebone the handle can -be lengthened at will. This lantern is also used by foot-passengers -among the better classes. All lanterns have a round nail sticking up -from the centre of the bottom, on which the candle is fixed; for the -Japanese candle which is made of vegetable wax, has a hollow paper -wick. These candles have, when they are set in a candlestick, to be -snuffed from time to time; but the swing of the lantern facilitates -the combustion of the wick, and the candles rarely need snuffing when -they are being carried in the street.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{136}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.<br /> -<span class="smaller">DAILY LIFE.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Busy life at home—Discomforts of early morning—Ablutions—Off to - school and office—Smoking—Giving orders—Morning - work—Washing—Needlework—The work-box—Japanese way of - sewing—Ironing—Remaking clothes—Home duties—Bath—Evening—Early - hours.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_m.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">MANY foreigners think that Japanese women must lead a pretty dull -life as they can have little to do in a house bare of furniture. But -whether their lives be dull or not compared with the lives of women in -other countries, they certainly are not idle. They do not, it is true, -go out much; it is a red-letter day with them when they visit a public -place in the flower-season or betake themselves to the theatre. But -at home they are kept all day to their work. The very scarcity of -furniture in a Japanese room implies constant sweeping and tidying; -and what with the care of children, making and unmaking of clothes, -and superintending of the kitchen, the Japanese housewife has by no -means an easy time of it.</p> - -<p>But to begin with the early morning. In Japanese houses there are, as -has been already stated, no rooms exclusively set apart for sleeping. -The beds can be laid anywhere on the mats. The bed consists of one or -two thickly-wadded mattresses of cotton or silk, usually three feet -wide by about six feet long, that is, nearly the size of a mat. These -are laid on the mats and over them a large, thickly-wadded cover of -the shape of a winter <i>kimono</i> with open sleeves and a quilt, also -heavily wadded, of about the same length as the bed but wider. They -are both of silk or cotton, figured or striped, with linings of a -dark-blue colour. They both have a black velvet band where the -sleeper’s face touches them. The two are used in winter; but in spring -and autumn only<span class="pagenum">{138}</span> one, usually the <i>kimono</i>-like cover, is thrown -over the sleeper. In midsummer, even that is too hot, and is replaced -by an ordinary lined <i>kimono</i> or a thinly-wadded quilt. The pillow -for men is a long round bolster filled with bran; but women, whose -coiffure would be deranged by such a pillow, lay their heads on a -small bran bolster, two inches or so in diameter, which is wrapped -in paper and tied on the top of a wooden support. It is very -uncomfortable at first, though most women are used to it. As the -bolster soon gets hard, the skin about the ear often becomes red and -rough if one sleeps all night on the same side. Though the beds may be -spread anywhere, their places are always fixed for the members of the -family. The master and mistress sleep in the parlour or some other -large room with the youngest children, the mother with the baby in her -bed and the father sometimes with the next youngest in his. The rest -of the children sleep either in the same room or in another and with -some other member of the family, unless they are quite grown up. The -sitting-room is usually left unoccupied. The servants sleep in a room -next to the kitchen and the house-boy in the porch. It is important to -group the sleepers as much as possible; for in summer when mosquitoes -are out, nets are hung over the beds by strings attached to the four -corners of the room, and to economise these nets the beds are brought -together wherever practicable.</p> - -<div id="img_p137" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p137.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FAMILY IN BED. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The servants get up at five o’clock or later every morning according -to season. They first open the shutters of the kitchen; the cook sets -at once to boil rice and then to make the morning soup. The housemaid -opens the shutters of all the other rooms, sometimes even of those in -which people are still sleeping. Where there is a verandah, the maid -reaches it by a vacant room; but if all the rooms are occupied, she -does not hesitate to pass by the beds. In winter the opening of the -sliding-doors at the same time as the shutters would be enough to give -a cold to any one unused to our way of life. He would sneeze and dive -into bed; and when he goes dozing again, the servant begins to sweep -the unoccupied rooms and dust the sliding-doors and shelves in them. -The noise would startle him as the partitions between the rooms are -thin; and the servant, usually a country-girl who has hitherto been -<span class="pagenum">{139}</span>wading in rice-paddies and carrying loads of grain and faggot, -walks about on the mats as heavily as if she were on hard ground, and -the shock of her stamping he would keenly feel through the bed. It is -therefore but a dog-sleep that he would get after the shutters are -opened. This is pretty hard as in all probability he was awakened at -dead of night by the rats careering on the ceiling, which, being open -between the outwalls of the house, is their happy hunting-ground. In -fact, the Japanese house, with its thin walls and sliding-doors, is -extremely noisy, sounds from outside being heard as clearly as if they -came from another part of the house. Happily for us, however, having -been habituated to them from childhood, we are able to close our ears -to such customary noises.</p> - -<p>The family rise an hour or so after the servants. In that time the -breakfast is got ready, and the sitting-room has been swept and -put tidy; and that is all we want for the while. We go out upon a -verandah, generally one close to the sitting-room, or into the -bath-room if there is one, where the servant has already laid on the -sink a brass basin for washing our faces and a bowl also of brass -for cleaning our teeth. Though the common bristle tooth-brush is -now largely used, the old form made of a little bit of willow-wood, -pointed at one end and frayed into a tuft at the other, is still found -handy. As it is very cheap, it is thrown away after a few mornings, -and is especially convenient when we have a visitor who stays only for -a day or two. The family wash one after another, the servant bringing -a fresh supply of cold or hot water each time. As we are exposed to -the cold in winter, we do not bare our necks and shoulders or wash our -hair, but dip our faces only; however, as we take baths daily or every -other day, this does not matter much.</p> - -<p>Now breakfast is ready. Before, however, the family sit down to it, -the first offerings of the morning’s rice and tea are set before the -family shrine, in which are recorded on tablets or in a book the names -of the ancestors and other deceased members of the family. If the -children go to school early, they sometimes have breakfast before the -rest of the family; but as the father, if a government<span class="pagenum">{140}</span> official -or a man of business, has also to leave home, the whole family -generally take their morning meal together. Breakfast over, the -children are packed off to school, and their father, after looking -through the papers, also makes for his place of business. When he gets -up, he always wears Japanese clothes; and when leaving for his office, -he puts on a <i>hakama</i> if he goes in the same clothes; but if he -prefers European clothes, he has to dress over again. Before he leaves -home, he is given a cup of tea, as it is said to protect him from -accidents abroad. His wife and servants see him to the front door and -speed him.</p> - -<p>The wife who has been getting the children ready for school and -helping her husband to dress, has now a little respite, during which -she may glance through the papers and take a few whiffs of tobacco. -Smoking is a general custom among Japanese women; but tobacco is -smoked in homœopathic doses in tiny bowls. The Japanese pipe consists -of a bowl, about a quarter of an inch in diameter and depth, bent into -a tube, and a mouthpiece, both of metal, which are connected by a -bamboo stem. The metal is brass for common pipes, while better sorts -are of nickel, silver, or gold. The bamboo stem is five or six inches -between the metal ends for pipes which are taken abroad, and not -unfrequently a foot or more for those used at home. Among the lower -classes the wife uses the long-stemmed pipe to emphasise her speech -by beating the mat with it when she gives a piece of her mind to her -truant husband; and a blow with it is pretty painful, as many an idle -apprentice knows to his cost. A small pinch of tobacco is put into -the bowl, and two or three whiffs are all that can be got from it. A -Japanese does not merely smoke, that is, get the smoke into his mouth -only, but actually swallows it and then slowly emits it from his mouth -or nostrils. Women generally emit it from their mouths only. The -tobacco smoked is dried leaves cut into fine slices. The filling and -emptying of the bowl takes about as much time as the smoking of it, -so that one cannot smoke while doing something else; but it is an -excellent time-killer, as day-labourers will testify.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{141}</span></p> - -<div id="img_p141" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p141.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A WOMAN SMOKING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The wife, however, has not much time to herself; for before she has -taken many whiffs, the tradesmen’s boys will be making their daily -calls. Those whose bills are settled at the end of the month are -usually the dealers in rice, <i>sake</i>, and faggot and charcoal, the -fishmonger, and the greengrocer. The rice-dealer does not call every -day; he brings a bag of rice when required and knows pretty well when -it will be exhausted. The <i>sake</i>-dealer comes every day; he sells, -besides <i>sake</i>, soy, <i>mirin</i>, and <i>miso</i>; and in many cases he deals -in faggot and charcoal as well. The fishmonger and the greengrocer -call every morning; the former will<span class="pagenum">{142}</span> cook to order simple dishes -of fish. Besides these regular tradesmen, there are street-vendors who -bring bean-curd, boiled or steamed beans, and other food which will -not keep long. We have no grocers properly-speaking in Japan; the -nearest approach to them is the dealer in “dried vegetables.” Tea and -sugar have, like rice, special dealers.</p> - -<p>When these tradesmen have been disposed of, it is time to commence the -serious work of the day. The cook washes the breakfast things and -sweeps and scours the kitchen floor. The housemaid takes up one by one -the quilts and mattresses of the beds, folds them in three, and puts -them away in closets; she then dusts the paper sliding-doors, shelves, -and other woodwork, sweeps the mats and verandahs, and scrubs the -woodwork with a hard-wrung cloth. Many foreigners think it strange -that we should dust before sweeping; but we dust the woodwork so as to -make the dust fall on the mats or be blown out, as we always open the -verandah sliding-doors when we dust and then sweep the mats to get rid -of the dust. And finally when some of the dust has fallen again on the -woodwork, we remove it with a damp cloth. When, therefore, we have -finished cleaning a room, all the woodwork looks bright and speckless. -The verandah is scrubbed first with a wet cloth and afterwards with an -almost dry one to make it shine. In the sitting-room the wiping and -polishing of the brazier is a long job, for the housewives of Tokyo -pride themselves upon the appearance of their braziers. The wife -superintends the cleaning of the rooms and also at times lends a hand.</p> - -<p>When the rooms have been swept, next comes the washing. There is -always plenty of washing to do, especially in summer. If, moreover, -there are young children in the family, the clothes they are -constantly soiling have to be taken to pieces, washed, and remade. -If the clothes are lined, wadded, or of the better quality of the -unlined, they are taken to pieces and washed, and the pieces are then -spread out on a smooth plank specially made for the purpose and laid -out to dry in the sun. They are next starched, and when they are dry, -they still adhere to the plank and so keep free from creases and -shrinkages. The wadding is never washed.<span class="pagenum">{143}</span> The underwear is also -washed; but unless it is of silk, it is not spread out. In summer the -unlined clothes, called <i>yukata</i> or bath-dress, are washed every -three or four days; and as every member of the family has two or more -changes, there is always something<span class="pagenum">{144}</span> to wash. The clothes and -underwear which need not be spread out, are hung up on long poles -which pass through the sleeves and are hoisted up on the pegs of two -high upright posts. When dry, these clothes are spread out on a -matting and starched and folded for use. Silks which require special -skill in washing or have stains to be removed are sent to the dyer.</p> - -<div id="img_p143" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p143.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE STARCHING-BOARD. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the mistress of the house may begin her needlework. -Needlework is the first qualification of the Japanese housewife. As -all clothing for both sexes is made by hand, the wife who is a good -needlewoman effects a great saving to her family. Clothes for daily -wear are remade every year, sometimes oftener; those belonging to one -person may be taken to pieces and remade for another member of the -family; and old clothes which show signs of wear are redyed, turned -inside out, or resewn to hide the torn seams. The underwear is also -subjected to similar transformations. Sometimes a cloth may be remade -from the unlined to the lined or wadded, or <i>vice-versa</i>. It is no -light task to make shifts to enable the whole family to present a -decent appearance, so that even in an ordinary-sized household there -is no end of needlework to be done, and unless she is very active or -well-assisted, the housewife finds it pretty hard to keep abreast -of the seasons with a stock of neat, newly-made clothing. Even in a -family where she has no need to sew herself, she must have a fair -knowledge of needlework so as to be able to cut the cloth before -giving it to the needlewoman in her employ or sending it out to a -seamstress; for unless she can by her knowledge check the amount of -cloth used, she may be robbed with impunity of odd bits and ends.</p> - -<p>The Japanese needlewoman’s work-box is commonly a square or oblong -case with two drawers, one above the other, of nearly the same breadth -as the case itself and another pair of half the breadth side by side -on the top. Into these drawers are thrown threads wound round square, -flat pieces of wood or cardboard, odd bits of rag, scissors shaped -like shears, and a bone cloth-marker. On one side of the case is an -upright post with a flat hole for inserting a bamboo foot-measure, and -on the top of it is a little box for the needle-cushion. To the post -is attached a small loop<span class="pagenum">{145}</span> of string, to which the cloth to be -sewn is hitched with a needle, as pins are, or rather were until -recently, unknown. Sometimes the needle-cushion is on an upright of -its own, apart from the work-box, and has a long base which is pressed -under the knee while the cloth is fastened to the loop. The thimble is -not of metal, but of leather or thick paper and is nothing more than a -ring put over the first joint of the middle finger.</p> - -<p>In sewing, the needle-cushion upright is put to the right of the -worker, and an end of the cloth is hitched to the loop. The threaded -needle is held and the tip only is moved up and down while the cloth -itself is gathered in small folds on the needle; and when there are -enough folds on it, the needle is pushed forward with the thimble and -the folds are pulled over the thread and straightened out. The needle -is then drawn out until it is stopped by the knot of the thread at the -first stitch. The same process is repeated. The cloth is re-hitched to -the post from time to time as the stitching goes on. This manner of -sewing is often mentioned as a peculiarity of Japanese needlework; but -the Japanese woman is so used to it that she can sew very rapidly in -this way. It cannot be resorted to when the stitches have to be very -close or the cloth is too thick or stiff to be doubled into little -creases, in which case the needle has to be passed through at every -stitch. The Japanese needle is of a very primitive kind; it is made -of iron or badly-tempered steel, for it is very brittle; and it rusts -rapidly while the eye is square and apt to cut the thread. The danger -of the Japanese way of sewing with beginners is that when they bring -back the needle after passing it through, they not unfrequently -scratch their right cheeks with it if the thread is long.</p> - -<div id="img_p146" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p146.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>NEEDLEWORK. - </div> -</div> - -<p>After a cloth has been sewn, it is ironed. The iron is a deep metal -pan with a flat, smooth bottom and a long handle. Into it red-hot -charcoal is put and the pan is heated enough to blacken any paper that -it is laid on for a minute or less. It is then moved rapidly over the -cloth to be smoothed; sometimes when there is some danger of the cloth -being burnt, a piece of paper is put over it before ironing. For -ironing edges and corners, a small thick trowel with a long handle is -used. The end is put into a brazier<span class="pagenum">{147}</span> under the charcoal, and when -it is hot, it is wiped and pressed over the part to be smoothed. The -degree of heat is judged by holding it close to the cheek; and the -beginner often burns her cheek by bringing it too close.</p> - -<p>The housewife, therefore, who is an adept in needlework, has plenty of -work before her. The clothes and underwear for herself and her husband -and children require making and unmaking. Those for holiday wear -do not need remaking every season; but everyday clothes have to be -taken to pieces, washed, and remade, For the children she would want -two or three suits for each season, as the Japanese children have, -notwithstanding their proverbial gentleness and tractability, as great -a capacity for soiling and tearing their clothes as the little folks -of any other country; besides, Japanese clothes are more readily -soiled than European. The wife has also the bed-clothes to make. -These, when they are soiled, are taken to pieces, washed, and remade -with fresh layers of cotton wadding. Cushions for squatting upon are -also remade when they are soiled, which may be once in one or two -years. In the matter of sewing, then, woman’s work is never done in -Japan any more than elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Of course a lady who employs servants does not undertake all the -sewing herself. She sets the servants between hours to work on -clothing and bedding that do not require skill or delicate handling; -but she has to assist in putting in the wadding and probably gives -the finishing touches to the clothes. In the same way she superintends -the kitchen and may at times help in cooking. And with one thing or -another she is fairly well occupied all day. A wife, especially a -young one, has not unfrequently a middle-aged woman who has come with -her as a sort of duenna from her father’s family or has otherwise -become a permanent member of her husband’s household; such a woman -would take a great deal of work off her hands and superintend -the other servants. But even when they have not a housekeeper of -that description at home, many ladies manage to amuse themselves -by paying and receiving visits, going to theatres, or occupying -themselves in some favourite accomplishments, such as tea-ceremony, -flower arrangement,<span class="pagenum">{148}</span> or playing on the <i>koto</i> or <i>samisen</i>. But a -mother with little children cannot as a rule gad about or be absorbed -in her own amusements like one who is childless or whose children -are all grown up. The Japanese mother does not, if she can help it, -delegate her maternal duties to a nurse, and an infant in arms she -seldom cares to give in charge entirely to a servant. She would of -course have more time to herself if her mother or mother-in-law is -living with her.</p> - -<p>Towards the evening, the husband comes home and the children are back -from school. It is the custom to take a bath every day in summer and -perhaps once in two or three days in winter. If there is a bath-room -in the house, the inmates take a bath one after another, the master -of the house leading. If there is not a bath-room in it, then they go -to the public bath-house; the wife and the children who are with her -would take the bath in the daytime before the others have come home. -In the public bath-house there are baths for the two sexes divided by -a wooden partition, at the end of which the bathkeeper or his wife -sits on a high platform so that both sections can be watched at the -same time. There is in each section a single large bath, eight feet or -more long by about four feet wide. Into this all the bathers dip up to -their necks. In front of the bath is a large slanting floor, on which -they sit and wash themselves. Under the partition between the male and -female baths is a square wooden tank each for hot and cold water. The -water is ladled in little wooden pails. When we undress, we first wash -ourselves on the inclined floor and then get into the bath; and when -we have warmed ourselves, we come out and wash more carefully with -soap and, in the case of women, with rice-bran powder as well. When -we have done washing, we get into the bath again, and finally, before -we wipe ourselves on coming out of the bath, we pour again upon our -bodies the hot water from the tank. We are then supposed to be always -clean when we get into the bath; and as we do not wash in the bath -itself, its water should always remain clear. But as a matter of fact, -the water grows turbid as the day wears; happily, the lights are -dim when the bath-house closes an hour or so before midnight. In the -daytime it is<span class="pagenum">{149}</span> pretty clean; and bathing in the forenoon is very -pleasant as only a few bathers have been before us, except in the -lower town where it is the custom for workmen to take an early morning -bath.</p> - -<p>When we have had a bath, we sit down to supper. The master perhaps -drinks <i>sake</i> with it, in which case it will take some time as we -always finish drinking before we attack the rice. Women seldom drink. -The children sup at the same time. After playing for a while, the -youngest are put to bed. The mother gets into the bed without -undressing with the infant and gives it milk until it falls asleep, -whereupon she gets out. Other young children are put to sleep by other -members of the family. Their elder brothers and sisters prepare the -next day’s lessons and go to bed about nine o’clock. When the children -are thus put to bed, the mother is free for the rest of the evening. -But it often happens that she is herself sent dozing while she is -trying to make the infant sleep.</p> - -<p>As we keep on the whole early hours, the streets are almost deserted -at ten or eleven o’clock except on special nights, and most shops are -closed by that time. Only in tea-houses are noises to be heard until -twelve o’clock when all musical instruments must be put away. In -midsummer, however, houses are often kept open till midnight on -account of the heat, especially in the lower town where the crowded -buildings get very little of a breeze.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{150}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">SERVANTS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">The servant question—Holidays—Hours of rest—Incessant work—Servants - trusted—Relations with their mistresses—Decrease of mutual - confidence—Life in the kitchen—Servants’ character—Whence they are - recruited—Register-offices—The cook—The housemaid—The lady’s - maid—Other female servants—The jinrikisha-man—The student house-boy.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_t.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE servant question is as great a domestic problem with us as it -is in other parts of the world. We too complain of our servants’ -insubordination, idleness, wilfulness, talkativeness, and general -contrariness. Old folk are constantly drumming into our ears that -servants are not what they used to be in the good old days and that -they have ceased to have their masters’ interests at heart and are -ready to leave their present situation whenever better terms are -elsewhere obtainable. That the character of servants has deteriorated -admits of no doubt; but the fault lies as much with their masters and -mistresses as with themselves. However, such as they are, they still -retain many good qualities; and on the whole we are better off in this -respect than our fellow-sufferers in the West.</p> - -<p>Our servants are usually willing workers; they do not ask, nor would -they indeed dream of asking, for free Sundays. They toil from day to -day, week in week out, month after month, without a murmur at being -put to incessant work. Like the clerks and apprentices in mercantile -houses, they have by immemorial custom two holidays a year, on the -sixteenth of January and July; but as in busy families they cannot all -be spared at the same time, they are often given some other days in -turn. Those who have homes in town pass the day with their families; -but others from the country, that is, a majority of domestic servants, -spend their<span class="pagenum">{151}</span> holiday wandering aimlessly about the streets and -parks in gaping wonder at the sights of the city.</p> - -<p>The servants are, moreover, expected to work without intermission from -morning till night. In some families a fixed time is given them daily -for rest; but in most houses no such hour is set apart and they snatch -what rest they can in the intervals of their work. They get up early -in the morning, about five or half-past; but as those from the country -are used to early rising, it is no hardship to them. It is the late -hours that they succumb to. Where the master has a large social -connection, is given to entertaining friends, or is found of cards, -chequers, or other games, the house is often kept open till midnight -or later. In such cases, however, the cook and others who have to rise -early to prepare the breakfast, are allowed to go to bed at ten or -thereabouts; but the servant who waits on the guests and brings them -tea or wine has to sit up till they leave. It would also be a breach -of hospitality for the family to go to bed and leave the host alone to -entertain his guests; and so, with the exception of the children, the -rest of the family wait patiently till the last guest departs. Indeed, -the drowsy servants often resort, as a charm for expediting the -lingering guest’s departure, to burning a pinch of moxa on his clogs -or setting up a broomstick on its handle.</p> - -<p>As the servants have no regular hours of work and rest, they have -often to take their meals at odd hours. Punctuality is not a Japanese -virtue, and the members of the family are not always regular in their -meals. The hours are governed by the movements of the master of the -house, and they are fairly regular if he is a government official, a -professional man, or an employee of a private firm or company, who has -to be at his office at fixed hours; but if the master’s habits are -irregular from necessity or inclination, the family meals suffer -accordingly. The servants are also expected to be ready at every beck -and call, for a great deal of trivial task is imposed upon them. They -are, for instance, often called from the kitchen to the parlour or -sitting-room and then sent to fetch an article from an adjoining room. -But as most houses in Japan are only of one or two stories and the -living-room is always<span class="pagenum">{152}</span> on the ground-floor, it is no difficult -matter to clap our hands, which is the usual way of summoning a -servant, or to holloa to her, for the sound has merely to penetrate -one or two sliding-doors or probably none at all in summer. Thus, from -the very ease with which a servant may be summoned, she is made to do -a great deal which could be readily done without her help.</p> - -<div id="img_p152" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p152.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE SERVANT AT THE SLIDING-DOOR. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The servant is trusted to a great degree. The lack of privacy which is -one of the principal characteristics of a Japanese home places every -room at the mercy of its inmates; and when the house is left for -the day, as sometimes happens, in the servant’s charge, a dishonest -domestic could easily purloin articles which would not be<span class="pagenum">{153}</span> missed -at the time. That such petty thefts are comparatively rare, must be -put to the servant’s credit. On the other hand, she becomes a member -of the family whose service she enters, to a greater extent than would -be the case in other lands. The very lack of privacy makes her a party -as it were to the private affairs of the family. She is set to work -unmaking dresses or sewing them under her mistress’s eye and is often -taught needlework, especially on long winter evenings, when mistress -and servant talk together with less reserve than at other times, and -a close sympathy arises between them, which may last through their -lives. And many servants retain their love and respect for their -mistress after they leave her service and call on her regularly every -year with their husbands or children when they are married.</p> - -<p>In the old days it was considered to betoken a lack of fidelity for a -servant to change her situation; and many girls remained in the same -family until they were grown-up women. In such cases the master would -find for them suitable husbands or, if they were married through -others’ good offices, give them the means to set up for themselves. -The servants, too, looked upon it as a great honour to be so assisted -by their master as it was a conclusive proof of their faithful -service. This close mutual understanding is now less common, because -there has been, so their employers complain, a serious falling off -in the quality of the servants; but their masters, or rather their -mistresses, are also to blame in the matter, for their attitude -towards their subordinates has also changed. They no longer look upon -them as permanent members of their household, and consequently -take them less into confidence than formerly; which, however, is -unavoidable since the good behaviour of the servants is not now -guaranteed so securely as it used to be. In the old times servants -were almost as much under their master’s authority as a vassal under -his liege’s. To disobey a mistress’s order or to contradict her was -considered an act of disloyalty, and the servant was kept in a state -of complete subjection. On the other hand, a conscientious mistress -had also on her part a sense of duty towards her servant, and looked -after her and cared for her as for her own family.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{154}</span></p> - -<p>Nowadays, however, this bond between mistress and maid has been -loosened except in rare cases, at least in Tokyo. If the mistress has -no definite knowledge of the servant’s antecedents, the latter has as -vague an idea of the real standing of the family. Formerly, reputable -families remained permanently settled in the same locality for -generations, so that their social position was well known in the -neighbourhood; while as for the samurai who came up to town with their -lord, the name of the daimyo whom they followed was a sufficient -guarantee of their respectability though they themselves might not be -personally known. Hence, the servants could without difficulty obtain -any information they desired respecting the family whose service they -proposed to enter, and they had only themselves to blame if they were -not, upon being installed therein, satisfied with its ways. But there -is now in every grade of society such a large proportion of families -from the country that the servant is often unable to find out their -standing, past or present. She may not suffer from arrearage of her -wages, though such a thing is by no means rare; but she does not feel -quite so much at home as she would if she entered a family whose -history is known to her. There is then mutual reserve, not to say -distrust, when neither the employer nor the employee knows anything -of the other’s antecedents. The servant may be dismissed one fine -morning at a moment’s notice, or she may obtain leave to visit a sick -relative, to whose bedside she would pretend to have been urgently -summoned, and a few days later send to her employer’s for her -belongings. It is not necessary to give warning; a few days’ notice -may be thought due to the other party, though of course, in the -case of old and tried servants, a greater consideration is mutually -accorded, the domestic usually consenting to remain until a suitable -successor has been found. The servant’s tenure of service is, then, -generally precarious, and at the same time her mistress is never sure -of having permanently secured a good servant. Indeed, if the servant -is honest and diligent, it is seldom the fault of her employer if she -leaves her service; for the mistress cannot do without a servant and -if she has got hold of a good domestic, she is not likely to let her -go willingly. The<span class="pagenum">{155}</span> servant, on the other hand, may be quitting -service to live at home, to be married, or to look for a better -situation. She has more motives for parting company than her mistress.</p> - -<p>The truth is that young women have discovered that there is a great -demand for their services elsewhere, as at cotton mills, tobacco and -other factories, and for house-industries; and there is in consequence -a dearth of servants, let alone good ones. Still, many prefer domestic -service, because they have not to work with mechanical regularity as -at factories, and they are on that account content with lower wages. -For hard as she is worked and though she is without a young man to -console her on Sunday for the week’s drudgery, her life is not -altogether an unhappy one. There is at least variety in it. The -tradesmen’s boys come to the kitchen for orders and most people of the -artisan and trading classes go in and out by the kitchen. They have -therefore plenty of chance company, The tradesmen’s boys take it easy -and linger in kitchens which find favour with them. When visitors come -and are entertained in the parlour, their jinrikisha-men are given a -meal in the kitchen. Still another chance of gossip is afforded where -a common well is used by two or more families. Here they congregate -and discuss the affairs of their respective households, tearing to -pieces the character of one mistress and extolling another to the -skies. The “well-side council,” as it is called, is the great market -for scandals of all sorts, though it would not be fair to attribute -its notoriety entirely to the servants’ love of gossip, for the worst -scandal-mongers in such cases are the wives of poorer tradesmen and -artisans who bring their washings to the common well.</p> - -<p>But the servants are on the whole good-natured, thoughtless, and -careless of the morrow. They are satisfied if they are well fed; they -are merry and grow fat. It is comparatively rare to find a black sheep -among them. Such a woman usually commits petty thefts; she dares not -steal anything of value, for if she takes it to the pawnbroker, she is -sure to be discovered as he is completely under the surveillance of -the police who can look over the pawn-accounts and seize any article -that they may suspect to have been<span class="pagenum">{156}</span> purloined. The woman may take -the stolen article to an accomplice; but sooner or later, it finds its -way to the pawnbroker’s, or if it is an article of clothing, to the -second-hand clothes-dealer’s, who is similarly under police control, -and so the crime is discovered. She steals most commonly stray coins, -or handfuls of rice or other food which can be pilfered without -much risk of detection. A woman whose mother or husband is in needy -circumstances and comes often to call her out on mysterious business -is most likely to be guilty of such dishonest practices.</p> - -<p>Servants are recruited from various quarters. They may be daughters of -poor artisans or tradesmen in Tokyo, of peasants in the country, or of -fishermen on the coasts. They naturally come, many of them, to ease -the straitened means of their families and to save up enough to buy -clothes to take with them when they marry. Others come from the -country to see the town and learn its manners, which they do -effectually, though perhaps not exactly according to their original -intention. Such girls are of the better class of peasants; for the -majority of peasants are kept pretty busy with the cultivation of -their rice-paddies, and in spring-time whole families are engaged -knee-deep in mud in planting rice, while they are equally busy at -harvest-time, so that a girl at home does enough work to pay for her -maintenance. It is therefore more often the girl’s ambition to see -Tokyo and save up something than family necessity that prompts the -country lass to seek service. Girls living in Tokyo are in a different -position. Here girls in a large family can do little to earn their -keep by helping their mother, unless they are engaged in some -house-industry which calls for the whole energy of the family. If they -have a small shop or an eating-house, one or at most two may be useful -at home; while among artisans and labourers an extra girl means only -one mouth more to feed, and accordingly she is sent out to service. -But even in Tokyo it is not always poverty that supplies the vast army -of domestic servants. It may be irksomeness on the girl’s part of -parental authority which is not unfrequently exercised with severity, -or fear on the parents’ part that the child would be spoilt under -their roof and rendered unfit to bear the trials and hardships<span class="pagenum">{157}</span> -which must press on the poor man’s wife with a troop of children at -her heels. In the latter case she is sent out among strangers to be -buffeted and knocked into shape. Sometimes, again, the girl prefers -absolute strangers’ society to the sway and, too often, ill-treatment -of a stepfather or stepmother; or, being an orphan, she is unwilling -to be a burden to a near relative who would as a matter of duty offer -to take her in. Again, a young woman who has lost her husband by death -or divorce would seek service from a desire in the former case to -remain faithful to his memory, which would otherwise be difficult -if she has no means of support, and in the latter from disgust of -conjugal life or to look for another opportunity of trying her luck in -matrimony. Or, she may still be married but has, through inability to -make both ends meet, to break up her household and wait in domestic -service while her husband knocks about, until fortune smiles upon -them when they will keep house again. Finally, even fairly well-to-do -tradesmen send their daughters sometimes to a family, noble, wealthy, -or noted for its strict management, to learn in service deportment and -etiquette. Thus, the domestic servant enters service from diverse -motives.</p> - -<p>A servant is sometimes engaged on the recommendation of an -acquaintance, which is a good plan if she proves satisfactory. But -if she does not, her employer is placed in an awkward position; he -hesitates to dismiss her as he would have to account for her discharge -to that acquaintance, to whom he is naturally unwilling to speak ill -of her, especially if he is related to the girl or intimate with her -family. Indeed, friendships have been brought to an abrupt termination -by the misconduct of a girl so engaged. Most people, therefore, prefer -to engage the servant through a register-office, for there are many -such offices in Tokyo as they do not require any capital to start. -Word is sent to the register-office, and the woman, for it is -generally a woman who runs it, brings a girl who is likely to suit the -service required. The girl stays one night; and if neither she nor the -mistress takes to the other, the woman brings another in her place, -and yet another, until a suitable person is found, Then the woman -draws up the contract of service,<span class="pagenum">{158}</span> usually for six months, fixing -the girl’s wages. For this she receives a small fee from both parties. -If, at the end of six months, the girl elects to stay on, the -woman receives her fees again for the renewal of the contract; but -apparently, for some of these register-offices a sixmonth is too long -a time to wait, for they often make tempting offers to the servant and -try to persuade her to throw up her situation. And if she follows the -advice by making to her mistress some plausible excuse for the breach -of contract, she is introduced into another family, but finds her -position in no way improved and herself poorer by the commission she -has again paid the woman. The register-office is naturally responsible -for the servant’s conduct; but if she is found dishonest and -discharged,<span class="pagenum">{159}</span> the office, on being taken to task for bringing such -a woman, wriggles out of its responsibility by an eloquent flow of -virtuous indignation and profuse apologies to the family, and if -called upon to indemnify any loss or damage, asks for time to make -necessary inquiries and prolongs the delay until the matter is -forgotten or at least given up as hopeless.</p> - -<div id="img_p158" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p158.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>COOKING RICE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Though the number of servants naturally varies with the size, wealth, -and social standing of their employer’s household, there are usually -three in a well-to-do middle-class family. Of these the most important -is the cook. In wealthy families there are <i>cuisiniers</i> for the -preparation of the dishes, in which case the cook proper confines -herself to boiling rice and keeping the kitchen tidy; indeed, the -boiling of rice is in any case the cook’s principal function, as is -implied by her Japanese designation, which means “rice-boiler”; but -in middle-class families she undertakes general cookery as well. If, -moreover, she is the only servant in the house, she sweeps the -rooms, scrubs the verandahs, lays and puts away the beds, sets the -meal-trays, washes the clothes, and does many other things which are -of daily necessity in a Japanese household. Her mistress, however, -naturally helps the maid-of-all-work. But if there is an upper -servant, the cook boils rice and prepares meals, scrubs the wooden -flooring of the kitchen, washes the meal-trays, bowls, and crockery, -and helps in washing clothes. The tea-pots and tea-cups, being in -constant requisition, have to be often washed in the course of -the day. The cook gets up early as the rice has to be boiled for -breakfast, and if late hours are kept in the family, she is sent to -bed before the others; but as soon as the day’s work is over, she is -generally found nodding over the brazier or snoring aloud stretched -out on the mats. As the cook’s duties are of the simplest kind, girls -fresh from the country become “rice-boilers” and are noted for their -dull wits and rough manners.</p> - -<p>The housemaid’s chief duty is to keep the rooms tidy. She is called in -Japanese the “middle-worker,” as she stands midway between the cook -and the lady’s maid. She dusts the paper sliding-doors, shelves, and -other woodwork, sweeps the mats, and scrubs the woodwork, especially -the grooves of the sliding-doors,<span class="pagenum">{160}</span> the shelves, the wooden edges -of the alcoves, the pillars, and the verandahs. She lays the beds -every night, takes them up in the morning, and puts them into the -closets. She has plenty of work in keeping the rooms tidy, above all -the sitting-room where almost everything, except the brazier and -tea-shelf, has to be cleared immediately it is done with. Besides, the -shelves have such a knack of getting untidy as all sorts of things are -for the moment put on them. If there are children in the family, she -looks after them, which is no light task as they roam all over the -house and after their nature scatter things about wherever they go. -She also does<span class="pagenum">{161}</span> a great deal of needlework; she mends the clothes -and does most of the work where skill or delicacy is not required. -Washing, too, is no child’s play in a large family.</p> - -<div id="img_p160" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p160.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE HOUSEMAID AT WORK. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The lady’s maid is in most cases a young girl from thirteen to sixteen -years old. She looks after the clothes; as soon as they are taken -off, she folds them and puts them into a chest of drawers or hangs -them up if of daily wear. She waits at meals and does work about the -sitting-room. She attends to the visitor, sets the cushion for him, -and brings in tea, cake, and the brazier and “tobacco-tray.” She -helps, too, to look after the children. Where there is a nurse for the -little children, she naturally attends to them and carries them about; -but generally the housemaid and the lady’s maid divide the duty -between them; and as the latter is a young girl, she has to be very -much helped by the housemaid.</p> - -<p>The infant is commonly fed with its mother’s milk and is not as a rule -weaned until its position as the pet of the family is threatened by a -new arrival. Where the mother has no milk or is too sickly to give -healthy milk, a wet nurse is engaged who has to be well fed and -royally treated to make sure that her charge does not fare ill at her -hands. Where there is a great deal of needlework to do, a needlewoman -is employed. She is usually a woman of mature years, a widow, -probably, and ‘a lone ’lorn creetur,’ who acts as a damper upon the -exuberant spirits of the younger servants. In a large and well-to-do -family there is sometimes a head-servant, a sort of housekeeper, who -came in all probability into the family as the bride’s waiting-woman -at the marriage of the present mistress or her mother-in-law. As the -oldest servant with the authority she exercises over her younger -fellow-domestics, she is held in hardly less reverence than her -mistress, and every opportunity is seized to please her; for to cross -her would be worse than to offend their mistress, and she is certainly -more touchy than the other. She knows her power, too, and enjoys it to -the full. She lets them serve her even more assiduously than her lady; -and they help her to dress, and when she is tired, offer to shampoo -her. She plays, in short, the retired lady more completely than her -mistress’s honoured mother-in-law.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{162}</span></p> - -<p>Of male domestics there are only a few. The jinrikisha-man is -the only servant of that sex worth speaking of, that is, in a -well-to-do middle-class family. He is in most cases engaged from a -jinrikisha-master, who has a number of young coolies under him. He is -well fed, as his is a severe physical work, and going as he does with -his master to all sorts of places, he has to be treated well for fear -he should give exaggerated accounts of petty family affairs at the -houses where he waits for his master. He has his faults; but on the -whole, he is a faithful, diligent, and willing servant.</p> - -<div id="img_p162" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p162.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE HOUSE-BOY. - </div> -</div> - -<p>In many houses, especially of government officials and professional -men, there is a young fellow or two, who would probably object to -being classed with the servants, but who certainly do menial work. -They are as a rule gentlemen by birth, distant relatives from the -country or sons of friends in narrow circumstances. They are willing -to do the house-boy’s work in return for<span class="pagenum">{163}</span> their keep; and they -are allowed to attend school or college. When they graduate, they -are able to set up for themselves. Of this class of young men come -a majority of those who have risen by tact or ability to high and -responsible positions in the government and in the professions.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{164}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">MANNERS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Decline of etiquette—Politeness and - self-restraint—“Swear-words”—Honorifics—Squatting—Kissing—Calls - made and received—Rules for behaviour in company—Inconsiderate - visitors—Woman’s reserve before strangers—Hospitality—Reticence - on family matters.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_i.png" width="27" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">IN Japan as in most other oriental countries, etiquette is an -extremely intricate art which can be mastered only by diligent study -under a professor. It is an important item in a girl’s school -curriculum and is among her most valued accomplishments. It is not, -however, commonly studied in detail by men, unless they have been -brought up under the old regime; they feel in consequence like fish -out of water when they have to assist at elaborate ceremonies and fall -into many blunders through their nervous efforts to steer clear of -<i>gaucheries</i>. Men could well spare the time in the leisurely days of -the feudal government when they could live in competence by taking up -their hereditary offices, professions, or trades and working in the -same grooves as their ancestors had done; but in these days of fierce -competition when every man must strike out for himself to earn a -living, we have little or no time to go into the intricacies of -etiquette. Hence, the more complex forms are gradually falling into -disuse; and the knowledge thereof, and that too not very deep, has -become the monopoly of women. Indeed, though there are plenty of books -on etiquette for women, hardly one, certainly none of any note, has -been published of late years for the use of the other sex.</p> - -<p>It is generally conceded that the Japanese are among the politest -people in the world; and some writers go so far as to contrast our -politeness with French by observing that the latter is only skin-deep -while ours is natural and spontaneous. Such a contrast may be -flattering to our national vanity; but we are inclined<span class="pagenum">{165}</span> to doubt -whether it is just. The truth is, we fear, that courtesy is with us -as with the French a matter of education and is to a great extent -a mechanical habit which its enforcement from early childhood at -home and at school has almost made a second nature with us. That -self-control which we possess in common with other Asiatic nations -from its having been instilled into us from generation to generation -by the precepts of our sages, enables us to repress all expression -of emotion whenever necessity arises and even to wear a mask under -the most trying circumstances. Politeness is then with us a great -restraining force in our social life; but once that force is removed -or overpowered by an emotional outburst, we are hurled along as -helplessly as any other people by the master passion of the moment and -betray like them the hooligan in us, as the police reports too often -prove. Our women, from the fact that the outcome of their education is -self-effacement, possess this power of control in a far greater degree -than men. They will go on smiling in the face of insulting remarks and -completely conceal their wounded feelings. This has led many foreign -visitors to imagine that they can address without offence any remarks -however gross to a Japanese woman. She may put up with them without -any sign of anger; but could politeness permit her to retort, these -foreigners would learn with astonishment what cutting sarcasms are -capable of being expressed in “the politest language in the world that -has no swear-word in it.”</p> - -<p>Apropos of “swear-words,” their absence in a language is, it may be -observed, no criterion of the gentleness of the people speaking that -tongue. The suave diction of diplomacy can convey a threat far more -effectively than the bluster of Billingsgate; innuendo is a much more -telling weapon in polemics than a direct attack; and courteous or -veiled language gives no key to the moral character of the speaker. -And so it does not necessarily follow that a nation whose language is -rich in honorifics and other terms of respect and reverence is of a -gentler disposition or less robust than one which does not recognise -such niceties of speech; the only difference between the two lies in -the manner in which they give vent to their passion or emotion. For -the former can convey<span class="pagenum">{166}</span> any degree of discourtesy or insult by a -wilful omission of these honorifics in a way which would be well nigh -incomprehensible to people to whom such discrimination is foreign. -There is no need to resort to blasphemy or profanity to express strong -feeling since these honorifics, by their absence or ironical use, -serve all purposes of emotional language. In fact, the words of insult -which are used in common speech sound very mild when translated into -English. An Englishman would probably smile at a Japanese hurling -at his opponent’s head words like fool, beast, and dunderhead as -opprobrious terms, while the Japanese would be equally amused at -the Englishman’s readiness to invoke God’s curse upon everybody and -everything that may fail to please him. Since, then, honorifics play -an important part in Japanese speech, their proper use requires -considerable art and tact. The blunders of the labouring classes in -their use are stock jokes with professional story-tellers; but with -the educated classes solecisms of the kind are of comparatively rare -occurrence. From long practice their right use has become a settled -habit. It would be difficult to explain precisely the force of these -honorifics in common speech; but suffice it to state that words, or -rather syllables, signifying respect are prefixed or affixed to the -words directly referring to the person addressed or spoken of, if -he is a superior or an equal whom it is customary to treat with -consideration. There are also special words and phrases to be used on -such occasions.</p> - -<p>These prefixes are commonly translated “honourable” or “august” by -English writers on Japan; thus, phrases which merely mean “your face” -or “his hand,” for instance, are rendered by “the honourable face” or -“the august hand.” But the use of honorifics being, as already stated, -almost a matter of habit, they do not usually convey to the Japanese -the same import and significance as the word “honourable” would to -an Englishman. No doubt, they practically mean that; but the common -honorific prefixes, which are monosyllabic, such as <i>o</i>, <i>go</i>, and -<i>mi</i>, are glibly uttered. If the Japanese, however, had to use each -time in their place the tetrasyllable “honourable,” he would soon -grow out of the habit, just as in all probability an Englishman would -cease to swear if the word “damn”<span class="pagenum">{167}</span> were not such an easily -pronounceable one, short, abrupt, and capable of great emphasis. -This word has no equivalent in Japanese and has to be rendered by a -periphrasis which would sound as strange to an English ear as the word -“honourable” does to a Japanese as a rendering of his common honorific -prefixes. Indeed, the use of the English comminatory word is far more -eccentric when the word comes to be translated; the Japanese honorific -has at least sense, which is more than can always be said for the -English swear-word, when it is uttered as indiscriminately as it -commonly is. Mr. Mantalini, for instance, would be hard put to it if -he were asked to explain what he meant by the little “dems” with which -he peppers his speech, while such an expression as “a damn sight” is -meaningless, and “a damned good fellow” is an even more hopeless -contradiction in terms than “an awfully sweet girl.”</p> - -<p>Politeness is early taught in Japanese homes. It is no show-quality to -be exhibited only in company, but is daily practised at home and in -school as an indispensable aid to <i>savoir-vivre</i>. Thus, at home every -one bows to his superior in bidding good-morning or good-night. The -servants bow to the children, the servants and children to the master -and mistress, and all to the father or mother of the master or -mistress, who may be living with them. When the last, or the master or -mistress goes out, they are seen to the porch and sped with a bow, and -when they come home, they are met again at the porch with a bow. We -bow squatting with our heads on the mat. This has appeared to many -Europeans to be a more obsequious way of greeting than a hand-shake, -probably because they associate such a bow with grovelling in the -dust, which would certainly be a humiliating posture to a European. -But the two are quite distinct. With us, from our way of squatting on -the floor, no other form of greeting is possible. In fact, until we -cease to squat, that is, until we reform altogether our mode of life, -hand-shaking is out of the question. In Europe courtesy impels a man -to rise to greet a newcomer, but in Japan he greets him squatting; -in Europe a man who comes into the presence of his superior remains -standing until he is bidden to take a seat, but in Japan he squats -at the door of the room until he is invited to come in, whereupon he -<span class="pagenum">{168}</span>shuffles in and makes his salutation. He remains squatting and -does not approach close enough to his host to take his hand; for to -shake it he must squat with his knees almost touching the other’s, -and then, before they could talk at ease, he would have to shuffle -backward, which would look very ungainly. Thus, as we squat too far -apart to shake hands, we can only bow; and politeness prompts us to -bow with our heads on the mats.</p> - -<div id="img_p168" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p168.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>BOWING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Squatting is an art which needs practice from early childhood. The -easiest way is to sit Turk-wise with our legs crossed in front; but -this can be done only when we are alone or before inferiors, and would -be the height of impoliteness before a superior or an equal unless he -is a very intimate friend. It is permissible now, however, when we are -in European clothes, to sit in this manner at a friend’s house or at -convivial gatherings. But this posture can hardly be called squatting. -Of squatting properly so called, there are two ways. One is to sit on -our feet. This is done by doubling the knees and crossing the feet -behind and laying on them the whole weight of the body. Unless we have -been used to it from childhood, this mode of squatting would give us -pins and needles in a very short time; the feet would go to sleep and -if we tried suddenly to rise, our legs would refuse to support us. Men -squat in this way; but women resort to the other method,<span class="pagenum">{169}</span> which -is to double the knees as in the first case, but to keep the legs and -feet straight out behind without crossing, so that less weight falls -upon them. As the legs are pressed down obliquely and the tendons are -brought into a state of extreme tension, this method is more trying -than the other; but Japanese women can sit in this style for hours on -end without feeling any fatigue. There can be little doubt, however, -that this habit of squatting is injurious to the development of the -body. Most Japanese, if they are not exactly bow-legged, have at least -slightly bent legs owing to the weight of the body constantly resting -on them. The pressure on the heels also stunts the growth of the -lower limbs; for though our trunks are of ordinary length, it is the -shortness of the legs that makes us a nation of small stature. We have -been told by a Japanese medical authority that we lose at least two -inches and a half by this habit of squatting. Now the average height -of a Japanese male adult is five feet three inches and a half and that -of a female is four feet nine inches and a half, so that if we could -abolish squatting and take to chairs, the average heights of our<span class="pagenum">{170}</span> -male and female adults would, according to this authority, be five -feet six inches and five feet respectively.</p> - -<div id="img_p169" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p169.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>SITTING WITH CROSSED LEGS. - </div> -</div> - -<div id="img_p170" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p170.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>SQUATTING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>We may here add that the reasons which we have given for the -impracticability of hand-shaking in a Japanese house, apply with equal -force to the practice of kissing. A French writer has charged Japanese -lovers with a lack of tenderness as they neither kiss nor shake hands. -But what can the poor lovers do to kiss each other? They cannot fall -into each other’s arms while they remain squatting, for squatting is -not like sitting together on a sofa. When we sit up straight with our -feet under us, the equilibrium of such a posture is as unstable as if -we were perched on a high stool. It is very rude to remain standing -and even to speak before squatting, so that kissing while we are -on our legs is not to be thought of. To squat side by side may be -pleasant, and it may be possible to snatch a kiss; but when they are -locked in each other’s arms, the lovers would run a great risk of -sprawling on the floor. To squat face to face with the knees touching, -would require the body to be bent forward as if we were going to -wrestle; and if the lovers were then to take each other’s arms, there -would be a regular tussle and their balance would be more uneven than -before. As they could not get at each other without finally rolling on -the mats, sweethearts with any sense of decorum would have to forgo -the pleasure of kissing; for when we squat, it is much easier to lie -<span class="pagenum">{171}</span>down on the floor than to get up again. Lovers, however, are not -altogether without the means of approaching each other and feeling the -electric thrill which the mere touch appears to give them; for, on the -stage at least, their favourite position is to squat back to back and -lean against each other. They are satisfied if their cheeks touch, for -kissing is difficult without twisting the neck enough to sprain the -muscles. Kissing, then, as a mode of salutation among lovers and near -relatives, has never been recognised in this country, because the -internal arrangement of our houses and other conditions of life have -militated against its practice; and perhaps, could some means be found -to bring about its appreciation by the bulk of the nation, that would -be more efficacious than any other measure for the westernisation of -our domestic life.</p> - -<p>Though good manners are insisted upon at home, they are, needless -to say, exhibited to the full in company when one makes a call or -receives visitors. The usual manner in which a call is made and -received is as follows:—The visitor, on going up to the front door, -does not knock or ring as there is neither a knocker nor a -bell-handle. He bawls out; and as the doors are all sliding-doors, he -is easily heard, though he has sometimes to call out again and again -before his voice reaches the kitchen. When the door is answered and -the master of the house apprised of the call, the visitor is shown in; -he leaves his hat, greatcoat, and umbrella in the porch and is ushered -into the parlour. A cushion is immediately set for him and another for -the host; but the visitor does not, unless he is an intimate friend, -sit on it until his host comes in and urges him to do so. We often -stand very much on ceremony in this respect; we take the cushion only -upon repeated invitation; one who wishes to show great respect will -decline to squat on it however much he may be pressed. The host and -the visitor then bow to each other with their hands and foreheads on -the mat. They apologise, if they are acquaintances, for past neglect -to visit each other, ask after each other’s family, and probably, make -a few observations on the weather, bowing with each remark, inquiry, -and answer. A brazier is brought in if it is cold; but in warm weather -a “tobacco-tray” is set before the host and the visitor.<span class="pagenum">{172}</span> Tea and -confectionery are also invariably offered. When the visitor leaves, -there is another succession of bows, and the host and a servant see -him to the porch and there bid him good-bye.</p> - -<p>As to behaviour in company, the following quaint directions are given -in an old book on etiquette for women, which though primarily intended -for the instruction of the gentler sex, are also applicable to men, -among whom the tendency is, as has already been remarked, to be -somewhat lax in the observance of the minutiæ of etiquette:</p> - -<p>“A woman should always get up early, wash her face, and carefully -comb her hair, for it is rude to appear with dishevelled hair.”</p> - -<p>“Do not stare at other people, male or female, and be very careful -in your speech. Do not tell anything without being asked, make -confessions, or speak boastfully of yourself, and above all, on no -account speak ill of others.”</p> - -<p>“When you are in the presence of your superior, do not scratch -yourself; but if any part of your body itches so badly that you cannot -help scratching it, put a finger on the spot and give it a hard -scratch so that the itchiness may be absorbed in the pain so caused. -Do not wipe sweat off your face or blow your nose; but if you must do -so, run into the next room or turn your face away from your superior. -In blowing your nose, first blow gently, then a little louder, and -finally gently again. But you should, if possible, do these things -before you come into your superior’s presence.”</p> - -<p>“Do not use a toothpick in company, for it is extremely rude to talk -with one in your mouth.”</p> - -<p>“Do not pare your nails, comb your hair, or tighten your <i>obi</i> in -company, or glance at a letter that another is reading or writing.”</p> - -<p>“Do not step upon other people’s cushions, beds, or feet; but -always bear in mind that the only things you may tread on are your -clogs and the only things you may step over are the grooves of the -sliding-doors.”</p> - -<p>“If any one invites you to go out with her, do not put on a finer -dress than hers; you should ascertain by previous inquiry<span class="pagenum">{173}</span> what -she is going to wear. Do not scent yourself too much or have strong -scent-bags about you.”</p> - -<p>“It is not good form when you make a call to sit in the middle of a -room, and it savours too much of a novice to sit in a corner. Do not -make a noise by opening and folding a fan, or fidget with a tea-cup; -and do not show a tired face and yawn or pretend not to hear what is -being said to you. Moreover, when you have a visitor, do not be -constantly looking at the clock and let her suspect that you are -impatient for her departure.”</p> - -<p>“When you meet a superior in the street, bow low so that the tips of -your fingers, with your hands extended downwards, may touch your feet. -Do not get flurried and give incoherent answers; but steady yourself -by fixing your eyes upon the lady’s knees if she is one whom you wish -to treat with the greatest respect, upon her <i>obi</i> if the respect is -to be of a slightly lesser degree, and upon the crest of her <i>haori</i> -if that respect is still less. Look your equal in the face.”</p> - -<p>“In handing a knife to a superior, if it is hers, take the handle in -your left hand with the blade pointing towards yourself; but if it is -yours, take the handle sideways so that the blade points to her left. -In either case the right hand should rest on the mat as you bend -forward. Always use the left hand before your superiors.”</p> - -<p>“Never enter another’s house unannounced, however intimate you may be -with her; for if you were to come upon an untidy room, your intrusion -would be no less unpleasant for yourself than for your hostess.”</p> - -<p>“In leading a blind man into a room, let him rest a hand on your -shoulder, or catch hold of a fan in your hand or of your sleeve. It -is rude to lead him by the hand.”</p> - -<p>“It is extremely rude to send a caller away when you are at home; but -some people go so far as to decide whether they shall be at home or -not, only after they have heard the caller’s name.”</p> - -<p>“Nothing is more displeasing to a hostess than to have a a visitor -who stays on without having anything particular to say. We should not -therefore pay a needlessly long visit or make too frequent calls. -Intimate friends should, however, call occasionally;<span class="pagenum">{174}</span> but neither -the hostess nor the caller is without business of some kind; and if a -person is offended with another for not calling on her often enough, -there is no need to become intimate with her. If you have business to -do with any one, consider the hour of your visit; do not call too -early in the morning or too late at night or at meal-time. If there -is a caller before you, wait till she leaves before broaching your -business, or else call again.”</p> - -<p>The women of Japan probably talk as much as those of any other -country. They chat freely with their friends, but they are reserved -before strangers and open their mouths only when they are addressed. -They are taught not to boast of their knowledge or try to show it off. -Hence, if a stranger asks them a question out of the common, they -generally profess ignorance. A Japanese knows this; and when he makes -a woman’s acquaintance, he takes care not to lead the conversation -outside the merest commonplaces; but the foreigner who has no idea -of this custom is apt to get a false impression and has indeed not -unfrequently pronounced her to be little better than a doll with no -thought beyond dresses and trivialities of life.</p> - -<p>Another misapprehension prevails among European writers who praise -Japanese hospitality, but complain that a Japanese, while he receives -a foreigner at his house, maintains at the same time strict reserve on -the subject of his family. Some have attributed it to an anti-foreign -feeling; but whatever other indications of a bias against foreigners -these writers may have detected in individual cases, the fact which -they adduce cannot in itself be regarded in that light, for a Japanese -guest is placed in much the same position. The host, in his desire -to show an interest in his guest, often asks him minutely about his -people at home, which some Englishmen have resented as impertinence; -but touching his own family affairs he is usually very reticent. He -is anxious to keep his private concerns in the background and will -assume a cheerful countenance even in the midst of the most pressing -difficulties. His idea of hospitality is that nothing should be -allowed to interfere with his guest’s enjoyment. Even personal -grief is concealed under a smile, and a member of the family may be -seriously ill without the guest<span class="pagenum">{175}</span> getting an inkling of the fact. -A visitor to any member of the household is considered to have a -claim upon the hospitality of the whole family; and he is royally -entertained though the rest may suffer inconvenience, as when the -parlour in which the guest squats is the family bed-room and they have -all to sit up till he leaves.</p> - -<p>Our hospitality is admitted; but what a European visitor misses is the -appearance of the wife and other members of the family at the dinner -or supper to which he is invited. The husband, as the head of the -family, is its sole representative, and his presence is sufficient for -doing the honours. The wife seldom appears unless the visitor is a -family friend or she is acquainted with his wife. Such an invitation -as taking pot-luck is seldom given; politeness requires us to -depreciate our offering, but we treat to our best. We therefore -entertain and are entertained without our wives’ participation. It is -nothing extraordinary to have friends of many years’ standing, whose -wives we have never seen. It is then absurd to attribute this -reticence respecting our family affairs to any sentiment hostile to -our foreign visitors. Our social point of view is indeed so different -to the occidental that a European generally falls into an error when -he tries to judge our customs from his own standpoint.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{176}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV.<br /> -<span class="smaller">MARRIAGE.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Girls and marriage—Young men—The marriage - ceremony—Match-making—Betrothal—The bride’s property—Wedding - decorations—The nuptials—Wedding supper—Congratulations—Post-nuptial - parties—Japanese style of engagement—The advantages of the - go-between system—The go-between as the woman’s deputy—The - go-between as mediator—Marriage a civil contract in Japan—No - honeymoon—The Japanese attitude towards marriage.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_m.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">MARRIAGE is the turning-point of a woman’s life in Japan in a far -greater degree than it is in western countries, for the simple reason -that she has as yet few openings for earning an independence. Girls -are brought up with a view to marriage and are early taught the duties -of wife and mother. They look upon the wedded state as their lot in -life and are prepared to enter sooner or later into matrimony. There -are not many women who remain single all their lives. Girls of the -poorer classes find employment at factories, if they are strong -enough; others become waitresses at inns, restaurants, tea-houses, and -other places of entertainment, or enter domestic service; but even -these find mates in time. Of women in other callings, such as -hair-dressers, midwives, and seamstresses, the majority are married -or widowed. For girls of the better classes the scope outside of -matrimony is narrow indeed. They may teach in elementary schools, -or take private pupils, if they have the requisite knowledge, -for instruction in needlework, etiquette, flower arrangement, -tea-ceremony, or music, or else they can only be dependent on parents -or relatives. But as the latter alternative which would be the fate of -most girls is irksome, they naturally choose wedlock as the best means -of escape from dependency or precarious livelihood. And that they, -however homely they may be, succeed in finding husbands is due to the -go-between system.</p> - -<p>But it is not the girls alone who feel the inevitableness of<span class="pagenum">{177}</span> -marriage. Men are also in a like predicament. Bachelorhood has none -of the ease and comfort which often attach to it in the West. Life in -hotels and lodging-houses is both uncomfortable and insecure; for the -doors, being all sliding-doors, cannot be locked, and consequently one -is always liable to intrusion at any hour of day or night by other -inmates of the house. Flats are, from the very structure of Japanese -houses, impracticable. In some houses there are rooms to let; but -meals are seldom provided. The only way is to rent a house, but then -housekeepers as such are unknown. To leave the house in the care of -ordinary servants is both uneconomical and inconvenient, for they -are not likely to stint themselves or be thrifty; they would, on the -contrary, rather be wasteful so as to be popular with the tradesmen; -and far from keeping the house tidy as all Japanese houses need to be, -they would not sweep or clean more than they could help. Indeed, from -the appearance of the house one can always tell if it has a mistress -or other responsible overseer. A bachelor can have a comfortable -establishment, it is true, by placing it under the management of a -near relative; but a sister would herself wish to marry and would not -therefore be its permanent head, while a mother or aunt would prefer -to put it under a wife and lead a life of greater ease and leisure. -A mother, moreover, would naturally wish to see her grandchildren. -Besides, a bachelor in fair circumstances is as a rule so pestered by -go-betweens that unless he is resolutely set against marriage, he is -often mated before he knows his own mind.</p> - -<p>Thus, marriage is looked upon as an inevitable fate by both sexes.</p> - -<p>In a country like Japan where ceremony envelops every phase of life, -such an important event as a wedding is, as may be expected, governed -at every step by strict etiquette, and to celebrate it in proper style -one needs to call in a regular professor of etiquette. But though -weddings in high society are still perplexing tangles of formalities, -the tendency to-day among the middle classes is to strip them as much -as possible of unnecessary ceremony. It is, in fact, difficult at the -present moment to give<span class="pagenum">{179}</span> the exact procedure which is followed in -an ordinary wedding as it is frequently modified by mutual agreement -between the parties concerned; but the following may be taken as a -fairly accurate description of the usual procedure in these days.</p> - -<div id="img_p178" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p178.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>BETROTHAL PRESENTS.<br /> - <span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU, 1678–1751)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>A young man in search of a wife, or oftener his parents, would ask -friends to look for a likely girl; or it may be the father of a -marriageable girl who asks his friends to find an eligible young man; -or a man who thinks a match might be made between two young people of -his acquaintance may propose a marriage to their parents. If, in these -cases, the parents think a suitable match may be made, they ask a -mutual friend to act as the go-between; or in the absence of such a -friend, it is almost always possible to find some one who knows the -acquaintances of both parties. The go-between must be a married man, -as the duties of the office at the wedding devolve more heavily upon -the wife than upon the husband. The go-between then brings about a -meeting between the proposed lovers. This takes place at a theatre or -other place of entertainment, or in temple-grounds, a restaurant, or -some public resort, especially where the flowers of the season are in -bloom. Both parties, consisting of the young people and their parents -or relatives, meet there as if by accident, and the go-between -introduces them casually to each other as his friends. Here the -would-be lovers have a good look at each other; and if they are -mutually pleased, they signify that fact afterwards when the -go-between calls at their houses to hear the result of the meeting. -But before the final decision is made, the two families make private -inquiries through their friends in each other’s neighbourhood, usually -of the tradesmen the other deals with, as to its social standing -and repute and the life and character of the young man or girl in -question. They must be quite sure that the information thus obtained -bears out the go-between’s statements; for the go-between so -frequently draws too favourable a picture of the standing of the -families and the ability and accomplishments of the proposed couple -that the expression “the go-between’s fair words” has become -synonymous with gross exaggeration. If the families are not satisfied, -the match is broken off; but if they are pleased with each other, the -go-between<span class="pagenum">{181}</span> is asked to look up a lucky day for the formal -proposal. Nowadays the photographs are first exchanged and if they -are found satisfactory, inquiries are made before the meeting is -arranged.</p> - -<div id="img_p180" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p180.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE BRIDAL PROCESSION.<br /> - <span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>On the appointed day a messenger, a trusted friend or servant of the -young man’s family, calls on the girl’s father and makes a formal -proposal, bringing at the same time a present of silk dresses, an -<i>obi</i>, fish, and <i>sake</i>; the father accepts the present and gives -a receipt for it. This acceptance constitutes the consent to the -marriage. He also makes a present to the other family. Soon after, he -invites his relatives and intimate friends to a dinner, at which he -announces the betrothal of his daughter. Preparations are then made -forthwith for the wedding; and when they are completed, another -gathering of relatives and friends with their wives takes place -and the dresses and other requisite articles for the marriage are -exhibited; and the meeting, especially the female section of it, -criticise and offer advice if necessary on these preparations.</p> - -<p>Now all is complete; and an auspicious day has been fixed for the -wedding. The bride’s property is sent on to the bridegroom’s a day or -two previously. It consists of chests of drawers and several boxes -containing her dresses, bedding, toilet articles, various utensils -needed for tea-making and flower arrangement, a <i>koto</i>, and -work-boxes, and sometimes even kitchen utensils. In the evening she -leaves her father’s home. Formerly she went in a palanquin; but now -she is conveyed in a jinrikisha or carriage. She is accompanied by -friends and relatives. She is dressed in white or some other light -colour. In the country a bonfire is lighted at the door, and she is -escorted by torchlight; but in the city only lanterns are carried.</p> - -<p>On reaching the bridegroom’s house, the bride is led into the -toilet-room to rest herself a while and touch up her toilet. Then she -is shown into the room where the wedding ceremony is to take place. -The arrangement of the room varies with the school of etiquette; but -usually there are offerings to the Gods on the dais of the alcove. -They comprise two round cakes of pounded rice in the middle, with a -stand of consecrated <i>sake</i> a little in front on either side, and at -the back a stand each of fish (a carp or <i>tai</i>) and fowl (a<span class="pagenum">{183}</span> -pheasant or snipe). There are, besides, a couple of black-lacquered -cabinets with writing materials, a small wash-basin, and tea-utensils. -There also stands a large flat porcelain dish with legs, on which are -planted a miniature pine, bamboo, and plum-tree, with a tortoise at -the base and a crane flying above. The pine, being an evergreen, -signifies longevity, the bamboo, from its pliancy, gentleness, and the -plum-tree, which blooms while there is yet snow on the ground, denotes -fidelity in adversity. The crane which is supposed to live a thousand -years and the tortoise whose life is said to last ten times as long, -both symbolise longevity. In the foreground are an old couple, -Takasago by name, who are the Darby and Joan of the Japanese legend, -the husband with a rake and the wife with a broomstick. The whole -stand is then emblematic of long life, happiness, and conjugal -fidelity.</p> - -<div id="img_p182" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p182.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE WEDDING PARTY.<br /> - <span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>As soon as the bride takes her seat, the bridegroom enters and sits -too, in front of her according to one school of etiquette, or beside -her according to another. They are attended by waiting-women, by -children, or by the go-between and his wife only. Two trays each -are set before the new couple. The plats which have each a special -significance it would take too much space to describe here. But the -most important part of the ceremony takes place after the trays have -been carried in. A set of three flatfish wooden cups are brought, and -the top or smallest cup is filled with the consecrated <i>sake</i> which -has in the meantime been taken down from the dais and poured into a -couple of iron or bronze pots with long handles. It is handed to the -bride who drinks it; the same process is repeated twice, so that she -drinks from the cup three times. Then the bridegroom, too, drinks -three times from it. The second cup is next given to the bridegroom -who again drinks three times and is then handed to the bride who does -the same. Finally, the third and largest cup is set first before the -bride and then before the bridegroom, who each again drinks three -times. Thus, both the bride and the bridegroom have drunk three times -from each of the three cups. This process, which is called “three -times three,” constitutes the essential part of the ceremony and joins -the two in wedlock.</p> - -<div id="img_p184" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p184.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE EXCHANGE OF CUPS.<br /> - <span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{185}</span></p> - -<p>When they have exchanged cups, the bride and the bridegroom retire -and change their dresses. They then enter the room where the wedding -guests are being entertained. They receive their congratulations and -sit with them for a while. They are expected to eat and drink with -them; but they retire before long to the bridal chamber. The -go-between and his wife assist them and come down afterwards to report -to the assembled guests that the happy couple have been put to bed. -The guests then take their departure shortly after this announcement.</p> - -<p>Next morning the bride is up betimes to send a messenger to her father -to announce that the wedding has taken place without a hitch; and the -father too, before the arrival of the messenger, sends to ask after -the welfare of his daughter and son-in-law. He sends presents to the -members of his daughter’s new home. She receives the congratulations -of her friends.</p> - -<p>On the following day the friends and relatives and their wives are -invited to the bridegroom’s house, when the dresses and other articles -brought by the bride are exhibited. The guests are entertained often -till very late at night. The bridegroom sends rice-cakes to his -father-in-law who distributes them among his friends and relatives. -On the fourth day after the marriage, the bride goes to her father’s -house and stays there a day or two. After her return to her husband, -her father invites the young couple and the friends and relatives of -both families to dinner. This gathering is called “the unbending of -the knees,” because the guests are expected to unbend themselves and -stretch their knees and legs which they kept rigidly bent during -the marriage ceremony and subsequent parties. They sing and dance -and enjoy themselves without constraint. This is the last of the -gatherings connected with the marriage. During all these ceremonies -the exchange of presents is interminable so that a marriage in the -regular style is very expensive, and people of moderate means curtail -the proceedings as much as possible. Some even have weddings in a -tea-house, especially if their own houses are not large enough to seat -all the invited guests. It has become the fashion of late to hold the -wedding ceremony in a shrine in imitation of the Christian marriage -<span class="pagenum">{187}</span>service at church.</p> - -<div id="img_p186" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p186.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE BRIDE’S CABINETS.<br /> - <span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>It will be seen from the above brief account how much a Japanese -marriage differs from a European. The reader who considers that free -choice is essential to a happy marriage, will naturally wonder at the -employment of a go-between and the comparatively passive part played -by the parties most concerned. It is true that the young couple have -little opportunity of knowing each other before they are joined in -wedlock; for the short time, often half an hour or less, for which -they see each other before making a definite decision can hardly be -said to afford them an opportunity of mutual acquaintance full enough -to inspire them with confidence in the momentous step they are about -to take. The knowledge of each other that meeting is supposed to give -them is of the most superficial kind; for besides the shortness -of time, the consciousness of what is to result from the meeting -naturally puts the two on their best behaviour and prevents their -being caught at unguarded moments, which alone can give any insight -into their character. In their prim and stiff attitude, it is only -their personal appearance that can be considered; but even that is -disguised on the girl’s part by the paint and fine dress she has put -on for the occasion. The intended lovers have in fact to trust blindly -to luck in their bid for conjugal happiness.</p> - -<p>But there is, on the other hand, something to be said for the -go-between system. Free choice is certainly most desirable when the -lovers are old enough to have a definite knowledge of their own minds -and may be expected to make a judicious choice; and upon the marriage -of a man over thirty with a woman of more than five and twenty, the -parties would not deserve much sympathy if they subsequently found -that they had mistaken each other’s character. But in Japan we marry -young as a rule, men being under thirty and not unfrequently a little -more than twenty and women at the latter age or less. If they were -left to themselves, they would be as imprudent in their choice as -those of the same age would be in other countries. They would, if -pleased with each other’s looks, be quite content to take their chance -of the other elements that go to make a happy marriage; and only by -bitter experience would<span class="pagenum">{189}</span> they discover that they cannot live on -love alone, but that divers worldly considerations must be taken into -account. Many a life would, as in countries where marriage is freely -contracted, be blasted by an early imprudent marriage, which is with -us obviated in a great degree by the employment of the go-between. The -father of the young man or girl, in looking for a suitable partner for -his child, would naturally have prudential considerations foremost -in view; the one would wish for a girl, well born if possible, but -certainly educated enough to be a worthy ruler of the household, while -the other would be equally anxious to have for his son-in-law a steady -young man who would always be able to maintain his family in comfort. -And the go-between, by looking himself or through his friends for an -eligible partner, would be able to search on a far larger scale than -would be possible to the unaided efforts of the father and his child.</p> - -<div id="img_p188" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p188.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FIRST MEETING AND WEDDING AT THE PRESENT TIME. - </div> -</div> - -<p>This ability to make an extensive search brings out another advantage -of the go-between over the free-choice system. The custom in the West -which requires the woman to wait till she receives a proposal entails -upon her great hardships. Sometimes, as her circle of acquaintances -is generally small, she throws herself after long waiting upon -the least uncongenial of the lot and prepares for herself years -of disappointment, disillusionment, and heart-burnings. Or, where -personal appearance counts for much as it almost always does, a woman -with no pretension to beauty must often suffer many a year to elapse -before the gallant comes to woo her; perhaps he never comes at all, -and the qualities which might have made her a model wife are allowed -to run to waste for being concealed under a homely face; and she who -might have helped a husband to fame and fortune becomes a soured -old maid with bitter hatred of men, or that other and more pathetic -figure, the kindly maiden aunt who lavishes on her little nephews and -nieces that wealth of love which a wise man would have taken to his -heart as an inestimable treasure despite the plain casket in which it -is enclosed. From such compulsory spinsterhood a woman is saved in -Japan by the go-between; she need not set her cap at any one, for -being the deputy for the woman as well as for the man, the go-between -<span class="pagenum">{191}</span>can carry proposals from her as if he were making them on his -own initiative and so can meet with a rebuff without bringing upon her -the shame of a repulse. He can also find for her a suitable husband -even if she is far from pretty or gentle, or has defects which may -make an ordinary man think twice before rushing into her arms. “For -the cracked pot a rotten lid,” as we say in Japan, and for a pot -however cracked or imperfect, we can always find a lid to match. So -with men and women. A woman with imperfections can thus get without -much difficulty a husband with similar defects; but it would be no -easy task to catch such a man without the go-between’s assistance.</p> - -<div id="img_p190" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p190.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A DAIMYO’S WEDDING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>There is still another benefit accruing from the go-between system. -Upon a squabble taking place between the husband and the wife, they -may in the heat of the moment wish to separate; and if left to -themselves, they would at once get a divorce as it would not be -difficult to bring their own families to take up their cause. But -before they can resort to such an extreme step, they must consult the -go-between, whose duty it is to make arrangements for their separation -in the same way as for their union; and the go-between, bearing in -mind the interests of both parties, will do his best to patch up any -differences that may have arisen, and if he is a man of tact, usually -succeed in restoring peace. In minor matters he is also always -appealed to; he hears the complaints of both the husband and the wife, -and advises them to yield or compromise. He is really even more useful -after the marriage than before: and he is always treated with great -respect by the couple he has joined. But if, in spite of all his -efforts to the contrary, the divorce does take place, his position is -an unenviable one, for not unfrequently he would be thought by either -family to have purposely deceived it by introducing a person whom he -had known from the first to be unsuitable.</p> - -<div id="img_p192" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p192.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A LOWER-CLASS WEDDING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>With us marriage is a civil contract. All that the authorities require -is that the heads of the two families should report the marriage and -request the girl’s domicile to be transferred from her father’s -house to her husband’s. The registrar of the local office complies -accordingly, and the couple are legally married. There<span class="pagenum">{193}</span> is no -ceremony connected with it. Perhaps this absence of religious sanction -may tend to make a marriage less imposing; but as to its being less -binding on that account as some have alleged, such a contention is -open to question as the divorce court proceedings in the West seldom -appear to be stayed by any considerations of the sanctity imposed upon -marriage by religion. The exchange of cups in our-weddings is a tacit -vow of love and fidelity; and when we have in view the possibility of -a divorce thereafter, it is as well that we do not lay ourselves open -to the charge of perjury by coming up for a second marriage after -having at the first sworn before God that we would “love and cherish -each other until death us do part.”</p> - -<p>Finally, the new couple do not go on a honeymoon, but proceed at once -to enter upon their household duties. The honeymoon is undoubtedly an -excellent institution for giving the couple an opportunity of enjoying -themselves unreservedly in each other’s company before taking up the -serious business of life; but at the same time it not unfrequently -happens that they return from it sadly disillusioned and with an -outlook far from rosy upon wedded life. The Japanese bride has an -advantage over her western sister in that respect, for she has no -illusions to be dispelled.</p> - -<p>Here, then, is the essential difference in the point of view taken of -wedded life. In the West it is through romance that people enter into -matrimony, and that is apt to melt before the hard facts of life; -whereas in Japan we regard it in a more prosaic light, and the -Japanese bride takes up the burden of married life at the threshold -to lay it down only at the grave. Again, in the West a man may in a -vague way think it time for him to marry and then look for a suitable -partner; but more often it is the sight of the woman with whom he -would willingly share the pleasures and pains of this world that -awakens in him the desire to marry and prompts him to propose to her. -The possession of the woman he has set his heart upon is the immediate -motive of his marriage. In Japan, however, the young man finds life -lonely by himself, or is pressed into marriage by his parents or -friends, or fails to win the confidence of his circle while he remains -single; and accordingly he or his parents ask<span class="pagenum">{194}</span> friends to look -for a suitable wife. The impelling cause is here the desire to have -a well-ordered establishment, and love is something to be aroused -and developed after marriage. As fewer elements of happiness enter -into our method of wife-seeking than into the European, it may be -conjectured that marriage is naturally a more risky venture with us in -respect of domestic felicity. But then, we do not, when we marry, look -so much for the fire and heat of love; we are content if the common -cares and joys of conjugal life induce in the course of time the warm, -equable glow of affection.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{195}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV.<br /> -<span class="smaller">FAMILY RELATIONS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">The family the unit of society—Adoption—The wife’s family - relations—The father—Retirement—The retired father—The - mother-in-law—A strong-willed daughter-in-law—Tender - relations—Domestic discord—Sisters-in-law—Brothers-in-law—The - wife usually forewarned—The husband also handicapped—His - burdens—Old Japan’s ideas of wifely duties—The Japanese wife’s - qualities—Petticoat government—The wife’s influence.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_w.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WHEN a woman marries, her union with her husband is not more -considered than her entry into his family. Marriage, it is true, has -in all countries this twofold character; but it is especially the case -in Japan where but a few decades separate us from the feudal times -when, as in medieval Europe, the family was the unit of society; and -it is only in recent years that the individual has begun to receive -equal consideration with the family as an element of society. The -Chinese sages laid down with great emphasis that the primary object -of marriage is the perpetuation of the family line and that nothing -is more unfilial than the failure of issue. Thus, feudalism and -Confucianism combined to impress upon the nation the importance of -the family succession. Moreover, every man has a natural desire to -preserve his blood from extinction; and there is a still greater -incentive towards the same end in the ancestor-worship which lies at -the root of Shintoism. It is every man’s duty, according to that cult, -to keep alive the memory of his ancestors, a duty which naturally -devolves upon the head of the family; whence arises the necessity for -every house of having a recognised head. And consequently, under the -old regime primogeniture flourished in its strictest form; and younger -sons and brothers were held of no account. In the feudal times the -offices in the central government and in the daimiates were conferred -only on the head of the family, the rest of which were merely his -<span class="pagenum">{196}</span>dependants. Cadets, therefore, could only acquire independence -by being adopted into other families and becoming their heads, or in -rare cases by founding branch families.</p> - -<div id="img_p196" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p196.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>HUSBAND AND WIFE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>This system of adoption prevailed largely in the feudal times, and -still exists, though not to so great an extent. For whereas adoption -was formerly almost the only means of procuring independence open to -the subordinate members of a family, now no one who is able to shift -for himself would care to be adopted and to assume another’s surname -unless some great advantage were to be gained thereby. Yet families -without male issue must resort to adoption to prevent self-extinction. -They adopt therefore from a<span class="pagenum">{197}</span> family on a lower social level or -one afflicted with too large a progeny. It is often a little child -they undertake to bring up and so have a claim on its gratitude. A -man who has daughters but no son, adopts a young man as his eldest -daughter’s husband and makes him in due course the head of the family. -Sometimes, the adoption and the marriage take place at the same time, -when the bridegroom comes to the bride’s house and the usual relations -between the two are reversed. The husband naturally assumes the wife’s -surname. His position is not an enviable one; for though as the head -of the family, he has a legal right to its property, still he is -constantly reminded that he is an outsider and has to ingratiate -himself with the members and relatives of the family. It is always -possible to convene a meeting of these persons; and this council is -all-powerful in the disposal of family affairs. In the old times, if -a member of the family misbehaved himself disgracefully, the family -council met and took measures for his punishment. It would act even -against the will of the head; indeed, the head himself was not always -exempt from its censure, and there are many instances of his being -forced to retire in favour of a son or another member, and in military -families, of his being required to wash away with his own life-blood -the stain he had brought upon the family name. If one who had become -the head by birth was so powerless in the presence of the family -council, it will be readily surmised that the head by adoption would -often be in a far worse plight than the other; he could be divorced -from his wife if she was the daughter of the house, and driven out of -the family. He would naturally be more liable than any other member -to the censure of the family council.</p> - -<p>If the adopted head of the family sometimes finds his position an -irksome one, the wife who marries into another family has often, if it -is a large one, as hard a time of it with her husband; she must not -only put up with his whims and caprices, but she may have to bear with -equal patience the humours of the rest of the family, who have her at -their mercy as any one of them might by false representations easily -prejudice her husband or his parents against her. She is constantly -put on her mettle and has to guard against giving<span class="pagenum">{198}</span> umbrage to any -of her husband’s numerous relatives. Of course he may not happen to -have a member of his family with him; but if he is living in his -native place, a parent or some other near relative would probably be -with him. Those who have come up from the country and made their way -in the metropolis would more likely be by themselves as their parents -would prefer to live at home and content themselves, if need be, with -monthly remittances from their sons. If a man from the country has any -one with him, it is commonly some young fellow, a relative, who lives -with him to complete his education. Hence, as chances of discord -increase with the size of the family, a girl or her parents not seldom -stipulate, in looking for a husband, for a countryman rather than -for a native of the capital. But as that condition cannot always be -satisfied, the girl finds herself saddled with a father, mother, and -other connections by marriage with whom she has to reckon if she would -get on with her husband. Of these the most important are, needless to -say, the parents.</p> - -<p>Apart from the question of the continuation of the family line, the -father and, more especially, the mother are naturally anxious to see -their son married and fondle their grandchildren before they die. They -have, moreover, as a rule, another motive in his marriage; which is, -to make over the care of the household and live free from all anxiety. -The father, if a samurai in the old days, would retire from his office -in favour of his son, for many of the offices in the central and -provincial governments were hereditary, unless he forfeited it by -his own fault or through the caprice or displeasure of his lord. A -merchant or tradesman would also, by making his son the head of his -family, transfer to him his business and his name, himself assuming -another name; for it was the rule in the old times, and still is to -some extent, for a merchant to have a business-name, so to speak, -which was handed down from father to son, each being distinguished -from the rest by the degree of descent. This retirement is a -long-established custom in this country and makes our habit of taking -life easy such a contrast to the strenuous, hard-working ways of the -western peoples who pride themselves upon dying in harness.</p> - -<div id="imgp199a" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/imgp199a.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A DOMESTIC QUARREL - </div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/imgp199b.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>AND RECONCILIATION. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{199}</span></p> - -<p>In the middle ages it was a common custom with the Emperors to -abdicate. Many of them resigned their high office in the prime of -manhood. Some retired to a monastery and lived in complete seclusion, -while others resigned in name only and, putting upon the Throne a -son or a near relative who was amenable to their will, exercised the -authority without the responsibilities of sovereignty. This political -retirement was imitated by many of their subjects. Among the most -powerful leaders, both warriors and statesmen, not a few left their -marks upon their times in nominal retirement from active life. There -were men, also, who were, really or nominally for some fault or -indiscretion committed, compelled to retire and make room for others -more pleasing to the authorities. Many retired of their own will -completely from the world. In<span class="pagenum">{200}</span> short, retirement might be due in -those days to four causes, namely, weariness of the world which led -men to seek repose in the solitude of a hermitage or monastery, -political reasons which left men better able to work their ambition -under cover of retired life, official orders which imposed retirement -as a disciplinary measure, and physical infirmities which disabled men -from taking an active part in life. Among the military class all these -causes were at work; but nowadays only the first and the last may be -said to be effective.</p> - -<p>In ancient times the officially-recognised minimum age-limit for -retirement was seventy years; but later, in the feudal days, the limit -was lowered to fifty years. Subsequently, however, such limits were -ignored and men retired at what age they pleased. The usual pretext -among the people was that they were compelled to retire by reason -of physical infirmities; but not unfrequently the real reason was -indolence and love of ease, to which they could yield the more readily -since they knew that their sons would provide for them, serve them, -and treat them with respect and reverence as all dutiful sons should, -so that they could pass the rest of their lives free from care and -anxiety. The retired father, who nowadays hardly ever withdraws -into solitude, is a harmless old gentleman who takes to innocent -amusements, such as playing chess or <i>go</i> with his friends or entering -into prize contests for Chinese poems or Japanese odes; he is -contented so long as he is provided with his <i>menus plaisirs</i>. At -worst he sits up late at home or at tea-houses with his cronies. He -appears to be calmly awaiting his end with such little pleasures as -his means permit; and if he is a sensible old fellow and can afford -it, he will, while his wife is with him, live apart from his son and -daughter-in-law so as not to give any occasion for family differences.</p> - -<p>The mother, too, is harmless generally if she is over sixty; and even -when under that age, she can do little mischief if she lives apart -with her husband, beyond complaining perhaps to her neighbours that -her daughter-in-law or son-in-law, as the case maybe, does not treat -her with the consideration that is her due. Of course she thinks like -all mothers that no partner however unexceptionable in disposition, -ability, or personal appearance, can be good enough for her child; and -her complaint is taken for what it is worth by her<span class="pagenum">{201}</span> neighbours -unless they really detect any flagrant breach of filial duty. But it -is the widow ranging in age from forty to fifty who is the greatest -disturber of domestic peace. She is too old to attract, and yet not -old enough to realise that fact and abandon hope; and jealous of a -younger woman in the house, she rebukes her in a dog-in-the-manger -spirit for any demonstration of love when she is with her husband. -She is the worst of mothers-in-law; but others run her hard. A widow -under forty cannot readily acquiesce in the relegation of household -authority to another woman and often wreaks vengeance for thus -supplanting her by an ill-natured tongue and the imposition of -degrading work; for mistress as she is of the house, the young wife -has in all things, as a matter of filial duty, to submit to her -mother-in-law’s will.</p> - -<p>In the present stage of Japanese society, the lack of sympathy between -a man’s wife and mother is aggravated by the difference in their -education. The older woman, being separated from the younger by the -yawning gulf which divides Old from New Japan, cannot perceive why the -ideas in which she was herself brought up should not be good enough -for the other and finds fault with what are in her eyes outlandish -ways introduced by the new era. She is loud in praise of the old, -harping upon the ideal state of things that would have prevailed if -the world had remained unchanged, and thinks that it has retrograded -socially, morally, and even physically in the interval, grumbling -that the weather itself has been affected by the innovations of these -latter days and refuses to bring storm and sunshine in the good old -downright fashion. Such women cannot be reasonably expected to get -on with those of the younger generation who have passed the primary -school and probably the girls’ high school and acquired a smattering -of western knowledge. The instinctive antipathy between the -mother-in-law and the son-in-law, which is a stock joke with the -European comic press, dwindles into insignificance when compared -with the feeling which sometimes arises between the former and her -daughter-in-law.</p> - -<p>But armed as she is with the unlimited authority with which custom has -invested parents, the mother-in-law has not always the best of it in -the tussle with her daughter-in-law. She may be<span class="pagenum">{202}</span> good-natured and -submit to the other as readily as she has submitted all her life to -her husband; or she may be accessible to flattery and be made the -other’s tool by judicious coaxing. She is under the thumb of her -superior in wit, will, or tact. She may be made to consent to live -apart from the young couple if her husband is still living, or to -content herself with the use of a single room in their house if she -is a widow; and sometimes she becomes little better than an upper -servant. A daughter-in-law who can make her a willing slave, exercises -as great an influence over her husband and can persuade him to -acquiesce in any proposal that she may make with respect to his mother.</p> - -<p>It must, however, be admitted in justice to the mothers-in-law -and daughters-in-law that there are many pleasant exceptions. -Mothers-in-law there are in abundance who are willing to give the -young wife any help in their power and afford her every chance of -establishing herself in the household. They recognise the change in -the times, and with the vague optimism of old age, hope for the best -and cheerfully resign themselves to the lead of their sons’ wives. The -wife too, on her part, is not insensible to these kindly advances and -serves her mother-in-law with all her heart, ministers to her wants, -and guides her gently as she totters to the grave. In many a household -such peaceful relations subsist. Then, again, the child-birth pain is -the purgatory out of which the young wife rises to be received with -deeper love by the whole family, and by right of motherhood, -strengthens her position in the household.</p> - -<p>The child being, as a Japanese proverb says, the chain that binds the -husband and the wife to each other, the latter’s hold on her husband’s -affection becomes stronger when she is a mother; but a Japanese work -on etiquette warns the wife that as her husband’s parents, brothers, -and sisters, however well-intentioned they may be towards her, are not -after all of her blood, she must be careful never to give cause for -offence and be on her guard against any thoughtless deed or word -likely to set their tongues wagging, and that she should consider -herself to be in the enemy’s country and be prepared for surprises and -ambuscades. The advice is no<span class="pagenum">{203}</span> doubt sound; but it implies the -possibility of family disturbances when too many of the husband’s -near relatives live with him, and the inference is that however -well-disposed such relatives may be, the wife cannot count for a -certainty upon a life of unruffled calm, and their dwelling under -the same roof with her must always be a factor, actual or potential, -of domestic discord; in other words, so long as this custom holds, -conjugal happiness must be more or less problematical.</p> - -<p>Besides her husband’s parents, the wife has to reckon with his -brothers and sisters. If he is the head of the family, he is probably -the eldest child of his parents, and his sisters would have to treat -his wife as an elder sister though she may actually be younger than -themselves. Girls, however, being naturally impressionable, are, if -they are well treated, easy to manage unless they are particularly -ill-tempered or maliciously disposed; but if they think they are -slighted, they become the most malignant of spies and exaggerate to -their parents any fault she may be guilty of. The wife has therefore -to win them over. Happily for her, the girls will be sooner or later -disposed of in marriage; but her trials will be more than doubled -if any of them leave their husbands and come home. They are then -no longer innocent, chattering hobbledehoys; but having had an -experience, unpleasant in all likelihood, of married life and lived -in discord with their husbands or mothers-in-law, for otherwise -they would not have been divorced, they look with envy upon any -demonstration of conjugal affection and attempt to sow dissension -in the family.</p> - -<p>With her brothers-in-law the wife is on easier terms. They are not as -a rule inquisitive; they treat her with indulgence; and in a quarrel -they will cheerfully take her side against their brother. But she is -put to her hardest task when there is a scapegrace among them. The -trouble is of another sort than that which confronts her in dealing -with a sister-in-law. The ne’er-do-well is usually, as in other -countries, the youngest of the family and his mother’s spoilt child. -His brother, knowing his evil ways, forbids his wife to have anything -to do with him. But the scamp is smooth-tongued and, making up to her -with offers of service, worms himself into her<span class="pagenum">{204}</span> favour. The -wife, too, knows that his enmity will certainly endanger her standing -with his mother and, willing to give her pleasure, yields to his -importunities and from time to time supplies him with money by cutting -down the household expenses. Thus, with the best intentions she is -placed in an awkward position; she must defraud her husband to please -his mother, and if she is found out, she will be sharply brought -round; and meanwhile, she lives in fear and trepidation.</p> - -<p>With all these encumbrances in her home, the wife’s life may appear to -be well-nigh intolerable. Fortunately for her, however, her husband’s -family is not always so complete; it is not often that she finds -there both parents, brothers and sisters in full force, and children -by a former marriage. It would under such circumstances have been -better, had she remained at home, though it may of course happen -that the whole family are taken with her, or are easy-going and -kindly-disposed, or are won by her tact, gentleness, and sweet temper. -But even if they are not all that may be desired, the wife goes into -the family with her eyes open; for when the proposal of marriage was -informally made by the go-between, she could easily have ascertained -through friends by inquiry in the neighbourhood the size and general -character of the family with which her union was sought: and it was -only by gross carelessness or wilful misrepresentation on the part of -her agents that she could have been kept ignorant of the fate that -awaited her.</p> - -<p>If the wife is handicapped in her bid for conjugal happiness by the -size of her husband’s family, he is under no less disadvantage for the -same reason. If she finds it difficult to get on smoothly with all -the members of his family, he encounters quite as much difficulty in -feeding so many mouths; for the whole family are often dependent upon -him, as in all probability his parents pinched themselves to find -means for his education so that when he completed it and made his way -in the world, he might make up for their sacrifices. But even if they -had done nothing for him, he would still be expected to support them. -The new Civil Code recognises this right on the part of the parents; -and the head of the family has also to support his brothers and -sisters and other<span class="pagenum">{205}</span> members of his house, in addition to his wife -and children. Besides these possible dependants whose claims are -admitted by law, there are others whose appeals on the score of -kinship however remote he cannot altogether ignore, as custom allows -those related by blood or marriage to look for help to the least -unfortunate among them. Thus, the father of a family has to spend the -money he could otherwise save up for his children in maintaining his -uncles, aunts, and cousins and some of his wife’s near relations, who, -as long as he supports them, stick to him like leeches and follow -him about with all the pertinacity of Sir Joseph Porter’s female -relatives.</p> - -<p>From the social point of view this is undoubtedly an excellent system, -for the nation at large is not burdened with the support of its poor; -only the comparatively few without relatives to whom they can turn -have to be maintained at the public expense. We have not, therefore, -so far been confronted by the pauper question, as the poor are -provided for by their own people. But it cannot at the same time be -denied that the system bears hardly upon the individuals on whom falls -the duty of maintaining their poor relations; and especially is this -the case with a young man at the threshold of his career. He marries, -as we have already observed, not because he can support a family -without embarrassment, but because he is in need of some one to manage -his house. In the matter of marriage the Japanese is ordinarily -improvident; he does not allow financial considerations to enter into -his matrimonial plans. It is generally with great difficulty that he -can afford to help his relatives. So that under the circumstances -a young man married is often with us, if not actually a man that’s -marred, at least one that is heavily handicapped and forced to -struggle against great odds. A man who has to earn his own living must -sweat and starve, slaving from morning till night, to support these -drones; and whatever ambition he may have harboured in the flush of -youth is ruthlessly dashed to the ground, and his life is frittered -away in sordid cares and petty troubles.</p> - -<p>The great authority for two centuries on the conduct of women who -enter into matrimony was a work written by a Japanese scholar and -based on the teachings of the Chinese sages. This book<span class="pagenum">{206}</span> enjoins -upon the wife unconditional obedience to her husband. She is told that -she is in every respect his inferior, and she is expected to be so -overwhelmed with the sense of her own unworthiness that she must in -all things submit to her husband who is the absolute lord and master -of her body and soul; whatever he may do, she is not to murmur against -it, but she is to be humble when she is in the right; and all the -while, over her hangs the Damocles’s sword of divorce. The position -to which she is relegated by the Japanese guide to wifely conduct is -merely that of an upper servant; for no matter how many domestics -there may be in the house, she must do menial work. She must share -with her husband all the hardships of grinding poverty; and when -fortune smiles, he may live in luxury and entertain many friends, but -she must not frequent public resorts or go sight-seeing. Wealth may -bring her more conveniences, but not more pleasure; and until she is -forty years old, she is not to be seen in company, but to remain at -home minding her house and children.</p> - -<p>Such are the injunctions of the Japanese authority on female conduct; -but happily the practice is better than the precept. There may be, -thanks to these teachings, furniture wives, as Lamb calls them, who -are of little use beyond filling their places in their households; but -human nature breaks even through the cast-iron rules which hold it -down, and, the sages and moral guides notwithstanding, there are -countless happy homes which are unfortunately less heard of than -those in which dissensions are rife for the same reason as that our -attention is always more drawn to careers of crime and adventure than -to quiet, eventless lives. Had our women become what the old teachers -wished them to be, it is certain that we should not have retained our -vitality through the centuries of feudalism and burst out after ages -of inert isolation into all the vigour and energy of a freshly-sprung -nation. It is an indirect tribute to our women that the race has -preserved unimpaired those high qualities which have since raised it -to its present position among the nations of the world.</p> - -<p>Japanese wives are gentle, docile, and obedient; but let not the -western husbands who groan under petticoat government, imagine<span class="pagenum">{207}</span> -that Japanese benedicts always have it their own way, for even in -Japan the grey mare is sometimes the better horse, as many a henpecked -one knows to his cost. There are termagants and viragoes with us as -in other countries; the only difference is that our scolds are not -so obtrusive as those of the West, and yet do enough to convince the -luckless wight that he has caught a Tartar. Just as the omission -of honorifics in Japanese speech is as rude as the use of profane -language in English, so the absence of those gentle manners with which -we invariably associate our women is an even surer index of coarseness -and vulgarity than the violence of a western shrew. The Japanese vixen -can therefore, without any roughness of manners, nag and harass her -husband quite as effectually, though her methods may be quieter than -those of the occidental species.</p> - -<p>Labouring as she is under many disadvantages, the Japanese wife does -not get credit for her good qualities, because she always keeps in the -background. Neither she nor her husband ever sings the other’s praises -in public; on the contrary, mutual depreciation is the custom. And yet -all her efforts are directed to her husband’s cutting a creditable -figure among his acquaintances. A good, sensible, tactful wife is -a jewel with us no less than with the wise man of yore; and her -adroitness covers a multitude of defects in her husband. And for all -his brave show, often, as our proverb says, “’tis the hen that tells -the cock to crow.”</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{208}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI.<br /> -<span class="smaller">DIVORCE.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Frequency of divorces—The new Civil Code on marriage - and divorce—Conditions of a valid marriage—Invalid - marriages—Cohabitation—The wife’s legal position—Her - separate property—The rights of the head of the family—Care - of the wife’s property—Forms of divorce—Grounds for divorce—Custody - of children—No damages against the co-respondent—Breaches of - promise of marriage—Few mercenary marriages—Widow-hunting also rare.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_i.png" width="27" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">IN the old days divorces took place on the slightest pretext. Among -the higher classes, it is true, the family connections which a -marriage brought into existence could not be dissolved without more -or less serious consequences, and the parties were, as in other -countries, expected to sacrifice their personal happiness to family -considerations; but among the other classes which were not influenced, -as a rule, by such worldly motives in their marriages, divorces were -of pretty frequent occurrence. And moreover, as they often took place -from no fault of the persons divorced, they came to lose to some -extent the stigma which usually attaches to them. Still, those women -who had been brought up with a strict, old-world sense of honour, -looked upon divorce as a stain upon their reputation; for if it did -not necessarily imply misconduct, it was attributable to want of tact -on the part of the <i>divorcée</i>, and although it arose not unfrequently -from the husband’s caprice, she was not, until that could be proved, -held altogether free from blame. As she was from the first supposed to -be prepared for a wilful, cross-tempered mother-in-law, it signified -a certain defect in her character that she should have failed to get -into her good graces; and the girl, therefore, ashamed to be exposed -to the ignominy of divorce, did her best to please her husband’s -family and would put up with almost anything rather than be sent away. -But the family relations sometimes became so strained<span class="pagenum">{209}</span> that she -ran away or was packed home. Divorce was, moreover, easy to effect; -it needed nothing more than the re-transfer of the divorced wife’s -domicile from her husband’s home to her father’s. There was no -official inquiry, and a remarriage could take place at any time.</p> - -<p>This unsatisfactory state of affairs was to a certain extent remedied -by the new Civil Code which came into operation in 1898, though it is -too early yet to say what permanent reform it has brought about in our -system of marriage and divorce; and it may be well, before entering -into the grounds on which a divorce may be sought under the new law, -to consider the conditions requisite for a valid marriage as they will -give some idea of the position taken by the legislature in regard -to matrimonial relations and so help us to understand its attitude -towards divorce.</p> - -<p>A marriage, in the first place, is valid only if the parties are -married of their own will. This condition may at first sight appear -superfluous; but it is formulated to enable the parties concerned to -nullify a marriage contracted through mistaken identity and to prevent -unions with persons who have lost control of their will or are -otherwise in a disordered state of mind. Only such marriages are valid -as are contracted between those who are not deceived in making their -choice and are in full possession of their faculties. The object of -this condition is then to protect those persons who are joined in -wedlock against their will; but, as a matter of fact, many marriages -are arranged by the parents before their children are old enough to -know their own minds, and the betrothed, upon coming of age, acquiesce -in the engagement which they would consider unfilial to refuse to -carry out. So that in many cases free will in marriage is merely -formal. The second condition of a valid marriage is that it must be -reported and registered at the local district office. The bride’s -father reports to the local office of his district that she has ceased -to be a member of his family and requests her name to be struck off -and transferred to the local office of the district in which her -husband lives. This is accordingly done, and at the same time the -husband’s report confirms the father’s request and the girl’s name -is registered as that of his wife. This transfer of the domicile -constitutes the official act of marriage.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{210}</span></p> - -<p>A defect in either of these two conditions naturally renders a -marriage void, for it cannot then be recognised as a lawful union. But -a marriage may subsequently to its registration be annulled in various -ways. Such annulment is not, however, a divorce, because the marriage -was not complete and cannot be said to have been consummated. In the -first place, the parties must be of the legal age for marriage, which -is for the male seventeen years and fifteen for the female. This is a -great advance on the old limit which was fourteen years for the male -and twelve for the female. The right of annulling a marriage in which -either party is under the legal age expires in three months after the -marriage or when the age-limit is reached. Marriages contracted by -force or fraud may be annulled upon application by the victim. The -application must be made to a court of justice within three months -after the discovery of the fraud or removal of the force; the right -of application is forfeited by condonation. A marriage is naturally -invalidated by a previous marriage; the right of application for its -annulment is vested in the aggrieved party, the head of that party’s -family, the relatives, and the public procurator, and also in the -first wife or husband; and as bigamy is a criminal offence, there -is no time-limit for the application. One who has been judicially -divorced for adultery cannot marry the other party to the offence; -that is, marriage is forbidden between the respondent and the -co-respondent. It may appear somewhat unjust that a man whose conduct -has led to the divorce of a married woman should be disqualified from -making to her the only reparation in his power for her loss of home -and honour; but the idea is, as in the Scots law, that the ability to -marry each other would rather encourage such illicit connections and -make the offenders brave the ignominy of judicial divorce for the -prospective pleasure of a lawful union. The prohibition is therefore -intended to be a deterrent against infidelity. Marriage is also -forbidden between ascendants and descendants in the direct line -and between those down to the third degree of consanguinity in the -collateral line, that is, it is prohibited with one’s parents, -grand-parents, children, and grandchildren, and between brother and -sister, uncle and niece, and aunt and nephew, but permitted between -cousins-german<span class="pagenum">{211}</span> and more distant blood-relations. It is also -prohibited between similar relations of affinity in the direct line, -but not between those in the collateral line, so that while one cannot -marry a parent or a child of one’s deceased spouse, there is no -impediment to a marriage with the deceased wife’s sister or the -deceased husband’s brother, or their uncle, aunt, nephew, or niece.</p> - -<p>A son up to thirty years of age and a daughter up to twenty-five years -cannot marry without the consent of their parents. If either parent is -dead, irresponsible, or has left the house, the consent of the other -is deemed sufficient; but if both parents are dead or of unsound mind, -or if their whereabouts are unknown, only those parties who have not -yet reached the majority-age of twenty need ask for the consent of -their guardians or appeal to the family council for approval. If the -parties are afflicted with a stepfather or stepmother who refuses to -consent to their marriage, the approval of the family council will -suffice as these persons cannot always be presumed to have at heart -the interests of their step-children. A woman cannot for obvious -reasons remarry until after the lapse of six months from the annulment -or dissolution of her first marriage; but if in the interval she gives -birth to a child, there is no hindrance to the second marriage taking -place immediately after. Lastly, in the case of a man who has been -adopted as husband to the daughter, the severance of his connection as -adopted son may be brought forward as a ground for the avoidance of -the marriage. As he has twofold relations as son and husband, the -dissolution of either relation would lead to that of the other, for -the only alternative would be for the daughter to leave her family at -the same time as her husband; but as it was to keep her in the family -that the husband was adopted, her father would not consent to such a -step. The usual procedure is to adopt for her another husband.</p> - -<p>Upon the consummation of marriage, the wife is obliged to live -with her husband, who is required by the Civil Code to make her -cohabit with him. Thus, cohabitation is in the eyes of the law an -indispensable condition of matrimony; and therefore, such a thing as -judicial separation is unknown in Japan, and there is no middle course -between cohabitation and divorce. The wife usually takes<span class="pagenum">{212}</span> her -husband’s surname; but if she is the head of the family or the -heiress to it, the husband by adoption assumes her surname.</p> - -<p>If the wife is under age or judicially pronounced incapable of -managing her own affairs, the husband becomes her guardian for the -time being; but if the husband is pronounced incapable in a similar -manner, the wife becomes his guardian and takes charge of his affairs. -The wife, however, in ordinary circumstances is under the husband’s -control. Her disabilities arise not from her sex as such, but from her -status of <i>feme-covert</i>; for though political rights are still denied -to women, no discrimination is made in the private rights of the two -sexes. It is only when she marries that she cedes to her husband many -of her rights as <i>feme-sole</i>. There are certain acts, for instance, -for which she is required by the Civil Code to obtain her husband’s -permission, such as the receipt and use of a capital sum, contracting -of debts, bringing of actions at court, carrying on of a trade or -business on her own account, and making of contracts binding herself -to service for a specific term; but the permission may be dispensed -with if her husband’s whereabouts are unknown, or he has wilfully -deserted her, is pronounced incapable, is under restraint for lunacy, -or is serving a term of imprisonment exceeding one year, or if his -interests clash with hers.</p> - -<p>The wife may have separate property. She is at liberty to make any -arrangement with her husband for its management and disposal; but such -arrangement must be registered not later than the registration of the -marriage itself, or it cannot be upheld before her heirs or set up -against third parties. In fact, all contracts between husband and wife -may by mutual consent be altered or cancelled at any time; but such -alteration or cancellation cannot be upheld to the prejudice of a -third party. This right to hold property in her own name is a great -concession to the wife, for such rights were formerly utterly ignored. -In the old days, everything belonged to the husband as head of the -family, not only any property that the wife might bring or inherit, -but also any estate, real or personal, that might be acquired by any -other member of the family. All its members were supposed to work for -the benefit of the family, and the head as its sole representative -had absolute control<span class="pagenum">{213}</span> of the property so acquired. But now in -recognition of the rights of the individual as against those of the -family as a whole, the Civil Code permits the separate registration -of property by its subordinate members.</p> - -<p>Where no special arrangements have been made between husband and wife -with respect to either party’s property the law directs a certain -course to be followed in its use and disposal. In the first place, -while the owner of any property is naturally deemed to possess -absolute right to the interest or profit arising therefrom, any -property which has been acquired but cannot be definitely credited -to either party, is to be taken, pending production of proof to the -contrary, as belonging to the head of the family. The head has also -the right to put to use the other party’s property and derive profit -therefrom, provided the character of such property remains unaltered. -Thus, the head may cultivate the other’s fields or rent them to -a tenant and occupy or rent the other’s houses, but may not, for -instance, convert a field into building land or a dwelling-house into -a godown. This power is given to the head to offset the obligation he -or she is under to bear all expenses resulting from the marriage, that -is, to defray all household expenses, support the family, and pay for -the bringing up of the children. If, however, the head is in needy -circumstances, the other party, if possessed of separate property, -must support the family.</p> - -<p>The husband, whether head of the family or not, has the management of -his wife’s property. He may make improvements in it; but he cannot -without her consent rent her land for more than five years running -or her house for more than three. And if the wife is afraid of her -husband’s abusing this discretionary power, she may request the -judicial authorities to order him to deposit security against any loss -that the estate might suffer through his mismanagement. The wife is to -be considered as her husband’s agent in household matters, such as the -provision of food and raiment. The husband may, however, reserve the -right to repudiate partially or wholly her acts as his proxy; but he -cannot thereby cancel his obligations to those persons who have been -dealing with her in good faith, believing her to possess the powers -usually<span class="pagenum">{214}</span> delegated to the wife.</p> - -<p>Having thus given an outline of woman’s legal position in matrimony, -we may now pass on to the conditions of divorce. The laxity of -the custom in regard to divorce was, as we have already observed, -partially remedied by the new Civil Code, which is based on European -laws and modified by existing Japanese usages. In the matter of -divorce, it makes many concessions to the customs hitherto prevailing -in Japan, as a strict adhesion to the European laws on the subject -would call for a too drastic change in the habits of the people who -have for the most part been accustomed to think lightly of divorce. -In the old times it was sufficient to give the wife a declaration of -divorce, which, from its shortness, came to be known as “the three -lines and a half.”</p> - -<p>In these days, however, when the supremacy of law is universally -recognised, such an informal process cannot be tolerated; and -formalities as full as at marriage must be gone through. For divorce -in its simplest form judicial intervention is not needed. It is enough -that the parties agree to separate. All that is necessary is to make -a declaration attested by two reputable witnesses at the local office -that the divorce takes place by mutual consent. If there is sufficient -cause which would be recognised by a court of justice, the offending -party would readily consent to this form of divorce, for few people -would care to wash their soiled linen in public when the same end -could be gained more quietly in private. Hence, judicial divorces -are comparatively rare. The attestation of two witnesses is of -considerable use in preventing rash divorces made in a moment of -passion and repented immediately after, as the witnesses who may be -expected to be cooler-headed than the principals, would do their best -to patch up the quarrel or difference before finally setting their -seal and signature to the deed of divorce. Moreover, if the parties -are under twenty-five years of age, they must obtain the consent of -those persons, that is, parents, guardians, or family councils, whose -consent would be necessary for a marriage in which the bride is under -twenty-five years of age and the bridegroom under thirty. In a divorce -the domicile of the wife or the adopted husband is re-transferred from -the domicile<span class="pagenum">{215}</span> of the family into which they were married to that -of their original family; the process is reverse of that required upon -marriage. In a divorce by mutual consent the request for re-transfer -is voluntarily made by the parties concerned, while in a judicial -divorce, since the appeal to law is made in consequence of the refusal -of one of the parties to sign the request to the local office, the -re-transfer is made by order of the court.</p> - -<p>Judicial divorces are granted on several grounds. First, for bigamy. -Bigamy is punishable with penal servitude for a term not exceeding two -years, and the second marriage is annulled; but the offence may -also be made the ground for the dissolution of the first. Thus, the -bigamist may, when he has served his term, find himself single and be -ready for a third marriage. Secondly, the wife may be divorced for -adultery, but not the husband. He may be divorced if he is convicted -of adultery with a married woman. The unfaithful wife and her paramour -are liable to penal servitude for a term not exceeding two years if -the charge is brought by the outraged husband. The lover cannot be -punished alone; the woman must share his fate; and only such a lover’s -wife can bring a divorce suit for adultery against her husband. But it -is very seldom that the husband applies for divorce from his wife -on the score of infidelity; such divorces are generally effected -by mutual consent unless the husband is ready to expose his family -affairs for the mere gratification of wreaking vengeance. The -delinquent wife, if brought before court, is, as has already been -stated, both punished and debarred from marrying her paramour. Besides -infidelity with a married woman, the husband, may be divorced for -immoral crimes. Divorce may also be sought if the other party is -guilty of forgery, theft, burglary, fraud, embezzlement, and other -heinous crimes. As the guilty party is usually the husband, the wife -may refuse to live any longer with one who has brought dishonour upon -the family. She may also bring an action for divorce if her husband -is imprisoned for three years or more for offences other than those -mentioned above or if she has been so ill treated or grossly insulted -by him as to make cohabitation intolerable.</p> - -<p>The common custom in Japan of the couple living under one<span class="pagenum">{216}</span> roof -with the parents of either party is doubtless responsible for two -other grounds for divorce, which are that an action for divorce lies -if either party ill-treats or grossly insults the ascendants of the -other or is ill treated or grossly insulted by them. Thus, without -there being any strained relations between the couple themselves, -either of them may seek divorce if ill treated or grossly insulted -by the parents or grand-parents of the other, or be sued for it if -similar treatment is offered to them. Mothers-in-law are proverbially -hard to please, and once a quarrel takes place, it is always easy to -detect insult in the high words that may pass between them and their -children’s spouses or ill-treatment in their subsequent behaviour -to each other. If they lived apart, such occurrences would be rare. -Though the wife may keep her temper and submit as far as possible, -adopted husbands are not so amenable to parental authority, and their -divorce is not unfrequent.</p> - -<p>Wilful desertion is a valid ground for divorce. The term of absence -justifying such action is three years. An adopted son who severs his -connection with the family is divorced from his wife if she is the -daughter of the house; but if she is not, she may leave it with her -husband. If she is the head of the family, the divorce of her adopted -husband dissolves both family and marital relations at the same time; -and if she wishes to follow him, she must give up her position as head -of the family and be married to him afresh.</p> - -<p>Any arrangements may be made for the custody of the children after -divorce; but in the absence of special agreement, the principle -followed is that the children belong to the family in which they -were born. Thus, they belong as a rule to the father; but if he has -been adopted as husband, they fall to the care of their mother.</p> - -<p>Judicial divorces are, as already stated, seldom applied for. There -have been a few cases of divorce for adultery, which, where proved, -always ended in the imprisonment of the unfaithful wife and her -paramour. These criminal suits have not so far been accompanied -by civil actions; the Japanese husband is satisfied with the -incarceration of the destroyer of his domestic happiness. Seeing that -his wife is party to the ruin of his home, he would not dream of being -indemnified for it, as a woman who is capable of infidelity<span class="pagenum">{217}</span> is -in his opinion bound sooner or later to dishonour her husband. To the -Japanese there is something repugnantly mercenary in claiming damages -for his wife’s forfeiture of chastity in the same way as he might for -the loss of any piece of property.</p> - -<p>Pecuniary considerations enter as little into actions for breach of -promise of marriage. Since the new Civil Code came into operation, -there has been only one such case brought into court. It was decided -in favour of the plaintiff; but the court merely ordered the promise -of marriage to be carried out and did not enter into consideration of -any pecuniary compensation for the breach. But then there is really -nothing to assess when an engagement is broken off in Japan. All that -is necessary when the other party consents to its being broken off, -is to return in kind or value the betrothal presents. As the engaged -couple, if they ever do write to each other, only send formal letters -with the compliments of the season or inquiries after each other’s -health, these epistles afford no means of measuring the suffering -entailed by the breach of faith. Neither do the lovers go out -together; and on the very rare occasions when they walk with each -other, they are accompanied, not by a conniving gooseberry, but by an -Argus-eyed chaperon who frowns upon the least departure from strict -propriety. So that their behaviour in each other’s company gives as -little guidance as the letters in the assessment of the damage done to -the jilted lover’s heart.</p> - -<p>In a similar manner mercenary marriages are not so numerous with us as -in other countries. Many men marry, it is true, with ulterior motives -daughters of wealthy or influential families; and these latter -naturally do their best to promote the interests of their sons-in-law. -By judicious marriages young men have risen to high and influential -positions in official and commercial circles. But marriages that are -crudely, unblushingly mercenary are rare for the simple reason that it -is not the common custom to give away daughters with large dowries. -The wives bring with them plenty of dresses and personal articles, -but seldom money, though their fathers may give them something -to start with when they marry. There is still a strong prejudice -against dowries; and a man who marries a woman with a <i>dot</i> is often -considered very mercenary<span class="pagenum">{218}</span> and, still worse, even suspected of -having taken the money as an offset against some personal defect in -his wife. There is of course the possibility that the wealthy parent -would help his daughter in difficulties and when the worst came to the -worst, keep her and her family from starvation. But the most effectual -way in which a man may make money by marriage is to get adopted as -a husband by a wealthy family; it is indeed the only means a poor -man has of acquiring wealth without any exertion on his part; the -difficulty is to find a well-to-do family willing to adopt him. If he -has nothing to expect from his father, he need not hope for a legacy -from an uncle, aunt, or any other relative, as an estate is seldom -allowed to go out of the family. A bachelor or a childless person -adopts some one to succeed to his name and property.</p> - -<p>In the same way a settlement is seldom made on the wife. A widow -is, as long as she remains in the family, maintained by her son or -daughter’s husband. Until recently she had, if she wished to remarry, -first to return to her own family and become a spinster again, so to -speak, by re-assuming her maiden name; but the new Civil Code allows -her to marry direct from the family in which she has become a widow; -this is merely to save her the trouble of needlessly removing to her -old home. She must, however, secure the consent of the heads of her -own family and her late husband’s to her second marriage. As the widow -brings from her husband’s home only her clothes and other personal -property, she is not courted by fortune-hunters. A girl does not -in Japan give her hand to a dotard with the object of enjoying his -property after his death with a husband more suited to her age.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{219}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">CHILDREN.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Child-life—Love of children—Desire for - them—Child-birth—After-birth—Early days—The baby’s food—The - “first-eating”—Superstitions connected with infancy—Carrying of - babies—Teething—Visits to the local shrine—Toddling—Weaning—The - kindergarten and primary school—The girls’ high school—The middle - school—The popularity of middle schools—Hitting—Exercises and - diversions—Collections.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_i.png" width="27" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">JAPAN has been called the Paradise of Babies; and certain it is that -childhood passes very happily in this country. In every family its -children have a free run of the whole house; there is neither a -nursery to which they can be confined nor any room which is exempt -from their invasion. They are the real masters of the house; and -father, mother, elder brother and sister are their willing slaves. -They will romp unchidden into the parlour and interrupt the visitor -whom the father or mother is there receiving; and the visitor too, -be he friend, relative, or comparative stranger, never takes such -intrusion amiss, but on the contrary, pays court to them as he knows -well that through them the softest spot in the father’s heart is -reached and the mother’s goodwill won. The parent, following the -common custom of the country, deprecates any words uttered in their -praise, for it is considered as great a breach of good manners to -extol one’s children, or for that matter, husband, wife, or any other -member of the family, as to belaud oneself. The mother, burning as -she may be to expatiate upon her children’s marvellous sharpness or -sagacity, will to the last speak disparagingly of them, but in a tone -which clearly expects from the hearer an emphatic protest against her -depreciation of her own offspring. Indeed, to take her at her word -would be to incur her undying displeasure.</p> - -<p>Children too, on their part, brighten every household; and were it -not for their enlivening presence, the Japanese home with<span class="pagenum">{220}</span> its -staid manners and cold civilities would be intolerably dull. The -wife, debarred as she usually is by household duties from social -distractions, would if childless lead a monotonous life; and the -absence of little ones she would take to heart as if she were -personally to blame for it and feel that she has missed the primary -object for which she entered into wedlock. She would also have to put -up sometimes with the reproaches of her husband or his parents for -this failure of issue and consent to the adoption of a child to whom -she must concede the love which she had hoped to reserve for her own -flesh and blood. But happily for the wife, we are on the whole a -prolific nation untroubled by the phantom of race suicide, and every -woman is prepared to bring up a family, which is in her eyes as much -the wife’s destiny as in girlhood she looked upon marriage as her -inevitable fate. Her absolute concentration upon her own home, though -it is a serious obstacle to her social development, brings its -compensation when her wedded life is crowned with maternity, and in -the smiles of infancy she finds ample consolation for the monotony of -her home. This intense love of children is one of the brightest traits -of Japanese home life, and with the reverence for old age, gives it a -tone of quiet, undemonstrative happiness.</p> - -<p>It will therefore be readily imagined with what eagerness the arrival -of the little stranger, is awaited and how the childless wife will -move heaven and earth for the blessings of motherhood. She will try -nostrums of every kind, submit to any regimen however irksome, that -may be prescribed for her, and visit watering-places and other resorts -for the improvement of her physical condition; she will offer prayers -at one temple after another, or sometimes make long pilgrimages for -the purpose, in defiance of the popular belief that a child born in -answer to prayer is either itself doomed to early death or destined to -cut short its parents’ lives.</p> - -<p>When the unpleasant symptoms of morning-sickness warn the wife that -she is about to become a mother, a midwife is called in from time -to time to examine her and relieve her pain. In the fifth month an -auspicious day is selected on which her relatives are invited to -dinner to hear the formal announcement of her interesting<span class="pagenum">{221}</span> state. -On this day the midwife girds her under her clothes with a wide strip -of bleached cotton, with the object of keeping the child as small as -possible so as to ensure a light delivery. This girdle is worn up to -the moment of birth. With the same object the wife does considerable -amount of active housework, such as cleaning and sweeping the rooms, -until the beginning of the last month when she ceases from all work -and calmly awaits the delivery. Meanwhile, the midwife pays periodical -visits, and in a well-to-do family she is often made to live in the -house during the last month. She usually assists alone at the birth, -for a doctor is seldom called in unless complications have set in or -surgical operations are necessary. The accouchement, if indeed it -can be so called which in Japan takes place in a sitting posture, is -effected, if in the daytime, in a room darkened with half-closed doors -and a screen round the bed. The delivery is left as far as possible to -nature. The midwife, who is deeply versed in the intricacies of the -lunar calendar, can always tell the exact hour at which the tide -begins to flow, when the delivery oftenest occurs; and until that time -she merely soothes and alleviates. On the whole, the curse of Eve sits -lightly on her daughters in Japan, for which we have probably to thank -the simplicity of our diet and mode of life. The woman who dies in -child-birth is an object of infinite pity; her fate is supposed to be -the consequence of her sins in a former state of existence. In lonely -country-sides, in memory of such a woman, a piece of white cloth -supported on four sticks is set over a stream, together with a ladle, -with which passers-by are entreated to pour water into the cloth, -because only when the cloth rots away completely will she be purged -of her sins and enabled to enter Paradise.</p> - -<p>Immediately the child is born, the midwife cuts off the umbilical -cord, washes the child in warm water, and dresses it in swaddling -clothes, after which it is shown to the mother and the rest of the -family. The after-birth is put in an earthen dish and covered with -another of the same material; the whole case is buried at the front -entrance, inside the door if a boy and outside if a girl, the reason -for the discrimination being that the latter is destined<span class="pagenum">{223}</span> to -leave her home and, therefore, is not a permanent member of the -family. It is the custom now to have the case buried in a special -ground by a company formed for the purpose.</p> - -<div id="img_p222" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p222.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FIRST VISIT TO THE LOCAL SHRINE.<br /> -<span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>For the first day or two the child is given an infusion of a seaweed -which acts as a purgative; and if the mother is yet too weak, she gets -another woman to give it her milk until she is strong enough. She lies -with her head propped up high, and the child sleeps with her. On the -second day after the birth, the baby is washed again; and on the -sixth, friends and relatives are invited to a dinner to celebrate the -birth when the child’s name is given to it. The birth is also reported -on that day to the local office. The mother does not leave her bed -until the twenty-first day; and she is kept at low diet until the -seventy-fifth day when she can take the usual food and is considered -to be herself again. Until then she is supposed not to be purified -and cannot enter a temple or a shrine. On the same day she resumes -her household duties. In the meantime, the child is taken on the -thirty-first day if a boy and on the thirty-third if a girl, to the -shrine of the tutelary deity of the district, where prayers are -offered for its welfare. Then calls are made on those friends and -relatives who gave presents upon the child’s birth; and it receives -from them various toys, the principal of which is a papier-maché dog. -Such a dog is always placed at the head of the child’s bed at night -as a charm against evil influences.</p> - -<p>The child is at first fed entirely with its mother’s milk; if she is -weak or sickly, a wet nurse is engaged in a family which can afford -one, but in poor homes the child is nourished with a very thin -rice-gruel. Cow’s milk is now largely used in Tokyo, and in many -families given together with human milk. Very often the former is -drunk in the daytime, and at night the mother who sleeps with the -baby, suckles it with her own milk. In Japan the mother, unless her -place is taken by the wet nurse, invariably sleeps with the youngest -child, and never leaves it by itself in a cot or bed. This has the -advantage that any ailment that the child may happen to suffer in the -course of the night is not left to be discovered in the morning when -it may be too late, but is detected<span class="pagenum">{225}</span> at once and attended to -before it becomes serious. Thus, for instance, any rise in temperature -is immediately felt when the child gets its milk, and measures are -taken accordingly.</p> - -<div id="img_p224" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p224.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE “FIRST-EATING.”<br /> -<span class="small">(FROM A PICTURE BY SUKENOBU)</span> - </div> -</div> - -<p>On the hundred and ninth day after the birth, occurs the -“first-eating,” at which a tray of food is set before the baby. -Friends are invited to take part in the ceremony. A lady friend who -has a large family of her own is asked to feed the child. She puts -into its mouth a little paste of boiled rice and wets its lips with -a drop of soup. Though the child generally spits out the paste, the -fiction of its eating is maintained, and the ceremony closes with -feasting among the invited guests. This “first-eating” is usually -deferred for five or ten days as a postponement is supposed to bring -luck to the child.</p> - -<p>The infant is expected not to be able to walk in less than a -twelvemonth; but if it toddles within a year, a bag holding about -three pints of uncooked rice is laid on its back, and the child is -made to stumble and fall, because to walk before the first birthday -augurs, according to one authority, early death and according -to another, residence in a distant land. There are many other -superstitions connected with infancy. Thus, a child that begins to -suck its fingers before the thumb which represents the parents in -Japanese palmistry, will not be an encumbrance upon its father when it -grows up; if it pushes itself out in sleep beyond the head of its bed, -it will rise in the world, while a downward course is in store for -the one that slips in under its bed-clothes. The baby which eats fish -before it can say <i>toto</i>, the child’s name for fish, will stammer when -it talks. In a family in which children have one after another died in -infancy, the birth of a healthy infant is ensured by such charms as -making a dress for it with thirty-three pieces of cloth collected from -as many families, shaving the child’s head till its seventh year, and -giving a boy a girl’s name and <i>vice-versa</i>. A sovereign remedy for -prickly heat is to hang over the front door by a piece of red thread a -small egg-plant before any member of the family eats one that season. -Crying at night is stopped by suspending over the child’s bed a -picture of a devil beating a prayer-gong. Immunity from measles is -secured by putting over<span class="pagenum">{226}</span> the child’s head for a moment the -rice-pot still hot after the removal of the rice, while a similar -treatment with the bucket for feeding the sacred horse at a shrine -is said to be equally efficacious against small-pox. The child’s -face is wiped with a wet scrubbing-cloth to cure it of shyness -before strangers. For whooping-cough there are several remedies: for -instance, a wooden spatula with the child’s name and an invocation -against the disease is nailed over the front door; the inked string -used by carpenters for marking lines is tied loosely round the neck; -a slender piece of nandina wood, just long enough for the child to -grasp, is hung by a red thread to its neck; or a pair of small square -wooden blocks are obtained from a temple dedicated to Jizo, the -protector of children, when the child is suffering from whooping-cough -and clapped whenever it coughs, and when it has recovered, the blocks -are returned to the temple with another pair bearing the child’s name. -If the infant stands up and bending down its head, peeps from between -its legs, another child will soon be born in the family; and if it has -a single streak on its thigh as a birth-mark, the next to be born will -be a boy, but if the streaks are double, the next will be a girl. -Mothers are especially warned against leaving their children’s clothes -out to dry at night, for the souls of women dying at child-birth fly -in the form of birds at dead of night and if they see children’s -apparel, they will, from envy, drop their blood upon it and the wearer -of the clothing so soiled will surely sicken and die. Infants in arms -must, when out at night, be covered with their own loin-cloth to avert -the malign influences of the night-demon.</p> - -<div id="img_p227" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p227.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>CARRYING CHILDREN. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Japanese babies are at first carried in arms. When they fall asleep -in the daytime, they are laid on a bed in a room where they can be -watched. They get early used to noise, and slumber on though the -watchers may talk aloud to each other. When they are a month or more -old, they are carried not only in arms, but on the back as well. In -the latter case, the child is tied by a long piece of bleached cotton -which is first passed under its arms and over the nurse’s shoulders -and after crossing in front, one end is passed under the girl’s arm -and over the child’s thighs and tied at<span class="pagenum">{228}</span> the side to the other -end. Thus, the piece is carried over the child’s back in parallel -lines and crosses on the nurse’s breast. In cold weather, the nurse -and her charge are covered with a kind of <i>haori</i>, thickly wadded, -before being tied with the cotton. It keeps them both warm, while the -child’s breast and stomach are even better protected by the contact of -the nurse’s back. Very young babies are tied down straight with their -legs close together; but when they are older, they ride astride and -their feet dangle on either side. The nurse who is specially engaged -for the purpose is twelve or thirteen years old; but in poor families -the elder brother or sister takes her place. Little girls are often to -be seen in the streets, carrying on their backs sisters and brothers -only a year or two younger than themselves, whose feet, as they -dangle, almost trail on the ground. At first the girls can hardly -walk with such burdens; but they soon get used to them, and they run, -romp, and dance with their companions without much concern for their -charges, who are often put in very uncomfortable positions. These, -however, fare worse when they are on their brothers’ backs; for these -urchins, being rougher and more careless than their sisters, fly -kites, climb up trees, flourish bamboo poles to catch cicadas, run -after dragon-flies, and even snowball one another, utterly regardless -of the discomfort they occasion their charges, who, if they cry, are -knocked with the back of the head, and seem soon to become habituated -to the dangers they run through the recklessness of their carriers. -This manner of carrying on the back is only possible with Japanese -clothes, for the knot of the <i>obi</i> behind prevents the child from -slipping down; and it would be difficult to try this method with -European clothes, with men’s because the tying down of the coat would -hamper the movement of the arms, and with women’s because of the -multiplicity of pins at the neck and the waist. Nurses tie a towel -round their heads so as not to let their back-hair fall on the babies’ -faces. When the children are older and able to walk, they are carried -without being tied down, for they can catch hold by the shoulders or -by putting their arms loosely round the nurse’s neck, while they are -kept from slipping by the nurse’s passing her hands under them.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{229}</span></p> - -<p>Among little toys given to infants is a wooden whistle with either end -rounded into a ball. It is given to the child to suck and bite and -like the coral, hardens the gums, thereby facilitating the teething. -The time for teething varies of course with the individual child and -is the source of as much anxiety to the Japanese mother as to that of -any other country.</p> - -<p>On the fifteenth of November in the second year after the birth, -the child is again taken to the shrine of the tutelary deity of the -locality. A small offering of money is made; and in return the -consecrated <i>sake</i> in a flat unglazed earthenware is given to the -child to sip, while the priest purifies its body by waving over it a -sacred wand adorned with strips of paper. The ostensible object of the -visit is to invoke the God’s blessing upon the child; but it is really -made the occasion for dressing up the child in finery, when parents -vie with one another in the richness of their children’s apparel. -Calls are then made on the friends who made congratulatory presents -to the child. The shrine is visited again on the same day of the same -month two years later in the case of a boy and four years later if -the child is a girl.</p> - -<p>As soon as the child is able to toddle along, sandals or plain clogs -are tied to its feet when it walks on the ground. It learns first to -walk indoors. As there are no go-carts in Japan, it tries to stand up -by clinging to pillars and sliding-doors, for it may stumble and flop -down on the soft mats without hurting itself; it is when it runs, as -children will do, without being able to stop, that the greatest care -has to be taken that it does not tumble over the edge of the verandah. -In Tokyo perambulators are now pretty common; but in the old days -there was no special means of conveyance for children, and they had -to be carried in arms or on the back.</p> - -<p>There is no fixed time for weaning. After its first birthday, ordinary -food is given to the child little by little until in a year’s time it -is able to do without its milk. Generally speaking, however, the time -for weaning is governed by the arrival of a younger brother or sister; -but the youngest is often allowed to take its mother’s milk up to its -fifth or sixth year, though of course, as it can’t be common food, it -goes to its mother only for diversion.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{230}</span></p> - -<p>At three or four years children are sent to kindergarten, that is, if -they can gain admission, for these useful institutions are still few -even in Tokyo. There they are kept in good humour, everything being -done for their amusement. They sing together simple songs, have -object lessons, are set to make little things out of paper, and are -also allowed to romp about as they please. At six years, the minimum -school-age, they enter the primary school, the course at which extends -over six years. Here they are taught Japanese, arithmetic, elements of -history, geography, and natural history, elementary drawing, singing, -and gymnastics, and hand work for boys and needlework for girls. This -six years’ course is compulsory for all children; and there is a -higher primary school with two years’ course for those boys who cannot -afford to receive any higher education. The pupils who have completed -the course at the ordinary primary school are qualified to present -themselves for the entrance examinations of the higher schools, the -middle school for boys and the high school for girls.</p> - -<p>Although a women’s university was established not long ago in Tokyo, a -girl’s education generally stops with the high school, if it goes so -far. As she has been six years in the primary and four in the high -school, she has had ten years of schooling if she has passed every -class satisfactorily from the first to the last, and she is sixteen -years old when she leaves the high school. And as a Japanese girl -usually marries at eighteen or nineteen, she has not much time to -spare before she has to think seriously of matrimony. Two or three -years of home life are all that is left her before she will have to -take charge of a household of her own. And further, as she is supposed -to pass the flower of her youth at four and twenty, a college course -would bring her dangerously close to the lower limit of spinsterhood, -and so, as things stand in Japan, female universities would, even were -they plentiful, not be so popular as they should deserve. In the high -school the same subjects, more advanced, are taught as in the lower -school, the only new subject of importance being domestic economy.</p> - -<p>The middle school has a course of five years, in which the pupils are -taught, besides the advanced course of the subjects<span class="pagenum">{231}</span> studied in -the lower school, Chinese classics, algebra, geometry, physiology and -hygiene, physics and chemistry, law and political economy. English -becomes a subject of importance, being taught seven hours a week. When -the course is completed satisfactorily by regular promotion every -year, the pupil is seventeen years old. He is now ready to commence -his secondary education, for which he will enter the special higher -schools for the professions or the preparatory high school for the -university.</p> - -<p>A very large percentage of children of the school-age pass through -the primary school; but of these a comparatively small proportion -enter the middle school, partly because many of them are too poor -or cannot be spared at home where they must help their fathers, and -partly because there are not middle schools enough to take in all -the applicants, though of late years these schools have greatly -multiplied. Formerly, parents were content to let their children -stop their education when they had passed the primary school unless -they intended to fit them for the professions; but now a general -recognition of the importance of education on modern lines has done -much to increase the demand for middle schools. There is still another -motive for entering the middle school. To the Japanese mother the -greatest source of anxiety on her boy’s account is his liability, when -he comes of age, to compulsory military service. Of course, he may -upon medical examination be pronounced unfit for service, or he may, -though strong enough, be exempted when lots are drawn among those who -have been passed by the medical examiners. But the former contingency -is naturally distasteful while the latter is too uncertain to be hoped -for with any degree of confidence. However, a comparatively easy way -of escaping some at least of the rigours of military service was -opened when the authorities permitted those who had completed the -middle-school course to offer themselves for a year’s voluntary -service. As such volunteers leave service with the rank of sergeant -at least, and even of commissioned officer if they pass certain -examinations, they are, needless to state, better treated than the -common soldiers. Moreover, though the prescribed age for conscription -is twenty, the students who enter<span class="pagenum">{232}</span> colleges and other -institutions for secondary education are permitted to postpone their -enlistment until they graduate or reach the age of twenty-eight.</p> - -<p>Children, as we have said, are very much petted. They are never -whipped or kicked, but occasionally slapped. Even at school they are -hardly ever subjected to corporal punishment; caning and birching are -unknown. Formerly they used to be made to stand on a school desk or -in a corner with a cup of water for half an hour or more; but now the -severest punishment is detention after school or suspension from -attendance for a certain period. Of course, at home or at school, -among their mates they may be knocked about; the hitting is done with -a swinging blow on the head or on the back, and very rarely with a -forward blow, for the art of boxing being unknown, the hits peculiar -to it are seldom resorted to. Kicking is not practised because, with -the clogs on, the kicker is as likely to hurt himself as the kicked, -while with the sandals or bare socks it is naturally out of the -question. People stamp with their clogs, but that can only be done -on a fallen foe.</p> - -<p>Girls, when they congregate in the open air, play at blindman’s buff, -Puss-in-the-corner, and hide and seek, sing in a ring, and romp about -much in the same way as do their western cousins. Their amusements -are social, but quieter than those of boys, who though they play with -their sisters at first, develop, as in all other countries, sovereign -contempt for girlish sports when they approach their teens and engage -in rougher games of their own. Japanese boys do not box or use single -sticks, but they wrestle and fence. In wrestling, their object is to -make their adversary touch the ground with any part of his body or to -push him out of the ring, just as is done by professional wrestlers, -while the great point in fencing is to hit one’s opponent in a way -that would be fatal if a real sword were used. The fencing-sword is -made of four pieces of spliced bamboo bound together with a stout -string and capped at the tip with leather; it has a sword-guard -between the handle and the hilt. The combatants put on barred visors -with sides of thickly-wadded cloth, which is tightly tied at the neck. -They have also on thick gauntlets and body pieces of stout leather -around the waist. The<span class="pagenum">{233}</span> legs are unprotected. Blows are given on -the crown, arms, waist, and legs, and a thrust is made at the throat. -Sometimes the fencers throw down their weapons and wrestle, when the -victor must bring down his opponent on the ground and getting astride -of him, untie the band and pull off his visor. It is an exercise more -exciting and fatiguing than fencing with foils.</p> - -<div id="img_p233" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p233.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>FENCING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Birds’ nesting is unknown; but if birds are exempted from the Japanese -boy’s cruelty, their place is taken by the cicada and the dragon-fly, -and in late summer and early autumn, boys are to be<span class="pagenum">{234}</span> seen running -after these insects with long lime-tipped bamboo poles and catching -the cicada as it emits its stridulous cry on the trunk of a tree and -the dragon-fly as it flits and flutters in the air. As these boys -flourish their poles in the open street, they not unfrequently catch -the unwary passers-by in the face, or their hats and clothes. But -butterflies and moths, in which Japan is especially rich, are free -from their pursuit. Indeed, Japanese boys do not as a rule go in for -collection of natural objects.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{235}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">FUNERAL.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Unlucky ages—The Japanese cycle—Celebration of ages—Respect for old - age—Death—Preparations for the funeral—The wake—The coffin and - bier—The funeral procession—The funeral service—Cremation—Gathering - the bones—The grave—Prayers for the dead—Return presents—Memorial - services—The Shinto funeral.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_w.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WHEN the Japanese child has passed through its teens without any -serious mishap, its mother is not yet altogether free from anxiety; -for there are certain stages of its life at which it is threatened by -misfortune. Superstition has fixed certain ages, different according -to sex, which must be passed with utmost circumspection if one would -escape calamities; these ages are the twenty-fifth, forty-second, -and sixty-first years for men and the nineteenth, thirty-third, and -thirty-seventh years for women. Here we may note a curious way of -counting years commonly practised in Japan; in official reports and -legal documents one’s age must be given according to the number of -full years and months one has lived, but on other occasions we have a -very loose way of computing our ages. Thus, when we say that a man is -thirty years old, we do not mean that he is full thirty years of age -or that he is in his thirtieth year, but we mean that he has seen -thirty solar years of the almanac; that is, if we say in 1910 that -he is thirty years old, we mean that he was born some time in 1881, -and if his birthday is the New Year’s Day, he would be twenty-nine -years old on the same day of 1910, but if it is the thirty-first of -December, he would be only twenty-eight years and a day on the first -day of 1910, still we speak of him in either case as being thirty -years old. A baby born on the last day of the year would be two -years old the next morning; its second year according to our mode of -computation is, in short, the solar year in which it completes its -first twelvemonth. When, therefore, we say, for instance, that a man’s -first inauspicious<span class="pagenum">{236}</span> age is his twenty-fifth year, we mean the -solar year in which he completes his twenty-fourth year. Thus, the -twenty-fourth, forty-first, and sixtieth years of a man and the -eighteenth, thirty-second, and thirty-sixth years of a woman are -really their climacteric years; and of these the most critical are -the forty-first for a man and the thirty-second for a woman, for not -only these years themselves, but the years immediately preceding and -following each of them also, are considered inauspicious, so that the -crisis lasts in either case for three years, during which period men -and women refrain as much as possible from acts that may appear like -tempting Providence.</p> - -<p>The sixtieth year is our grand climacteric, after which a man must be -prepared for death at any moment; but this age is treated as one for -congratulation and never for sorrow or anxiety, because it completes -our cycle of years. To each year is assigned an element of nature, -namely, wood, fire, earth, metal, or water, each of which is divided -into two kinds, elder and younger, so that there are practically ten -elemental signs by which the years are successively designated. Again, -there are twelve signs of animals, which are also applied to years; -these animals are the rat, ox, tiger, hare, dragon, snake, horse, -sheep, ape, fowl, dog, and boar. The years are designated in order -after these animals. Since, then, the years are named in succession -after the ten elemental and twelve animal signs, the same combination -of an elemental and an animal sign recurs every sixty years; the -year of the first sign of metal and the sign of the rat, which last -coincided with the year 1852, will come again in 1912, that is, sixty -years after the other. Our cycle, therefore, comprises sixty years; -and a man who has completed this sexagenary cycle is supposed to -return to childhood, and often wears red under-garments or red-lined -clothes and a red cap after the manner of children. He invites friends -and relatives to a dinner to celebrate the occasion.</p> - -<p>The next celebration takes place when a man has reached his -seventieth year, which is named “a rarity since antiquity,” after the -saying that man has seldom since antiquity reached seventy years. The -septuagenarian distributes among his friends and relatives large, -<span class="pagenum">{237}</span>round, red and white rice-cakes with the character signifying -longevity written on them. The seventy-seventh year is celebrated as -the fête of joy, because the characters for seventy-seven resemble the -character for joy when written in a certain style. On this occasion -fans, cloth wrappers, and rice-cakes with the character for joy -written on them are distributed among friends and relatives. The -eightieth year is celebrated in the same manner as the seventieth; and -the celebration of the eighty-eighth year, which is called the fête of -rice because of the resemblance of the characters for eighty-eight to -the character for that useful cereal. The ninetieth and hundredth -years are also celebrated when such opportunities occur.</p> - -<p>When a man whose days have exceeded threescore years and ten passes -away, the words that his friends come and sometimes utter to his -surviving family sound more like congratulation than condolence; it -is not, however, as a cynic might suppose, that they congratulate the -family upon having ridden itself of a peevish old man who was a damper -upon all its innocent enjoyments; it is because they consider it a -matter for congratulation that he should have lived to such an age, -and since death must come to all, he was to be envied for having -succeeded so long in keeping off that unwelcome guest. They often add -the wish that similar good fortune may be theirs. The aged as a rule -live happily, except such as have no relatives nor any one else to -depend upon; and though they may complain of the infirmities that -come with years, they never lack sympathy and, so long as they do not -make themselves disagreeable, are treated with tenderness by their -friends and neighbours. The respect for old age, which is one of -the fundamental precepts of Confucian philosophy, is a national -characteristic in Japan no less than in China.</p> - -<p>When an illness takes a serious turn or an injury is likely to prove -fatal, the members of the family are, if they live apart, summoned -home and gather around the death-bed. It is considered unfilial, and -unfortunate if unintentional, not to be present at a parent’s death, -as, for instance, children are warned not to go to bed with their -socks on even in the coldest weather since, in that case,<span class="pagenum">{238}</span> they -would be unable to attend at their parents’ death-bed. When the -patient is in the last article of death, his wife and children put -their mouths close to his ear and call him by name; recalled by the -dear voices, life flickers for a moment and then goes out. And when -the glazed eyes and rigid face show that all is over, his lips are -wetted with drops of water; so universal is this custom that the -expression “to wet the dying lips with water” has come to signify the -tending of a patient in his last illness, as when we say that the wife -should be younger than the husband since it is her duty to wet his -dying lips with water. The folding screen which is usually set<span class="pagenum">{239}</span> -around the head of the bed to soften the daylight in the sick-room, is -put upside down. The bed is replaced by a matting, and the quilt is -put over the body with its ends reversed so that its foot is over the -dead man’s breast; and a white cloth is laid over the face to hide it -as its exposure is believed to be an obstacle to the soul’s journey on -the road to Hades. A table of plain white wood is set at the head of -the bed. At the furthest end is placed a tablet of white wood, on -which the Buddhistic name of the deceased is written in Indian ink. -The Buddhistic name is the name by which the deceased will be called -in prayers and at his temple; he may have received it in his lifetime -as many people ask priests of high virtue and reputation to give them -such a name, or more often, the superior of the temple where the -funeral service is to be held, is communicated with immediately -and desired to give the name, which he fixes upon according to the -deceased man’s social position, calling, and services to the temple. -In front of the tablet are ranged in a line a vase with a branch of -the Chinese anise or oldenlandia, a cup of water, and a lamp lighted -with rape-oil; all these utensils are made of unglazed earthenware. On -the nearest edge is set an earthen censer in which incense-sticks are -kept constantly burning, with a box of the sticks beside it. A sword -or a knife is placed on or near the corpse to avert the malign -influences of evil spirits.</p> - -<div id="img_p238" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p238.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>OFFERINGS BEFORE A COFFIN. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Meanwhile, the family shrine is not unfrequently covered to prevent -the ingress of the air polluted by the presence of the dead body. -The front gate is closed and, in shops and tradesmen’s houses, a -reed-screen is hung inside out over the front entrance with a notice -of the family bereavement and, often, of the date of the funeral. A -similar notice is sent to friends and relatives, and also advertised -in the papers. The family temple is notified and a priest comes from -it and recites prayers before the tablet. In the evening the body is -washed in a tub; first, cold water is poured into the tub and then -hot water is added to the required temperature. Superstitious people -insist at other times upon pouring hot water into any vessel and -then adding cold water even when the reverse process would be more -convenient, simply because the<span class="pagenum">{240}</span> latter is the rule at the -body-washing. The washing is done by near relatives; sometimes the -body is merely wiped with water; and, in the case of a woman, the -water is simply poured on the body by inverting the dipper outward -with the left hand instead of inward with the right as on other -occasions. The head is shaved after washing by touching it with the -razor in small patches instead of running the razor continuously which -may presage a succession of misfortunes in the family. Next, the -grave-clothes are put on; the garment is made by two female relatives -sewing with the same piece of thread in opposite directions without -knotting the ends. Around the neck is suspended a bag containing -Buddhist charms and a small coin or picture of a coin to pay the -ferriage on the road to Hades. A rosary and a bamboo staff are also -put into the coffin. Mittens, leggings, and sandals are worn, the last -being tied with the heel-ends to the toes to signify that the dead -shall not return drawn back by love of this world. The wife, if the -deceased is her husband, sometimes cuts off her hair and puts it in -the coffin in token of her resolve never to marry again. Into the -child’s coffin a doll is put to keep it company on its lonely journey -to the other world. The coffin is then filled with incense powder or -dried leaves of the Chinese anise.</p> - -<p>On the eve of the funeral a wake is kept. The body must be kept for at -least twenty-four hours after death. In great families where elaborate -preparations must be made for the funeral, it is often kept for -several days; but in most other houses the funeral takes place as soon -as possible. In the summer heat it is naturally important that the -body should be buried with the least delay. When more than one night -intervene between the death and the funeral, the wake is sometimes -held every night. Friends and relatives are invited, and they burn -incense before the coffin and offer prayers; and in the interval the -conversation turns upon the deceased and every effort is made to -console the bereaved family. A priest is called in from the family -temple, and he recites three or four prayers in the course of the -night. In a separate room a slight repast is offered to the persons -gathered in the house, and though <i>sake</i> is drunk, it is taken very -quietly.</p> - -<div id="img_p241" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p241.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>COFFINS AND AN URN. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{241}</span></p> - -<p>The coffin is among the better classes a double box of wood, oblong -in shape to allow the body to lie in it. Sometimes the box is single -and almost square, the body being made to sit in it, and sometimes an -earthen jar is used; and among the poorest it is no more than a barrel -with bamboo hoops. The coffin is wrapped in white cloth. The bier may -be only a rest with poles extending at both ends; but in most cases, -especially if the coffin is oblong, it has a curved roof with a pair -of gilt lotus flowers in front and behind. The square coffin has -usually a baldachin over it; formerly it used to be carried in a -palanquin. The pall differs in colour according to the sex and age of -the deceased. It is made of two square wadded covers like quilts; and -the upper or outer cover is light-blue for a man and the lower one is -white if he has not yet reached his forty-first year and red if he -is past that age, while the outer cover is white for a woman, and -the inner red or pink according as she has or has not passed her -thirty-second year. The lower cover differs in colour according as the -deceased is under or over the age which is considered most critical -for one of the deceased’s sex.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{242}</span></p> - -<p>The funeral usually takes place in the afternoon; but in summer the -<i>cortège</i> leaves the house at an early hour of the morning. In the -country the mourners gather before the funeral and take a meal; but in -Tokyo it is usually the chief mourner who has a meal before starting. -At such a meal a second helping is never taken as it may presage -another death in the family. One bowl of rice on which clear bean-curd -soup is poured, is eaten with a single chopstick. At other times, -therefore, it is considered unlucky to take only one helping of rice.</p> - -<div id="img_p242" class='figcenter illowp100'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p242.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A BUDDHIST FUNERAL PROCESSION. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The funeral procession is not always in the same order; but in a -middle-class funeral the order is commonly as follows:—The procession -is led by a person who acts as its guide; he is followed by men -carrying white lanterns on long poles, huge bundles of flowers stuck -in green-bamboo pedestals, birds in enormous cages,<span class="pagenum">{243}</span> and stands -of artificial flowers which are almost always large gilt lotus plants; -these men always march two abreast with the exception of the caged -birds, for the flowers, natural or artificial, are invariably -presented in pairs, while the cages are single. They are the presents -of friends and relatives and their names are given on the wooden -tickets attached to these presents. The birds in the cages are taken -to the temple and there set free as an act of mercy, while the natural -flowers are thrown away or pulled to pieces by the children of the -poor in the neighbourhood who invariably come and beg when there is a -funeral. After the flowers comes the priest who has been sent from the -temple to return with the funeral procession; he is in a jinrikisha. -Then follow persons carrying incense and the tablet, and if the -deceased was a government official, a military or naval officer, or -otherwise a man of rank and<span class="pagenum">{244}</span> position, the decorations which he -may have received are also carried. The tablet is carried by the -chief mourner or some other member of the family; in the latter case -the chief mourner follows the hearse. In the wake of some flags, on -one of which is inscribed the deceased’s Buddhistic name, comes the -hearse beside which walk the pall-bearers, generally persons in the -deceased’s employ. It is immediately followed by the family and -relatives, and then by other mourners. The mourners should properly -follow on foot; but frequently they go in jinrikisha and carriages; -moreover, it has become the custom for mourners who are not intimate -friends of the deceased to proceed straight to the temple and wait -there for the arrival of the procession.</p> - -<p>When the funeral procession reaches the temple, the bier is placed in -front of the shrine, which stands at the furthest end of the temple -hall. The chief mourner, family, and relatives take their seats -usually on one side of the hall and the other mourners on the opposite -side, leaving a space between the shrine and the front entrance of the -hall for the officiating priest to hold the funeral service. When all -have taken their seats, the officiating priest, who is as a rule the -superior of the temple, enters with his assistants. With gong, bell, -drum, and cymbals the prayers are recited and sutras chanted. The -officiating priest then recites alone a prayer which is to guide the -spirit of the dead on the road to Hades. After this prayer, the chief -mourner, family, and friends and relatives advance in front of the -bier and, taking a pinch of incense, drop it into the censer to burn. -Where there are many mourners, two or more censers are placed close -to the bier and the incense-burning is begun simultaneously so as not -to keep the mourners waiting a long time for their turn. The chief -mourner and his nearest relatives come forward and thank the mourners -in the hall, or stand at the entrance and thank them as they leave. -Sometimes, an address expressive of sorrow or in eulogy of the -deceased is read by a relative or friend.</p> - -<div id="img_p245" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p245.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>SERVICE AT THE TEMPLE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The bier is then taken to the crematory by the chief mourner and his -relatives. There are a few public cemeteries on the outskirts of -Tokyo, where the body may be taken immediately from<span class="pagenum">{246}</span> the temple -and buried as it is. But for burial in a temple yard in the city the -body must be first burnt; and accordingly it is taken to a crematory. -There are seven crematories just outside Tokyo, none being permitted -in the city. The body is taken to one of these and put in an oven; the -fire is lighted; and the door of the oven is locked and the key taken -home by the chief mourner.</p> - -<div id="img_p246" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p246.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>AT THE CREMATORY. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Early next morning, the relatives return to the crematory, and in -their presence the oven is opened. The bones and ashes are gathered -into a tray, which is brought out and the mourners pick the bones from -among the ashes. Every piece must be picked up by two persons holding -it with two pairs of chopsticks and put into the urn. When all the -bones have been picked out, the urn is closed with a lid and taken to -the temple.</p> - -<p>The grave may be dug in a small plot bought by the family in a public -cemetery when the body is to be buried with its coffin. In that case -a separate grave is dug for each body; but if it is to be interred in -a temple yard, one grave will serve for the whole family, for there is -a hollow under the tombstone which is closed with a stone, and at each -burial the stone is removed to put in the urn.<span class="pagenum">{247}</span> The tombstone is -an upright stone, square in section and with a tapering top, which -stands on a stone pedestal. The front inscription merely gives the -name of the family with, perhaps, the family crest over it, and the -Buddhistic name of the deceased is engraved on a side. In a public -cemetery where the grave-enclosures are larger and a tombstone is set -up for every member of the family, the tombstone naturally cannot be -got ready in time for the funeral, and a wooden grave-post is stuck in -the grave with the Buddhistic name in front and the lay name and date -of decease on the sides.</p> - -<div id="img_p247" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p247.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>GRAVES. - </div> -</div> - -<p>After the funeral, the tablet of the deceased is set on a table at -home, and a light and incense are kept burning before it until the -seventh day from the day of decease; and prayers are offered at the -grave every day for the same length of time, after which a priest -comes from the temple every seven days until seven weeks are passed. -For forty-nine days the spirit of the dead wanders in the dark space -intervening between this world and the next, and every seven days it -makes an advance forward, in which it is materially helped by the -prayers of those it has left behind; according to some, the spirit -hovers for the same period over the roof of its old<span class="pagenum">{248}</span> home, for -which reason many people dislike to remove until the period has -terminated from a house in which a member of the family has died, -as his spirit would have to hover over a house deserted by those he -loved.</p> - -<p>At the end of the fifth week, packages of tea and boxes of cakes of -wheaten flour stuffed with red-bean jam are sent as return presents to -those persons who brought offerings to the dead. On the forty-ninth -day, forty-nine cakes are taken to the temple; in old times the human -body was believed to contain forty-eight bones, and if to these the -skull is added, the total becomes forty-nine, and as emblematic of -these bones, one of the cakes is made much larger than the rest. They -are offered before the dead, and after prayers have been recited and -incense burnt, the large cake is taken home and divided among the -family. A wake is sometimes kept on the night of the forty-eighth day; -and on the following day, after the service at the temple, those -who attend are taken to a restaurant and entertained, when the near -relatives, who have hitherto abstained from animal food in token of -their mourning, take it as this day ends the period of deep mourning.</p> - -<p>A memorial service is next held on the hundredth day. On this day the -provisional tablet which has hitherto been set up in the family shrine -is exchanged for the permanent one; and at the temple also, the tablet -which is there kept is taken down from the shelf on which are placed -the tablets of the recently deceased. On the day of decease every -month prayers are recited and a meal-tray set before the tablet in the -family shrine. The next memorial service at the temple takes place on -the first anniversary, after which comes the second anniversary which, -after the method of reckoning mentioned at the beginning of this -chapter, is called the third anniversary, so that a second anniversary -is unknown in the commemoration of a death or any other event. The -later anniversaries on which services are held are the seventh, -thirteenth, seventeenth, twenty-third, twenty-seventh, thirty-third, -thirty-seventh, fiftieth, and every fifty years thereafter.</p> - -<div id="img_p249" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p249.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SHINTO FUNERAL PROCESSION. - </div> -</div> - -<p>We have given above an outline of the ordinary Buddhist funeral, -though the procedure varies slightly with each sect of Buddhism. There -is, however, another form of funeral, which is performed with Shinto -rites. As, however, the two forms resemble each other in the main, we -may here give a few points of difference between them.</p> - -<div id="img_p250" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p250.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A SHINTO FUNERAL SERVICE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>When a death takes place, it is reported at once to the shrine of the -local tutelary deity, and a Shinto priest called in. The date of the -funeral is then fixed. The body is laid in the upper part of a room, -and the face is covered with a white cloth; before it is set a table, -on which are put some washed rice, water, and salt, and a lamp is -lighted; and perfect silence reigns in the room. A tablet is placed -before the body and the ceremony of transferring the spirit of the -dead to the tablet is performed. Then a new bed and pillow are put in -the coffin and the body is laid on them with the face covered and a -new quilt put over it; and at the same time many favourite articles -of the deceased are laid beside him. The coffin is then filled up, -and the lid nailed on it. The body is never<span class="pagenum">{250}</span> washed, but it is -sometimes wiped with a wet cloth if it has lain long in the sick-bed. -The coffin is laid on wooden rests, and rice, water, and salt offered -before it; it is next placed in a bier which has a roof like that of -a Shinto shrine. The funeral procession is<span class="pagenum">{251}</span> led by the guide, who is -followed by bearers of lanterns and branches of <i>cleyera japonica</i>; -after them come priests and carriers of red and white flags with a box -of offerings between them. Next comes the officiating priest and after -him is carried a flag bearing the name of the deceased with his court -rank and title, if he had any; and then, more lanterns, followed by -the hearse and the rests behind it. The grave-post is carried next, -and after it marches the chief mourner, behind whom walk the near -relatives and after them, the general mourners. When the procession -reaches the hall for burial service, the bier, is laid on the rests -and the <i>cleyera japonica</i> and the flag with the deceased’s name -are set up. Offerings of food are made before the coffin and the -officiating priest reads out a funeral address giving a short sketch -of the deceased’s life; and then all the priests, the chief mourner, -the relatives, and the rest of the mourners take each in turn a -<i>tamagushi</i>, which is a branch of <i>cleyera japonica</i> with strips of -paper hanging from it, and laying it before the coffin, makes a bow to -the dead. The food is removed and the coffin brought down and buried, -the relatives throwing the earth into the grave. The grave-post is -next set up and fenced round with bamboo poles, which are connected -with sacred rope. The priest announces the burial and bows to the -grave, in which act he is followed by the mourners present. Before -leaving the burial-ground, all the mourners are purified by the -priests with a sacred wand. On the night of the funeral, when the -house has been purified by sprinkling salt water over it, the <i>cleyera -japonica</i> and flowers of the season are put in vases before the -tablet, a lamp is lighted, and food is offered to it; and the priest -reads a prayer and, together with the others present, offers the -<i>tamagushi</i> and bows to the tablet, after which the food is removed, -and the service ends.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{252}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX.<br /> -<span class="smaller">ACCOMPLISHMENTS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Composition—The writing-table—Odes—Songs—The <i>haiku</i>—Chinese - poetry—Tea-ceremony—Its complexity—Its utility to women—The flower - arrangement—The underlying idea—Its extensive application—The - principle of the arrangement—Manipulation of the stalks—Drawing - water—Vases—Tray-landscapes—The <i>koto</i>—The <i>samisen</i>—Its form—Its - scale—How to play it—The crudity of Japanese music—Its unemotional - character.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_t.png" width="34" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THE greatest accomplishment, and the most useful, that the Japanese -woman can possess is unquestionably the art of sewing; but the -knowledge of needlework is so generally recognised as an indispensable -equipment of the housewife, forming as it does an important subject -of study in girls’ schools, that it is not often included in the -accomplishments recommended in Japanese books for women. The first -place among them is given to composition, that is, the art of writing, -more particularly, of letter-writing, for in Japan where considerable -difference exists between the spoken and written languages, -composition has to be specially learnt. In letter-writing, moreover, -there are many conventional phrases and turns of expression which -must be used though they may not add to the meaning; they give an -artificial character to Japanese letters and call for great diligence -if one would become a good letter-writer. A skilful and expressive -transcription of characters is also looked upon as an art of no mean -order. Middle-aged men, especially of the old school, often spend -hours on end in writing for practice; and a well-written piece on a -<i>kakemono</i> is frequently hung in an alcove in place of a picture and -as highly appreciated. Many skilled caligraphists make a respectable -living by writing.</p> - -<div id="img_p253" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p253.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A WRITING-TABLE AND BOOK-CASES. - </div> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{254}</span></p> - -<p>The writing-table is a low piece of board, three feet long and about -one wide, supported at either end or a few inches from it by a wooden -prop; and the writer, in sitting at the table, puts his knees under it -between the props. The paper used for letter-writing is rice-paper in -a long roll, which is unrolled as one writes. Most people can write -with the roll in their hands, letting the written portion drop as -the paper is unrolled. The ink is made by wetting and rubbing the -Indian-ink stick on a stone slab with a hollow at the upper end as -reservoir for the ink. The pen is a hair-pencil with a bamboo holder. -A paper-weight of metal is used to hold the paper down when we write -at the table; and the writer sits straight at the table and, dipping -the brush in ink, writes with it held almost perpendicularly and -lightly touching the paper.</p> - -<p>Another literary accomplishment is the composition of odes. These are -short verses of thirty-one syllables, made up of two sets of five -and seven syllables each, closed by a line of seven syllables. To be -expressed within so small a compass, the idea must be at once single -and simple. It is commonly an epigrammatic presentation of a mood, it -may be, of love, longing, appreciation of nature, or consciousness of -the uncertainty of life. Sometimes it is didactic or expresses a moral -truth in simple or metaphorical language. Our national anthem is an -instance of this form of verse and runs as follows:—</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0"><i>Kimi ga yo wa</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Chiyo ni yachiyo ni</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Sazare-ishi no</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Iwao to narite</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Koke no musumade;</i></div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<p class="noindent">which may be literally translated: “May Our Lord’s reign last for a -thousand, eight thousand ages, until little stones become rocks and -are covered with moss.”</p> - -<p>A celebrated minister of state who lived a thousand years ago, -composed the following:—</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0"><i>Kokoro dani</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Makoto no michi ni</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Kanainaba</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Inorazu totemo</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Kami ya mamoran.</i></div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<p class="noindent">“If only our hearts follow the path of rectitude, the Gods will -protect us without our prayers.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{255}</span></p> - -<p>An Emperor saw one day in a private garden a plum-tree with a -bush-warbler’s nest in it. He took fancy to it and ordered it to be -transplanted to his palace-ground. The owner, who was a poetess and -court lady, obeyed as a matter of course, but to show her reluctance, -she hung to a branch of the tree a piece of paper with the following -ode:—</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0"><i>Choku nareba</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Itomo kashikoshi</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Uguisu no</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Yado wa to towaba</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Ika ni kotaen.</i></div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<p class="noindent">“Since His Majesty commands, I obey with joy; but when the -bush-warbler comes and asks for his home, what answer shall I give?” -The Emperor, upon reading this ode, felt sorry that he had deprived -her of her favourite tree.</p> - -<p>There are also other combinations; but all Japanese verses are -composed of pentasyllabic and heptasyllabic lines. What is known as -the long ode is a series of the two in alternation, closing with an -extra heptasyllable. Another verse is formed of a pair of sets, each -containing a pentasyllable and two heptasyllables; and still another -comprises four couplets of a heptasyllable and a pentasyllable each. -From these combinations has been evolved what is called poetry of the -new school, which is an indefinite series of five and seven syllables -in alternation. It is now very common; and almost all songs written to -the accompaniment of European music are in this form. In the following -children’s song which has for the last half dozen years been popular -in Tokyo, the English reader will recognise a very old friend:—</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0"><i>Moshi moshi kame yo</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>kamesan yo</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Sekai no uchi ni</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>omae hodo</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Ayumi no noroi</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>mono wa nai</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Dōshite sonna ni</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>noroi no ka</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Nanto ossharu</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>usagisan</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Sonnara omae to</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>kakekurabe</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Mukō no oyama no</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>fumoto made</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Dochira ga saki ni</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>kaketsuku ka</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Donna ni kame ga</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>isoi demo</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Dōse ban made</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>kakaru daro</i><span class="pagenum">{256}</span></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Kokora de chotto</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>hito nemuri</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Gū gū gū gū</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>gū gū gū</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Kore wa nesugita</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>shikujitta</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Pyon pyon pyon pyon</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>pyon pyon pyon</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Anmari osoi</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>usagisan</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Sakki no jiman wa</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>dōshitano;</i></div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<p class="noindent">which may be rendered:</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0">“Please, please, Tortoise, Mr. Tortoise,</div> - <div class="i0">There is in all the world no one</div> - <div class="i0">So slow-footed as you;</div> - <div class="i0">Why are you so slow?”</div> - <div class="i0">“What do you say, Mr. Hare?</div> - <div class="i0">Then, I will race with you and see</div> - <div class="i0">Which will be the first to reach</div> - <div class="i0">The foot of yonder hill.”</div> - <div class="i0">“However the Tortoise may hurry,</div> - <div class="i0">He will take at any rate till night;</div> - <div class="i0">And here I will take a nap.”</div> - <div class="i0">Snore, snore, snore, snore, snore, snore, snore.</div> - <div class="i0">“I have slept too long; I have blundered.”</div> - <div class="i0">Leap, leap, leap, leap, leap, leap, leap.</div> - <div class="i0">“You are too late, Mr. Hare;</div> - <div class="i0">Where is your boast of a while ago?”</div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - - -<p>Finally, there is a verse of two pentasyllables with a heptasyllable -between, which is more popular among men than any other form. The -<i>haiku</i>, as it is called, can hardly be given the name of poetry. It -is simply a suggestion of ideas which it is left to the hearer to -clothe with poetical sentiment; but the suggestion itself is far from -explicit and needs a person used to this form of verse to interpret it -in the sense intended. It is, in short, little more than a <i>tour de -force</i> in the art of compression. For instance:</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0"><i>Furuike ya</i></div> - <div class="i2"><i>Kawazu tobikomu</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Mizu no oto.</i></div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0">An old pond</div> - <div class="i0">A frog jumping in</div> - <div class="i0">The sound of water.</div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<p class="noindent">It pictures the loneliness of an old pond, around which all is so -still that the jumping of a frog into the water may be heard.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{257}</span></p> - -<p>The composition of Chinese poems by Japanese is one of the most -artificial processes of poetising. Chinese characters are divided -according to their intonation into those of even and oblique sounds, -that is, characters which are pronounced straight and evenly and those -in the pronunciation of which the voice changes in tone. A Chinese -poem is composed in various combinations of these two kinds of -characters, and certain lines in a verse have to rhyme. Now, the -Japanese pronunciation of Chinese characters makes no distinction in -their intonation; they are all pronounced in the same tone, Hence, -whereas a Chinese can tell at once by its pronunciation whether a -character has an even or an oblique sound, a Japanese must learn by -heart the tone-quality of every character if he wishes to compose -Chinese poems; the knowledge of this tone-quality is of no use to a -Japanese for other purposes. Moreover, the Japanese pronunciation of -Chinese characters differs entirely from the Chinese; it is believed -to be a corruption of the Chinese pronunciation in ancient times. -The normal grammatical order in a Chinese sentence is that the verb -precedes the object, whereas in Japanese the object usually precedes -the verb; the result is that in reading a Chinese poem in Japanese -the rhyming words do not always end the lines. As the Japanese simply -composes according to rule, his lines are sometimes unrecitable in -Chinese. Now, to show the difference between the Chinese and Japanese -manner of reading a Chinese poem, we will first give a poem in the -original Chinese.</p> - -<div xml:lang="zh"> -<ol> - <li>滕王高閣臨江渚</li> - <li>佩玉鳴鸞罷歌舞</li> - <li>畫棟朝飛南浦雲</li> - <li>珠簾暮卷西山雨</li> - <li>閒雲潭影日悠々</li> - <li>物換星移幾度秋</li> - <li>閣中帝子今何在</li> - <li>檻外長江空自流</li> -</ol> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{258}</span></p> - -<p class="noindent">The Chinese would read the poem in this style:—</p> - -<ol> - <li><i>T’eng wang kao kê lin kiang chu</i></li> - <li><i>P’ei yü ming luan pa kê wu</i></li> - <li><i>Hua tung ch’ao fei nan p’u yün</i></li> - <li><i>Chu lien mu kuan hsi shan yü</i></li> - <li><i>Hsien yün t’an ying jih yu yu</i></li> - <li><i>Wu huan hsing i chi tu ch’iu</i></li> - <li><i>Kê chung ti tzu kin hê tsai</i></li> - <li><i>Kien wai ch’ang kiang k’ung tzu liu.</i></li> -</ol> - -<p class="noindent">The Japanese would read it in an entirely different manner:—</p> - -<ol> - <li><i>Tō-ō no kōkaku kōsho ni nozomeri</i></li> - <li><i>Haigyoku meiran kabu wo yamu</i></li> - <li><i>Gwatō ashita ni tobu nanpo no kumo</i></li> - <li><i>Shuren kare ni maku seizan no ame</i></li> - <li><i>Kan-un tan-ei hi ni yū-yū</i></li> - <li><i>Mono kawari hoshi utsuru ikutabi no aki</i></li> - <li><i>Kakuchū no teishi ima izuku ni zo aru</i></li> - <li><i>Kangwai no chōkō munashiku onozukara nagaru.</i></li> -</ol> - -<p class="noindent">We will next give a word-for-word translation of the Chinese:—</p> - -<ol> - <li>T’eng prince high tower overlook river shore</li> - <li>Gird jewel sound bell stop song dance</li> - <li>Picture roof-tree morning fly south coast cloud</li> - <li>Crimson blind evening roll west hill rain</li> - <li>Quiet cloud deep-water shadow day far far</li> - <li>Thing change star move how many time autumn</li> - <li>Tower interior emperor son now where is</li> - <li>Balustrade outside long river vain of-itself flow.</li> -</ol> - -<p class="noindent">The following translation into intelligible English will help to show -the elliptical character of Chinese poetry:—</p> - -<ol> - <li>The high palace of Prince T’eng looks down upon river and shore;</li> - <li>No more, in cars with jewels decked and tinkling bells, the - courtiers come for song and dance,</li> - <li>Around the painted roofs fly at morn the clouds from the - southern coast;<span class="pagenum">{259}</span></li> - <li>The crimson blinds, rolled up at eve, reveal the rain on the - western hill;</li> - <li>And far away appear the quiet clouds and darkling pools.</li> - <li>Things change, time passes, and how many years are gone?</li> - <li>And the prince of this palace, where is he now?</li> - <li>he long river beyond the balustrade flows on alone and - unchanged.</li> -</ol> - -<p>Chinese poetry has, it will be seen, the conciseness of a skeleton -telegram; but in elasticity and pregnancy of meaning, in disregard of -time and, indeed, in contempt of grammar, no telegram, skeleton or -other, can come up to it.</p> - -<div id="img_p260" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p260.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>TEA-MAKING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The tea-ceremony is, perhaps, the strictest and most complicated of -all the ceremonies with which the cultured Japanese used to surround -himself. The ceremony, when carried out in full, is very intricate; -but it may be briefly described as follows:—First, the guests who -arrive on the appointed day are shown into the waiting-room and when -they are all assembled, they are conducted into the tea-room. This -room should properly be a building by itself, and the commonest -size is nine feet square, that is, one of four mats and a half, the -half mat being in the centre. The maximum number of guests is five, -four of whom sit in a row and the fifth at right angles to the rest. -The host faces the row; he brings in the tea-utensils and sets them in -order. The guests are first regaled with a slight repast; and when it -is over, they are requested to retire into the waiting-room, while the -host puts away the trays and plates and sweeps the room. They are then -called in again. A small quantity of powdered tea is put into the -tea-bowl which is used on these occasions, and hot water is poured -into it and stirred with a bamboo-whisk until it is quite frothy. The -bowl is handed to the guest at the head of the row; he takes three -sips and a half, the fourth sip being called half a sip as it is much -slighter than the first three, and after wiping the brim carefully, he -passes it on to his neighbour, who also sips and hands the bowl to the -third guest, and so on to the fifth guest, who returns it empty to -<span class="pagenum">{260}</span>the host. After this loving-cup, the host stirs a bowl for each -of his guests, that is, he makes tea in the bowl for the first guest, -who drains it in three sips and a half and returns it to the host, who -then washes it and makes a fresh bowl of tea for the second guest, and -so on until the last guest is served. As this process takes a long -time on account of the formalities which have to be observed in -making, serving, and drinking the beverage, sometimes two bowls are -used so that while one guest is drinking and admiring a bowl, the host -can be making the other for the next. The tea in the loving-cup is -stronger than that in the others.</p> - -<p>The bare procedure is simple; but the complexity lies in the hard -and fast rules to be observed in the arrangement of the room, and -respecting the utensils to be used, the manner in which they should be -handled in making tea, the way in which the tea should be drunk, the -number and style of bows and salutations to be made in offering, -receiving, and returning the bowls, and also in the instructions as to -when and how the bowls and other articles in the room are to be taken -up and admired, and the manner of expressing such admiration and -of replying thereto. The formalities are as<span class="pagenum">{261}</span> strict as court -ceremony and are often irksome to the beginner who is nervous and -afraid of exposing himself at every step.</p> - -<p>The description above given refers to the formal process as practised -by one of the schools of the ceremony, which can be followed only in a -family which can afford to build a separate tea-room for the purpose. -But the ceremony need not always be so exacting. The general -principles, such as the making, offering, and drinking of powdered -tea and the courtesies accompanying it, are now taught in most girls’ -schools, because the knowledge of the ceremony certainly adds to -their grace and imparts to them that quiet, stately bearing which -characterises the Japanese lady of culture. Indeed, this calm, sedate -gracefulness is the result of the study of the tea-ceremony and is -assuredly a more valuable acquisition than the knowledge of the -formalities themselves.</p> - -<p>Flower arrangement is an art which plays an important part in the -decoration of a room; for the <i>kakemono</i> which hangs in the alcove of -the parlour loses half its attraction unless there is before it on the -dais a vase of flowers to match. The alcove is the part of the room -which draws first notice upon entrance, and the flowers share with the -<i>kakemono</i> the earliest attention of the newcomer.</p> - -<p>The idea underlying the art is that flowers should not be thrown -anyhow in a bundle into a vase, but that due consecration should be -given to their artistic arrangement. The flowers should even in a vase -be arranged as they might appear in nature. It is not always, it is -true, as they actually appear in the open air: but they are arranged -as they might look if aided by art under certain conditions, for the -flowers in the vase always have a degree of symmetry which is but -rarely found in nature. Their form is often artificial, but not -opposed to nature, just as dwarfed trees are stunted by art but have -perfectly natural shapes. The rules regarding the position of the -branches in a vase are certainly conventional, insisting as they do -upon balance and symmetry of form, but they do not go beyond the -bounds of possibility. The only objection, in fact, that might be -brought against them is that there is always present the danger of -taking for normal forms what are seen in nature perhaps<span class="pagenum">{262}</span> but once -in a million. But of the gracefulness of the arrangement there can be -no two opinions.</p> - -<div id="img_p262" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p262.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>FLOWER-VASES. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Although we speak of flower arrangement, the art is not confined to -flowers, but extends also to the treatment of trees and shrubs without -flowers. Among the trees, the branches of which are, when in flower, -put into vases, are the plum, camellia, cherry, peach, rose, azalea, -Japan quince, and wistaria, while the herbaceous flowers are -innumerable and include such different plants as the pot marigold, -corchorus, peony, bleeding-heart, iris, anemone, primrose, red-bud, -sweet flag, hydrangea, clematis, safflower, corn-poppy, common mallow, -day lily, cockscomb, globe amaranth, chrysanthemum, narcissus, lady’s -slipper, and Cape jasmine. Branches of trees noted for their foliage -are also put into vases, such as the magnolia, yulan, pine, and -similar evergreens; and others bearing fruit are in no less favour, -like the loquat, plum,<span class="pagenum">{263}</span> nandina, and pomegranate. In short, the -art is practised with most trees and shrubs, cultivated or wild.</p> - -<p>The principle of the arrangement in its simplest form, which deals -with three stalks or branches, is that the middle stalk or branch, -which is the longest, shall rise perpendicularly, or nearly so, and of -the remaining two one shall branch off horizontally to one side and -the other slant upward on the other side of the central stalk or -branch. More stalks or branches may be taken, but their positions are -only amplifications of the two lateral ones. The central piece being -always single and amplifications being of equal number on both sides, -there is invariably an odd number of stalks or branches. The manner of -amplification or the position of the secondary stalks varies with the -different schools of flower arrangement. The only condition they all -insist upon is that the stalks or branches shall be in a way balanced -on either side, but shall not show perfect symmetry which is never to -be found in nature.</p> - -<p>As stalks which completely satisfy the conditions required for their -artistic arrangement cannot be readily procured, it becomes necessary -to bend and twist them into the requisite shape. They must be so bent -and twisted as not to snap, crush the fibres, or display splits, but -to conceal the artificial alteration of their structure. While the -arrangement of the stalks and flowers calls for taste and judgment, -their manipulation demands no less dexterity in carrying out the -design formed; and it needs considerable practice to be able to bend -the soft stalk of the orchid and the tough branch of the plum with -equal ease and neatness.</p> - -<p>Next in importance to the arrangement of the flowers is the manner of -making them draw water. To this end various devices are used, of which -the commonest is to burn the bottom-end of the stalk; this end, on -being then dipped into the vase, sucks up water which is thereupon -circulated into the rest of the stalk. The hardwood of a tree branch -is often crushed at the end to facilitate its permeation by water. -Some plants are put into hot water; others are covered with mud or -nicotine at the end; and others again are dipped in a strong solution -of tea and Japan pepper. Salt is<span class="pagenum">{264}</span> sprinkled over bamboo to keep -off insects, and with the same object tobacco powder is thrown on some -plants.</p> - -<p>The shape of the vase is also of importance and has to be taken into -consideration with the <i>kakemono</i> exhibited. They are of various -shapes. The commonest are of china, tall, round, and slightly bulging -in the middle. Sometimes they are more slender, and sometimes no -more than deep dishes, square or round. If they are to be hung up -by a chain, as in a tea-room, they are shaped like a boat or a -water-bucket; or if they are to be hooked on a peg, they are made of -china or bamboo. The pedestal for the vase is also of diverse shapes. -It may be a flat piece of wood or china, or have legs, one at each of -the four corners or one at either side flattened out.</p> - -<div id="img_p264" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p264.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A TRAY-LANDSCAPE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Another art is the making of what are called “tray-landscapes.” For -this an elliptical tray, whose diameters are about a foot and a foot -and a half, is taken, and on it landscapes and sea-views are drawn -with pebbles for rocks and sand of various fineness for the ground. -Such a landscape forms an ornament for the parlour.</p> - -<div id="img_p265" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p265.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>KOTO</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The only Japanese musical instrument taught in girls’ schools is the -<i>koto</i>, a kind of zither. As the <i>koto</i> is the most adaptable of all -Japanese instruments to western music, it is more readily learnt than -others at schools where the piano and the violin are also taught. -There are several kinds of <i>koto</i>, the number of strings on them -ranging from one to twenty-five; but the one exclusively used at -schools has thirteen strings It has a hollow convex body,<span class="pagenum">{265}</span> six -feet five inches long and ten inches wide at one end and half an inch -narrower at the other, and stands on legs three and a half inches -high. The strings are tied at equal distances at the head or broader -end and gathered at the other; they are supported each by its own -bridge, the position of which varies with the pitch required. Small -ivory nails are put on the tips of the fingers for striking the -strings.</p> - -<p>But extensively as the <i>koto</i> is practised by school-girls and ladies -of position, the national musical instrument is the <i>samisen</i>, a -Japanese variant of the old European rebec which was introduced -into the country by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. In -the old days it was considered vulgar to play the <i>samisen</i>, which -consequently lay long in obloquy and was only to be found among the -merchant and lower classes. But now, though the prejudice against it -is still strong among old-fashioned people, it is in greater favour -than the <i>koto</i>. It is played everywhere, at home, in story-tellers’ -halls and theatres, and at every tea-house party.</p> - -<p>In its common form the <i>samisen</i> has a belly, four inches thick and -covered with skin, which has convex sides, seven and nearly<span class="pagenum">{266}</span> -eight inches respectively, and has attached to it a neck twenty-five -inches long with a tail-piece of six inches. There are three pegs in -the tail-piece for the three strings of the instrument, which are -carried over the neck and tied at the further end of the belly where a -small movable bridge keeps them from touching the face of the belly. -The belly rests side-wise on the right knee of the player, whose right -hand strikes the strings with an ivory plectrum, while the fingers of -the left hand support the neck and stop the strings. The top-string is -the thickest and has the lowest notes, while the third string is the -finest and has the highest notes. The <i>samisen</i> just described is -known as the slender-necked <i>samisen</i>; the other kind, which is of -larger dimensions, with thicker strings and is played with a heavier -plectrum, is only used in singing <i>gidayu</i>, or ballad-dramas.</p> - -<p>On the scale of the <i>samisen</i> there is still a great diversity of -opinion, musical authorities being unable to agree as to the exact -nature of the notes it emits. Its scale is certainly different to that -of any European instrument; but, roughly-speaking, its range is about -three octaves, the notes of which are put at thirty-six, comprising -what would in European music be sharps and flats. The ranges of the -two kinds of <i>samisen</i> naturally differ, the smaller giving higher -notes than the other.</p> - -<div id="img_p267" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p267.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE <i>SAMISEN</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The <i>samisen</i> is early taught. Girls of seven or thereabouts are made -to learn it while their fingers are still very pliant. But the lessons -are hard to learn as the tunes have to be committed to memory, for -there are no scores to refer to. There is no popular method of -notation; the marks which are sometimes to be seen in song-books -are too few to be of use to any but skilled musicians. The lighter -<i>samisen</i> does not require much exertion to play; women can thrum it -for hours on end; and they make slight indentations on the nails of -the middle and ring fingers of the left hand for catching the strings -when those fingers are moved up and down the neck to stop them. But -with the heavier kind the indentations are deeper, and the constant -friction of the strings hardens the finger-tips and often breaks the -nails, while still worse is the condition of the right hand which -holds the plectrum. The<span class="pagenum">{267}</span> plectrum, the striking end of which is -flat as in the one for the slender-necked <i>samisen</i>, is heavily leaded -and weighs from twelve ounces to a pound when used by professionals; -and the handle, which is square, is held between the ring and little -fingers for leverage and worked with the thumb and the forefinger. At -first the pressure of the corners upon the second joint of the little -finger is very painful; but the skin becomes in time indurated and -insensible to pain. It requires both strength and dexterity to strike -the thick, hard-drawn strings with such a heavy plectrum.</p> - -<p>The peculiar scale on which it is based has prevented Japanese music -from being appreciated by foreigners. That it is crude is undeniable; -indeed, no other Japanese art has been left so undeveloped. In most -other arts we have stamped our national individuality upon what we -borrowed from others; but in music we<span class="pagenum">{268}</span> can hardly say that there -is anything characteristically Japanese about the slow tunes of the -thirteen-stringed <i>koto</i> or the quicker jangle of the three-stringed -<i>samisen</i>. They have of course changed in our hands from their -original forms; but the alteration is not something that we can -attribute to our national genius as we should in the case of our -pictorial, glyptic, or ceramic art. Moreover, music has never, like -the other arts, had munificent patrons. We read often enough of a -great daimyo or lord in the old days surrounding himself with famed -painters, sculptors, makers of lacquered ware or swords, but never of -one taking under his protection a musician of note. What musicians -enjoyed his favour were those employed for the performance of music -at sacred rites; and none won the daimyo’s patronage by the charm or -power of his music. No encouragement was then held out to music; and -even the musicians whose names are known to posterity earned their -living, precarious at best, by catering to the general public.</p> - -<p><i>Samisen</i>-music cannot in truth be said to appeal emotionally even -to those Japanese who enjoy it. They admire a <i>samisen</i>-player for -his execution, for the lightness and rapidity of his touch and the -rich resonance of the strings under it; but of the expression, the -emotional quality of music, neither he nor his audience know anything -and probably care as little. And it must be admitted that the -<i>samisen</i> can never charm and enthrall us like the deep-sounding -cathedral organ; and its want of volume deprives it of any power to -make a cumulative impression upon us. In short, our <i>samisen</i>-music is -mainly a matter of dexterity, with a modicum of taste and judgment. -We do not look to it to sway our passions—to move us to tears or -laughter, to stir up in us anger, awe, pity, or wonder, or to fire us -into bursts of patriotic enthusiasm.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{269}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX.<br /> -<span class="smaller">PUBLIC AMUSEMENTS.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Pleasures—<i>No</i>-performance—Playgoing—The theatre—Japanese - dramas—<i>Gidayu</i>-plays—Actors—A new school of - actors—Actresses—Wrestling—Wrestlers—The wrestling booth—The - wrestler’s apparel—The Ekoin matches—The umpire—The rules - of the ring—The match-days—The story-tellers’ hall—Entertainment - at the hall.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_w.png" width="40" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">WE Japanese do not take our pleasures sadly; for when upon pleasure -bent, we give ourselves to it heart and soul and forget for the nonce -the cares and troubles that may at other times weigh upon our minds. -And foreign observers, from seeing us in our hours of relaxation, -taunted us, at least until our war with Russia showed us in another -light, with frivolity and pronounced us a nation incapable of taking -things seriously. Nothing could have been further from the truth than -to suppose that we lead a butterfly existence, for we are as a nation -serious, indeed, if anything, too serious. The <em>abandon</em> with which we -throw ourselves into the gaieties of the moment is attributable rather -to the rarity of our opportunities. Our women, in particular, have -very little leisure, and if they wander with childish delight in -avenues of cherry-blossoms or sit with quiet content on the verandah -under the harvest-moon, it is because they are glad to snatch a few -hours of innocent enjoyment from their round of almost ceaseless -household work. The simplicity of our pleasures is but the natural -outcome of the simplicity of our lives; and if we have not the -comforts and conveniences of European homes, neither do we suffer -from the feverish stress and strain of European social life.</p> - -<p>Of the various forms of public entertainment in Japan, the oldest and -peculiarly Japanese is the <i>no</i>-dance. It is a posture-dance performed -to the accompaniment of flutes and drums, while a ballad is sung at -the same time to explain the movements. It<span class="pagenum">{271}</span> was developed -from the ancient religious dances and first came into vogue in the -sixteenth century. The ballad, which is known as <i>utai</i>, is written in -a mixture of the Chinese and old Japanese styles and cannot be readily -comprehended by those who are not versed in these styles. The dance is -slow and stately, though sometimes there are quick movements in it; it -is performed by men with masks and in robes which were worn in ancient -times; the actors on the stage at a time are few; and the stage itself -has, except in rare cases, little setting. It is not, therefore, -everybody that can appreciate a <i>no</i>-performance; indeed, the fact -that it is caviare to the general and its superiority in point of -refinement to the common dances of the people have won for it great -popularity among the upper and middle classes; and the performances -are largely attended. Many people also practise singing the <i>utai</i>; -it has the advantage over other ballads, when it is unaccompanied by -a dance, of being sung without any musical instrument. The <i>utai</i> -ballads are comparatively short, and in a single performance several -of them are sung and danced.</p> - -<div id="img_p270" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p270.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A <i>NO</i>-DANCE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The same <i>no</i>-dance is seldom repeated in a run. The programme is -changed every day, because popular as the <i>no</i> is in a sense, its -patrons are yet too few to justify a run of the same dance. For a -larger public we must turn to the drama. The play is in Japan as in -other countries the most popular public amusement; but in few other -lands is playgoing such an elaborate diversion as it is with us. In -the old days the theatre opened early in the morning and did not -close until nearly midnight; but some twenty years ago the police -authorities limited the length of a performance to eight hours, and -now it lasts from six to nine hours. In some theatres the doors open -at four in the afternoon and close at ten or eleven; this allows a -professional man to hurry to the theatre as soon as his office-hours -are over and witness a performance in half an hour or so from its -commencement; but other houses open at twelve or one and close at nine -or ten. Playgoing was in the old times a whole day’s work, and women -would prepare for it days beforehand and often lie awake the preceding -night so as not to be late for the opening hour. They took their meals -at the tea-houses,<span class="pagenum">{273}</span> which are even now attached to the theatres, -especially the larger ones. Through these tea-houses people book their -seats in the theatre; and they go there first to divest themselves -of unnecessary paraphernalia before entering the play-house and are -thence provided with meals and refreshments which they take while -looking at the performance. It is therefore to the interest of these -tea-houses that the performance should be going on at meal-time. -Those who cannot afford to visit a tea-house go direct to the theatre -and are similarly looked after, except in the case of those in the -cheapest seats, by attendants detailed for the purpose. In fact, -eating and drinking is inseparable from playgoing in Japan. People -eat and drink while looking at a performance; some even cannot enjoy -it unless they are regaled at the same time with <i>sake</i>. Playgoing -is, in short, an expensive pastime in Japan.</p> - -<div id="img_p272" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p272.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE ENTRANCE OF A THEATRE. - </div> -</div> - -<div id="img_p273" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p273.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE STAGE AND ENTRANCE-PASSAGE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The theatre is a large oblong building. Over the great entrance hangs -a row of wooden-framed pictures representing the scenes played; the -side-entrances lead to the gallery. In front of the stage as one -enters the theatre is the pit, which is partitioned into small -compartments capable of holding four or five persons<span class="pagenum">{274}</span> squatting. -On either side are two stories of boxes and facing the stage across -the pit is the gallery on the second or third story, which is mostly -patronised by playgoers who, being unable to pay for the whole -performance, come to see one or two of the best acts. From the sides -of the stage two entrance-passages run through the pit towards the -entrance. Actors walk under the passages to the entrance end and -coming out into a box, make their appearance on the entrance-passage. -These passages are very convenient as they give a larger room to the -stage and impart a sense of distance when it is not expedient to -crowd too suddenly on the stage. The stage is screened off from -the auditorium by a drawn curtain in the larger theatres and by a -drop-curtain in some of the smaller. When a popular actor is playing -or some special piece is performing, curtains are presented by the -patrons of the actor or the theatre; and in such a case several -curtains are drawn one after another between the acts across the -stage for the admiration of the audience. Another peculiarity of the -Japanese stage is the revolving-stage. A scene is set upon the front -half of a turn-table which is flush with the rest of the stage floor; -and while that scene is being acted, the carpenters are putting up the -next in the rear half; and when the first scene is over, the table -revolves and brings the second to view, and so the play is continued -without interruption. Yet another peculiarity is the presence on -the stage of black-veiled men in clothes of the same colour. They -are known as “blackamoors” and supposed to be invisible. At the -commencement of a run; they stand or sit behind the actors and prompt -them; they remove from the stage any article that has ceased to be of -use or pull away the dead in a fight if they are found to be in the -way, or push a cushion to an actor when he is about to sit down. They -are of great use, though it is hard to acquiesce in the fiction of -their invisibility. The stage music is played usually on one side of -the stage; but when a <i>gidayu</i> is required, its performers are seated -on a high perch to the left of the stage.</p> - -<div id="img_p275" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p275.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE REVOLVING-STAGE. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Only in rare cases is the day’s performance taken up by a single -play. The usual course is to have two plays, the first being of an -historical character or concerned with disturbances in a daimyo’s -<span class="pagenum">{276}</span>family, and the second being a domestic play. For the Japanese -drama is divided into three classes, the first being the historical -drama, which deals with the times of war, most frequently in the -twelfth, fourteenth, and sixteenth centuries, that is, the periods -of the feuds which led to the establishment of the Shogunate, of the -insurrections which resulted in the temporary rule of the country by -two lines of Emperors, and of the ascendancy of the Taiko and Tokugawa -Iyeyasu; the second treats of what are known as disturbances in -noble families, the most common cause of which was the struggle for -succession between the rightful heir and an illegitimate child of a -daimyo; and lastly, the domestic drama depicts scenes in the lives -of the common people, the favourite heroes and heroines of which -were in the old days chivalrous gamblers, magnanimous robbers, and -self-sacrificing courtesans. Of late, however, the domestic drama has -greatly extended its scope, for now it presents pictures of modern -life in reputable society. Then, two plays are acted in a performance, -and there is not unfrequently a middle piece or an after-piece, or -both, and such a piece presents a bright and gay scene with dancing in -it. Thus, a performance is made to suit all tastes. This rule of two -plays is not always adhered to; it is frequently disregarded by the -new school of actors, who give only one play with an after-piece. We -give a gay after-piece to relieve the strain of witnessing a serious -and often tragic play, a curious contrast to the European <i>lever de -rideau</i> which allows the playgoer to dine without hurry.</p> - -<p>Plays are again divided into two classes according to their form. One -is the ordinary prose drama; and the other is the <i>gidayu</i>, a kind -of musical or ballad drama. The latter was brought into vogue two -centuries ago by Gidayu, a singer, who gave his name to this form of -drama. It was originally sung at puppet-shows; but as the librettos -were written by Chikamatsu Monzaemon, the greatest of Japanese -dramatists, they are highly valued as literature. The standard set by -Chikamatsu was kept up by his immediate successors; but no <i>gidayu</i> of -note has appeared since the third quarter of the eighteenth century. -In Osaka, where Gidayu lived and sang,<span class="pagenum">{277}</span> puppet-shows still draw -large houses; and no <i>gidayu</i>-singer of the present day is considered -a regular professional unless he has gone through the mill at the -Bunrakuza, the great puppet-theatre of Osaka. In Tokyo <i>gidayu</i> -puppet-shows do not enjoy much favour; <i>gidayu</i> are in the capital -sung at the story-tellers’ hall or performed on the stage. The -<i>gidayu</i> contains the ordinary prose dialogue; the singing part -describes the feelings and movements of the puppets. But these -explanations which do very well in a puppet-show, are too lengthy on -the stage; while the singing is going on, the acting is apt to become -wooden, and the interest in the play is saved from flagging only by -the beauty of the language and the skill of the singer.</p> - -<p>There has of late been a great change in the histrionic art in Japan. -Until about twenty years ago, the theatrical profession was mostly -hereditary, and such as did not come of a theatrical family entered -the stage as pupils of some well-known actor. None could practically -become an actor without the countenance of the whole profession; and -if a pupil showed extraordinary talent, he was not unfrequently made -his master’s successor. For great histrionic names are handed down -from generation to generation; thus, the late Ichikawa Danjuro, the -greatest actor of Japan since the Restoration, was the ninth of his -name, and his rival, Onoye Kikugoro, was the fifth. The third great -actor at the time was Sadanji, a pupil of the fourth Kodanji; the -present head of the Actors’ Guild is Shikan the Sixth; and the most -promising actor of the day is Uzaemon the Thirteenth. Not one of these -names has been invariably handed down from father to son; but it is -vested in the family, whose consent is necessary for its assumption by -a pupil.</p> - -<p>Some twenty years ago, a new school of actors sprang into being; they -were called student-actors as they came mostly from the student class. -They formed companies and gave performances by themselves. At first -they were looked upon with disdain by the professionals; but they -soon became popular and, not being fettered like the latter by the -traditions of their profession, they were more natural in their acting -and had freer scope. It was during the war with China and immediately -after that their strong points came<span class="pagenum">{278}</span> into prominence; for when -they acted scenes from that war, their representations were absolutely -free from the conventionalities of the old school, and it was -acknowledged that in the modern realistic drama the new school was -decidedly superior to the old. In course of time the former began to -learn the tricks of the trade as practised by the other, while the -younger actors of the old school threw off the trammels of tradition -in plays of contemporary life, so that there is now far less -difference between the two schools. And in some theatres actors of -both schools play together.</p> - -<p>In most theatres actors take female parts as well as male. Many actors -have made their mark in female roles, and such characters are often -specialised, some actors excelling in depiction of ladies of rank and -others in representing women of the people and of the <i>demi-monde</i>. -There are also actresses in Tokyo, but they seldom perform with -actors; for the instances which have hitherto occurred of such -performances were not very successful. One theatre in Tokyo is -occupied entirely by women, who play male parts as well as those of -their own sex. The best actress of the day is Kumehachi, who has -few peers in her line even among actors; but it cannot be said that -actresses as a whole enjoy high favour in Japan.</p> - -<p>Another public amusement which vies with the stage in popularity is -wrestling. Though there are often wrestling bouts in different parts -of the city, the great matches to which all lovers of the art look -forward every year are those which take place in January and May in -the temple-grounds of Ekoin on the south side of the River Sumida; for -as they decide the combatants’ position in the profession, they are -fought in grim earnest.</p> - -<p>There are some five hundred wrestlers in the Tokyo Wrestlers’ Guild, -which comprises all the professionals of the city. In the wrestlers’ -list they are divided into two sets, east and west. In each set -there are some score of wrestlers of the first grade, and there are -corresponding grades in both sets down to the lowest. When wrestlers -of the first grade retire through age or disease from the active list, -so to speak, they become, unless they leave the guild altogether and -take up other callings, elders of the guild.<span class="pagenum">{280}</span> The elders are -partners in the getting up of the Ekoin matches; they also take in -pupils, for no one can become a professional wrestler except under the -aegis of an elder. For the young wrestler this is convenient, because -he is always under the protection of his elder and naturally profits -if, when he goes touring in the provinces, he is in the company of a -wrestler of a higher grade from the same elder. When a wrestler is -without a peer, he becomes what may be called the invincible champion. -There have been less than a score of such champions since the first -of them took that title two and a half centuries ago; but at present -there are two invincible champions at the same time.</p> - -<div id="img_p279" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p279.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A WRESTLING-MATCH. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Wrestling takes place in an arena of sand bounded by a ring, some -twenty feet in diameter, formed of empty rice-bags and covered by a -four-pillared wooden roof. It is surrounded by tiers of seats for -the spectators. At the foot of each of these pillars sits an elder -watching the match and acting as referee in case of dispute. At two -opposite pillars are a bucket of water, a basket of salt, and a bundle -of paper-slips, the salt to purify the body for the contest which may -end fatally and the slips for wiping the hands.</p> - -<p>The wrestler appears in the arena without clothing. He has over his -loin-cloth a wide, wadded cotton-belt adorned with twine tassels when -he wrestles; but if he is a first-grade wrestler, he makes a formal -appearance in the arena with others of the same grade before they -commence their bouts, when he wears in addition an apron of heavy -material richly embroidered with his professional name or some other -distinguishing mark stitched in gold.</p> - -<div id="img_p281" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p281.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE CHAMPION’S APPEARANCE IN THE RING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The Ekoin matches last for ten days, or rather for ten fine days. -Until lately, the booth was merely covered with matting or canvas, -and as the rain leaked in, the matches could not be held on wet days. -As, moreover, men are sent round the city with drums to announce the -matches, the day preceding the match-day had also to be fine or at -least to give reasonable hopes of fine weather on the following day, -so that one fair day during a spell of rain was of no use. A run of -matches might therefore last for twenty days or more. And all the time -the elders had to feed the wrestlers to<span class="pagenum">{282}</span> keep them together, and -so, long-continued rainy weather might swallow up the profits of the -run, especially as the Japanese wrestlers with their huge paunches -are hearty eaters. A permanent building for wrestling matches has, -however, been erected at Ekoin; it was opened in June, 1909. It is the -largest building of the kind in Japan and holds more than ten thousand -spectators. The great hall will, in spite of the heavy initial cost, -pay in the long run as there will be no need to put up a booth each -time and matches can be held irrespectively of the weather.</p> - -<p>The matches commence with those of the lowest grade, and the best -bouts take place late in the afternoon. Before each bout a summoner -appears in the arena and calls out the names of the two combatants, -who, as they are already waiting outside the ring, immediately make -their appearance, and the umpire formally announces their names. They -drink a cup of water and purify themselves with a pinch of salt. They -crouch opposite each other and, at a word from the umpire, grapple -with each other. It often happens that one of them is not ready for -the grip, and they separate; once more they rise and drink water and -return to their former positions. Some wrestlers repeat this until the -spectators are tired out. But when they do tussle, the struggle does -not take long; and if they remain long in each other’s grip without -coming to a conclusion, the umpire separates them and lets them -refresh themselves with water before they resume the bout. The umpire -then puts them exactly in the same position as they were before. -It is remarkable with what accuracy he makes them resume their former -position; he can tell at a glance their exact posture at each moment -of the bout; and he does not make the least error in the bend of their -bodies or the touch of their hands. Such an eye naturally requires -long training; and the umpire has, like the wrestler, to rise from the -lowest rung of his profession. At first he presides over the bouts -of the wrestlers of the lowest grade; and as he acquires skill and -experience, he rises to a higher grade until finally he umpires the -matches of the foremost wrestlers. His decision is seldom disputed; -and in the rare cases when it is called in question, he appeals to the -elders sitting at the four pillars.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{283}</span></p> - -<p>The rules of the ring are very strict. If a wrestler falls, touches -the ground with a knee, a hand, or any part of the body other than -the soles of his feet, or steps on the rice-bags of the ring, he is -declared defeated. The ways in which, he can cope with his adversary -were originally put at forty-eight; but they were subsequently -increased to twice, and later still to four times, that number. These -original forty-eight throws were divided into four classes of twelve -each, namely, the butting with the head, grappling with the hands, -twisting with the hips, and tripping with the feet. From these were -developed all the later methods.</p> - -<p>During the first days of the matches the wrestlers of the first -grade are paired with those whose positions on the other side do not -correspond to their own; and then the matches become gradually more -equal until on the ninth day those of the same position on both sides -are pitted against each other. It is the most exciting day of the -whole series; but on the tenth and last day those of the<span class="pagenum">{284}</span> highest -grade seldom appear and the interest in the matches flags as a matter -of course.</p> - -<p>These great matches, occurring as they do only twice a year, throw -the whole city into a fever of excitement, and while they are on, one -hears of nothing else. In the booth the enthusiasm is very great, -and it rises to such a pitch when a clever throw takes place or a -favourite distinguishes himself, that the spectators throw into the -arena their overcoats, tobacco-pouches, or whatever else come handy as -marks of their approval to the victor. They afterwards send presents -in money and recover their property.</p> - -<div id="img_p283" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p283.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE ENTRANCE OF A STORY-TELLERS’ HALL. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Thus, playgoing is expensive and takes up the best part of a day, -while the wrestling matches which arouse universal interest occur -but twice a year, other matches being mostly of local interest only. -Neither of these amusements can serve to while away a few hours -of idleness or relaxation; to those who wish to spend an evening -pleasantly and at little expense, the story-tellers’ hall is always -open. It stands conspicuously in a street; for over a wide entrance, -the walls of which are studded with numerous pegs for suspending -the clogs and sandals of its patrons, hangs a large square lantern -announcing on its face the names of the principal performers, while -the name of the hall is inscribed at a side-end. The hall itself is a -great matted room with a platform at the furthest end. The spectators -squat promiscuously on the mats and watch the performances or listen -to the tales of the story-teller on the platform which is about four -feet high and can be seen from all parts of the room. The hall opens -at six or half-past; but it only begins to fill an hour later and -closes at about ten o’clock.</p> - -<p>Entertainments of various kinds are given at the story-tellers’ -halls. In some the story-tellers proper appear; half a dozen or more -come upon the platform in succession, winding up with the chief -story-teller of the evening. Those of the better grade tell serious -stories, complete at a sitting or continued through the whole run of -the company which is fifteen evenings, for they change twice a month. -Most of the others, however, tell short stories, humorous and ending -often in a word-play; their object is merely to raise a laugh among -their audience. There are also story-tellers of a different<span class="pagenum">{285}</span> -kind, whose speciality is tales of war and stories of men famed in -Japanese history; but as they talk seriously and not in the light vein -of their more humorous <i>confrères</i>. they are not so popular as the -latter. It is not, however, always the story-teller who occupy<span class="pagenum">{286}</span> -the platform. In the course of the evening there may be music and -singing by professionals or conjuring tricks. There are also several -halls opened exclusively for the singing of <i>gidayu</i>; and though for -their proper singing a deep, strong voice is really requisite, female -singers are far more numerous than male in Tokyo. In the capital it is -not as in Osaka, the home of <i>gidayu</i>-singing, for a young and pretty -girl-singer finds greater favour than a male singer of skill and -experience. In one evening half a dozen such singers perform, the last -being the head of the troupe.</p> - -<div id="img_p285" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p285.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>A STORY-TELLER ON THE PLATFORM. - </div> -</div> - -<p>In these halls some of the stories told are far from edifying; but -from others the lower classes become acquainted with the lives of the -noted men of their country. The proletariat in Japan are probably more -intimate with the history of their country than those of other lands. -Such history may not always be authentic; but of the famous names in -that history, warriors, statesmen, priests, and scholars, they hear -from the more serious entertainers at the halls; and the <i>gidayu</i> has -also an educative influence, for it inculcates unceasingly the duty of -loyalty and filial piety and never tires of dwelling upon the -nobleness of self-sacrifice.</p> - - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{287}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI.<br /> -<span class="smaller">FEASTS AND FESTIVITIES.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Festivities in the old days—The New Year’s Day—The - New Year’s dreams—January—February—The Feast of Dolls—The - Equinoctial day—Plum-blossoms—Cherry-blossoms—The flower - season—Peach-blossoms—Tree-peonies and wistarias—The Feast of - Flags—The Fête of the Yasukuni Shrine—Other fêtes—The Feasts of - Tanabata and Lanterns—The river season—Moon-viewing—The Seven Herbs - of Autumn—October—The Emperor’s Birthday—Chrysanthemums and - maple-leaves—The end of the year.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_t.png" width="34" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">THERE are feasts and festivities galore in Tokyo. In the old times the -feast-days marked in the calendar were far more numerous than they -are now. In those days, while the daimyo and his retainers travelled -pretty often between Yedo and their native province, the citizens -seldom left town; it was a red-letter day with them when they set out -on a pilgrimage to the great shrine of Ise or on a trip to Kyoto; and -even these persons formed a very small minority. The high roads were -infested by robbers; and it was only with their lives in their hands -that humble citizens could go on a long journey. Being, then, confined -in the town, its inhabitants naturally took what pleasures they could -in it and availed themselves of every festivity to give themselves -up to enjoyment. The festivals of the tutelary deities were, for -instance, celebrated with great pomp; on annual feast-days the -time-honoured customs were religiously observed; and the flowers of -the season were admired and made occasions for general hilarity, for -they served to break the monotony of a purely urban life. But the -great facilities of transportation which have been introduced since -the Restoration have in these days diminished the interest of the -better classes in their city. The well-to-do men, who formerly -considered it a luxury to possess a villa on the outskirts of Tokyo, -are now not content unless they keep one at Kamakura or beyond for -spending the week-end in and another a hundred miles or more from the -city<span class="pagenum">{288}</span> for their summer retreat. Kamakura and Enoshima, which are -only thirty miles away from Tokyo, were in the old days so distant -that they would not think of visiting them unless they intended to -spend a few days there; but now school-children are taken to those -places on a day’s excursion. The ease with which men can leave the -city has made them but lukewarm supporters of the institutions which -gave the town its periodical gaiety; for they no longer take an active -part in the local festivities or pride themselves upon the fine show -their ward might make on such occasions. Even the flowers for which -Tokyo is noted they go to look at in the country; and the festivals of -the tutelary deities have lost their former splendour, and their most -prominent feature, the procession-cars, cannot now be built on the -grand scale of the old days, for unless they can be bent low, they -cannot parade the streets without snapping the innumerable electric -wires which disfigure the thoroughfares of the metropolis. Of the five -great feasts which were held every year in former times, two are no -longer celebrated in Tokyo, the Feast of Tanabata on the seventh day -of the seventh month of the lunar calendar and the Feast of the -Chrysanthemum on the ninth day of the ninth month, the remaining three -being the New Year’s Day on the first day of the first month, the -Feast of Dolls on the third day of the third month, and that of Flags -on the fifth day of the fifth month.</p> - -<p>Still there remain many occasions on which the Tokyo cit may take his -pleasure at home and abroad. The first of these, the New Year’s Day, -presents the gayest appearance everywhere and is a day of general -rejoicing. On either side of the gate or front door at every house -stands a large pine branch supported by an unstripped bamboo-pole or -two, and overhead flies the national flag. On the cross-beam of the -gate or over the porch hangs a coil of sacred rope, to which are -attached a piece of fern, a lobster, a bit of <i>konbu</i> (<i>laminaria</i>), -and an orange. Indoors too, a piece of rope with a frond of fern is -suspended in different rooms. In the morning when the family gather -for breakfast, a set of three wooden goblets are brought on a stand, -and the members of the household wish one another a happy New Year and -drink spiced <i>mirin</i> with one of the<span class="pagenum">{289}</span> goblets in the order of -their position in the family; and instead of the usual boiled rice, -they eat cakes of pounded rice roasted and boiled in a soup of greens. -This drinking of <i>mirin</i> and eating of rice-cakes is repeated on the -two mornings following. On the New Year’s Day people go out to present -the New Year’s greetings to their friends and relatives. This custom -is now less observed than formerly; for in these days they greet one -another by post, and millions of postcards pass through the Tokyo post -offices in the beginning of the year. On the New Year’s Day larger -shops are closed, as well as offices, public and private. The streets -are gay with the New Year’s decorations and with people going to and -fro for the New Year’s greetings; while in streets of shops and -small houses young men and women and children may be seen playing at -battledore and shuttlecock in the open road to the great obstruction -of the thoroughfare, the fun of the game being that those who miss a -shuttlecock have their faces smeared with Indian ink or white paint.</p> - -<div id="img_p289" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p289.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE TREASURE-SHIP. - </div> -</div> - -<div id="img_p290" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p290.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE NEW YEAR’S DECORATIONS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>On the second, larger shops send out the first loads of goods for the -year in handcarts. These carts are adorned with flags bearing the -names of the firms, and the shops pride themselves<span class="pagenum">{291}</span> upon the -number of such loads they can send out on this day. In the evening -hawkers come with pictures of a treasure-ship with the seven deities -of fortune on board; over the picture is written an ode of thirty-one -syllables which is remarkable for being a palindrome. It runs thus:—</p> - -<p class="noindent"><i>Na ka ki yo no to o no ne fu ri no mi na me za me na mi no ri fu - ne no o to no yo ki ka na.</i></p> - -<p class="noindent">It will be seen that if the syllables are taken each as one sound, -the ode is same when read backward. It may be translated: “They have -all awakened from the long night’s sleep; and how pleasant is the -sound as the ship rides the waves!” These slips are eagerly purchased -as they are supposed, if put under the pillow on this night, to give -lucky dreams. The luckiest dream of all is, according to common -superstition, that of Mount Fuji, next to which is a dream of a hawk, -and the third that of an egg-plant.</p> - -<p>On the fourth of January, the government offices are formally opened -for the year, and other public and private offices follow suit. On the -sixth the fire-brigades of Tokyo assemble in a public place and give -acrobatic performances on fire-ladders to show their agility. This day -closes the New Year’s festivities, and the decorations are removed. On -the eighth, the Emperor reviews the troops in the morning; and on -the same day most schools reopen after the New Year’s holidays. The -sixteenth is the holiday for apprentices and servants, who go home -to their parents or spend the day at the theatres or other places of -amusement. The sixth of January opens what is called the period of -lesser cold and the twentieth is the first day of the period of -greater cold. For a fortnight from the latter date many male votaries, -especially of the artisan class, run thinly-clad at night to worship -at their favourite shrines as such enthusiasm will, it is believed, -make them proficient in their callings; they ring a bell as they run. -Some go to a well and pour cold water over themselves at midnight to -be purified by that means from the sins of the world. Children go out -before daybreak to practise their lessons, boys to read or fence and -girls to sing or play the <i>samisen</i>. The shrines to which the first -visit of the year should be paid are too numerous for mention.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum">{292}</span></p> - -<p>On the second or third of February ends the period of greater cold, -and with it nominally the winter season. In the evening peas are -parched and thrown about in every room with the cry, “Fortune within,” -and then they are flung outdoors with the shout, “Demons without.” -This is to purify the house for the new spring season; and the members -of the family eat each a number of these peas, which is one in excess -of the years of their age. The eleventh is one of the three great -national holidays; it is the anniversary of the coronation of Emperor -Jimmu, the founder of the Japanese Imperial line, the other two being -the New Year’s Day and the Emperor’s Birthday. There are six ordinary -national holidays, namely, the anniversary of the death of Emperor -Komei, the father of the present Emperor (January 30th), the Feast of -the Vernal Equinox (March 21st or 22nd), when offerings are made to -the Imperial ancestors on the equinoctial day, the anniversary of the -death of Emperor Jimmu (April 3rd), the Feast of the Autumnal Equinox -(September 23rd or 24th), the Feast of the New Season’s rice which is -offered at the great Shrine of Ise (October 17th), and the Feast of -the New Rice which is offered to the other deities and eaten for the -first time in the Imperial Palace (November 23rd).</p> - -<p>On the third of March falls the Feast of Dolls. Towards the end of -February, the dolls are brought out and tiers of shelves put up, -usually against a wall of the parlour. On the highest shelf sit the -Emperor and Empress, with a screen at the back and overhead a roof -adorned with curtains. Below them sit the Court ladies, while lower -still are the five Court musicians and two armed guards. These are the -regulation dolls, and to them may be added any others. Then food is -set before the Emperor and Empress on two miniature trays; and all -sorts of lilliputian household goods, such as chests of drawers, -toilet stands, and kitchen utensils, are ranged on the lower tiers. -Also white <i>sake</i>, which is <i>sake</i> barm dissolved in <i>mirin</i>, is -offered to the dolls and drunk as well by the family. These dolls are -displayed in every family where there is a daughter, and the feast is -looked forward to by its female members, who invite their girl-friends -to come and see the array of dolls. They are put away on the sixth or -seventh.</p> - -<div id="img_p293" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p293.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FEAST OF DOLLS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The equinoctial day is the middle of a week known as <i>higan</i>, or -yonder shore, which is so called because prayers are said during the -week for the souls of those on shore, that is, in Nirvana. During the -week dumplings and rice-cakes coated with bean jam or<span class="pagenum">{294}</span> sweetened -bean-powder are offered to the dead and also sent as presents to -friends and relatives. The family tombs are visited; and old-fashioned -people worship in succession at the six great temples dedicated to -Amitabha in the environs of the city, which entails a journey of some -fifteen miles. Many old men and women visit different shrines on the -equinoctial day as they have been told that if they pass through seven -stone <i>torii</i> or shrine-gates on that day, they will not suffer pain -when the time comes for them to quit this world.</p> - -<p>In the latter part of this month the plum-trees are in full bloom. -Though camellias are in flower earlier in the year, the plum-blossoms -are the first of all the flowers to attract crowds of admirers. As -plum-trees blossom sometimes while it still snows, the plum-tree -blooming under a weight of snow is emblematic of faithfulness in -adversity. The plum-blossom is not so popular as the cherry-blossom; -and yet it is the subject of more odes and poems than the other. It -possesses the grace and refinement which is lacking in the luxuriant -clusters of cherry-blossoms. Its quiet hue, the delicacy of its -fragrance, and the sense of loneliness it seems to impart appeal to -the literary and poetical-minded, who go to a plum-garden with gourds -of <i>sake</i> and drink under the branches to which they hang slips of -paper with odes written on them in praise of the blossom. It is also -associated in our poetry with the Japan bush-warbler, the most prized -of our singing-birds, whose clear abrupt notes certainly sound -pleasant on cold, crisp mornings of early spring. Though there are -many plum-gardens in Tokyo, the most noted is that on the east side of -the River Sumida, where stands an aged tree, known as the Plum-tree of -the Couchant Dragon from the fancied resemblance of its gnarled trunk -to the sleeping form of that fabulous animal.</p> - -<div id="img_p295" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p295.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>CHERRY-FLOWERS AT MUKOJIMA. - </div> -</div> - -<p>At the end of March bloom the early flowers of the cherry called the -<i>higan</i>-cherry; but it is in the first half of the following month -that the real cherry season is in full swing. The birthday of -Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism, is celebrated on the eighth of -April, when an infusion of the <i>hydrangea thunbergii</i> is poured over -a small statue of the Buddha and the liquid is sold in small<span class="pagenum">{296}</span> -green-bamboo tubes to the votaries. It is said to be an effective -charm against the breeding of maggots in summer. This ceremony of -the washing of the Buddha, as it is called, is soon forgotten in the -universal merriment of the cherry-flower season. The lovers of the -plum-blossom may dwell upon the superior grace and delicacy of their -favourite, but the darling of the nation is the cherry-flower; the -former has been lauded by many a poet, but the latter is considered to -be peculiarly Japanese, for no other land can boast the magnificent -clusters without a leaf to break their continuity, which look in -the distance like a bank of pale clouds, and when they fall, the -scattering petals come down as lightly as flakes of snow. When we -speak simply of <em>the</em> flower, or of the flower-time, flower-view, or -flower-season, we allude invariably to the cherry-flower. The high -esteem in which the cherry-blossom has always been held in Japan is -exemplified in the saying, “Among men the samurai, among flowers the -cherry,” which was, in the days of military ascendancy, the highest -praise that could be bestowed. Again, how closely the flower is -identified with the country, may be seen from the famous ode of -Motoori, which runs; “Should a stranger ask what is the spirit of -Japan, to him I would show the wild-cherry blossoms glinting in the -morning sun.” That spirit is delicate and tarnished by dishonour as -readily as the flower is scattered by the wind. The cherry-flowers -bloom but for a few days; and that fact gives the motive to a -celebrated <i>haiku</i>, or verse of seventeen syllables, which may be -lamely translated:—</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0">Ah, this world of ours!</div> - <div class="i0">But three days are gone; and where</div> - <div class="i0">Are the cherry-flowers?</div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> - -<p>The lightness and allusiveness of the original bring home the -evanescence of life even more vividly than the snows of yester-year.</p> - -<p>The earliest to attract crowds of pleasure-seekers is Uyeno Park, -where along the walks and among other trees stand many aged -cherry trees. As the national museum and the zoological gardens are -also in the park, the season attracts hosts of school-children who -bring their luncheons and spend the whole day there. But it is the -south-east bank of the River Sumida on the outskirts<span class="pagenum">{297}</span> of the -city, to which gather the largest throngs of sight-seers. Here an -avenue of cherry stretches for some miles, and men and women, -as they pass under, are fairly intoxicated with the sight of the -numberless clusters of cherry-blossoms. Many repair to it in parties, -often in clothes of a uniform pattern and sometimes in comical guise. -Next comes Asuka Hill, a few miles behind Uyeno, and then Koganei on -a road west of the city, and lastly, the River Arakawa, on the north, -noted for its cherry-blossoms of other colours than the usual pale -pink. In the city there are many smaller spots where the blossoms may -be seen to advantage.</p> - -<p>About the same time as the cherry-flowers the peach also is in bloom; -but it fails to attract many sight-seers. Towards the close of April, -we have the azalea, which flowers for about a fortnight; it has not -the delicate tint of the cherry-flower, and its deep red is apt to -pall on the beholder. Besides, as it blooms when people are tired with -gazing at the cherry-blossoms, its votaries are comparatively few, and -somehow it does not arouse the enthusiasm that the national flower -excites.</p> - -<p>Late in April flower the tree-peonies; their magnificent blossoms -command admiration. They are specially cultivated and need a great -deal of tending; they are not, therefore, like the plum and cherry -trees, often to be seen in public places, and are commonly displayed -in private gardens and nurseries. The tree-peonies are not indigenous -to Japan, but were originally introduced from China; and much as -we admire these fine flowers, they do not appeal to us like the -cherry-blossoms. A little later, the wistarias hang down their long -clusters of purple flowers; they are best seen at the shrine of -Tenmangu, not far from the plum-garden of the Couchant Dragon, where -their pendulous racemes look doubly beautiful as they are reflected in -the pond over which they hang.</p> - -<p>The fifth of May is the Feast of Flags, which is for boys what the -Feast of Dolls is for girls. On this day little flags are set up -in a room, together with figures of men famous in history for their -strength and valour. Outdoors a gigantic carp made of paper or cloth -is tied to the top of a high pole, where it flutters when it is<span class="pagenum">{298}</span> -filled with wind; the carp is emblematic of strength as it can swim -up a rapid current.</p> - -<div id="img_p298" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p298.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FEAST OF FLAGS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>On the fifth, sixth, and seventh of May is held the great semi-annual -fête of the Yasukuni Shrine, which is dedicated to the spirits of the -officers and men of the army and navy and others who died fighting for -their country. Aides-de-camp are sent from the Imperial Court to make -offerings at the shrine. Here firework displays and wrestling matches -take place and booths of all kinds are opened during the fête. The -compound is crowded by the relatives of the dead, especially of those -who fell in the Russian war, as well as the general public. The other -semi-annual fête is held on the same days six months later.</p> - -<div id="img_p299" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p299.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FÊTE OF SANNO. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Early in June the irises and sweet-flags flower; there are gardens in -Tokyo where these flowers are specially cultivated and shown to the -public. June is also the month for the annual fêtes of many local -deities. There are nearly fifty shrines where annual fêtes are<span class="pagenum">{300}</span> -held in Tokyo; and the greatest of these are the Sanno and Kanda -Myojin, whose fêtes were until lately among the famous sights of the -city. The fête of the Sanno takes place on the fifteenth of June, -while that of the Kanda Myojin is celebrated on the same day three -months later.</p> - -<p>On the seventh of July took place the Feast of Tanabata, which is now -seldom observed in Tokyo. On this night, according to the legend, the -only one in the whole year when the Weaver (the star Vega) can meet -her lover the Cow-herd (the star Altair) on the other side of the -Heavenly River, as the Milky Way is called, magpies come and spread -their wings across the river to bring the lovers together. And this -meeting is celebrated with various offerings. The sixteenth of the -month is, like the same day in January, the holiday for apprentices -and servants. About this time, midsummer presents are exchanged -between friends and relatives; but the most important occurrence in -the middle of the month is the Feast of Lanterns. On the thirteenth, -preparations are made for welcoming the spirits of the dead. The -family tomb is visited and washed, while at home the shrine is -decorated with festoons of vermicelli, to which are attached ears of -Italian millet and <i>panicum frumentaceum</i>, dried persimmons, and the -fruit of the <i>torreya nucifera</i>, and the lower part of the shrine -is enclosed with a little fence of cryptomeria. In the evening, -hemp-reeds are burnt in an earthen pan in front of the porch to -receive the spirits who are then believed to enter the dwelling. On -the fourteenth, offerings are made at the shrine and a priest is often -called in to recite prayers. On the evening of the fifteenth when the -spirits conclude their visit, the hemp-reeds are again burnt to speed -them; people light their pipes at the fire and smoke as a charm -against diseases of the mouth and step over the embers to secure -themselves against all ailments in the lower parts of the body.</p> - -<div id="img_p301" class='figcenter illowp50'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p301.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE FEAST OF LANTERNS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>About the end of July or beginning of August, the opening of the -boating season on the River Sumida is celebrated with a grand display -of fireworks, which is attended by large crowds from all parts of the -city, while the tea-houses around are full of guests. In August the -morning-glory is in full bloom, and people repair at<span class="pagenum">{302}</span> dawn to -Iriya in the north of Tokyo to look at the flowers for which it is -noted as the buds untwist into open blossoms, and pass on their -way home by Shinobazu Pond, close to Uyeno Park, and watch the -lotus flowers burst open with a loud report.</p> - -<p>On the twenty-sixth day of the seventh month of the old lunar -calendar, which falls ordinarily on some day late in August or early -in September, people climb up a hill at night or go to the water-side -to see the moon rise; for it is considered lucky to catch a glimpse -of the three images of Amitabha which are said to be visible for an -instant before the moon comes into sight. On the fifteenth of the -eighth month when the moon is always full, offerings of fifteen -dumplings, soy beans, and persimmons are set before the moon and odes -composed in praise of the beautiful satellite. Indeed, the eighth -month is poetically called the “month of the moon-view.”</p> - -<div id="img_p303" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p303.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>OFFERINGS TO THE FULL MOON. - </div> -</div> - -<p id="seven_herbs">On the ninth day of the ninth month was observed in the old days the -Feast of the Chrysanthemum, when a party was held in the Imperial -Palace for looking at the flower and partaking of an infusion of -chrysanthemums in <i>sake</i>; but this custom has died out, and the -Imperial chrysanthemum party is now given in the latter part of -November. On the thirteenth of the same lunar month occurs the last of -the three moon-viewing festivals, when offerings similar to those on -the fifteenth of the preceding month are made, the only difference -being that the number of dumplings is thirteen instead of fifteen. -People go out at this time to look at the Seven Herbs of Autumn, the -principal of which is the <i>lespedeza bicolor</i> with its pretty little -red flowers; the other six are the <i>miscanthus sinensis</i>, <i>pueraria -thunbergiana</i>, <i>dianthus superbus</i>, <i>patrinia seabiosœfolia</i>, -<i>cupatorium chinense</i>, and <i>platycodon grandiflorum</i>. The autumnal -equinox is celebrated in the same manner as the vernal.</p> - -<p>The greatest event in October is the commemoration of the death of -Nichiren, the founder of the Buddhist sect of that name, who died -in 1282 at the temple of Honmonji, a few miles south-west of Tokyo. -On the evening of the twelfth, the votaries leave Tokyo in parties -chanting prayers and beating flat drums; and they sit up all night in -the temple or, if they cannot get lodging<span class="pagenum">{304}</span> anywhere, lie down -in the extensive temple-grounds. On the thirteenth, the anniversary -of Nichiren’s death, mass is held in great state in the temple. Even -those who do not profess the Nichiren doctrines visit the temple -to look at the crowds gathered there. The only other religious -celebration of the kind that can compare with it is the commemoration -of the death of Shinran, the founder of the Shin sect, which takes -place on the twenty-eighth of November in the two great temples of -Honganji in Tokyo.</p> - -<p>On the seventeenth of October, the newly-harvested rice is offered at -the great Shrine of the Sun-Goddess in the province of Ise; and in a -country where rice is the most important food, such an occasion is -naturally celebrated as a national holiday. On the twentieth, the fête -of Daikoku and Ebisu, the two gods of fortune, is celebrated in many -merchants’ houses with a great feast to which friends and relatives -are invited.</p> - -<p>The third of November is the Emperor’s birthday. His Majesty reviews -the troops early in the morning and holds a banquet at noon, to which -the Imperial Princes, high government officials, and the foreign -ambassadors and ministers are invited. A salute of a hundred and eight -guns is fired in the bay; and in the evening the minister for foreign -affairs gives a ball to high officials, the diplomatic corps, and -other persons of rank and position, Japanese and foreign. In this -month the chrysanthemums are in full bloom; at Dangozaka, not -far from Uyeno Park, are exhibited scenes from well-known plays or -representations of passing events, in which the figures are clothed -with chrysanthemum flowers of various colours. They attract large -crowds; but the finest flowers are to be seen in the palace-grounds at -Akasaka, where the Imperial chrysanthemum party is given, and at the -mansions of noblemen and men of wealth. This month is also noted for -the maple-leaves, which, when they become crimson, are highly admired; -and many people make pilgrimages to the banks of the Takinogawa, a -few miles north of Uyeno Park, where they are to be seen in great -profusion.</p> - -<p>In December people are too busy with the year-end settlement of -accounts and preparations for the New Year to indulge in festivities, -though there are not a few easy-going men who get up towards the close -of the month what are called dinners for forgetting the passing year. -From the middle of the month, fairs are held in different parts of the -city for the sale of articles required for the New Year’s decorations -and battledores and other things for the New Year’s amusements. -Towards the end of the month, year-end visits are paid among friends -and relatives; the New Year’s decorations are put up; and everywhere -preparations are made for the New Year’s festivities. At midnight of -the last day, the temple-bell sounds a hundred and eight strokes to -announce the passing of the old year.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum">{305}</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII.<br /> -<span class="smaller">SPORTS AND GAMES.</span></h2> - -<p class="smaller mb1">Hunting—Horse-racing—Fishing—Outdoor - games—Billiards—<i>Sugoroku</i>—Iroha-cards—Ode-cards—<i>Ken</i>—Japanese - chess—The moves—Use of prisoners—The game of <i>go</i>—Its - principle—Camps—Counting—“Flowers-cards”—Players—How to - play—Claims for hands—Claims for combinations made—Reckoning.</p> -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/dcap_f.png" width="27" height="40" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap">FIELD sports cannot be said to thrive in Japan. Fox-hunting, as -practised in England, is unknown; indeed, hunting on a grand scale -seldom takes place. Every year a large number of shooting licenses -are issued; but reckless shooting has made game so scarce in the -neighbourhood of Tokyo that any one in search of good sport must go a -considerable distance from town. Game preserves are also very few in -number, for there is scarcely one man of means in Tokyo who keeps such -grounds. Nearly all the small birds are protected.</p> - -<p>Horse-racing came into vogue soon after the Russian war. Many -horse-race companies were formed; they throve as they sold pari-mutuel -tickets on which they took a commission. The races became enormously -popular; and people who knew nothing of horses or racing rushed in -crowds to the races to buy these tickets. The thing became barefaced -gambling, and so great was the scandal caused by these races that the -sale of pari-mutuel tickets was prohibited, with the result that the -races were entirely deserted and the shares of these companies fell -from ten times their face-value to almost <em>nil</em>. Remedial measures -were tried, but without success. These races had at first been -encouraged by the authorities as it was believed that they would help -to improve the breed of horses in Japan; but there was little prospect -of that object being achieved, for the frequenters of the race-courses -did not appear to take much interest in horse-racing beyond the -opportunities it gave for gambling.</p> - -<div id="img_p307" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p307.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>CORMORANT-FISHING. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Fishing has many votaries. Boats put off from Shinagawa for<span class="pagenum">{307}</span> -fishing in the Bay of Tokyo, especially in summer and autumn; the fish -are caught either with nets or with rod and line. Anglers may be seen -at all seasons on the banks of the little rivers and canals which -traverse the city; but their catch is quite insignificant. The most -interesting method of catching fish is, perhaps, cormorant-fishing -in the Tamagawa, a river which runs a few miles west of Tokyo, where -cormorants are, as in the River Nagara in Gifu Prefecture, which -is celebrated for this form of fishing, employed to catch the -<i>plecoglossus altivelis</i>, which abounds in the river. The bird has a -tight ring around its crop, and when it has dived into the water and -swallowed enough fish, the ring is pulled up and the bird is made to -disgorge them. Another curious sight is the angling for the sillago. -This fish is keen-sighted and very active, and takes fright and darts -away as soon as it sees a boat rocking on the water. As, however, it -is to be found in comparatively shallow water, a gigantic stool is set -on a shoal, and the angler sits on it and patiently waits for the fish -to take the bait. A boat remains not far off for emergencies, as when -the angler, in his eagerness, loses his balance and goes bodily after -the sillago. On a calm day, several of these stools are to be seen off -the beach at Shinagawa.</p> - -<div id="img_p308" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p308.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>ANGLING-STOOLS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>Of the outdoor games which have been introduced in recent years -from abroad, the oldest is, perhaps, lawn-tennis, which is still -extensively played, although it must now yield in popularity to -baseball.<span class="pagenum">{309}</span> A Japanese baseball team crossed the ocean some time -ago to play on the Pacific Coast of the United States, though not with -very brilliant results, while similar teams have come from Hawaii -and the Pacific States to challenge the Japanese college teams. -Boat-racing is also very popular; and races are held annually on the -River Sumida by the Imperial University of Tokyo and other educational -institutions in April when the cherry trees are in bloom on the -river-bank. Football is played to some extent, and hockey has been -tried with little success, while cricket is seldom played.</p> - -<p>Of the European indoor games, the one which has found most favour in -Japan is undoubtedly billiards, at which many Japanese have attained -considerable skill. Ping-pong enjoyed a temporary vogue, but has now -become as obsolete as diabolo, the craze for which reached Japan not -long after it arose in Europe.</p> - -<div id="img_p309" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p309.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'><i>SUGOROKU</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>We may now pass on to the principal games which are played in Japan. -<i>Sugoroku</i> is a game played on a board by two persons. It is similar -to backgammon, with the difference that the grand object of <i>sugoroku</i> -is to get all one’s men into the enemy’s territory. There are twelve -men on each side and twenty-four points to move to, and two dice are -thrown alternately as in backgammon. It is a very ancient game which -is hardly ever played nowadays; and what<span class="pagenum">{310}</span> is now known as -<i>sugoroku</i> was originally called the <i>dochu sugoroku</i> or travelling -<i>sugoroku</i>. The earliest of its kind is a large sheet on which the -views of the fifty-three postal stations on the highway from Yedo to -Kyoto are given in order in as many squares. The starting-point is -Yedo in one corner of the sheet, from which the squares are ranged -along the edges until one of them touches the Yedo square, and then -they are continued along the inner edges of the first squares, and -still another set is formed along the edges of these second squares, -until Kyoto is reached in the centre of the sheet. Each player has a -slip of paper with his name or mark inscribed on it; it is put with -the others in the Yedo square. He throws a die in turn and moves -forward according to the number turned up; and the one who reaches -Kyoto first is the winner. As there are fifty-three squares, the -minimum number of throws of the die is nine; but the game may become -complicated if, as is usually the case, the die must in the last throw -turn up the exact number required for reaching the goal. Thus, if five -is turned up when only two is needed to reach Kyoto, the player is -made to go back three squares from the goal and await his turn for the -next throw. Again, when a player comes to a certain square, he may -be made to forfeit a turn or go back a number of squares. When these -rules are introduced, the game is very much prolonged. Hence, later -forms of <i>sugoroku</i> have a smaller number of squares; indeed, if, -further, the place to move to is named in every square for every -number turned up, a very few squares will suffice; and some <i>sugoroku</i> -have no more than a dozen squares and yet an exciting game may be -played on them.</p> - -<div id="img_p311" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p311.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'><i>IROHA</i> AND ODE-CARDS. - </div> -</div> - -<p><i>Sugoroku</i> is played in the long winter evenings, and especially -during the first days of the New Year. Among other New Year’s games -may be mentioned the cards known as the <i>Iroha</i> and <i>uta</i> cards. -<i>Iroha</i>, being the first three characters of the Japanese syllabary or -alphabet, is the name given to the whole syllabary; and the <i>iroha</i> -cards are so called because they have inscribed on them each a -proverbial saying beginning with a different character of the -syllabary. There are forty-seven characters in the Japanese syllabary, -and another card is added to make the number even and<span class="pagenum">{311}</span> divisible. -Besides the pack of forty-eight cards with the proverbs, there is -another of the same number of cards with pictures corresponding -to these proverbs; these latter have also marked in the corner -the first character of the proverbs they illustrate to facilitate -identification. Thus, if the card in the first pack has the proverb, -<i>inu mo arukeba bō ni ataru</i> (A dog, by walking, may come upon a -stick, a saying which is now taken to mean that by wandering about, -one may meet with good fortune), the corresponding card in the other -pack has a picture of a dog knocking against a stick and the character -<i>i</i> in the corner. The card of the second character of the syllabary -has the proverb, <i>ron yori shōko</i> (Proof is better than argument), and -the third has <i>hana yori dango</i> (Better a dumpling than a flower, that -is, use is better than ornament), and so on. The illustrations in -the second pack are often fanciful, as they cannot but be when the -proverbs do not refer to concrete objects. Thus, the illustration to -the second proverb above given has an angry man with one hand on his -sword and holding in the other the straw figure which the jealous -wife used in the old days to nail to a tree at dead of night when she -invoked curses upon her rival. The man is apparently showing his wife -in spite of her protestations the straw image she has been using -against his mistress. The game is played sometimes by spreading all -the pictures in the middle and the players sitting around them. One -person reads out the proverbs in any order he pleases, and the -corresponding pictures are seized and put away. The player who has -taken the largest number of cards in this way is the winner. The game, -however, is more frequently played in the following manner:—The cards -are dealt evenly among the players who spread them out exposed before -them. When a proverb is read out, a player takes out the corresponding -picture if he has it, and if not, he looks over the other players’ -hands and seizes the card as soon as he sees it. He takes it and gives -one of his own exposed cards to the player from whose hand he has -taken it. A slow-witted person’s hand is always full, while a sharp -player clears his quickly; and the one who has first got rid of his -hand is the winner. As the cards are often pounced upon at the same -time by several players, the game is an exciting one, and not a few -come out of it with their hands scratched and bleeding. Friends and -relatives of both sexes join in these games in winter evenings, and -some of them, it is said, consider it the best part of the game that -they can touch or squeeze the hands of the players of the opposite -sex by pretending to seize the same cards. For this reason, a strict -paterfamilias not unfrequently forbids his household to play the game -with those who are not its members.</p> - -<div id="img_p312" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p312.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>PLAYING ODE-CARDS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The <i>uta</i> or ode-cards are in two sets of a hundred each. There is a -famous collection of a hundred odes composed by as many poets, which -used in former days to be learnt by heart. These odes are used for the -ode-cards. An ode, as has been explained in a former chapter, is made -up of two couplets of five and seven syllables each, closing with a -line of seven syllables. For the purposes of the cards, the odes are -divided into two parts, the first comprising the first three lines, -that is, the lines of five, seven, and five syllables, and the second -the last two lines of seven syllables.<span class="pagenum">{314}</span> The cards in one set give -each the whole ode with the name and picture of the poet, while in -those of the other set appears generally the second part, and rarely -the first part, of the ode. Thus, in the first set the first ode of -the hundred runs:—</p> - -<div> -<p>Tenji Tenno</p> -<div class="poem-container"> - <div class="poem"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="i0"><i>Aki no ta no</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Kariho no iwo no</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Toma wo arami</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Waga koromode wa</i></div> - <div class="i0"><i>Tsuyu ni nuretsutsu.</i></div> - </div><!--end stanza--> - </div><!--end poem--> -</div><!--end container--> -</div> - -<div> -<p>Emperor Tenji</p> -<p class="offset">Decayed is the rush-thatch of the watch-shed in the autumn rice-field,</p> -<p class="offset">And the sleeves of the robe are becoming wet with dew.</p> -</div> - -<p>And the card of the second set has the lines <i>Waga koromode wa Tsuyu -ni nuretsu</i>. The game is played in the same manner as the <i>iroha</i> -cards; and the scramble for the cards is more exciting as the players -do not always wait till the whole ode is read out.</p> - -<p>There is a curious diversion called the game of <i>ken</i>, or fists, -which, its name notwithstanding, has nothing to do with pugilism. The -principle of the game is that there are three positions of the hands -or fingers, each one of which beats one and is beaten by the other, -of the remaining two. The game is played with one or two hands. That -played with both hands is called the fox-<i>ken</i>; its three positions -are the putting of the open hands with the palms outward close to the -temples in imitation of the fox, the stretching out of the right arm -with the hand closed while the left hand is brought to the breast, -which represents the huntsman with a gun, and the placing of both -hands on the knees to show the staid manners of the village headman. -The fox may bewitch the headman as that animal is popularly believed -to possess magical powers, but may be killed by the huntsman, who, -however, must not shoot the headman; thus, the fox beats the headman, -who beats the huntsman, who, in his turn, beats the fox. The game -is played by two persons, who must move their hands with uniform -rapidity, for the game is spoilt if either side moves more quickly or -slowly than the other. It is a favourite game at convivial parties, -especially if one of the parties is a geisha, though it is not so -popular now as it used<span class="pagenum">{315}</span> to be. The person who beats the other -three times running is declared the winner, and the defeated party -has, as forfeit, to drink a cup of <i>sake</i>. The stone-<i>ken</i> is played -with one hand; in this the closed hand represents a stone, the open -hand a piece of paper, and two fingers or a finger and the thumb -spread out a pair of scissors; the stone may be wrapped in the paper, -but is proof against the scissors, which may, however, cut the paper. -This ken is played less often as a game than for deciding in a case -where one would toss a coin in England, for tossing up is unknown in -Japan.</p> - -<div id="img_p315" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p315.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE GAME OF <i>KEN</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The Japanese indoor games we have above described are played mostly by -children and young men and women, with the exception of the fox-<i>ken</i>, -which is almost confined to convivial parties. The great serious games -for grown-up people in the evenings, or in the daytime for that -matter, are chess, <i>go</i>, and “flower-cards.”</p> - -<p><i>Shōgi</i>, or Japanese chess, is played on a board with nine<span class="pagenum">{316}</span> -squares a side, or altogether eighty-one squares. There are twenty men -on each side. The nine men on the end-row are the king in the middle, -with <i>kinsho</i> (gold general), <i>ginsho</i> (silver general), <i>keima</i> -(knight), and <i>kyosha</i> (kind of rook) on either side; on the second -row the men are <i>hisha</i> (rook proper) and <i>kakko</i> (bishop) on the -second square from the right and left ends respectively; and the third -row is filled with pawns. The pieces are all of the same form; they -have each a base with two converging sides surmounted by two others -which make an obtuse angle at the apex, and are thicker at the base -than at the top so that they can readily stand, though they are always -laid flat. The name of each piece is written on the upper surface. The -largest of these men is the king, next to which are the pieces on the -second row, followed by the men on the end-row, while the smallest are -the pawns.</p> - -<p>The king can move one square in any direction; the <i>kinsho</i> has the -same moves except to the diagonals behind; and the <i>ginsho</i> moves one -square forward and diagonally in the four directions; and the <i>keima</i> -and the <i>kyosha</i> have, one the forward moves only of the knight and -the other the forward move only of the rook. The <i>hisha</i> and the -<i>kakko</i> have the same moves as the rook and the bishop respectively. -The pawns move one square forward and take the hostile pieces in front -and not diagonally. When the pieces enter the enemy’s territory, that -is, within the furthest three rows, they are not queened as there are -no queens in <i>shōgi</i>, they acquire the moves of <i>kinsho</i>. In that case -they forfeit their own moves, with the exception of the <i>hisha</i> and -<i>kakko</i>, which retain them. When the pieces are thus changed in -character, they are turned the reverse side up.</p> - -<p>The capture of the men and checking of the king are the same as in -European chess; but stalemate is unknown, for the reason that we can -make use of any pieces of our adversary that we may have taken, and -if our king is in danger, we can readily defend him by putting in the -field some of our prisoners. This causes no inconvenience as there is -no distinction of colour between the hostile pieces; their side is -shown by the direction of the pointed ends of the pieces. The enemy’s -pieces may be brought into requisition in<span class="pagenum">{317}</span> his own territory; but -they must move at least one square forward before they can be -converted into <i>kinsho</i>.</p> - -<div id="img_p317" class='figcenter illowp60'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p317.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>JAPANESE CHESS. - </div> -</div> - -<p><i>Shōgi</i> is universally played; but it is more especially the favourite -game of the lower classes Among the better classes, <i>go</i> is in greater -vogue; it is much affected by retired old gentlemen, officials,<span class="pagenum">{318}</span> -school-teachers, and others of the professions. It is certainly more -difficult and probably more scientific than the other.</p> - -<p><i>Go</i> is played on a thick square board with heavy legs. The surface is -marked with nineteen parallel lines crossed by as many similar lines, -making the total number of points of intersection three hundred and -sixty-one. The game is played on these points, and not in the squares -formed by the parallel lines; and like <i>shōgi</i>, two persons take part -in it. Either side has a box of round, flatfish pebbles small enough -to be placed without overlapping on consecutive points. They are -distinguished by colour; and the black is always given to the poorer -player who opens the game, while the other takes the white.</p> - -<div id="img_p318" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p318.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>THE GAME OF <i>GO</i>. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The object of the game is to take as many as possible of the enemy’s -stones by surrounding them with one’s own. A stone once put on a point -is immovable unless it is surrounded and taken off the board; it -cannot move from one point to another. This siege of the enemy’s stone -lies in cutting it off along the lines passing through the point it -occupies. The siege is successful in its simplest form when a single -stone is surrounded on the four adjacent points on the<span class="pagenum">{319}</span> two lines -intersecting at its point. There is no way of breaking the square -formed by these four stones, for the only way in which relief can be -brought to a threatened stone is to make it a part of a chain which -cannot be completely surrounded by the enemy. When a stone is thus -surrounded on all sides, it becomes a prisoner and is taken off the -board. A stone at a corner of the board is imprisoned by two stones -as there are no other adjacent points, and one on the edge by three -stones. In a word, a stone cannot act diagonally, but must always work -along a line. In practice, of course, it is usually a group of stones, -rather than single stones, that find themselves prisoners, as the -siege operations are more difficult to detect when carried out on a -large scale.</p> - -<p>If it was only to surround the enemy and capture his stones, the game -would be comparatively simple. It is complicated by the formation -of vacant enclosures, within which if the enemy ventures, he must -infallibly be captured. The object is to make these enclosures as -large as possible, and since such camps, as they are called, would -narrow the enemy’s field of operations, he does his best to break the -cordon by intruding a chain of stones before it is completed. Hence, -there are four operations going on at the same time: we must break up -the enemy’s attempted cordon and surround his stones, and prevent his -surrounding our stones and form our own cordons. This formation of -camps, though really nothing more than a defensive measure, is in fact -more important and difficult than the capture of the enemy’s stones; -and the issue of the game depends generally more upon the size of -these cordons than upon the number of prisoners actually taken.</p> - -<p>Though the game should theoretically be continued till the board is -completely filled with stones, it is seldom pursued to that extent; -for where there is a great inequality of skill, the issue can be seen -long before the finish and the game given up, or where camps have -been formed, the vacant space need not be filled in. In most cases, -therefore, plenty of stones remain in hand. When the game is finished, -the number if points enclosed by the camps, if any, is counted and -reckoned as so many stones gained; and the difference between it and -the number of prisoners in the<span class="pagenum">{320}</span> enemy’s hands is one’s net gain -or loss according as the former is greater or less than the latter. -And the one with the larger net gain is naturally the winner.</p> - -<p>Neither <i>shōgi</i> nor <i>go</i> is a lively game. The latter, especially, -calls for patience and hard thinking; it may take hours or even days -to conclude a single game. Besides, it does not lend itself to -betting. The great gambling game is that of the cards known as -“flower-cards,” which is rapidly played and depends more upon chance -than upon skill.</p> - -<p>The pack is made up of forty-eight cards, about an inch by an inch and -a half, which are in twelve sets, each set representing a month of the -year. The first set has a picture of the pine-tree, which, being the -principal part of the New Year’s outdoor decorations, symbolises the -first month. It is followed in order by the plum-tree, cherry-tree, -wistaria, sweet-flag, tree-peony, and lespedeza, which flower in the -second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh months respectively. -The eighth month is represented by the eularia, the ninth by the -chrysanthemum, the tenth by the maple-tree, the eleventh by the -willow-tree, and the last by the paulownia. It may be stated in -passing that these months follow the old lunar calendar and are -therefore some weeks later than the corresponding months of the solar -calendar. All the cards are not of the same value. The highest, which -is twenty points, is assigned to the pine-tree with a crane in the -middle and a red sun above, the cherry-tree in bloom with a curtain -underneath for a picnic party, the eularia under the full harvest -moon, the willow under which a great scholar is learning perseverance -from a frog which succeeds after many hours’ vain attempts in reaching -a branch, and the paulownia with the phœnix flying over it. Ten -points each are given to nine cards, namely, the plum-tree with the -bush-warbler, the wistaria with the cuckoo, the sweet-flag beside a -plank path, the tree-peony with butterflies, the lespedeza with the -wild boar, the eularia with wild ducks, the chrysanthemum with a -wooden cup for the chrysanthemum-<i>sake</i>, the maple-tree with the stag, -and the willow-tree with the swallow. Five points are the value of the -cards with a <i>tanzaku</i>, a long strip of paper for an ode; there are -ten<span class="pagenum">{322}</span> of them, that is, all the sets except the eularia and -paulownia. The remaining twenty-four cards are worth only a point -each. Thus, five cards at twenty points, nine at ten points, ten at -five, and twenty-four at a point each, make the total value of the -pack two hundred and sixty-four points.</p> - -<div id="img_p321" class='figcenter illowp80'> - <img class="w100" src="images/img_p321.png" alt="" /> - <div class='caption smaller'>FLOWER-CARDS. - </div> -</div> - -<p>The game is played by three persons. As many as six may join in it -and the cards be dealt to them; but three of them must throw up their -hands. First, the dealer declares whether he will play or not and is -followed in order by the rest. If any players remain after three have -declared their intention to play, such persons may quietly give up -play or, if their hands are good, they may insist upon being bought -out. The player who has a free choice and elects not to play, has to -pay a forfeit, from which those forced to retire are exempted. The -players may be reduced to two, and sometimes only to one, in which -case he is declared the winner.</p> - -<p>The cards are first dealt out seven to each player and six others are -turned up on the table. The players who retire return their cards, -which are shuffled into the pile of undealt cards. When it has been -settled who are to play, the dealer, or if he does not play, the one -nearest to him looks at his hand to see if he has one of the same suit -as any of the open cards; if he has, he takes the latter with his -card and put the two aside; but if he has none to match or thinks it -disadvantageous to take a card, he throws down a card which has no -match on the table. Next, he takes the top card of the pile and opens -it; if it matches with any of the open cards on the table, he takes -the pair and puts them aside; but if it does not match, he throws -it down exposed among the open cards. The others follow in the same -manner. As the number of cards in the three hands is twenty-one and -six are open on the table, the undealt cards also number twenty-one; -and as every player matches or throws down a card in his hand and -opens one of the pile, the last card of the last player is played when -the last of the pile is turned up. The players then reckon the total -value of the cards in their possession; and according as that value is -more or less than eighty-eight, which is one-third of the value of the -whole pack, the difference between the two represents their gain or -loss. The winner of<span class="pagenum">{323}</span> the largest number also gets the forfeits -paid by the retired players.</p> - -<p>This is the simplest form of the game. It is usually complicated by -claims allowed for certain combinations found in the hands dealt. -Thus, if three of the seven cards are of the same suit, the holder can -claim a forfeit of one and a half dozen points from each of the other -two; the forfeit becomes two dozen points for two or more <i>tanzaku</i> -cards among plain ones, three dozens for a plain hand with only one -card of a higher value, four dozens for three pairs of suits or a -complete hand of plain cards, six dozens for two sets of three cards -of the same suit, and so on to the highest which is twenty dozens for -four cards of one suit and three of another.</p> - -<p>Then again, if certain sets of cards are won in the course of a game, -that game is closed and the value for such sets is claimed from each -of the other two. Thus, six dozen points are allowed for the three -purple-<i>tanzaku</i> cards of the chrysanthemum, tree-peony, and maple, -or the three red-<i>tanzaku</i> cards of the pine, plum, and cherry trees, -and ten dozens for the four twenty-point cards of the pine, cherry, -eularia, and paulownia, and twelve dozens if that of the willow is -added to them.</p> - -<p>These payments for combinations make the game very exciting. Twelve -games, to match with the months of the year, make a rubber, at the -end of which the reckoning is made. For counting purposes two sets of -counters are distributed, one of the value of one point each and the -other of a dozen points. First, counters to the amount of ten dozen -points are allotted to each player; but of this amount three or four -dozens are pooled to be given to the highest winner of the rubber, and -so that lucky person really gets far more than his actual winnings. -When a player has gone through his first lot of counters, he borrows -more from the bank. At the end of a rubber when the settlement is -made, the payment, if the game is played for money, is made at so much -per point; and even though the unit may be of a small value, the total -account often comes to a respectable sum.</p> - -<p><img src="images/clover.png" alt="" class='center_15em' /></p> - -<p class="mt2"> - <img src="images/img_p324.png" alt="" class='center_2em' /></p> - - - -<div class='box' xml:lang="ja"> - <p class="noindent">不許複製</p> - - <p class="noindent">明治四十三年十月一日印刷<br /> - 明治四十三年十月五日發行</p> - - <p class="noindent">著作者 井上十吉<br /> - <span class="smaller">東京府败多摩那大久保百人町三百九十番地</span></p> - - <p class="noindent">發行兼印刷人 古作勝之助<br /> - <span class="smaller">東京市日本橋區兜町三番地</span></p> - - <p class="noindent">印刷所 東京印刷株式會社<br /> - <span class="smaller">東京市日本橋區兜町二番地</span></p> -</div> - - -<div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="tnotes">Transcriber’s Notes.</h2> - -<p>Text notes:</p> - -<ol> - <li>Obvious typos have been silently corrected.</li> - <li>Table of contents page numbers have been corrected.</li> - <li>For the HTML version, page numbers of the original printed text - are displayed within braces to the side of the text.</li> - <li>Images in the original text located within a paragraph have - been moved to either before or after the paragraph. Many - images occupied a full printed page; page numbers for - these images are not displayed.</li> -</ol> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HOME LIFE IN TOKYO ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. 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