diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69021-0.txt | 5508 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69021-0.zip | bin | 104548 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69021-h.zip | bin | 441838 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69021-h/69021-h.htm | 6289 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69021-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 342957 -> 0 bytes |
8 files changed, 17 insertions, 11797 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8a8c348 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #69021 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69021) diff --git a/old/69021-0.txt b/old/69021-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2eb7881..0000000 --- a/old/69021-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5508 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Women and economic evolution, by -Theresa Schmid McMahon - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Women and economic evolution - or, The effects of industrial changes upon the status of women - -Author: Theresa Schmid McMahon - -Release Date: September 20, 2022 [eBook #69021] - -Language: English - -Produced by: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN AND ECONOMIC -EVOLUTION *** - - - - - - BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - - NO. 496 - - ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE SERIES VOL. 7, NO. 2, PP. 103-234 - - - WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION - - OR - - THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE - STATUS OF WOMEN - - - By - - THERESA SCHMID MCMAHON, PH. D. - _Sometime Fellow in Sociology_ - _The University of Wisconsin_ - _Instructor in Political and Social Science, University of Washington_ - - - A THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY - THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - - - MADISON, WISCONSIN - 1912 - Price, 25 Cents - - - - -BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - - -Entered as second-class matter June 10, 1898, at the post office at -Madison, Wisconsin under the Act of July 16, 1894 - - -COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION - - WALTER M. SMITH, _Chairman_ - WILLARD G. BLEYER, _Secretary_ - O. CLARKE GILLETT, _Editor_ - - R. E. NEIL DODGE, _Philology and Literature Series_ - WILLIAM H. LIGHTY, _University Extension Series_ - WILLIAM S. MARSHALL, _Science Series_ - DANIEL W. MEAD, _Engineering Series_ - WINFRED T. ROOT, _History Series_ - THOMAS K. URDAHL, _Economics and Political Science Series_ - - -The Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin is published bimonthly at -Madison. For postal purposes, all issues in all series of the Bulletin -are included in one consecutive numbering as published, a numbering -which has no relation whatever to the arrangement in series and volumes. - -The Economics and Political Science series, the History series, the -Philology and Literature series, the Science series, the Engineering -series, and the University extension series contain original papers by -persons connected with the University. The series formerly issued as -the Economics, Political Science, and History series was discontinued -with the completion of the second volume and has been replaced by the -Economics and Political Science series and the History series. - -Persons who reside in the state of Wisconsin may obtain copies of the -Bulletin free by applying to the Secretary of the Regents and paying -the cost of transportation. No. 1 of Vol. 1 of the Economics, Political -Science, and History series, Nos. 1 and 3 of Vol. 2 of the Philology -and Literature series, No. 2 of Vol. 2 of the Science series, and Nos. -1-5 of Vol. 1 and No. 4 of Vol. 2 of the Engineering series are now out -of print and can no longer be furnished. Bulletins issued since May 1, -1898, are entered as second-class mail matter and no charge is required -by the University to cover cost of postage. The postage required for -such of the earlier numbers as can now be furnished is as follows: -Econ. ser., Vol. 1, No. 2, 8c; No. 3, 13c; Vol. 3, No. 1, 4c; Phil. -ser., Vol. 1, No. 1, 5c; Sci. ser., Vol. 1, No. 1, 2c; No. 2, 2c; No. -3, 3c; No. 4, 3c; No. 5, 10c; Vol. 2, No. 1, 2c; Eng. ser., Vol. 1, No. -6, 2c; No. 7, 3c; No. 8, 2c; No. 9, 4c; No. 10, 3c; Vol. 2, No. 1, 4c; -No. 2, 2c. - -Any number of the Bulletin now in print will be sent postpaid to -persons not residents of Wisconsin from the office of the Secretary -of the Regents on receipt of the price. Title pages and tables of -contents to completed volumes of all series, have been issued and will -be furnished without cost on application to the University Librarian. -Communications having reference to an exchange of publications should -be addressed to the Librarian of The University of Wisconsin, Madison, -Wis. - - - - - BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - - NO. 496 - - ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE SERIES VOL. 7, NO. 2, PP. 103-234 - - - WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION - - OR - - THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE - STATUS OF WOMEN - - - BY - - THERESA SCHMID MCMAHON, PH. D. - _Sometime Fellow in Sociology_ - _The University of Wisconsin_ - _Instructor in Political and Social Science, University of Washington_ - - - A THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY - THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - 1908 - - - MADISON, WISCONSIN - 1912 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGES - - INTRODUCTION 5-10 - - CHAPTER I. THE STATUS OF WOMEN AND PRIMITIVE INDUSTRY 10-19 - - CHAPTER II. THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN EARLY HISTORICAL TIMES 19-28 - - CHAPTER III. THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE - HOMES OF THE WORKING-POOR 28-37 - - CHAPTER IV. THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE - HOMES OF THE MIDDLE-CLASS 37-49 - - CHAPTER V. WOMEN OF LEISURE 49-57 - - CHAPTER VI. STATUS OF WOMEN AND HOME INDUSTRY AMONG - PROFESSIONAL CLASSES 57-69 - - CHAPTER VII. THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON MARRIAGE 69-80 - - CHAPTER VIII. ECONOMIC FORCES AND THE BIRTH-RATE 80-88 - - CHAPTER IX. ECONOMIC CHANGES AND THE DIVORCE-RATE 88-97 - - CHAPTER X. THE POLITICAL RIGHTS OF WOMEN AND INDUSTRIAL CHANGES 97-114 - - CHAPTER XI. CONCLUSION 114-124 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -In dealing with the evolution of home industry and its effects upon the -status of women, it will be necessary to note briefly the status of the -sexes before marked differentiation took place. - -As a matter of fact, we know very little about mankind before the -beginning of recorded history. It is true we have various examples of -primitive culture existing at the present time, and to a considerable -degree they illustrate the different stages of culture through which -civilization has passed; but there is no proof that different types -of social development have not existed in the earlier periods. These -different types may have been out of harmony with the existing -environment, and hence were eliminated by the struggle for existence. -It does not follow that the eliminated types were inferior to the -surviving one, but that they proved less fit in a conflict of certain -forces. For instance, a peaceable race has often been at a disadvantage -when contending with a warlike and aggressive one, and its institutions -have been overthrown in the struggle. - -What has been true in the conflict of races may be equally true in -a conflict for authority between the sexes, if such a conflict ever -existed. In a period of history when severe struggles between peoples -were common, feminine rule was not compatible with such struggle. - -The commonly accepted theory is that men hold their position of -recognized superiority over women by virtue of an inherent superiority; -that sexual differences as measured by world achievements are -characteristic of all races. This is the androcentric theory which is -described by Ward as “the view that the male sex is primary and the -female sex secondary in the organic scheme, that all things center, -as it were, about the male, and that the female, though necessary to -carrying out the scheme, is only the means of continuing the life of -the globe, but it is otherwise an unimportant accessory, and incidental -factor in the general result.”[1] - -This theory has been accepted as a fact for ages; it has been -sanctioned by all religions and by custom. In the minds of many people -it had been established as one of the certainties removed from the -province of doubt. Indeed, so many facts have been brought forth in -proof of this theory that in the past to question it simply invited -ridicule. - -According to the androcentric theory man alone is responsible for -the development of our social institutions, and woman’s progressive -evolution has been one of constant adaptation; never one of innovation. -“Woman is the lesser man” and her achievements have always been -measured by masculine standards. - -A new theory has been advanced by Ward which merits careful -consideration. He calls it the gynaecocentric theory. It is the “view -that the female sex is primary and the male secondary in the organic -scheme, that originally and normally all things center, as it were, -about the female, and that the male, though not necessary to carrying -out the scheme, was developed under the operation of the principle of -advantage to secure organic progress through the crossing of strains. -The theory further claims that the apparent male superiority in the -human race and in certain of the higher animals and birds is the result -of specialization in extra-normal directions due to adventitious causes -which have nothing to do with the general scheme, but which can be -explained on biological principles; that it only applies to certain -characters, and to a relatively small number of genera and families. -It accounts for the prevalence of the androcentric theory by the -superficial character of human knowledge of such subjects, chiefly -influenced by the illusion of the near, but largely, in the case of man -at least, by tradition, convention, and prejudice.”[2] - -Students of primitive history are not agreed as to whether there has -ever existed a people among whom women held sway. The tendency is to -discredit the evidence offered for the theory of female rule. If -such peoples existed, none have survived to play an important part in -history. This fact seems to indicate that, other things being equal, -female rule was not compatible with the evolution of our present -civilization, if by female rule we mean the recognized superiority of -the female sex at a time when authority rested solely in the hands of -the successful fighters on behalf of the tribe. - -Political power implied the exercise of protection. Hence if women held -the balance of power in a primitive community constantly engaged in -warfare--success in warfare being the only measure of one’s worth--the -insecurity of their lives, and the constant depletion of their numbers -would materially affect the increase of numbers within the tribe, and -in time weaken the tribe in contending with enemies. Elimination or -absorption by other tribes would be inevitable. - -Without discussing the theory that woman is by nature conservative -while man is variable, it is evident that only the women who clung -most tenaciously to custom left offspring. The women who varied -from the established order by their radical or individualistic -characteristics devoted their lives to a cause, usually of a religious -nature, and left no offspring. On the other hand, the most aggressive -men were most successful in winning wives and were able to transmit -their variable qualities, while less aggressive natures tended to -leave no descendants. Therefore, much that is attributed to sexual -differentiation may be due in part to an environment favorable to -a type; to social institutions more favorable to the survival of -conservative females and variable males; to the elimination of those -females in whom inherited variable tendencies did not remain dormant. - -It is reasonable to believe that in the primitive horde there existed -a degree of equality between the sexes, but “at the beginning of the -historical period woman was under the complete subjection of man. She -had so long been a mere slave and drudge that she had lost all the -higher attributes she originally possessed.”[3] - -Many forces have played an important part in the evolution of the -social status of women. The mother instinct which prompted women to -prefer the interests of their children to their own prevented them from -concentrating their attention on activities not directly concerned with -the care of the children and made it possible to subject a whole sex to -an inferior position, irrespective of their numbers, and to make them -apparently contented with their lot. - -The beginning of the race was associated with a keen struggle for -subsistence. If promiscuity was the earliest form of mating, the -greatest burden of support would naturally devolve upon woman and -would handicap her when it came to meeting or evading enemies. But if -the father of her children remained as a protector, at least while -the child was helpless, this handicap would be removed. Whether she -was actually provided with subsistence or protected from enemies in -the beginning, we know she did receive protection by virtue of her -sex before the race advanced very far in its social development. This -protection largely exempted her from warlike struggle, but it also -deprived her almost entirely of the communal authority that had its -basis in such a struggle. What was a gain to the individual woman was a -loss to her sex in social position. - -The supremacy that one sex, class or race gains over another, does not -necessarily arise out of far sighted action, having in view a definite -goal. In the early struggle of our race, the loss of power by woman and -the gain by man was incidental and not the result of a struggle for -authority between the sexes. - -The same general principle applied to economic life. Whatever woman -gained in the early industrial activities of the race which gave her -the right to claim precedence in this field, she lost as industry -departed from the hearth. - -History does not show women struggling for authority before the -domination of machine industry, or struggling to maintain a position -which would give them prestige in the tribe or state. It is true -women have taken part in some of the great movements and revolutions -of society, such as the Crusades, or the French revolution but only -when the country in question was thrown into an emotional state, and -when all other considerations were pushed into the background by the -predominant passion. They have taken part in these struggles, and -often shown greater frenzy than men in their efforts to attain their -desired goal. They had not yet learned the lesson of self control -forced upon men by their economic struggles. Economic struggles have -always brought men into other relationships with their fellow men than -the purely social. Such has not been the lot of women. - -Industrial changes have played a large part in determining the social, -political and economic status of women. It is only since the advent -of machine industry that women as a sex have been recognized as a -distinct economic factor in our industrial life. Consequently it has -been difficult to procure material illustrating the industrial status -of women in certain periods of history. - -When history mentions women, it is invariably as individuals in their -social, religious or political capacities, and not as a class of -industrial workers. The reason for this lack of data is that women -as a class assumed a passive attitude in the economic and industrial -life; and, excepting when forced by necessity, took no aggressive part -in the great industrial changes of the time. Invariably they adapted -themselves to existing conditions. - -If little emphasis is placed in the following pages on the influence -of the great moral forces which have played such a large part in -the history of our civilization, it is not because these forces are -overlooked but because they are not a part of the general theme dealing -primarily with the economic. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Ward, _Pure Sociology_, p. 364. - -[2] Ward, _Pure Sociology_, pp. 296-7. - -[3] Ward, _Pure Sociology_, p. 364. - - - - -WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE STATUS OF WOMEN AND PRIMITIVE INDUSTRY - - -Facts brought to light by ethnologists and anthropologists indicate -that our prehistoric ancestors were engaged in a severe struggle for -existence. This struggle must have been a keen one when man’s life -was filled with fear, when his advantages over other animals were -slight, and where climatic conditions were unfavorable to the procuring -of subsistence. Undoubtedly his greatest desire was for a sense of -security from enemies. - -There is a tendency to attribute to primitive man a considerable degree -of reasoning power; whereas he acted, no doubt, largely from impulse, -and with little concern for the future. Marshall says, “Whatever be -their climate and whatever their ancestry, we find savages living under -the domain of custom and impulse; scarcely ever striking out new lines -for themselves; never forecasting the distant future, and seldom making -provision even for the near future; fitful in spite of their servitude -to custom, governed by the fancy of the moment; ready at times for the -most arduous exertions, but incapable of keeping themselves long to -steady work.”[4] - -The immediate satisfying of his wants was primitive man’s main thought, -and the eliminating of the factors interfering with the gratification -of these wants, his chief concern. - -He probably would have sacrificed freedom for a greater degree of -security, for freedom was something beyond his imagination, and was a -mockery to one engaged in so severe a struggle with his environment. - -Primitive woman had an advantage over man in that her sexual appetite -was not so keen. “All females were alike for the male animal and -savage. The only selection that took place down to the close of -the protosocial stage was female selection. The females alone were -sufficiently free from the violence of passion to compare, deliberate, -and discriminate.”[5] - -This might have given primitive woman the upper hand had she sought -authority. But protection, both during the time of pregnancy when her -physical powers were impaired, and during the period of lactation was -her greatest concern. Maternity was her paramount interest and beyond -the needs of her child there was no desire for power. - -Naturally out of the relationship existing between protector and -protected, arose a recognition of authority in the former. Hence it -seems reasonable to believe that the subordination of women to men in -early historical times grew out of conditions working no hardship on -either sex but affording mutual advantages. - -If stress of circumstances was in any way responsible for the superior -intelligence of man over other animals, woman would necessarily be the -first to develop the quality of foresight, for it fell to her lot to -provide for her offspring. The fulfillment of this responsibility was -essential to the preservation of the race. - -Primitive man and primitive woman could go through long periods of -fasting, but not so their children. The mother’s maternal instinct -prompted her to supply their wants before her own, while man satisfied -his hunger first, and then relegated the remains of his feast to the -women and the children. His first instinct was the satisfying of his -wants; hers, the satisfying of her offspring’s. Here lies one of the -fundamental differences between the sexes; and out of this contrast in -self-thought have arisen the marked differences of character commonly -designated as feminine and masculine. - -If primitive man’s first concern had been to feed his mate, woman would -never have become the “mother of industry.” She might have remained -passive in the struggle for subsistence, as she was in the struggle -against enemies. - -Prehistoric men left the remains of the feast to the women and the -children; and when food was scarce the women were forced to seek some -means of subsistence other than the hunt afforded. They “climbed up -hills for the opossum, delved in the ground with their sticks for -yams, native bread, and nutritious roots, groped about the rocks for -shellfish, dived beneath the sea for oysters, and fished for the finny -tribe.”[6] - -Woman was the “mother of industry” and the inventor of most of the -early industrial arts. Says Mason, “Women were instructed by the -spiders, the nest builders, the storers of food and the workers in -clay like the mud wasp and the termites. It is not meant that these -creatures set up schools to teach dull women how to work, but that -their quick minds were on the alert for hints coming from these -sources.... It is in the apotheosis of industrialism that woman has -borne her part so persistently and well.”[7] - -Students of primitive history have given us vivid pictures of the -industrial occupations of women among different tribes; but they -depend largely for their material upon examples of these industrial -occupations as carried on among tribes existing at present in a -state of primitive culture. Nowhere now do we find an illustration -of inventive genius on the part of women generally, in a primitive -state of culture corresponding to that credited to them in prehistoric -times. This may be due to a lack of personal freedom, such as was known -to primitive woman, or to the lack of proper incentive stimulating -the individual to progress. The latter reason may account for the -unprogressiveness or degeneracy of many tribes of the present day. - -Following his natural instincts and utilizing his power for their -gratification prehistoric man found himself in possession of an -authority over woman which he had unconsciously acquired. When -once conscious of this power he used it arbitrarily, and perhaps -oppressively. - -Among peaceable peoples there was little need for the exercise of -authority, either defensively or offensively. That personal services -were rendered men by the women does not necessarily signify the -services were prompted by fear. It is only where militancy prevails -that we find an exercise of authority by men over women which suggests -the tyranny of the strong over the weak. But even here the tyranny -of the strong members of the tribe over the weak is more noticeable -than the tyranny of man over woman. Authority determined the status -of the individual or of the sex, but it was only one of the factors -determining occupation. - -Contemporary tribes of low culture differ widely in the position and -occupation of women, but there is sufficient resemblance of work among -women generally, to make it safe to say that to the women fall the -tasks most compatible with stationary habits of life.[8] - -As a matter of choice women would naturally engage in those occupations -which centered around the fireside. We do find many instances where -owing to the employments of men, or to the habits of migration -resulting from a search for food, the women are employed far from the -hearth. On the whole, however, the occupations commonly pursued by -women freed them from carrying children long distances. Westermarck -says that the occupations of men are “such as require strength and -ability; fighting, hunting, fishing, the construction of implements for -the chase and war, and the building of huts. - -On the other hand, the principal occupations of women are universally -of a domestic kind: She procures wood and water, prepares the food, -dresses skins, makes clothes, takes care of the children. She, -moreover, supplies the household with vegetable food, gathers roots, -berries, acorns, and among agricultural savages, very commonly -cultivates the ground. Thus the various occupations of life are divided -between the sexes according to definite rules. And though the formation -of these rules has undoubtedly been more or less influenced by the -egoism of the stronger sex, the essential principle from which they -spring lies deeper.”[9] - -From necessity women were conservative in their habits since a -stationary life was most conducive to the protection and care of -offspring. That they should follow those occupations which had to do -with the preparation and consumption of food, or with the personal -services closely allied to the satisfying of the need for food and -clothing, seems natural and reasonable since the children looked to -them for those vital services. - -It is but a short step from the rendering of personal services to -offspring to the rendering of services to a mature man or woman. The -performing of services for the father may have been at first voluntary; -later it became fixed as a habit and finally established as a custom. -This performing of personal services--so conspicuous among peoples of -primitive culture, is the basis for concluding the oppression of women. -“What is largely due to custom is taken to be sheer tyranny on the part -of the stronger sex, and the wife is pronounced an abject slave of her -husband, destitute of all rights.”[10] - -Our insight into primitive culture shows a state of society in which -women held a subordinate position, and where the authority rested -primarily with men. The status of women had become fixed by tradition -and custom and to depart from it meant ridicule and contempt. - -Nevertheless primitive woman seemed content with her lot; and freedom -which meant opportunity to struggle against one’s enemies, was not -for her a desideration. If she thought at all of her position of -subordination--she probably did not--she would have concluded that she -was the gainer rather than the loser when she gave up authority in -return for protection. - -The authority of one sex over the other arose spontaneously and -unconsciously by the exercise of the function of protection which in -a measure determined choice of occupation. It is true men chose those -occupations allowing the greatest versatility and demanding much -activity and quickness of motion, and that women were generally barred -from them; but hunting and warfare--the two occupations followed by -primitive man before the era of pastoral and agricultural life--would -have deprived women of the security and protection so essential to the -preservation of the race. - -When women accepted the protection of men, the women had a chance to -survive and reproduce. But the men were forced to fight and only those -survived who were able to overcome the enemy. - -Before long women outnumbered men; and the motive responsible for the -division of occupation was lost sight of. Protection was sought instead -of being voluntarily given, and women surrendered more in proportion as -their value decreased in the estimation of men. - -As long as the number of men and women was approximately equal, the -relations between the sexes were more likely to be based upon mutual -interests and sympathy. But when one sex far outnumbered the other, -degeneracy set in. Wherever we find primitive peoples engaged in almost -constant warfare, women outnumber men and the status of the former is -low. Women are apparently willing to be oppressed to win favor in the -eyes of their lord and master. - -There are no historical facts indicating that women as a class -resisted the encroachments upon their personal rights by the men. -Few individuals are willing to fight for authority when stimulation -is lacking; or to struggle for an abstract right not affecting their -habits of life. Women followed the line of least resistance. It led -to their oppression, but it suited the conservative habit fostered by -maternity, and in a measure offered them greater security at a time -opportune from the standpoint of the race. - -The fate of women seems less hard when judged by the standards of -justice and consideration practiced by men and women alike. “When we -learn that where torture of enemies is the custom, the women out-do -the men--when we read of the cruelties perpetrated by the two female -Dyak chiefs described by Rajah Brooks, or of the horrible deeds which -Winrod Reade narrates of a blood-thirsty African Queen, we are shown -that it is not lack of will but lack of power which prevents primitive -women from displaying natures equally brutal with those of primitive -men.”[11] - -Wherever the militant spirit is absent, there exists greater equality -between man and woman, and between man and man. Industrialism in its -simple forms is conducive to the spirit of equality; and among those -tribes where industry is the chief occupation of the people, and where -exploitation of other peoples ceases to be a habit, the position of -woman is the best. - -A factor not to be overlooked in estimating the status of peoples is -the nature of the environment. No matter whether the inclinations -of the people foster militancy or industrialism, if the natural -environment is unfavorable to the procuring of a steady supply of food, -the people is checked in its development by too great odds against it. -If the natural environment is so friendly as to supply food without -effort on the part of the consumer--as is true of many southern -climes--stagnation or degeneracy results from a lack of stimulus to -exertion. - -What is true of a race or tribe may also be true of women. They -show the least physical and mental development where conditions are -extremely oppressive; and a moral indifference and indolence where life -demands little physical or mental effort for its maintenance. - -Irrespective of its immediate cause the oppression of women brings -about in time a differentiation of the sexes industrially and -especially socially. We have seen among many peoples the assignment -of industrial employments to the women and the militant activities -to the men; but this division is not a true measure of the degree -of subordination of the women. The division of employments is in a -measure influenced by the nature of the environment and by the habits -and customs having their roots in a natural environment in the distant -past. Such a division may originally be based upon woman’s convenience -as well as man’s, but probably more often upon that of the latter. - -When warfare became a less constant occupation, men entered -agriculture, which had been considered women’s own field of work. -They did not assume the least skilled part of the work, as does a -class of industrial workers when it enters a new field, but chose -the occupations most compatible with their inclinations, while women -confined their efforts to the more monotonous pursuits. Their work was -not necessarily easier than that of the men, nor were they shielded -from those tasks requiring great physical strength. - -It is true the work pursued by the recognized superior is considered -more honorific than the work done by the social inferior, but the work -itself generally requires a greater degree of skill and ingenuity. -Such honorific work called for greater application and more energy -than women were accustomed to bestow upon their occupations for they -were always hampered by the demands of their children. During the -agricultural stage, therefore, as in the earlier stage, the women -always did the work requiring the least initiative. In time the women -were largely superseded in the monotonous out-of-door work by the -slave, thus gaining time and energy for the ever increasing indoor -occupations. Through slavery “it is certain that a means was ... found -of maintaining intact the independent household economy with its -accustomed division of labor, and at the same time of making progress -toward an increase in the number and variety of wants.”[12] - -Women’s position in primitive society has often been mistakenly -compared to that of slaves destitute of all authority and personal -rights. Personal rights are very precious to the individual when no -bond of affection exists making the interests of the master and the -slave identical. But just here lies the fundamental difference between -the position of women and that of slaves. The relation between master -and slave was an economic one while that between husband and wife was -personal as well as economic. It called for mutual concessions, the -woman most often subordinating her interests and wishes to those of -the man, who in turn assumed in many instances the entire economic -responsibility. - -New labor-saving methods were employed in agriculture, making it -possible to meet the increased demand for agricultural products. But -not so with the in-door work. New wants arose calling for a greater -variety in food and clothing. In all probability the men least able -physically were superceded in the field by the more robust, and the -former were assigned those household tasks least affected by custom, -and most easily separated from the immediate jurisdiction of the -women. Such employment developed the textile industries. - -Never in history have we examples of women excelling men in attaining -the ideal of the time, whether militant, social or industrial. And if -these ideals represented a progressive development of mankind, women -have always been far behind. At the present the industrial ideal -predominates. Although we know that in primitive times women excelled -men in the industrial arts, it was at a time when the militant ideal -was the dominant one. The controlling ideal has always been shaped -by men and their occupations and always will be shaped by those in -authority. - -The spirit of the time has corresponded to masculine achievement and -women’s progress has been measured by their success in adaptation. It -is of little consequence that women excel in industry in a period of -military precedence, or socially in an epoch of industrialism, since -the standard of measurement is fixed by masculine performance. The -ideal to be attained by either sex is always a masculine one. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[4] Marshall, _Principles of Economics_, I, pp. 10-11. Ed. 4. - -[5] Ward, _Pure Sociology_, p. 360. - -[6] Quoted by Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 125. - -[7] Mason, _Woman’s Share in Primitive Culture_, pp. 2-3. - -[8] Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 134. - -[9] Westermarck, _The Position of Women in Early Civilization_, _The -American Journal of Sociology_, Nov., 1904, p. 410. - -[10] Westermarck, _The Position of Women in Early Civilization_, The -American Journal of Sociology, Nov., 1904, p. 411. - -[11] Spencer, _Principles of Sociology_, I, p. 747. - -[12] Bücher, _Industrial Evolution_, p. 96. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN EARLY HISTORICAL TIMES - - -The world furnishes many examples of the rise and decline of -civilizations before our era. Their art and literature often show -social institutions comparing favorably with those of modern times. -Almost without exception their decline can be traced to the invasion -of people of less culture but greater warlike propensities. The -institutions of these warlike peoples are the ones which survived, and -upon which rest our modern institutions. - -As we have seen the primitive society, militancy favors a greater -differentiation of sex status and of work than industrialism. In the -primarily industrial nations, men’s and women’s work often overlap, and -although we can recognize a sex division of work, the line constantly -shifts to the economic advantage of women. In a militant society, the -women of the higher classes are often shown a deference unknown in the -lower classes, but this deference is not shown them as a sex alone, -but because of their relation to those who stand highest in the state. -Where the women of the higher classes enjoy rights and privileges -other than those reserved to them by the state, they are bestowed -upon the individual alone, and not upon the sex in general. They have -their basis in family ties making the family a unit in its economic -interests, as well as in its social and political interests. No matter -how conservative men may be in their attitude toward the political, -social, and industrial equality of men and women, their prejudices do -not weigh against family interests, or apply to the females of their -own families. - -Militant types of society have not recognized the political rights -of women as women. But for all that their women have often played -important roles in history by virtue of the power coming to them -through some male relative who was more anxious to delegate his power -to them than to see it pass to strangers, or to men of remoter blood -relationship. - -In the early, less militant societies we see that certain rights of -women were recognized. In Egypt “the husband appears to have entered -the house of his wives rather than the wives to have entered his, and -this appearance of inferiority was so marked that the Greeks were -deceived by it. They affirmed that the women were supreme in Egypt; the -man at the time of marriage promised obedience to her, and entered into -a contract not to raise any objection to her commands.”[13] - -Hobhouse says, “It is very possible that the preservation of relics -of mother-right was among the forces tending to the better condition -of women in Egypt. These were augmented toward the close of the -independent history of Egypt by the rise of free contract and the -important part taken by women in the industrial and commercial life. In -these relations and in social intercourse generally it is allowed on -all hands that their position was remarkably free.”[14] - -In Babylonia there were times when women held a position of -independence and authority. “The wife could act apart from her husband, -could enter into partnership, could trade with her money and conduct -lawsuits in her own name.” - -Sayce says further, “Women, as well as men, enjoyed the advantages of -education. This evidence from the Babylonian contract-tablets, in which -we find women appearing, as well as men, as plaintiffs or defendants -in suits, as partners in commercial transactions, and as signing, when -need arose, their names. There was none of that jealous exclusion of -women in ancient Babylonia which characterizes the East of today, and -it is probable that boys and girls pursued their studies at the same -school.”[15] - -Among the Greeks of the Homeric age, women held a position of respect -and dignity but in the age of Pericles “little pains were taken with -their education. Before their marriage, they managed their households -and seldom left their dwellings.”[16] - -In spite of paternal authority so firmly established by custom all -through early history we find individual women conspicuous by virtue of -their cleverness, intelligence or charm giving them power in affairs of -state. When Rome was at its height, there were men solicitors acting in -behalf of women in litigation and in the management of their property. -In fact, “the mass of capital which was collected in the hands of women -appeared to the statesmen of the time so dangerous, that they resorted -to the extravagant expedient of prohibiting by law the testamentary -nomination of women as heirs, and even sought by highly arbitrary -practice to deprive women for the most part of those collateral -inheritances which fell to them without testament.”[17] - -The Roman family was absolutely controlled by the father. His -jurisdiction extended not only to the women and children of his -household but to his grown sons after they had established a household -of their own.[18] - -The attitude of the law toward a class of men is a fair criterion of -their status; but this is not true of the women. Since they do not -constitute a distinct class or industrial stratum, law is more apt to -reflect their status as determined by tradition and custom, than to -determine their status. - -Mommsen below says, “Wife and child did not exist merely for the -house-father’s sake in the sense in which property exists only for the -proprietor, or in which the subjects of an absolute state exist only -for the king; they were the objects indeed of a legal right, on his -part, but they had at the same time capacities of right of their own; -they were not things but persons. Their rights were dormant in respect -of exercise, simply because the unity of the household demanded that it -should be governed by a single representative.”[19] - -Long before legislation took a more enlightened attitude toward the -legal and political rights of women, the old laws relating to women had -become antiquated. “Even in public matters women already began to have -a will of their own and occasionally, as Cato thought, ‘to rule the -rulers of the world.’”[20] - -Irrespective of the legal and social status of women, early history -shows practically the same division of work between the sexes as in -primitive times. If there is any apparent difference, it is in a -greater diversity of household tasks for women, and the narrowing of -the limits of their out-of-door tasks. Men continue to make inroads -upon the increasing industrial work of women without changing the -nature of it in any of its essentials. - -In Rome within the house “woman was not servant but mistress.” Exempted -from the tasks of corn-grinding and cooking which according to Roman -ideas belonged to the menials, the Roman housewife devoted herself -in the main to the superintendence of her maid servants, and to the -accompanying labours of the distaff, which was to woman what the plow -was to man.[21] - -The characteristic work of the Roman women of the well-to-do -classes was practically that of the well-to-do classes of all early -civilizations. The work, however, of the wives of the poor was in -marked contrast. The Ligurian women “laboured, like the men, at -the hardest work, and hired themselves out for the harvest in the -neighboring countries.”[22] - -History throws little light upon the conditions of the laboring -people in early civilization. Although they were the foundation on -which society rested, they were considered of no consequence in the -development of the state excepting in their capacity as warriors. -Hence, our knowledge of the manners and customs of the people must be -gleaned from data regarding the well-to-do classes. - -Under feudalism, status was well defined and the individual counted -for little in the social regime. The position of the lord was based -upon military prowess, and he took little or no direct part in the -industrial occupations of the people. The laborer was his property, -and the lord in return agreed to protect him. Guizot says, “There was -nothing morally common between the holder of the fief and his serfs. -They formed part of his estate; they were his property; and under this -word property are comprised, not only all the rights which we delegate -to the public magistrate to exercise in the name of the state, but -likewise all those which we possess over private property; the right -of making laws, of levying taxes, of inflicting punishment, as well as -that of disposing of them or selling them.”[23] - -The serf was in no wise a part of the feudal lord’s family nor did the -women of his class experience any of the male chivalry which we are -accustomed to associate with this period. - -The status of the women of the serfs was little better than that of -slaves. The difference between the status of men and women of this -class was probably no greater than that between the lord and his wife, -but the difference was emphasized in that there was a greater range of -abuse on the part of the social superior toward the social inferior -where women were concerned. - -In the house of the lord “the chief, however violent, and brutal his -outdoor exercises, must habitually return into the bosom of his family. -He there finds his wife and children, and scarcely any but them; they -alone are his constant companions; they alone are interested in all -that concerns him. It could not but happen in such circumstances, that -domestic life must have acquired a vast influence, nor is there any -lack of proofs that it did so.”[24] - -The predominance which domestic life acquired among the upper classes -during feudal times did much toward elevating the women of these -classes to social equality with men. - -Although during this period there exists among the people a great -difference in the kind of work performed by men and the work performed -by women in the higher classes, nevertheless the position of the wife -was one of respect, and often one of authority. When the lord was away -from home on warlike expeditions the wife assumed at times her lord’s -duties.[25] - -“Women exercised to the full the powers that were attached to the land -either by proxy, by bailiffs, or in person. They levied troops, held -courts of justice, coined money, and took part in the assembly of peers -that met at the court of the lord.”[26] - -Parallel with the decline of the feudal system is the rapid growth -of towns. Women did not take a conspicuous part in the work carried -on in the towns, but that they were not excluded from the industries -is apparent when we find them in the trade guilds as early as the -fifteenth century. “Labor disputes arose over the questions of wages -and piece-work, of holidays, of the employment of women and cheap -workers.”[27] - -Before the great pestilence of 1348, women were employed as -agricultural laborers. Their wages were invariably lower than the wages -of men. This difference in wages can be partially accounted for on the -ground that there existed a marked difference in the nature of their -work. Women as farm hands were employed in “dibbling beans, in weeding -corn, in making hay, in assisting the sheep-shearers and washing the -sheep, in filling the muck carts with manure, and in spreading it -upon the lands, in shearing corn, but especially in reaping stubble -after the ears of corn had been cut off by the shearers, in binding -and stacking sheaves, in thatching ricks and houses, in watching in -the fields to prevent cattle straying into the corn, or armed with a -sling, in scaring birds from the seed of ripening corn, and in similar -occupations. When these failed, there were the winding and spinning -of wool ‘to stop a gap.’ These were the employments not only of the -laborers’ wives; the wife and daughters of the farmer took their part -in all farm works with other women, and worked side by side with their -husbands and fathers. After the ‘black death’, women shared for a time -in the general rise of wages, and were seldom paid less than two-pence -for a day’s work, a sum not unfrequently paid a woman for her daily -work in the fields before the time of the great pestilence. This amount -of wages, however, was diminished by one of the statutes of labourers, -which required that every woman not having a craft, nor possessing -property of her own, should work on a farm equally with a man, and -be subjected to the same regulations as to wages as her husband and -brothers, and like them should not leave the manor or district in which -she usually lived to seek work elsewhere.”[28] - -In the early stages of industry “wool and silk were woven and spun -in scattered villages by families who eked out their subsistence by -agriculture.”[29] - -Often in the sixteenth century the wealthy graziers were clothiers and -employed the men and women of the neighborhood to make into cloth the -wool raised upon their own lands. “In many districts the farmers and -labourers used few things which were not the work of their own hands, -or which had not been manufactured a few miles from their homes. The -poet Wordsworth’s account of the farmers’ families in Westmorland, who -grew on their own land the corn with which they were fed, spun in their -own home the wool with which they were clothed, and supplied the rest -of their wants by the sale of yarn in the neighboring market town was -not so far inapplicable to other parts of England as we might at first -imagine.”[30] - -With the introduction of machinery the paternal attitude of the master -toward the employee disappeared. Since the workman at this time had no -political rights the decline of the spirit of paternalism exposed him -to easy industrial exploitation. - -Under the domestic system of industry the entire family was engaged -under one roof in the spinning or weaving of cloth. The spinning -was done by the women and children, and the weaving by the men. -Often it took as many as six spinners to keep one weaver busy, thus -necessitating the employment of the women in the neighborhood when -there were not sufficient spinners in the household.[31] - -This system of industry was revolutionized by the invention of the -spinning-jenny, the water-frame, and the self-acting mule, and the -application of the steam engine to cotton manufacture. With the -introduction of these inventions into the cotton industry the modern -factory system arose. Those employers who could not compete with the -new methods were forced to give up their small domestic factories and -seek employment in the towns. In 1811 the agricultural population of -England was 35 per cent of the whole, and within twenty years it had -declined to 28 per cent.[32] - -Before the introduction of machinery, industrial occupations kept -pace with increasing wants, but so little progress was made from -one generation to the other as to give the impression of a static -condition. Class lines were sharply drawn, and all authority rested -with those whose property holdings were sufficient to place them -with the privileged classes. Their political power increased with -their material prosperity but neither political power nor material -prosperity fell to the laboring classes. “Except as a member of a mob, -the labourer had not a shred of political influence. The power of -making laws was concentrated in the hands of the land owners, the great -merchant princes, and a small knot of capitalists, manufacturers who -wielded that power?--was it not natural in the interests of their class, -rather than for the good of the people.”[33] - -From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century little change was -effected in the home life of the people. Many of the houses had “but -a single great fireplace.” At the beginning of the nineteenth century -came many improvements in household affairs. “The common use of the -friction matches after 1830 saved an infinitude of pains to the cook, -the workman, and the smoker; instead of the iron pots and Dutch ovens -came the air-tight cook stove, an unspeakable good friend to the -housewife; for the open fire was substituted the wood-stove, and then -the coal-stove, which leaked gas but saved toil and trouble; for the -labor of the needle which has kept feminine fingers employed from the -time of Penelope, came the sewing-machine, rude enough at first, which -revolutionized the making of clothing.”[34] - -History shows from the earliest times the employment of women of the -higher social classes within doors. Although the women of the laboring -classes are employed extensively in the fields there is always an -apparent tendency for them to center their activities about the hearth. -The performance of out-door tasks among women is determined as much by -their class status as sex status. The outdoor work of women resulted -less from the tyranny of one sex over another than from the tyranny of -one class over another. Whatever the lot of the women field laborers, -the lot of their husbands and brothers was little better. - -The difference between the status of men and women is estimated by -the nature of their work when engaged in the same general occupation -as agriculture. Women seem to be deprived of the element of choice in -their work since they perform the most monotonous and uninteresting -tasks, and the men perform the work allowing for the greatest play -of individuality and skill. How much this division of work is due -to differences of authority, and how much to the difference in the -assumption of responsibility, is difficult to say. It is certainly more -convenient for women not to assume responsibilities for out-door work -when they have to care for small children; and what may be attributed -to an exercise of authority of men over women, may be due to custom -having its basis in convenience. It is interesting to note that in -practically all civilized societies women are the first to profit by -any change doing away with the necessity of all the members of the -family being employed in the field. This fact alone would indicate -a common recognition of the necessity of protecting women from the -severest work for the good of the race. It may have its basis, too, in -the inherent chivalry of man toward woman. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[13] Maspero, _Dawn of Civilization_, p. 53. - -[14] Hobhouse, _Evolution of Morals_, I, p. 189. - -[15] Sayce, _Babylonians and Assyrians_. - -[16] Fisher, _The Beginnings of Christianity_, p. 199. - -[17] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, II, p. 484. - -[18] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, I, p. 91. - -“The grown up son might establish a separate household or, as the -Romans expressed it, maintain his own cattle (perculium) assigned to -him by his father; but in law all that the son acquired, whether by -his own labour or by gift from a stranger, whether in his father’s -household or in his own, remained the father’s property.” - -[19] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, I, p. 93. - -[20] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, II, p. 484-5. - -[21] Mommsen, _History of Rome_, I, p. 89. - -[22] Durny, _History of Rome_, I. Sec. 1, pp. 54-55. - -[23] Guizot, _History of Civilization_, I, pp. 92-93. - -[24] Guizot, _History of Civilization_, VI, p. 91. - -[25] Green, _Town Life in the Fifteenth Century_, p. 264-5. - -[26] Ostrogorski, _The Right of Women_, p. 2. - -[27] Green, _Town Life in the Fifteenth Century_, II, p. 88. - -[28] Denton, _England in the Fifteenth Century_, pp. 219-220. - -[29] Toynbee, _The Industrial Revolution_, p. 15. - -[30] Toynbee, _The Industrial Revolution_, p. 181. - -[31] Cheyney, _Industrial and Social History of England_, p. 206. - -[32] Toynbee, _The Industrial Revolution_, p. 88. - -[33] Toynbee, _The Industrial Revolution_, p. 186. - -[34] Hart, _National Ideals Historically Traced_, pp. 188-189. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE HOMES OF THE WORKING POOR - - -Under the domestic system of industry the lord or the master assumed a -moral responsibility for the welfare of his working people. It was his -recognized duty to care for them when in distress. Although this system -of industry centered great power in the hands of a few, and admitted -of great abuse, it relieved the workman of a sense of responsibility -for the future. With the introduction of machinery, this protection -afforded by the master ceased along with the servitude of the worker. -A prop was removed from the working people as well as a weight. The -immediate result was almost disastrous. - -Under the old domestic system there was little encouragement of -individual initiative, and the routine of life was subject to few, -if any, disturbances that thrust great responsibilities upon the -individual. Initiative was a characteristic of the master but the poor -worker was taught obedience from the cradle. He was never stimulated -nor encouraged to start out on a new line for himself. In other -words, he and his family were protected from the uncertainties and -responsibilities imposed upon the modern workman. His standard of -living was necessarily low. Hunger was not unknown, but it was apt to -be a hunger common to all in his class, and so seemingly inevitable, -rather than a hunger endured by his family because of his failure in -the every day industrial struggle. - -The cheapened cost of production of machine industry played havoc -with the small domestic manufacturer. His employees were forced into -the cities to compete for work at the machine a new experience which -was markedly reflected in the homes of the workers. The industrial -conditions of the domestic workers in England when forced to compete -with machine industry, were similar to those pictured by Dawson when he -says of Germany, “the condition of the house workers in most country -districts is lamentable, and in towns it is not much better. It would, -indeed, be difficult to exaggerate the misery which has for years been -the lot of this class of workers. There, as in Silesia, a hand-weaver -is glad to earn 5s. or 6s. for work which occupies nine days of from -sixteen to eighteen hours (less than a halfpenny per hour), while his -wife toils six hours a day for three weeks to complete a web which will -bring her an equal sum, the problem how to make ends meet suggests to -the social economist many reflections.”[35] - -The bringing together of laborers into industrial centers deprived -them of the use of land for agricultural purposes. This increased the -laborer’s dependence upon industrial conditions, and upon his employer. -His employer was now an individual tending to be indifferent to his -employe’s well-being and considering him only as so much labor power to -be utilized for his advantage. - -The laborer found his relations to his new master purely economic, and -he himself responsible for his personal welfare and the welfare of his -family. His sickness and misfortune, though of social importance, was -no longer of economic importance to his employer since the supply of -labor equalled or exceeded the demand for it. - -A few individuals profited by the breaking down of class barriers, -and asserted an individuality in harmony with economic conditions. -But the bulk of the people, either from sheer inefficiency or lack of -opportunity failed to get a foot-hold and constituted a class easily -exploited by the more successful. - -The literature of the period of transition pictures vividly the -sufferings endured by the families of the workers. The poverty and -misery of thousands resulting from the adjustment to machine industry -appealed to all classes of society, and while the essayists and -novelists made a pathetic appeal to the general public, the economists -attempted in vain to suggest some alleviation for the existing distress. - -The poorest class of workers was composed largely of persons who -were highly skilled in the handicraft stage, but were now forced into -occupations requiring little training, and open to labor formerly -considered inefficient. Not only was the number of persons needed to -turn out the finished product much smaller than formerly, but the work -formerly done by men could be done by women and children. - -The labor of women was in greater demand than that of men. “In 1839, -of 31,632 employees in the worsted mills, 18,416, or considerably more -than half, were under eighteen years of age, and of the 13,216 adults, -10,192 were women, leaving only 3,024 adult men among more than 30,000 -laborers.”[36] - -Although cheap labor lowered the cost of production, it did not -benefit the laborer who helped to bring it about, for his standard of -consumption was below that which his production represented. His work -supplied a higher demand than that of his class, and what was his loss -was another’s gain. The greatest benefit of cheapened production fell -to those classes not depending for their living upon their manual work, -or, who received good wages by virtue of the demand for their skill. - -Nowhere are the degenerating possibilities that lurk in industrial -changes more plainly seen than in the homes of the unskilled workers in -England early in the nineteenth century. With the introduction of the -factory system the home in many cases became merely a place to sleep -and eat. Miss Orne pictures the home life of poor families where man -and wife are employed. - -In the chain, nail and bolt making industries man and wife stood -over the same forge, doing practically the same work for they often -exchanged work to break the monotony of their toil. But the wife “took -care of the home in addition to factory work.” - -The married women appear to be as numerous as the unmarried. There is -a general custom in the district for boys and girls of 17 or so to -marry, and for each to continue at work, living in the homes of their -respective parents. Older married women are generally found in the -small workshop of the husband or some near relation.[37] - -With few exceptions the “homes belonging to women who work either -in factories or home work shops are very nearly desolate. The meals -consist of bread and butter and tea, with a little cold bacon for -dinner. The tea is made from a kettle heated at the forge, and thus -the cares of the housekeeping are reduced to a minimum. There is no -knowledge of cooking, and therefore no variety of diet. The children -troup into the workshop as they come from school, and in fact, there is -no home life at all.”[38] - -Such homes are typical of workers where the husband and wife are -compelled to enter the factory in order to feed and clothe themselves -and their children. Many of them are ignorant--possess little authority -and are indifferent to the exercises of the authority they do possess. -Their work does not allow them sufficient energy nor do the financial -returns afford them the needed nourishment for a healthy body and mind. - -What is true of England is true of all countries where modern methods -of industry are practiced, and where the state has not taken steps to -check the evils arising out of the system. - -Gohre, who has made a careful study of a large manufacturing -establishment in industrial Saxony says, “Think for a moment of the -incomes and the homes of the working men as I have described them; -under such conditions it becomes almost impossible for the average man -to realize the beautiful old Christian ideal of the family, about which -we hear so much from the pulpit, let him try as he may * * * Think how -the daily struggle for existence often compels the daily absence of -both parents from the home, as well as the presence of strangers in -the household, sometimes coarse and lawless people, and how this must -interfere with any sort of regular training of the children.”[39] - -Keeping boarders and lodgers--especially lodgers--is a common method of -increasing the income of the family. High rent imposes upon them the -necessity of resorting to some measure to increase the income of the -family above that which represents the remuneration of the father for -his daily toil. The burden of keeping boarders and lodgers falls upon -the wife, but this source of income is seldom added when estimating the -amount contributed by the wife to the family income. - -Many of the evil effects of mothers being employed in factories is -apparent to all, but the crowding of the home with strangers is no -less disastrous to family life. The economic goal is the only possible -one and the family loses its ethical purpose. The Pittsburgh Survey -emphasized the effect of overcrowding the home. “As half of the family -use the kitchen for sleeping, there is a close mingling of the lodgers -with the family which endangers the children’s morals. In only four -instances were there girls over fourteen found in the families taking -lodgers, but even the younger children learn evil quickly from the free -spoken men. One man in a position to know the situation intimately, -spoke of the appalling familiarity with vice among children in these -families.”[40] - -In the city of York, England, the wages paid for unskilled work are -often insufficient to provide food, shelter, and clothing for a family -of moderate size, “in a state of bare physical efficiency.” Of the -income of those families receiving less than 18s weekly the women -contribute 50 per cent and the men 8 per cent. The small proportion -contributed by the men of the household is due to a large number of -families in which the father is either dead or sick. Where the income -is 18s and under 21s per week and the family of a moderate size the -male heads of the family contribute 76 per cent and the female head of -the household 13.3 per cent. With the increase of the weekly earnings -of the men, women contribute less and less.[41] - -The investigation of Mr. Rowntree shows conclusively that married women -of the poorest classes do not engage in industry outside the home for -the sake of pin money. They work because circumstances compel them to -do so, and just as soon as the economic pressure is somewhat relieved -married women remain in their homes. - -The statement is made in Women’s Work and Wages, that “Nearly all the -home makers who answered the question as to why they worked gave one -of three reasons. The most frequent was that the husband’s wages were -either too small or too irregular to keep the home. Fifty-two per cent -gave their answer in many varying forms, of which a frequent one was, -‘It is all very well at first, but what are you to do when you have -three or four children like little steps around you?’” - -“Others had worked all their lives; if the husband is a labourer -earning at best 18s. per week and liable to many weeks without work, no -other course seems possible.”[42] - -Miss Collet says, “I have never yet come across a married woman in the -working classes with such eagerness for pocket-money that she would -work for it at the rate of 1/2d or 1d an hour. Whenever I found women -who said they worked at very low rates they have been working for their -living and for that of their children; their husbands have always been -men disabled or out of work.”[43] - -Frequently the wife of the unskilled worker does not go to the factory; -her work is brought to her in her home. This is a great convenience -to her for it enables her to remain with her children who are often -too small to be left alone and it is impossible to take them to the -factory. “The women who take work home from ware-houses, factories, or -sub-contracting agents are, with comparatively few exceptions, married -or widowed, if we exclude from consideration that large class described -as dressmakers or seamstresses. The home workers are to be found in -every grade of society among the wage-earning class; in the home of -the middle-class clerk and in the room of the dock laborer; rarely, I -think, in the tradesmen class, where wives can add to the family income -more effectually by assisting in the management of the shop.”[44] - -The taking of work into the home is to the advantage of the employer -as well as to the immediate advantage of the employee. It saves the -employer rent and tools and procures him cheaper labor. Women can -afford to work for less under their own roof when it is a question -of working for less or not at all. These women do not often compete -with men, for their work is the poorest paid and the least skilled. -Few men compete with women in the lower grades of work unless they -are physically unable to compete with men for the better kinds of -employments. On the other hand women usually perform some branch of -work which is wholly abandoned to them by the men and they refrain, -whether willingly or not, from engaging in the branches monopolized by -their male rivals.[45] - -The advantages of cheap production do not often fall to this class of -laboring women. Says Mrs. Campbell, “The emancipation of women is well -under way, when all underwear can be bought more cheaply than it is -possible to make it up at home, and simple suits of very good material -make it hardly more difficult for women to clothe herself without -thought or worry, than it has long been for men. This is the word heard -at a woman’s club not long ago, and reinforced within a week by two -well-known journals edited in the interests of women at large.” - -The emancipation on the one side has meant no corresponding -emancipation for the other; and as one woman selects, well pleased, -garment after garment, daintily tucked and trimmed and finished beyond -any capacity of home sewing, marveling a little that a few dollars can -give such lavish return, there arises, from narrow attic and dark, foul -basement, and crowded factory, the cry of the women whose life blood is -on these garments. Through burning scorching days of summer; through -marrow-piercing cold of winter, in hunger and rags with white faced -children at their knees, crying for more bread, or, silent from long -weakness, looking with blank eyes at the flying needle, these women -toil on, twelve, fourteen, sixteen hours even, before the fixed task is -done.[46] - -After a careful study of one of the thickly populated working -districts in New York, Mrs. More says, “As the children grow older -and require less of her care at home, the mother takes in sewing or -goes out washing, secures a janitor’s place, cleans offices, and -does whatever she can to increase the weekly income. She feels this -to be her duty, and often it is necessary, but frequently it has a -disastrous effect on the ambition of the husband. As soon as he sees -that the wife can help support the family, his interest and sense -of responsibility are likely to lessen, and he works irregularly or -spends more on himself. There are, of course, many families in which -this united income is needed, when the man’s illness or incapacity -makes it imperative for the wife to help. Sometimes it is due to -thrift and ambition to save money for the future, or for some definite -purpose. Charitable societies generally deplore the prevalence of this -custom because of its economic and moral results on the head of the -family.”[47] - -The British Board of Trade, in its report on French towns, says: “With -regard to the wives’ earnings it may be observed that their importance -is not limited to the towns in which textile industries predominate. -In 51 per cent of all the families from which budgets were obtained -the wives were contributors; the proportion was highest at Rome (a -town largely dependent on the cotton trade,) where it was no less than -82 per cent.” Of Germany the report says, “A large proportion of the -home workers are married women, who in this way seek to supplement the -earnings of the chief bread-winner, and are only able to devote odd -hours to the work. How largely the custom of home working is a result -of poverty may be concluded from a statement made in a memorial lately -addressed to the Berlin Tramway Company by its employees. The tramway -employee is unfortunately unable to dispense with the earnings of his -wife, even in normal domestic conditions, if he would maintain his -family properly. The wife has really no choice in the matter. So, too, -of 2,051 municipal employees interrogated on the subject in 1905. 416 -or 20.2 per cent replied that their wives worked for money, 170 at -charring, 161 as home workers, and 17 in factories, and 68 in other -ways.”[48] - -In spite of their economic independence the status of the women among -the working poor is lower than the status of the women of any other -social class. They suffer more from oppression, and their position is -little higher than that of the women of the Australia aborigines among -whom man has the power of life and death over his wife and children. -It is true, the state restricts the power of the husband over the wife -and secures for her certain personal rights the Australian savages -are ignorant of, but she has a new master in modern industry which -virtually exercises over her a power of life and death untempered by -sympathy and mutual interest. Degeneracy and elimination such as was -never known in primitive society would result if the more fortunately -situated economic classes did not interfere. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[35] Dawson, _German Life in Town and Country_, p. 50. - -[36] Cheyney, _Industrial and Social History of England_, p. 287. - -[37] Orne, Eliza, _Conditions of Women in the Nail, Chain and Bolt -Making Industries_. - -[38] _Ibid_, p. 574. - -[39] Gohre, _Three Months in a Workshop_, p. 190. - -[40] _Charities and Commons_, Feb. 6, 1909, p. 916. - -[41] Rowntree, _Poverty, A Study of Town Life_, pp. 39, 54. - -[42] Cadbury, Edward; Matheson, M. Cecile; Shann, George. _Women’s Work -and Wages._ - -[43] Booth, _Life and Labor of The People_, IV, p. 801. - -[44] Booth, _Labour and Life of the People_, IV, p. 295. - -[45] Webb, _Problems In Modern Industry_, p. 75. - -[46] Campbell, _Prisoners of Poverty_, pp. 30-1. - -[47] More, _Wage Earners’ Budgets_, pp. 83, 87. - -[48] _Cost of Living in French Towns_, 1909, p. XVI; _Cost of Living in -German Towns_, 1908, p. 11. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE HOMES OF THE MIDDLE-CLASS -WORKERS - - -The middle class worker is a worker whose remuneration is sufficient to -allow him to maintain a plane of living commonly considered adequate -for his physical well being. - -His employment is not necessarily in the skilled trades, for many of -the skilled workers are kept on a margin of bare subsistence, while -many unskilled workers are able to enjoy a considerable degree of -comfort. So much depends upon the economic conditions of a country or -section, and the demand for and supply of labor that a classification -according to occupation or remuneration would not be feasible. - -In congested cities where the cost of living is high, employment -uncertain, and labor plentiful, the unskilled worker frequently finds -it impossible to live and enjoy the simple comforts and decencies of -life. On the other hand, in newly settled communities, where labor -is scarce and opportunities many, the unskilled worker is often able -to accumulate property and to give his children advantages usually -confined to the prosperous business class in a large city. - -Hence, in discussing the middle class worker, he will be considered as -a man having sufficient pay, irrespective of his occupation, or the -occupation of his family to enjoy a plane of living generally accepted -as necessary to a normal and healthful life. - -Peoples that make any progress constantly press toward an ideal. -This ideal is the standard--so to speak--accepted by all classes to -a certain extent, reflected in the schools, churches and all other -social institutions. It is a part of the spirit of the age. To judge -a class by any other standard, to expect its members to embrace the -ideals held by their ancestors because we think it more in keeping -with their financial circumstances, is as unfair as it is illogical. -It is expecting of others what we feel no one has a right to expect of -us. To share in the benefits of our social institutions and the advance -they make from year to year is a right claimed by all irrespective -of class, that a woman no longer “contented with bare floors and tin -dishes,” or even ingrain carpets and porcelain, or a blue calico gown -and white apron for an afternoon social function, does not signify she -is losing her sense of the fitness of things but that she no longer -lives in an age of bare floors and tin dishes and that she too has -through imitation shared in the rise of material standards. When a -class departs from a seemingly sensible course, it is more often a -joining of the procession of imitators and if the example is not worthy -of imitation, the fault is further up the line. - -The middle class worker has as his goal the social class just ahead of -him. He is following a standard he did not establish, but he must go -with the current or drift back. One cannot long stand still. - -In the last chapter was discussed a class of workers who have little, -if any, freedom in the choice of a plane of living. Their poverty is so -great that outside of the civilizing forces afforded by the community, -gratis to all, they merely exist. We now come to a class of workers -who possess those qualities of character which determine the type of -civilization of a country and from whom have come the progressive -movements tending toward the general uplift of humanity. They are the -real fighters. They stand on a side hill and fight both ways--fight -to keep from being shoved down the hill and to gain an inch on the -upgrade. They are neither exclusively the victims nor the beneficiaries -of the economic regime. - -The home of the middle-class worker contains all the elements of -change characteristic of the age, and the success or failure of the -breadwinner in the economic struggle determines the degree to which -these elements are developed. To apply a test to their respective -values would be unfair unless the same test were applied to the -families of the higher social classes. What will be attempted will -be to trace the influence of economic changes upon the home and the -resulting change in the status of the wife. - -Whatever struggle the workingman engages in involves the destiny of -those dependent upon him for subsistence. His success determines -their plane of living, and their interests are identical with his. In -no other class do we see the home so complete an economic unit. The -individual is often completely lost sight of in deference to the family -interests. There is a recognized division of work between the husband -and wife. The common object is the economic well-being of the family, -and although there may not be sufficient economic liberty to enable -them to choose the work most congenial, they gain by the increased -strength brought about by their close co-operation. - -The husband offers his services for money; the wife remains at home -administering to the needs of the family. Her work is of a productive -nature satisfying the primary needs of those about her. She prepares -the food for consumption, makes the clothing for the family and engages -in numberless pursuits--all of which have real economic value to -the family. This is the prevailing ideal of the middle class family -of today, but like many other social ideals is found only under the -most favorable conditions. We find it in many rural communities, or -communities half urban and half rural. Much depends upon the extent to -which manufacturing is carried on in the vicinity, the facilities for -transportation and the price of the commodities brought into the home -as substitutes for the wife’s handiwork. - -In countries where labor is cheaper than the use of machinery, the -home has retained its function as a center of production. Under such -circumstances life is simple and wants necessarily few. In some -communities women still do all the spinning and weaving, the making -of the clothing, and the preparation of all foods for consumption. -This type of family especially when it owns the ground it occupies, -represents a self-sufficing economic unit, such as was characteristic -of the period of domestic industry before the era of machinery. - -In the early colonial days of the United States many homes represented -the best of European civilization in their culture and ideals. -But economically they represented an earlier industrial stage. -Specialization and co-operation were not practiced, and all the -hardships were felt that characterized a domestic system of industry. A -farmer said in 1787 “At this time my farm gave me and my whole family -a good living on the produce of it, and left me one year with another -one hundred and fifty silver dollars, for I never spent more than ten -dollars a year which was for salt, nails, and the like. Nothing to eat -or wear was bought, as my farm provided all.”[49] - -Undoubtedly the duties of the farmer’s wife differed little from those -of the German woman in the 18th century whose husband lauded her in -the following words. “Our cheese and butter, apples, pears, and plums, -fresh or dry, were all of her own preparation.... Her pickles (fruit -preserved in vinegar) excelled anything I ever ate, and I do not know -how she could make the vinegar so incomparable. Every year she made -bitter drops for the stomach. She prepared her elderberry wine herself, -and better peppermint than hers was found in no convent. During all -our married life no one brought a penny-worth of medicine from the -apothecary”....[50] - -The introduction of the factory product into the home was a slow -process, and was stubbornly resisted. If it were left to choice we -would still be clinging to the home-made article with a tenacity -more creditable to our conservatism than our judgment. Fortunately, -necessity forces men to change their habits. At present many of the -occupations followed by our grandmothers have left the home for all -time, and we have become reconciled to the change. - -Whatever changes have taken place in the home are reflections of -changes taking place outside the home. When war ceased to be the -occupation of all men a large amount of productive energy was released -and woman’s sphere of activities became more limited. She was probably -just as busy as when the field work fell to her lot, and her work was -equally productive. What really took place was the gratification of a -wider circle of wants. When the field had its quota of workers, there -was a surplus of male labor to be applied to the indoor work. As we -have seen in an earlier chapter, men again invaded woman’s field of -work and assumed industrial occupations formerly associated with the -fireside. It was not long before there was a marked change in the -industrial unit, but in spite of the fact that men performed a great -deal of indoor work when the home was a diminutive factory, the family -group lost none of its compactness. Practically all the needs of the -family were supplied by its own individual workers. - -Soon man learned the advantage of the division of labor. He gave -certain portions of his work to be done by his neighbor, and this -portion tended to constantly increase. It was not long before he had -but one occupation and it alone did not produce a finished product. It -still had to be passed on to another worker before it was ready for -consumption. This division of labor necessitated a medium of exchange. -He received money for the large supply of goods he produced over and -above his family needs, and with this money he purchased those articles -which he and his family formerly produced on their own plot of ground -and under their own roof. - -How about woman’s work? Instead of producing more of a kind, as the men -did, she produced the same amount, and the leisure falling to her lot -by virtue of certain industries being taken out of the home was applied -to new forms of production. She was just as busy as ever. There arose a -greater variety of wants and it was for her to satisfy them. - -The process might have gone on from generation to generation with no -marked change except a progressive one. The wife might continue to work -in the home, and as her productive employments departed to the factory -she might substitute others. Wants of a higher nature would demand her -constantly increasing time. But what did happen was that the factory -constantly made inroads upon the work of the home while the money -income of the family remained unaffected. - -The income of the family did not tend to increase in the same -proportion as the cost of maintaining the accustomed plane of -living. This forced men into combination for self protection, these -combinations taking the form of trade-unions. - -The women who followed their work into the factory were the least -fortunate. It was only where the men had lost their footing in the -economic struggle that the women offered their services outside of -the home for a wage. They were the least efficient workers, and least -able to protect themselves from a ruthless exploitation. The women -who remained at home were the more fortunate in their matrimonial -relations, for their husbands were still able to provide for their -families, and the family social group was not disturbed. The women -continued to can their fruit and to make their garments. The home was -not less a home than under the old domestic system of industry but -more a home, for the number and variety of wants had increased and the -standard of living had been raised. - -Thus we see that the industrial evolution has had one of two effects -upon the homes of the working class. It has forced thousands of women -and children into the factories, many of whom make up the ranks of the -“submerged tenth” or the population in a “slum” district. They were -economically the weakest, hence were easy victims of a _laissez faire_ -economic regime. Their homes spelled retrogression in the evolution of -the race, for they constituted the most unfit type in the industrial -evolution. - -Those who were not victims of the economic regime benefited, at least -in some measure, by the decreased cost of production. The wives of the -men who were able, either alone or through trade association, to hold -their own in the economic struggle gradually ceased to be drudges. -Every time the factory invaded the home to deprive it of one more -of its industries, the wife either was forced to follow her work, -or gained an increased amount of leisure to be applied in her home -as she saw fit. Upon each encroachment of the factory upon the home -there followed a weeding-out process and a few more women became wage -earners. This process has gone on from decade to decade, and excepting -in a few individual cases, women have been helpless in determining -their fate. Excepting where they went to the factory they did not -affect the economic situation of the time. They adapted themselves -to circumstances as best they could, and had no other conception of -the economic situation than that the money income of the family had -increased or decreased. At only one period in their lives did they and -their parents realize they had a voice in their economic destiny, and -that was when they chose their life companions. They appreciated the -importance of a competent bread-winner. For this reason man’s economic -status has always been important in winning a bride. Indeed many sins -of his past have been forgiven because he was able “to make her a good -living.” - -In the countries of Europe where the evolution of industry has run -its full painful course from the beginning, the middle class workers -are losing ground. Their numbers have relatively decreased, and as a -class they are protesting loudly through their organizations against -conditions that make the old ideal of the family well nigh impossible. -Many of the single men emigrate to countries offering greater -opportunities to working men, thus leaving the young women to win for -themselves a footing in the industrial life outside the home. Neither -men nor women wish to lose their social status by virtue of failure in -the economic struggle, and so they meet the problem separately and on -different continents. - -Those countries not yet fully exploited profit by the courage and -individualism of the north European immigrant. The high price of -labor in consequence of its scarcity made possible a plane of living -beyond the dreams of the home folks, and with this higher standard of -consumption has gone invariably a degree of culture, self improvement, -and self confidence which stood them in good stead at a later day. When -the community became thickly settled and the old industrial problems -arose women did not show the same inclination to go to the factory, -or to lower their plane of consumption to meet the decreased income -of the family, but sought the professions as avenues for industrial -employment. They did not lose social caste and there was a real -economic gain. The United States census report of 1900 says “women as -a class are engaging more generally in those occupations which are -supposed to represent a higher grade in the social scale.” Undoubtedly -the next census report will make this still more apparent.[51] - -The women of the United States have greater educational opportunities -than the women of any other country, and when these opportunities are -taken advantage of, they show a like inclination with men to desert -those employments which call for the least skill, and pay the smallest -wage. They assert an independence characteristic of the better classes, -and assume they have a right to a social status a little higher than -their income permits. - -This is especially true of the married women. If they enjoy an option -between remaining at home or entering the industrial field, they tend -to be more independent as to hours of labor, and the wages they will -accept. Free, in a large measure, from pressing economic necessity, -they are in a better position to dictate terms than the unmarried women -or the men of their class. - -And yet these same married women are considered by their employers -as desirable workers. They tend to be steadier than their unmarried -sisters, and show greater concentration in their work. The secretary -of one of the large glove maker’s union said of the factory in which -she was employed. “When a good worker marries, her place is kept open -for her for several weeks so that she can return within a reasonable -time if she so desires. And she nearly always comes.” Not hunger drives -her back into the factory, but a preference for the industry in which -she has acquired a degree of skill over an industry like housework of -which she knows little, and for which she cares less. From a financial -point of view, it is cheaper for her to hire some one to perform the -distasteful household tasks while she takes her place at her husband’s -side in the factory. There is much to be said for the social advantages -of her work. Once in the home she loses her old associations and finds -herself in an environment which offers little entertainment outside of -her romantic dreams. When these vanish she longs for her old companions -and reënters the factory which, to her, spells industrial freedom, and -a fuller life. - -Many wives of the middle class workers are still engaged in work -also carried on in factories. The latter have not yet attained that -cheapness of production which makes it a waste of time for the -housewife to compete with them. But the attractive rates offered -by laundries for “plain pieces,” and the bargain counters in the -basements of large department stores produce a sigh of relief and the -remark “women have it easier now days than they used to.” Few see the -relation between this cheapened cost of production and wages, for the -breadwinner in all probability belongs to the skilled trades, and the -small wage brought home by the daughter is considered pure gain. - -While the home of the poorest paid worker gives no evidence of luxury -and the wife’s time is employed in satisfying the wants which have -to do with the preparation of food and clothing in their elementary -stages, much of the energy of the home maker of the better paid worker -is applied to maintaining a higher standard of living. - -Wants a century ago were comparatively limited, but under the influence -of modern democratic conditions they have increased many fold. They -most often take the form of a greater variety of food and clothing, or -the satisfying of the spiritual, intellectual and artistic desires. -The newspapers, the magazines, the entire business world seem to have -entered into a conspiracy to separate the working man from his small -savings. Business depends largely upon its success in stimulating the -desires of its patrons. Even our educational system makes every effort -to stimulate higher cultural desires, which inevitably call for a -greater expenditure of money. - -These wants spread among the masses with great rapidity, and their -gratification depends upon economic resources. The demands are -generally felt first in the home. Many women attempt to satisfy them by -their labor so that there is little danger of idleness on the part of -the homeworker of this class as long as wants of this nature increase -more rapidly than the desire for leisure. If their labor has a money -value in the labor market it becomes a luxury when performed for their -families, which could not afford to pay for these services at a very -low cost. Only where the financial means of the families are sufficient -to do without the help of the women in providing the necessities of -life, can this new standard of life be maintained. - -Hand in hand with the expansion of wants must go an increase of -the money income of the family unless the cost of production has -correspondingly cheapened. If not, the family is living beyond its -means. The income of the family must be increased either by increasing -the wages of men or by the wives and mothers entering the industrial -field. Since to lower one’s standard of consumption is to lose one’s -social status, it is considered far better to engage in some reputable -employment outside the home, even though it entails continuous toil -from morning until night. - -The difficulty is not always met in the same way. In one community it -may be perfectly proper for a married woman to continue her stenography -after marriage while in another it would entail social ostracism. Often -small economies are practiced in the home where no one is the wiser. - -In France “the sitting-room is apt to be shut up all the week in the -interest of the furniture, and only opened on the single afternoon -the lady of the house is supposed to be at home to her friends. Then -in winter, just before the hour of reception, the meagre wood-fire is -set ablaze, and sometimes tea is prepared, along with biscuits far -from fresh. You may be thankful--if tea is to be offered you, a rare -occurence--should the tea be no staler than the biscuits.”[52] - -We need not go to France for illustrations, for even in democratic -America expensive table service does not necessarily imply an abundance -of food. Where men’s incomes do not compensate for the decreased -economic value of women’s work in the home, the problem is as pathetic -as the one faced by the aristocracy of Cranford. - -“The present relation of incomes to wants may be seen more clearly in -the case of single men and women than in that of families. In the life -of both sexes there is a lengthening period between the beginning of -the working years and the marriage age, where the standards of the -individuals are directly made by their income. Whatever they are they -are carried into marriage; if the first epoch is one of advance, the -second is likely to be also.”[53] - -Of Fall River it is said that “the impulse which makes a married woman -continue to work in the mill may be far less urgent in the economic -sense and simultaneously far more urgent in the social sense.” And -further on they tell us, “These Fall River women are women of a fine -kind. They are highly skilled for women. They are well paid for women. -They are intelligent, attractive, ambitious.”[54] - -The woman who still “finds plenty to do at home,” and the woman who has -become part of the industrial world represent two types of homes common -in the middle class. There is still a third. It is the woman who lives -in a modern apartment and can take full advantage of all the industrial -changes that minimize her work. Probably Patten has her in mind when he -says “Once the household industries gave to the staying-home woman a -fair share of the labor, but today they are few, and the ‘home-maker’ -suffers under enforced idleness, ungratified longing, and no productive -time-killing.... Heredity has not been making idleness good for women -while it has been making work good for men. Valuable qualities are -developed by toil, and women improve as do men under the discipline of -rewards.”[55] - -Thus we have the three types of women in the middle class and there is -a marked difference in the social attitude toward them. The woman who -is busy in her home is looked upon as a vanishing type. The idle woman -is viewed doubtfully. She is thought of as enjoying a leisure which -she, as a member of the middle class is not entitled to. Her idleness -weighs more on the social conscience than the idleness of the woman -of wealth. And justly so; for her past stands for many of the better -things of our civilization which we cherish as ideals, and to see her -become an idler is to witness a growing waste of energy which was -previously utilized to the great advantage of society. She is already -beginning to ask “What can I do?” lest public sentiment should condemn -her for her social parasitism. - -It is the middle class woman who goes to work--whether married or -single--who is arousing her sex from lethargy that threatens race -degeneracy. She is taking her place with the men in trying to solve -industrial and social problems. Her home life tends to represent a -newer ideal. She often is not only the companion of her husband in the -home but in the business world as well; a source of economic strength -instead of weakness. What becomes of the children of these families? -This question brings up the subject of “race-suicide” which will be -discussed in another chapter. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[49] Earle, Alice More, _Home Life in Colonial Days_, p. 158. - -[50] Dawson, _Germany and the Germans_, Vol. I, p. 96. - -[51] _United States Census Report_, 1900, p. CCXXIII. - -[52] Lynch, _French Life in Town and Country_, p. 188. - -[53] Patten, _New Basis of Civilization_, p. 193. - -[54] William Hard; Rheta Childe Dorr, _The Woman’s Invasion_, -Everybody’s Magazine, Nov., 1908. - -[55] Patten, _New Basis of Civilization_, pp. 193-4. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -WOMEN OF LEISURE - - -Many laboring women are benefited by the transition of work from the -home to the factory, or the introduction of new industries which were -never allied to the home but represent an entirely new venture into -the business world. But distinct from these, there is a class of women -who reap the benefits of present industrial conditions in a greater or -less degree by virtue of their parasitic relations to some man. These -are the women “to whom leisure has come unsought, a free gift of the -new industrial order.... Never before in the history of civilization -have women enjoyed leisure comparable to that which falls to the lot of -those in comfortable circumstances in America.”[56] - -The new era of industrialism has brought into prominence a large class -of successful or partially successful business men whose financial -remuneration is sufficient to allow their homes to be adapted to all -the industrial changes which lighten household tasks. The husband’s -economic importance is often marked, and there is no necessity for the -wife to add to the income of the family. She profits by the development -of new industries in the business world which supersede those carried -on in the home and her demand for the output of the new industry is -no small item in determining its success. She is not deterred from -trying the new because of the financial outlay it involves. She -welcomes the era of canned meats and vegetables; the new uses of gas -and electricity, and the application of compressed air for cleaning -purposes. She is the household innovator in a conservative society. - -She knows that whatever advantage her husband wins in the industrial -field, increases the possibility of her leisure rather than his own. -For whatever time the business man may gain for himself, it is most -often utilized to increase the volume of his business. By virtue of -his success his wife can afford to take advantage of home industry -performed by people outside her home. The results are evident. It is no -longer necessary to hire a large number of servants in the household -to carry on the productive industries. The word _servant_ is rapidly -becoming synonymous with menial, for personal services, as household -tasks, are being divorced from production. - -The compensation for the absence of the servants in the home is the -ability to purchase the finished article outside the home. - -In the earlier stages of production, few women were idle, for if -they themselves were not actually engaged in production within the -home, they were called upon to supervise the tasks performed by their -underlings. But modern industry has not only freed many women from -productive work within the home, but released others from the necessity -of managing large households. Responsibility has been shifted from -the home to the business world. This shifting of responsibility so -apparent in production can be also perceived in those activities which -are closely allied to consumption. The business world is no respecter -of tradition. Wherever financial opportunity presents itself, business -takes hold. - -We are accustomed to close our eyes and not admit the possibility of -change until it is upon us. Our immediate past presents to us the -pleasing spectacle of a domestic wife, her head encircled with a halo. -More often this vision is that of _mother_, the memory of whom is -associated with some form of domestic activity. But time makes changes -and now the successful business man is expected to shield his wife -from all irksome employments; and no matter how much he or his wife -cherishes the occupations of the last generation, tradition does not -prevent the courting of comfort and leisure when possible. Hence all -employments dealing with consumption are willingly transferred to the -business world, and the lady of the house becomes indeed a lady of -leisure. - -Of course there are exceptions. There are families of wealth that -persist in clinging to occupations closely allied to the home in the -immediate past. The preservation and preparation of foods, the making -of all articles of clothing, including hosiery, are still the work of -a few households, and it is clung to with an affection and a loyalty -indicating the close mental association of these occupations with the -idea of home. - -Nevertheless, time continues to bring about an adjustment of family -life to economic life. The better-to-do classes tend to flock to family -hotels and apartment houses and the new generation laughs at the fears -and prophecies of the old. The possibility of a higher plane of comfort -at less cost is too much for even the conservative man. He cherishes -his ideal of family life, and would gladly enforce it upon society in -general, but often he thinks circumstances justify the discrepancy -between this theory and his practice. He frequently gives up his -separate dwelling, and takes advantage of modern business methods -of extensive co-operation. Thus specialization and co-operation are -freeing many women from household responsibilities and are bringing -about for some the possibility of idleness. - -The theory that women have suffered and are still suffering from the -tyranny of men does not seem sound when one considers that the women -of the well-to-do classes are always the first to benefit by a surplus -of leisure. Many men work eight or more hours a day while their wives -are not obliged to perform any kind of work. The women’s time is -their own and their husbands resent neither their leisure nor their -idleness. This indifference on the part of men to the complete economic -dependence of women has its basis in sex, out of which arose a feeling -of responsibility for the protection of the family, at first from -enemies and later from economic cares. - -The employments of the women of the leisure class are tersely stated -by Veblen when he says of the well-to-do household: “Under a mandatory -code of decency, the time and effort of the members of such a household -are required to be ostensibly all spent in a performance of conspicuous -leisure, in the way of calls, drives, clubs, sewing-circles, sports, -charity organizations, and other like social functions. Those persons -whose time and energy are employed in these matters privately avow that -all these observances, as well as the incidental attention to dress -and other conspicuous consumption, are very irksome but altogether -unavoidable. Under the requirement of conspicuous consumption of -goods, the apparatus of living has grown so elaborate and cumbrous, -in the way of dwellings, furniture, bric-a-brac, wardrobe, and meals, -that the consumers of these things cannot make way with them in the -required manner without help. Personal contact with the hired persons -whose aid is called in to fulfill the routine of decencies is commonly -distasteful to the occupants of the house, but their presence is -endured and paid for, in order to delegate to them a share in this -generous consumption of household goods. The presence of domestic -servants, and of the special class of body servants in an eminent -degree, is a concession of physical comfort to the moral need of -pecuniary decency.”[57] - -The status of the women of leisure is social rather than economic. It -has its basis in the economic strength of the husband but the social -status of the wife is far superior to that of the man of the family. - -Although men depend upon their economic strength to give them a social -status, they depend upon their wives to maintain it, and willingly -surrender to them the reins of authority. Authority in the home among -the higher social classes in the more democratic countries rests in -the hands of women rather than in the hands of men. This is one of the -results of a divorce of the economic life from family life, and the -substitution of a social unit for an economic one. The change in itself -need not be condemned if the new social unit promotes a higher ethical -development of its members than is possible under the old economic -regime. But in the leisure class the family as a social unit rarely has -as its goal the ethical advancement of its members. Its desire is for -prestige in a circle conspicuous for display of material wealth. - -Social prestige is closely connected with economic prosperity and only -in so far as the social goal has attained an importance greater than -the economic, is the authority of women conspicuous. The economic idea -is fundamental until a degree of security is attained eliminating the -possibility of want. This changed relation so apparent in the United -States causes no little amusement to the foreigners who have not yet -accepted feminine rule. - -Although the leisure-class women are not conspicuous in demanding -political equality, it is no new phenomenon to see them play a -significant part in the political affairs of the day. Their influence -and support has been sought and is still sought by political aspirants. -But upon the whole their ambitions are purely social. They do not -challenge the admiration of the saner element of the population but -they represent an extreme social type just as many of their fortunes -represent an abnormal and unhealthy financial condition. Their -principal function is that of conspicuous consumption and dissipation. - -With no serious purpose in life degeneracy is bound to be the ultimate -result. If it were not for the dormant abilities and capacities for -good which exist among the women of the leisure class, and which -generate in high society an undercurrent toward better things, their -self elimination would be only a question of time. Patten says: “At -the present time, excessive consumption of wealth, dissipation, and -the vices are destroying successive aristocracies by self-induced -exhaustion, and the suicidal group quickly disappears without -establishing a line of descent. They continually reform on the old -basis and bequeath to society, not sons, but a body of traditions. The -present leisure class of America, for instance, is governed by concepts -handed down by the continental nobility of an era that recognized no -industrial or business man’s ideas.”[58] - -Earnest social workers are making a strong effort to utilize this -excessive leisure on the part of women, and are attempting to direct -it to channels useful to the city, the commonwealth, and society in -general. - -Any one who has associated intimately with women whose entire time is -their own to employ as they see fit, or with women who have a few hours -of leisure daily and who represent a large proportion of our prosperous -middle class, must be impressed with the fact that there is a great -waste of talent, ability, and culture. - -“The wives of tens of thousands of business men and well-paid -employees enjoy unquestioningly, and as a matter of course, a degree of -leisure such as formed the exclusive privilege of a small aristocracy -in earlier centuries. The beneficent social and philanthropic -activities of public spirited women and the baneful epidemic of -gambling at cards which has run riot for several years and shows no -tendency to diminish, are twin offspring of this unearned leisure.”[59] - -Although less practical than men because of the almost complete divorce -of their mental activities from the duties of life, these women often -represent a plane of culture superior to that of the men of their -class, and possible only when advantage can be taken of intellectual -opportunists, associated with leisure. The women are the ones who are -able to attend public lectures and places of amusement during the -day; and often they alone have sufficient energy to profit by the -intellectual benefits which are offered for the public’s enlightenment. -In every college community where free lecture courses are given for the -benefit of the public, the audience is characteristically feminine. - -A safe measure of the increase of leisure of women of all ages and of -the more prosperous classes is our institutions of higher learning. -The proportion of young women graduating from the high schools in the -United States is greater than that of young men; and if this tendency -continues the same will eventually apply to our institutions of higher -learning. This has been anticipated by a few of the universities -limiting the number of girls who might attend. What might seem to -be sex prejudice may be in reality a resistance to an effeminacy, -arising out of leisure class standards, which is fondly designated as -_culture_, in contrast to the practical application of knowledge. - -The general tendency of young women to seek education for self -improvement rather than for practical usefulness indicates that they -benefit by the financial surplus of the family. On the other hand, -their brothers are expected to prepare themselves at an early age for -the industrial field or the world of business. This is giving to the -women of the family greater cultural opportunities than to the men. -This is most evident where girls consider their brother’s associates -their inferiors in the point of social prestige. - -The women whose husbands are successfully employed in the business -world have a large range of social influence, and are so well -established in their pecuniary standing that they have no fear of -losing caste. By virtue of this pecuniary standing they are allowed a -greater degree of freedom than the women of the professional classes. -They can afford to make their own barriers and to some extent can, with -impunity, break down those imposed upon them by tradition. They can -afford to be, and often are cosmopolitan in their habits of life. This -is in a measure due to the constant shifting of the business interests -of the men of the family, and the often close relation of these -interests to all classes of society. While the women may be exclusive -from inclination, they cannot help but be affected by the democracy of -the business world to which their husbands belong. - -Hence, society should appreciate the importance of utilizing the -leisure of the business man’s wife for the benefit of the community. -Her social consciousness has been awakened and she is ready, nay, -anxious to give her services. She knows idleness is not conducive to -happiness, and purely social pleasures are fast palling upon her. She -is a product of a society of business prosperity, highly trained and -stimulated by many social forces to a desire for a life of usefulness. -She does not want to work for wages--she is not yet willing to violate -her leisure-class ideals which forbid her to work for financial -remuneration--but she does want to exercise her trained faculties. - -It is well to talk about the sacredness of the home, but there can be -little sacredness where there is so much idleness and discontent. When -women have been deprived of all useful occupations in the home it is -necessary for the welfare of the community that they find occupation -outside the home. Work is necessary to any normal person if degeneracy -is to be avoided. “A life of ease means lack of stimuli, and hence the -full development of but few powers. Power and efficiency come only -through vigorous exercise, and strength through struggle.”[60] - -The women working in our large factories present grave problems but -society is alive to them, and there is some hope of their ultimate -solution; but the degenerating influence of excessive leisure has not -yet aroused the social conscience. - -Nearly every effort to utilize this leisure has come from within the -class itself and takes the form of organized effort supported by -women’s clubs. This movement, comparatively new, often meets with the -restrictions of a conservative society, which thus makes it doubly hard -to attain the degree of efficiency needed for the performance of useful -services to the community. - -Women of leisure are influenced by archaic aristocratic ideals which -before the era of industrialism were held by only a small number. With -the great increase of wealth and new methods of production the number -of women who assume a more or less parasitic relation to society grows -with alarming rapidity. The question now is, what is to be done with -this increasing number of idlers freed from economic responsibilities -formerly imposed by the home? Can they as social factors be neglected -without becoming a menace? Can society afford to support an -ever-increasing number of women in idleness and allow them to propagate -their leisure-class standard of consumption? - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[56] Kelly, _Some Ethical Gains through Legislation_, p. 112. - -[57] Veblen, _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, pp. 65-6. - -[58] Patten, _New Basis of Civilization_, p. 62. - -[59] Kelly, _Some Ethical Gains through Legislation_, pp. 112-3. - -[60] Tyler, _Man in the Light of Evolution_, p. 109. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -STATUS OF WOMEN AND HOME INDUSTRY AMONG PROFESSIONAL CLASSES - - -The effect of industrial changes upon the status of women is most -marked in two conspicuous social classes--the class primarily engaged -in the task of procuring a bare subsistence where the lack of leisure -and insufficient economic returns allows little play for other than -the economic forces,--and the class which by virtue of new industrial -methods is the recipient of a constantly increasing degree of leisure. -Between these two extremes we find the professional classes the prey of -a conflict between the newer ideals of democracy and the leisure class -ideals wrought out before the era of modern industrialism. - -No other class shows so marked a conflict between the older -conservatism and the innovations brought about by modern industrial -conditions, as the professional classes. The radical tendencies -appear in those professions most dependent upon and closely allied -to industrial life, and the conservative tendencies claim as their -stronghold those fields of activity closely allied to wealth and -leisure. - -The spirit of innovation is one of the results of an adaptation to -changing industrial conditions; and this adaptation is always necessary -when a class depends directly for its remuneration upon the individuals -for whom the services were rendered. On the other hand, conservatism -had its basis in customs arising out of the institutions of the past; -can flourish only in a class independent of the general public for its -maintenance. - -Before the spread of democratic ideals, the field of higher learning -was monopolized by the leisure class. Therefore, a high standard of -living characterized it, and was essential in maintaining the status of -its representatives. - -Before the development of industry, the leisure class was synonymous -with the nobility or the priesthood. To belong to the nobility it -was necessary to possess the predatory instinct to a marked degree, -in order to gain material advantage, especially in an age when wealth -was more limited than at present and carried with it almost unlimited -power. Sometimes when an individual accumulated much material wealth he -was admitted into the noble class, and often into the priesthood. - -Although the priesthood loaned its power to the nobility to fortify -its temporal authority, it taught equality in the spiritual realm. -The greater ease with which the priesthood could be entered opened a -larger field for the ambitious youth whose mind craved stimulation. -His economic condition had to be such as to free him from the -responsibility of providing for others, as well as sufficient to afford -him an education. When he had once attained his goal, and belonged to -the priestly class, he reached a status in life exclusive by virtue of -its prestige, and in no wise divorced from material wealth. - -Learning in the past depended upon the individual’s ability to live -without productive employment, and a willingness to devote himself -to the learned arts which had no economic significance. Here we find -a combination of democratic and aristocratic ideals. When marked -intellectual ability was manifest, it was not uncommon for one of -humble origin to attain a position of distinction in the church. Once -in the church he belonged to an exclusive class surrounding itself with -rituals and ceremonials. - -The nobility of the land received a rude shock from the development -of industry, but the church always allied itself to those who were -most able to give, and did not hesitate to sacrifice the temporal -aristocracy in order to maintain the spiritual one. Although learning -“set out with being in some sense a by-product of the priestly -vicarious class” it has had to submit to democratic influences which -grew out of industrial changes. These influences are most significant -in the spread of the rudiments of learning among the common people, -and the greater the opportunities for a common school education, the -greater the possibility for the individual to enter the field of higher -learning when the opportunity presents itself. But to enter this field -is to depart from the practical affairs of life and to devote oneself, -if breadwinning were essential, to imparting this knowledge to others. -This applies to the practice of acquiring knowledge for the sake of -learning and not for its practical application, as for instance in -medicine. - -No matter how few the impediments placed in the way of the ambitious -youth entering the field of higher learning, the lack of economic -resources naturally deterred all but the most determined from the -undertaking. Hence we find the field of higher learning, which is -purely cultural, becoming the privilege of the leisure class, free -from economic pressure, and able to maintain the ritual and ceremonial -observances. “The universities of Paris and Oxford and Cambridge were -founded to educate the lord and the priest. And to these schools and -their successors, as time went on, fell the duty of training the -gentlemen and the clergy.”[61] - -The early universities of Germany showed the same spirit. They “did -not grow up gradually, like the earlier ones in France and Italy, but -were established after a scheme already extant and in operation. The -spiritual and temporal power contributed to their foundation. The Pope, -by a bull, founded the institution as a teaching establishment, and -endowed it with the privilege of bestowing degrees, whereby it became -a _studium generale_ or _privilegiatum_, for according to mediaeval -conceptions teaching had its proper source and origin in the church -alone.”[62] - -While it is extremely difficult to change fossilized habits of thought, -newer civilizations send forth fresh shoots adapted to new conditions. -Thanks to the development of industry demanding trained minds of a -useful bent, we find the newer institutions of learning becoming more -practical, and developing the useful arts and sciences. - -“Through the movement toward the democracy of studies and constructive -individualism, a new ideal is being reached in American universities, -that of personal effectiveness. The ideal in England has always been -that of personal culture: that of France, the achieving, through -competitive examinations, of ready made careers, the satisfaction of -what Villari calls ‘Impiegomania,’ the craze for an appointment; that -of Germany, thoroughness of knowledge; that of America, the power to -deal with men and conditions.”[63] - -The new types of schools, characteristically American, have influenced -the older type, until we see on all sides a struggle between the -leisure class ideals and the practical ideals of democracy; the outcome -of this struggle depending in each case upon the degree of control -exercised by the financial contributors--the leisure class or the -masses. - -The degree of democracy in our higher institutions of learning -determines the degree of “ritualistic paraphernalia” in vogue. The use -of “ritualistic paraphernalia” is an example of the social ideals of -a naturally conservative class and is slow to respond to democratic -ideals brought about by industrial changes. - -The spread of democracy has brought into our schools a new class of -savants. They possess all the qualifications of the older savants save -their financial independence. Their poverty is not a great calamity -to those who remain celibates, but to the head of a family it means a -struggle to maintain a standard of living too high for his income. - -The home is the last to free itself from the influence of leisure class -ideals which permeate higher learning; and the struggle to reconcile -the newer ideals with the older ones is almost tragic. The heaviest -strain falls upon the wife who struggles to maintain her social status -upon which depends the status of the family. A display of clothes is -not as essential to the maintenance of this status as an appearance -of leisure, and the conveyance of the impression to the outsider that -a high standard of comfort and luxury is realized. That the comfort -actually exist is not necessary so long as the outsiders are deceived. - -Often a great deal of ingenuity is displayed by the housewife in -conveying on a very moderate income the impression that the family is -living on a high plane. Economy is practiced “in the obscurer elements -of consumption that go to physical comfort and maintenance.” - -This class of society illustrates most pathetically the ideals of -propriety of a non-industrial group. Its reluctance in giving up -its exclusiveness, and its persistence in clinging to leisure-class -standards is most apparent in the home. Here the life of the housewife -is often one of drudgery “especially where the competition for -reputability is close and strenuous.” - -The duties of the wife of the college professor are manifold. The work -of ministering to the fundamental needs of the family is left to a -servant, or if it is impossible to keep hired help, it is done with as -much secrecy as possible, in order to avoid the stigma of commonness. -Where she assumes all the household tasks, the strain upon her is a -severe one. The mechanical conveniences are not applied to her work -with the same degree of speed with which newer patterns in rugs and -other furniture make their appearance in the household. The list of -articles essential to the maintenance of an appropriate standard of -living is a long one, and many of them have no other charm than the -expensiveness which proclaims pecuniary strength. - -It must not be inferred that the position of the housewife is a -subordinate one. Her authority is paramount in the home which her -ingenuity has planned and so skillfully manipulates. Her social -prestige is as far above her financial means as the standard of living -she attempts to maintain is above her husband’s salary. This social -prestige rests upon a deference paid to the higher learning her -husband is accredited with by virtue of his position. Her intellectual -attainments may be very mediocre but that is a matter of indifference -as long as she possesses a knowledge of the arts of polite society. -Indeed, the superficial acquirements of a ladies’ seminary are of a -greater assistance to her in performing her social functions than a -mastery of the sciences. - -The difficulty encountered in attempting to maintain the old -aristocratic ideals is having two effects: There is a greater tendency -for college men not to marry, or to marry late in life--after securing -an economic foothold; and secondly, to add to incomes by directing a -part of their energy along lines offering greater economic returns, -such as the writing of books to satisfy a popular demand not of a -purely scholastic nature, or of having interests belonging entirely to -the business world. Veblen says, “Those heads of institutions are best -accepted who combine the sacerdotal office with a degree of pecuniary -efficiency. There is a similar but less pronounced tendency to intrust -the work of instruction in the higher learning to men of some pecuniary -qualification.”[64] - -The business ventures of college men afford a pecuniary return -compatible with scholastic scale of living. The increase of income -relieves wives of the strain which great economy necessarily involves, -and gives them a greater amount of leisure to perform their social -duties, and to render the little personal services so essential to the -comfort of their families. - -In no other class do we see a greater divergence between the rating -of the women and that of the men. On the one hand, we see the men -graded by a standard of an intellectual nature; on the other hand -their womenfolk are rated according to a standard purely social and -pecuniary, with no regard to utility. Both are conservative and tend to -be archaic depending in a large measure upon the institution where the -teaching is done. - -The conservatism shown in clinging to ancient ideals of womanhood -is illustrated by the attitude of these learned men toward the -admission of women into their ranks on an equality with themselves. -“There has prevailed a strong sense that the admission of women to -the privileges of the higher learning (as the Eleusinian mysteries) -would be derogatory to the dignity of the learned craft. It is, -therefore, only recently, and almost solely in the industrially most -advanced communities, that the higher grades of schools have been -freely opened to women. And even under the urgent circumstances -prevailing in the modern industrial communities, the highest and -most reputable universities show an extreme reluctance to making the -move. The sense of class worthiness, that is to say of status, of an -honorific differentiation of the sexes according to a distinction -between superior and inferior intellectual dignity, survives in a -vigorous form in these corporations of the aristocracy of learning. -It is felt that women should, in all propriety, acquire only such -knowledge as may be classed under one or the other of two heads: (1) -such knowledge as conduces immediately to a better performance of -domestic service--the domestic sphere; (2) such accomplishments and -dexterity, quasi-scholarly and quasi-artistic, as plainly come in -under the head of the performance of vicarious leisure. Knowledge is -felt to be unfeminine if it is knowledge which expresses the unfolding -of the learner’s own life, the acquisition of which proceeds on the -learner’s own cognitive interest, without prompting from the canons of -propriety.”[65] - -Where women enter the higher fields of learning, they show a -tendency--although not so marked as in the past--to select those lines -of work and thought which have no practical bearing on every day -life. In other words, they follow those lines of study which are most -similar to those pursued by the students of the Middle Ages who sought -knowledge without any thought of its utility. This tendency of women is -evident in co-educational institutions where their selection of studies -shows their object in the main to be the acquisition of knowledge of a -cultural rather than a practical nature. This choice is most suitable -to their object in life assuming that object to be matrimony. The other -activity followed mostly by college bred women--school teaching, makes -little demand outside of the lines of work pursued by most women. - -Men long ago learned that there is a demand for highly trained minds -in fields other than that of teaching. They have adapted themselves to -this demand until we see men deserting studies of a purely cultural -value, and pursuing those more applicable to every day life. Women are -showing the same tendencies in communities where there is a demand for -their services in fields other than teaching, and where matrimony has -become more of an uncertainty and economic independence a fact. - -When women pursue their college work with a definite practical purpose -in view, they too will desert those lines of work, largely, if not -wholly, valued for their culture side alone. - -In the schools directly controlled by the people we find a greater -appreciation of democracy than in the colleges. The public has great -reverence for custom and tradition so long as these conservative -forces do not interfere too much with practical utility. This sense of -practical utility is closely allied to the commercial principle of -getting the best to be had for money laid out. This principle appeals -to all save when it is a violent contradiction to the accepted moral -code. The policy conferring the greatest benefit to the greatest -number at the least cost is adopted if it does not conflict with more -powerful interests. As a result of this policy women are admitted into -professional work, especially school teaching, because they will not -only work for less wages than will the men, but will do a better grade -of work for less money. - -Superintendents and principals are agreed that for the same salary a -higher grade teacher can be procured among women than among men, and -hence, despite their conservatism and prejudice, they feel obliged to -follow the policy that best utilizes the means at hand. As a result -women have crowded men out of the common schools and have become so -well established in this field of work as to have gathered sufficient -strength to demand the same remuneration as men for the same kind of -work.[66] - -Married women are still excluded from many of the common schools in -deference to the old idea that married women should remain in the home -and follow no remunerative occupation. Even if there existed no good -reason for debarring married women from the work of school teaching, -the conservatism of the community would deter those in authority from -overruling conventional ideas. Not until there is a dearth of teachers, -brought about by the extension of the fields of activity open to -educated women, will married women receive general recognition in the -profession on the same footing with the unmarried. - -Although in academic work the instructor is supposed to maintain -as high a plane of living as a full professor--especially in the -smaller colleges where the faculty is able to maintain its class -exclusiveness--the poorly paid minister is not so conscious of the -discrepancy between his standard of living and his income. He has, -indeed, the same financial problem to face as the college instructor, -for he, too, is guided largely by the leisure class standards of the -past, but it is smaller and hence less tragic. He is not expected to -keep up the same plane of expenditure as the better paid ministers. -He tends to imitate the well-to-do among his parishioners, or the -intellectual _elite_ of the community rather than his professional -brethren. - -The stronger the hold the minister has over his congregation the more -closely does his remuneration correspond to the standard of living he -is expected to maintain. It is true his services are often undervalued -when measured by money, and that he belongs to a profession that stands -in a measure for sacrifice, but his social prestige in itself makes -certain demands upon the congregation that cannot be overlooked. To -maintain this prestige by a high plane of living on a meagre salary -is one of the problems of the minister and his family. George Eliot -presents the difficulty in a small conservative community in the -following words: “Given a man with a wife and six children; let him be -obliged always to exhibit himself when outside his own door in a suit -of black broadcloth, such as will not undermine the foundations of the -establishment by a paltry plebeian glossiness or an unseemly whiteness -at the edges; in a snowy cravat, which is a serious investment of -labour in the hemming, starching, and ironing departments; and in -a hat which shows no symptom of taking in the hideous doctrine of -expediency, and shaping itself according to circumstances; let him have -a parish large enough to create an external necessity for abundant -beef and mutton as well as poor enough to require frequent priestly -consolation in the shape of shillings and six-pences; and, lastly, let -him be compelled, by his own pride and other peoples’, to dress his -wife and children with gentility from bonnet-strings. By what process -of division can the sum of eighty pounds per annum be made to yield a -quotient which will cover that man’s weekly expenses?” - -The problem is still essentially the same in a poor parish, for the -minister must maintain a standard of consumption above the average of -the community. - -The problem tends to assume a different aspect in an industrial -community where democratic ideas are as evident as financial -prosperity. The individual’s concern for his well-being in another -world gives way to his concern for the present. He insists upon -spiritual guidance, but also expects assistance in bringing about -better relations between himself and his fellow men. He often insists -upon his minister being a higher intellectual product than is demanded -by the more conservative communities. He regards him as a teacher -who ought to be versed in the affairs of every-day-life and not one -confining himself exclusively to the implications of a future state. - -Like the school men, ministers are appreciating the necessity of a -greater and broader democracy within their class, but unlike the -former, their habits of life are more democratic than their teachings. - -Those professions depending upon the direct patronage of the public -for support are nowadays distinguished by a tendency to depart from -the conservatism characteristic of them in their earlier stages. A -physician often completes a college course in science and letters -before receiving the three or four years training fitting him for his -life work. In mental training he rivals the best college professors and -yet his social status savors of the common people. He is inclined to be -democratic in his tastes, in his habits of life, and in the selection -of his companions. He is one of the people rather than of an exclusive -social class. - -While officialism and ceremonial rituals characterized the medical -profession when its services were rendered almost exclusively to -the people of rank and distinction, or when it was closely allied -to priestly functions, the nature of the work now demands close -association with those upon whom the profession depends for financial -support. The necessity of associating with people of all ranks fosters -the spirit of democracy, and a common-sense philosophy of life. - -The physician maintains a standard of living in harmony with the -ideals of the community of which he is a part, and in accordance with -his income. He cannot maintain a standard of living which erects a -social barrier between himself and his patients, either by its extreme -simplicity, or by its conspicuous waste. - -The wife of the average physician enjoys a freedom from social -restraint not seen in many of the professional classes. Financially she -does not feel the necessity of entering into economic employments to -keep up her standard of living, for the income of the family, though -varying, tends to adjust itself to the demands her social position -calls for. - -The practice of medicine requires not only considerable skill but -great mental concentration, keen judgment and intuition. For women to -gain admission into medical schools is to acquire the privilege of the -fullest mental development. The concession of this privilege is an -acknowledgment of the possession of an inherent ability essential to -successfully follow this line of work. When one considers that success -in medicine calls for special talent it is evident the number of women -seeking to follow this line of work will be small compared with the -number desiring to enter the academic field. - -Although women make strenuous efforts to overcome all barriers raised -against their admission to the different fields of activity, they -cling with great tenacity to ancient sex privileges inconsistent with -a man’s conception of “solid comfort.” For instance, the objects of -medical associations are social as well as scientific. The scientific -program would undoubtedly meet with the approval of both sexes -in the profession but the social functions are a real stumbling -block,--the women leaning toward formalities and conventionalities, -and the men toward what is termed “a good social time.” This is in -itself sufficient to prompt most men to oppose admitting women into -intellectual and social clubs. - -The industrial evolution plays a large part in shaping the institutions -of society. While economic relations may not be considered the most -essential in life, they determine in great measure, the nature of our -relations to social institutions themselves. - -Where the economic influence is not direct we see preserved with the -least change the institutions of the past. What is true of institutions -is also true of the occupations of men. Their conservatism varies -in the degree to which they are affected by economic and industrial -conditions. - -Those professions least dependent upon immediate industrial changes are -the most conservative in their work and ideas, and most closely reflect -the ideals of the past. On the other hand, those professions which -depend for their support upon the services rendered to the community -remunerated according to the recipients’ estimation of these services, -have discarded almost all the traditions of the past, although their -origin can be traced to the most conservative institutions of society. - -The influence of industrial changes upon social institutions is -apparent in the home. Although the homes of the industrial classes must -adapt themselves to industrial changes even though these changes lower -the plane of family comfort, the professional classes enjoy a margin -above subsistence sufficient to enable them to combat changes with a -conservatism characteristic of all classes having a greater respect for -custom and leisure-class standards than for beneficial innovations. -Hence we find the homes reflecting ideals of the past which clash with -the democratic ideals of the present, and illustrate in their various -phases the struggle between the old and the new. - -While the home makers of some of the professional classes are more -conservative than the men, this is not true of those women who are -actively engaged in professional work themselves. They are more -radical than men of the same class, and are leaders not only in -movements for bettering the condition of women, but in progressive -movements affecting society as a whole. As a rule they are a superior -intellectual type, and not representative of the average woman any more -than our intellectual _elite_ among the men represent the average man, -for the average person is characterized by adaptability rather than by -the spirit of innovations. - -The professional classes here discussed are those which have developed -out of a class of savants who were originally and primarily engaged -with knowledge of an occult nature. It is true that out of these -classes engaged in the transmission of knowledge have developed a class -of scientists whose field of activity is industrial, the engineer -groups--and whose standard of living tends to correspond to the money -income of the family. It is often considerably larger than the income -of the professional man employed in college work. For that reason the -wife of the professional man is not confronted with the same problems -as the wife of the teacher. - -The social status of the professional people whose activities are -confined to the industrial field is measured by their financial status. -This makes it unnecessary for them to maintain a plane of consumption -at variance with their income. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[61] Jordan, _The Voice of the Scholar_, pp. 173-4. - -[62] Paulsen, _German Universities, Character and Historical -Development_, pp. 21-22. - -[63] Jordan, _The Voice of the Scholar_, pp. 115-6. - -[64] Veblen, _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, p. 375. - -[65] Veblen, _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, pp. 375-6. - -[66] _Outlook_, Vol. 88, pp. 481, 515. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON MARRIAGE - - -The effect of industrial changes upon marriage among primitive peoples -has been discussed at some length by students of primitive conditions. -So closely do the industrial habits of mankind affect the social that -one is forced to concede an important place to the economic in the -evolution of the race. The preëminence of the struggle for subsistence -in the history of civilization shows how reckless it is to make -historical interpretations while neglecting the industrial side of -society. - -The industrial habits of primitive peoples were intimately related to -the physical environment. There had to be game before man could live by -hunting; a body of water to fish in before there could be fishermen; -grass to feed the herds before herding could be the chief occupation of -a people; and tillable soil before there could arise an agricultural -stage in the history of the race. Favorable conditions had to exist -before men could establish even a temporary dwelling place, not to -mention a permanent one. Conditions determined the occupations of men, -and in turn these occupations made possible a type of social life -compatible with the environment. The social life was not a preconceived -scheme so much as a development spontaneously arising out of existing -conditions. The type of the family was no exception to this rule. - -Herman Grosse has a unique place as an exponent of the theory that -economic occupations have always been the determining influence in -the establishment of the form of marriage and the status of women. -“Restricting his examination to the conditions which lie within actual -historical or ‘ethnological experience’ he seeks to demonstrate that -the ‘various forms of the family correspond to the various forms of -economy (Wirthschaft)’; that ‘in its essential features the character -of each particular form of the family may be explained by the form of -economy in which it is rooted.’”[67] - -Grosse’s point of view is recognized by many writers who have given -thought to the subject. Howard says, “It seems certain that the whole -truth regarding the problem of kinship, as well as regarding the rise -and sequence of the forms of the family, can be reached only through -historical investigation of the industrial habits of mankind.”[68] - -Ward gives expression to the same idea when he says, “marriage is from -the beginning an association dictated by economic needs.”[69] - -No evidence existed bearing out the theory of the early prevalence of -promiscuity in sexual relations other than a recognized looseness of -sexual relations outside the marriage bond; or a marriage of such short -duration as to warrant the appellation of temporary pairing. Where the -latter custom prevails, it is the outcome of certain social conditions -existing in a tribe, and not representative of a certain stage of -culture. - -Even in our advanced western civilization there exist small communities -of peoples who stand for certain moral principles developed to such -extreme forms as to shock people generally. These principles often -have their basis in sexual relations and are conspicuous by virtue -of their contrast to general practices. They in nowise warrant the -importance given them, representing as they do a mental excrescence -and not a healthy social development. The same may apply equally to -primitive societies. Only where certain causes have repeatedly brought -about certain results are we justified in the conclusion that certain -practices were common in a stage of which we have no direct knowledge. - -Speaking of promiscuity, Morgan thinks it “was limited to the period -when mankind were frugivorous and within their primitive habitat, -since its continuance would have been improbable after they had become -fishermen and commenced their spread over the earth in dependence -upon food artificially acquired. Consanguine groups would then form, -with intermarriage within the group as a necessity, resulting in the -formation of the consanguine family. At all events, the oldest form of -society which meets us in the past through deductions from systems of -consanguinity is this family. It would be in the nature of a compact -on the part of several males for the joint subsistence of the group, -and for the defence of their common wives against the violence of -society.”[70] - -Hobhouse says, “Sheer promiscuity is probably to be regarded rather -as the extreme of looseness in the sexual relation than as a positive -institution supported by social sanction.”[71] - -Grosse finds in the different stages of industrial occupations which he -designates as “lower” and “higher hunters” “pastoral peoples” “lower -and higher cultivators of the soil,” prevalent forms of marriage -corresponding to the occupations pursued by the men. - -The Bushmen and the Esquimaux of the present time are the best -representatives of the lower hunters among whom monogamy is the form of -marriage. Whether the Bushmen or the Esquimaux represent a primitive -type of the culture arising out of a lower stage of culture, or a -degeneration from a higher type, the author does not know. But he tells -us hunger plays a large part in their lives; and the lack of foresight -or sense of accumulation accounts for the little advantage the few have -over the many.[72] - -Hobhouse says, “the strict monogamy and well-united family life of -the Veddahs is partly explained by the fact that they live in great -measure in isolation. In the dry season they pass their time on their -hunting ground; in the wet season small groups of families will resort -to some hillock which is the center of two or three hunting grounds and -sometimes two or three families will reside together for a time in one -cave.”[73] - -Among the higher hunters, according to Grosse, monogamy is the -prevalent form of marriage but polygamy is sanctioned, and practiced by -the wealthy.[74] - -The conditions of the herders are better known than that of the -hunters. The individual family may rest upon monogamy or polygamy -depending upon the wealth of the nomad. In Central Asia the price of -the wife is often very high, and the father considers his daughters as -a means of increasing his wealth. The price a well-to-do Kalmuck asks -for his daughter is fifteen horses, fifteen cows, three camel, and -twenty sheep. He gives in return as a dowry, one camel, one horse, four -sewed garments, eight unmade garments, and tools depending upon his -wealth.[75] - -The great family (sippe) whether on the father’s or mother’s side -developed a social organization having its basis in agriculture. Starke -says, “An agricultural community lays much more claim to the capacity -of each individual for labour than is the case with a community which -is wholly or chiefly occupied with the rearing of cattle. In the former -case the diminution of the number of the household is a loss which is -difficult to supply, and they are chiefly concerned in keeping up their -numbers, that is, in retaining their hold on the individual. But in a -cattle-breeding community men make it their first object to increase -the number of stock. In the former community the head of the family -opposes the departure of his daughter, and seeks to induce her wooer to -become one of the household; but in the latter he sells her early, and -for as high a price as possible.”[76] - -While Grosse emphasizes the fact that the different forms of economy -influence the prevalent form of marriage, it is apparent that polygamy -exists in a marked degree where women are not valued for their -labor, and where there has developed a stage of economy admitting of -inequalities in wealth. It is when woman’s work has real economic -value that she obtains rights of her own. Agriculture as a means of -subsistence is pursued to a marked degree only where there is a measure -of security against enemies: where there is strength by virtue of -numbers. Under these circumstances warfare is not so common, and there -is a tendency for the numbers of the sexes to remain comparatively -equal. - -“The circumstances attending marriage by service, especially when we -compare it with marriage by purchase or capture, have shown us how much -the relations of husband and wife are determined by what in the modern -world is called the economic factor. The savage woman’s price--if we -mean by price the difficulty of approaching her--may be high or low. -Where it is always possible to organize a raid and carry her off it is -decidedly low, and she becomes the captor’s property. When this is not -countenanced, it is possible to buy her from her guardian, and then -presumably her price like that of other things, is a matter of supply -and demand.”[77] - -In all civilizations inequalities of wealth arise, and make possible -social privileges differing from the common practices of the general -population. Under such circumstances we always find social types at -variance with established conceptions of right, and human nature -showing itself in many cases unspeakably repulsive when free from any -economic restraint. This is perhaps, the effect of a freedom from -restraint which is made possible by great wealth. The only restraint -then is public opinion or religious precepts; the former is easily -swayed by the powerful and wealthy, and the latter often admits of a -tolerance not shown to the masses of the people. - -In industrial communities where no great inequalities of wealth exist, -the marriage relation tends toward monogamy. Even where western -civilization has made little impression on social institutions, -great and conscious inequalities do not often exist between the -sexes, and woman’s position is not a degraded one. All the important -factors entering into economic life, tending to create serious -distinctions--social, political and industrial--between men and men, -between the rich and the poor, tend to differentiate status between men -and women. Women are most degraded in the marriage relations where they -are economically the weakest; where they personally control the least -wealth. The few who are more fortunately situated are not sufficiently -numerous to make any impressive protest even if they desired to do so. - -In a society where the few dictate to the many because of their -financial strength, in a society marked by inequalities originating -in predatory exploitation, we find in a greater or less degree moral -discrepancies with the prevailing conception of right and wrong. Normal -industrial life tends to promote a normal moral life, and to develop -ideals most conducive to a steady progress. - -When the family represented an exclusive economic unit with little -dependence upon the outside world, it was of economic importance to -both men and women to marry, and thus lay the foundation for household -prosperity. Wife and children were never a luxury to the poor man, -but of real economic value. This fact is apparent in new countries -where the form of industry must be necessarily domestic. Women have -been shipped in large numbers to new colonies to marry the settlers. -In practically all cases the women went voluntarily for they too -appreciated the importance of obtaining for themselves a place in homes -where so much of the social and economic life of the time centered. -These unions, primarily economic resulted often in family groups -containing much of the ideal. - -In the early colonial days of America “every farmer and his sons raised -wool and flax; his wife and daughters spun them into thread and yarn, -knit these into stockings and mittens, or wove them into linen and -cloth, and then made them into clothing. Even in large cities nearly -all women spun yarn and thread, all could knit, and many had hand-looms -to weave cloth at home.... All persons who were not employed in other -ways, as single women, girls, and boys, were required to spin. Each -family must contain one spinner.... There were no drones in this hive. -Neither the wealth nor high station of parents excused children from -this work. Thus all were leveled to one kind of labor, and by this -leveling all were elevated to independence.”[78] - -In all rural communities of modern Europe much of women’s work is of -considerable importance from an economic point of view, and there is -little incentive for a man to remain single from economic prudence. -Instead of an economic burden the wife is more often a helpmeet who -even offers her services for pay outside the home. She works in the -fields like a man and is an important factor when estimating the value -of labor on the farm. - -Letourneau says, “At Paris, where the struggle for existence is -more severe, and where the care for money is more predominant, late -marriages abound, and it is only above the age of forty for men and -thirty-five for women that the marriage rate equals and even exceeds, -that of the whole of France.”[79] - -The constant drifting of country population into large cities where -employment can be found is affecting markedly the life of the rural -community, and tending to postpone the formation of family ties until -an economic foothold is secured.[80] - -There has been a slight diminution of the marriage rate since the -middle of the nineteenth century, but so many forces have come into -play that one is hardly justified in the conclusion that this decrease -is due entirely to economic causes. - -_Number of Marriages Per 1000 Population._[81] - - ---------------+----------+----------+---------- - | 1876-80. | 1881-85. | 1886-90. - ---------------+----------+----------+---------- - Hungary | 9.6 | 10.3 | 8.9 - Prussia | 8.0 | 8.0 | 8.1 - Germany | 7.8 | 7.7 | 7.9 - Austria | 7.8 | 7.9 | 7.7 - Italy | 7.5 | 8.0 | 7.8 - France | 7.6 | 7.5 | 7.2 - Belgium | 6.9 | 6.8 | 7.1 - Great Britain | 7.1 | 7.1 | 6.9 - Switzerland | 7.4 | 6.8 | 7.0 - Denmark | 7.8 | 7.7 | 7.0 - Norway | 7.2 | 6.6 | 6.3 - Sweden | 6.6 | 6.5 | 6.1 - ---------------+----------+----------+---------- - - -Some statisticians see co-relation between the price of food and the -marriage rate.[82] - -Food, clothing, and shelter are the essential needs of man. When the -price of food, shelter, and clothing increases and wages remain the -same, the money income of the family is relatively less. If the price -of food remains the same and wages are lowered because of an oversupply -of labor to meet the demand, or for other causes, the effect is -practically the same. When marriage means an increase of the financial -burden, and foresight comes into play there will naturally follow a -postponement of marriage. Letourneau says, the “principal causes which -influence matrimony are the greater or less existence, and the extreme -importance attached to money. As a general rule, life and death tend to -balance each other, and the populations whose mortality is great have, -as compensation, a rich birth-rate. We invariably see the number of -marriages and births increasing after a series of prosperous years, and -_vice versa_. General causes have naturally a greater influence on the -population living from hand to mouth. The well-to-do classes escape -this, and we find that the chances of marriage for the rich increase -during years of high prices.”[83] - -Economic conditions will not prevent people from marrying when it is -understood the wife will continue her work in the factory as is true in -many manufacturing towns, especially in Europe. Under such conditions -marriage does not signify an immediate increase of the financial burden -of the husband. In fact, if marriage meant that the entire burden of -support was to fall upon the man alone, it would be a serious matter -when under the existing conditions husband and wife together can -scarcely make a living.[84] - -European countries are cited as admirable examples of advanced -legislation for the protection of the home. Farsightedness and a love -of domesticity are not so much responsible for the protection of women -in industry as the fact that they have become a well established factor -in industrial life, such as they have not yet reached in the United -States. - -When legislation provides women with a longer noon hour than men, -it is an acknowledgment of the fact that many women, so many as -to make legislation in their behalf a crying need, are employed -outside of the home and at the same time carrying the burden of -maintaining a household after working hours. The extra half hour at -noon allowed married women is time in which to prepare the noonday -meal for the members of the family. Beneficent as legislation is in -behalf of married women looking toward the welfare of the race, it is -significant of the fact that women are being forced out of the home -into the industrial field and compelled to assume heavier burdens -than the men. To restrict fecundity under such circumstances, or to -refuse to be mothers at all, is hardly a reproach to the women who are -thus forced to toil, but rather a reproach to civilization imposing -home-making, motherhood, and breadwinning upon the supposed weaker sex. - -In communities where women take their places with their husbands in the -factory or work-shop, industrial changes do not affect the marriage -rate. It is where women are not expected to contribute to the family -income, and where men’s wages are at first by no means adequate to meet -the expenses of a household, that the marriage rate is affected. - -Nevertheless even under these circumstances, where there is no outlook -but one of poverty for the future, marriages are often formed. - -The decrease of the marriage rate among people who live close to -the margin of subsistence is not as apparent as among people whose -income warrants a scale of living which gratifies the higher social -wants. What is often attributed to the selfishness of men is a growing -consciousness of the responsibility which marriage involves as well -as an increase in the responsibility itself. There is a greater need -of money outlay than ever before, and with the decreasing importance -of women’s labor in the home, the financial strain is so great as to -prompt men to postpone marriage until they are able to support a family -in comfort, comfort meaning not merely sufficient food and clothing for -physical well being but a scale of expenditure characteristic of one’s -class. - -The increasing independence of women is an _effect_ of the postponement -of marriage on the part of men rather than a _cause_. When men no -longer assume family responsibilities as soon as they become voters, or -shortly thereafter, women are forced into avenues of employment for a -livelihood. The lengthening period which a man dedicates to preparing -himself for his life work makes it just that much more difficult for -the women of his class to marry early. - -When once established in the industrial field and confirmed in certain -habits of life associated with a higher plane of consumption than they -can hope for in a home of their own, women are not so eager to give -up the luxuries and opportunities for personal expression which their -work may afford, for matrimony. This is especially true at an age when -marriage has lost much of the romance youth endows it with. When life -is comparatively easy, and the romantic period of youth is passed, the -economic factor assumes greater importance in matrimonial alliances. -To lower one’s economic and social status, even when prompted to do -so by high ideals and motives, receives little commendation from an -enlightened community and its “How could she?” savors more of contempt -than admiration. - -Among the higher social classes--although the same tendency is showing -itself in all classes--there is a growing consciousness of the -individual’s importance as a social unit, rather than his importance -as a part of the family unit. His ties to society are growing at -the expense of family ties. This changed attitude does not arise -from selfishness for never in history have men shown greater ability -and willingness to sacrifice personal interests to the interests of -society. There is a rapidly growing sentiment on the part of each that -he is indeed his brother’s keeper, and he is responsible for evil -industrial and social conditions. The time favors, not the family as -opposed to the community, but the family as a part of the community. - -Says Howard, “More threatening to the solidarity of the family is -believed to be the individualistic tendencies arising in existing urban -and economic life. With the rise of corporate and associated industry -comes a weakening of the intimacy of home ties. Through the division -of labor the ‘family hearth-stone’ is fast becoming a mere temporary -meeting-place of individual wage-earners.”[85] - -Thus we are rapidly approaching the time when men can no longer -consider marriage an economy. A wife tends to become a luxury to the -average man in so far as she adds nothing to the income of the family -and increases its expenses. - -It is true many married women among the professional classes work -outside the home, but the practice is not sufficiently widespread to -meet with the general approval of a conservative society. When this -practice becomes common, provided there is no corresponding decrease -in the salaries of men and the increase of the income of the family is -marked, marriage will become more attractive to men. - -Women, too, consider the economic side of marriage. They are just as -unwilling to lower their plane of living as the men. To the average -woman to marry a poor man means drudgery, for although her economic -importance as a bread winner has decreased, her domestic duties have -not grown correspondingly less. - -Women’s class status shifts more easily than that of men. With -the latter it is personal success while with the former it is the -matrimonial relation that determines one’s social sphere. For this -reason women consciously or unconsciously are guided in their choice -of a husband by economic considerations. With the decrease of their -productive capacity in the home there is a greater need on their part -to consider the pecuniary side. - -The marriage-rate among the rich and the very poor is little affected -by economic changes. The one feels no need to curtail expenses to meet -the needs of a family; the other is so hopelessly poor, especially in -many of the European countries, so starved in mind and body as to be -irresponsive to any but the primary animal instincts. It is the large -middle classes that reflect social and economic changes and determine -the type of future social institutions. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[67] Howard, _A History of Matrimonial Institutions_, I, pp. 60-61. - -[68] _Ibid_, I, p. 115. - -[69] Ward, _Pure Sociology_, p. 358. - -[70] Morgan, _Ancient Society_, p. 501. - -[71] Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, p. 140. - -[72] Grosse, _Familie und Wirthschaft_, p. - -[73] Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, I, p. 43. - -[74] Grosse, _Familie und Wirthschaft_, pp. 73-4. - -[75] Grosse, _Ibid_, pp. 104-5. - -[76] Starke, _The Primitive Family_, pp. 99, 100. - -[77] Hobhouse, _Morals and Evolution_, I, p. 176. - -[78] Earle, _Home Life in Colonial Days_, pp. 166-7. - -[79] Letourneau, _The Evolution of Marriage_, p. 352. - -[80] E. Vandervelde, _L’Exode Rural_. - -[81] Bailey, _Modern Social Conditions_, p. 139. - -[82] Mayo-Smith, _Statistics and Sociology_, p. 100. - -[83] Letourneau, _The Evolution of Marriage_, pp. 351-2. - -[84] See page 51. - -[85] Howard, _A History of Matrimonial Institutions_, III, 227-8. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -ECONOMIC FORCES AND THE BIRTH-RATE - - -In primitive times infanticide was often resorted to as a means of -freeing the tribe from the care and responsibility of unwelcome -children. McLennan says, “The moment infanticide was thought of as an -expedient for keeping down numbers, a step was taken, perhaps the most -important that was ever taken in the history of mankind.”[86] - -Westermarck thinks McLennan places too much emphasis upon the extent -of the practice of infanticide. “A minute investigation of the -extent to which female infanticide is practiced has convinced me -that McLennan has much exaggerated the importance of the custom. It -certainly prevails in many parts of the world; and it is true that, -as a rule, female children are killed rather than male. But there is -nothing to indicate that infanticide has ever been so universal or had -anywhere been practiced, on so large a scale, as McLennan’s hypothesis -presupposes.”[87] - -Among primitive peoples when starvation threatened a tribe, it is -reasonable to believe a sacrifice of life was considered necessary -to lessen immediate as well as prospective suffering and where the -new-born infants were the selected victims, the female children would -be sacrificed before the male. The services of women were of less -importance to a warring community than of men, and under ordinary -circumstances there would be a tendency for women to out number men -since they were not exposed to the risks and hardships warfare imposed -upon the men. - -That infanticide was widely practiced where there was no danger -from starvation does not seem likely. The maternal instinct is very -pronounced among all animals, and the mother shows greater willingness -to sacrifice herself than her offspring. It must have been necessary to -overcome the mother feeling by force of reasoning, or by an exercise of -tyrannical authority to win her consent. - -There existed many natural checks to the increase of population among -primitive peoples. Droughts and the ravages of diseases played no -small part in keeping down numbers. These same natural forces in -perhaps fewer forms are still effective in all countries of the world, -producing an infant mortality of an alarming proportion. - -Unsanitary conditions, bad housing, impure milk and water, and the -heat of summer are among the checks to the more rapid increase of -population. Mr. Phelps says in his statistical study of infant -mortality, “In view of the many material changes in the living habits -and industrial conditions of the world’s population in the last -generation, the great advance in medical knowledge and the marked -decrease in the general death-rate, the practical uniformity of the -infantile death-rate the world around is simply astounding.”[88] - -The problem of how to decrease infant mortality has received -considerable attention from municipal and philanthropic associations. -The results obtained are far from satisfactory, so great and far -reaching are its causes. - -The fall of the birth-rate is generally attributed to psychological -rather than to physiological causes. Statistical reports do not show -the same decline in the birth-rate among the inhabitants of poor -districts of a city as among the well-to-do. A large number of the -unskilled workers are foreigners, or people ignorant in respect to -medical and physiological knowledge, and likewise unconscious of the -prevalence of the practice of the restriction of the birth-rate. But -the rapid diffusion of knowledge of all kinds in a democratic country -will soon change this state of affairs. Mrs. Commander’s study of the -birth-rate led her to believe that the birth-rate among immigrants who -come to the United States of America “falls decidedly below European -standards, and that the majority of immigrants when only a short time -in this country imbibe the idea of limiting family. The small family -appears to be an American ideal which immigrants accept as they do -other American ideals.”[89] - -The investigation of the Fabian Society of London brought to light -the fact that “the decline in the birth-rate appears to be especially -marked in places inhabited by the servant keeping class. The birth-rate -of Bethnal Green--the district in London in which there are fewest -non-Londoners and in which fewest of the inhabitants keep domestic -servants fell off between 1881 and 1901 by twelve per cent and that of -Hampstead, where most domestic servants are kept, fell off by no less -than 36 per cent. The birth-rate for 1901 of five separate groups of -metropolitan boroughs arranged in grades of average poverty gave the -following interesting result. The small group of three ‘rich’ boroughs -have, for 100,000 population 2,004 legitimate births; the four groups -comprising 19 intermediate boroughs have almost identical legitimate -birth-rate between 2,362 to 2,490 for 100,000 whilst the poorest group -of 7 boroughs has a legitimate birth-rate of no less than 3,078, or 50 -per cent more than that in the ‘rich’ quarters.”[90] - -The pathological reason for the decline in the birth-rate is presented -by The National League for the Protection of the Family. “Since the -discovery of the germ of what was formerly considered the milder and -less harmful of the two chief sexual diseases, and more especially -since the numerous ramifications and effects of this milder form, -hitherto little suspected to exist, have been found and studied, there -has been a strong tendency towards agreement among medical authorities -that this disease is the real cause of a large part of the decline in -the birth-rate everywhere. While the difficulty of getting accurate -statistics on the subject is fully recognized by the authorities upon -it, they seem to agree that nearly or quite one-half of the cases of -sterility among the married are due to this milder of the two diseases, -and some would put it much higher. The more recent investigations also -go to show, so the medical authorities say, that a large number of what -they call ‘one-child marriages’ must be accounted for by the effects of -this milder of the two diseases.”[91] - -Thorndyke suggests that the opinion that the decline in the birth-rate -is psychological rather than physiological may be “as wide of the -mark as the common belief that unwillingness is the main cause of the -failure of the women of the better classes to nurse their children”. -As a contradiction of natural selection, he says, “I may suggest that -the existence, amount and result of the elimination of types by their -failure to produce of their kind is after all a problem which only -statistical inquiries can settle and that if the doctrine is to be used -as an excuse for reading certain obvious facts in human history it is -perhaps time that it should be questioned.”[92] - -Undoubtedly various causes are responsible for the decline in the -birth-rate, some of which have existed for ages. When the dominant -cause is psychological the remedy, if desirable, must be looked for -in the education of a community. Conditions must be brought about -making children desirable in the home, and a sufficient number of them -for the race to hold its own. But if the cause is beyond individual -selfishness--is other than psychological, and is a symptom of race -degeneracy in its reproductive capacities, it is as Thorndyke suggests -“time that it should be questioned.” - -A statistical study of 524 families in the city of Chicago made in the -summer of 1909 suggests the possibilities of race degeneracy brought -about by economic causes. The mothers of these 524 families had been -married at least ten years and were born in foreign countries. The -nationalities represented were Italians, Germans, Irish, Bohemians, -Polish, Swedish and Norwegian, English and Scotch. They were people -who lived in the congested districts of the city and whose families -represented from one to thirteen children. 588 children died before -they reached the age of three years and 303 more were prematurely born -or died at birth, making the total loss under three years of age of 891. - -Of the 588 deaths practically all would be attributed to social causes -such as unsanitary conditions existing in large cities or the ignorance -of mothers in the care and feeding of their children. Of the 303 babies -who died at birth or were prematurely born a large percentage would -be attributed to psychological causes resulting in foetiside. But -when one considers that only 20 per cent of the mothers embraced the -Protestant religion, a little less than 15 per cent were Jews and 65 -per cent Catholics--the Catholic mother believes the unbaptized child -is destined to eternal punishment--the suspicion seems unwarranted. - -It is true the above cases are all abnormal. They do not even represent -the average family of the congested parts of Chicago but rather the -most unfortunate of the unfortunate. They are the mothers who were sent -by the charity associations to the summer camps for a few weeks’ rest. -Nearly all were miserably poor, and had large families which in all -probability were important factors bringing about their poverty. - -Undoubtedly the men of the families were the most inefficient workers -and the women possessed the least vitality when compared with the women -of the more fortunate classes. They might have been the least fit to -be parents, and their children--those who did survive the first three -years of life--help to swell the number of defective children in our -schools. - -The fact, as Phelps notes, that so little difference exists in the -infant mortality-rate in the various countries of the world in spite of -increased medical knowledge may be indicative of a social evil common -to all countries, namely poverty. - -The people who come from Europe and make up the tenement districts are -the poorest class at home, and many of them have never been properly -nourished. A United States Emigration report says, “The Poles are a -most prolific race, of strong and good physique, but rather anaemic in -appearance, owing to insufficient diet;” of the Bohemians, “the people -are industrious and economical. Their homes are primitive and barren -of everything except necessities.” One of the reasons the Italian -comes to this country is “the fact that the needs of the people have -outstripped the means of satisfying them.”[93] - -It is most often real hunger that drives the emigrant to a new country -in the hopes of bettering his condition. And perhaps it is generations -of hunger, of malnutrition, on the part of the mother that is -responsible for the inability of the new-born child to resist infantile -diseases, or that prevents its natural birth. Thus the economic sins -of one generation are visited upon the next. There is indeed danger of -race degeneracy if the mothers and fathers of the future generations -are to be the underfed and the underpaid of the present time. - -When necessity forced men to invade women’s field of work they did -not assume the heavier tasks because of their inconsistency with -motherhood, but because they were those tasks most in harmony with -their habits of life. Primitive women’s work was severe, but it was -work consistent with a stationary life which was desirable in the -bearing and rearing of children. Convenience helped to determine habits -of life and they in turn developed into customs. These customs were -responsible for many of the sex barriers, and class barriers of later -historical times. - -The individual belonged to a class and his status was apparently fixed. -There was complete subordination within the class and competition -became class competition rather than individual competition. Thus -occupations were fixed and the plane of living showed little variation -from one generation to the other. There was no incentive to leave one’s -class, and little possibility of doing so. The individual’s future -was secure. At least it was not a game of chance, and children had an -equal chance at prosperity or starvation with their parents. The son -followed the occupation of his father which was in all probability the -occupation of his grandfather as well. The daughter was content with -the status of her mother, for she knew nothing different. She accepted -things as they were, just as her brother did, and whether her lot was -hard or comparatively easy, it was not for her to question it. - -Wherever this social regime exists, the birth-rate is high. But -wherever class barriers are let down, and there is a possibility of the -individual shifting from one class to the other, competition between -individuals grows keen and individualization progresses by leaps. The -tyranny of custom and tradition ceases, and the lower classes can -with impunity imitate the higher classes. This creates an insatiable -desire for invidious distinction. The means to attain the desired end -are purely economic. The mother often engages in gainful occupations -to raise the plane of living and gain social prestige. An increasing -family becomes of vital concern to both parents because it would entail -a foregoing of luxuries which have to them become necessities. - -This same overwhelming power of new wants is in a large measure -responsible for the increasing number of women in the professional -fields of work. To them it is an economic necessity. When measured -by the mental torture involved it is as essential to maintain the -standards of one’s class as bread is to the poor Russian peasant. A -girl will stand behind the counter from morning until night displaying -goods to exacting customers in order to maintain her standard of dress. -If she fails, she suffers probably as much as if her supply of food -were insufficient to satisfy her hunger. - -The decrease of the birth-rate among the middle classes is thought to -be psychological. The Royal Commission on the decline of the birth-rate -in New South Wales after a careful investigation came to the conclusion -that the reasons for limiting the birth-rate “have one element in -common, namely selfishness.” Other investigators call this force -egoism, individualization, or the result of a struggle to maintain the -standard of life common to a class, all of which means an increased -consciousness of self. Ross says, “In the face of the hobby-riders I -maintain that the cause of the shrinkage in fecundity lies in the human -will as influenced by certain factors which have their roots deep in -the civilization of our times.”[94] - -With the decrease of the importance of women’s work in the home, and -the increase of the necessity for them to enter the industrial field, -the birth-rate will continue to fall. Women’s invasion of the fields -of work outside the home will eventually result in a marked decline in -fecundity. So long as individual competition prevails in the business -world, the successful women will be those without the handicap of small -children. Mothers of small children cannot compete successfully in -the industrial world with the women who have no ties making demands -on their time or energy. Here lies the real danger arising out of the -necessity of women seeking employment outside the home. Under the -present industrial regime motherhood is not compatible with business -careers. - -As long as the home was an industrial sphere and demanded the entire -time and energy of women there was little chance on their part for -individual development. But with the transition of work from the home -to the factory, women’s interests ceased to be necessarily centered -about the hearth, and many of them developed an individuality formerly -characteristic of men only. Freed from the cares of maternity women are -quite as radical as men. It is maternity that is largely responsible -for the conservatism of women and their indifference toward affairs -outside the home. - -The high birth-rate of former times will not return nor is it -desirable, for the decreased death-rate among infants will tend to -maintain numbers. But while in the past children were accepted without -question, and parents never thought of the possibility of limiting -the size of their families, in the future the human will will play an -ever increasing part. Whether the guiding motive in restricting the -birth-rate will be a worthy one, or one to be deprecated will depend -upon those social institutions which are responsible for the production -of individuals’ ideals. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[86] McLennan, _Studies in Ancient History_, pp. 81-2, 2nd Series. - -[87] Westermarck. - -[88] Phelps, _A Statistical Study of Infant Mortality_, p. 268. -Quarterly Publication of The American Statistical Association. - -[89] Commander, _The American Idea_, p. 18. - -[90] Webb, _Physical Degeneracy or Race Suicide_. Popular Science -Monthly, Dec. 1906, pp. 515-6. - -[91] _Annual Report for 1906_, p. 10. _American Journal of Sociology_, -March, 1909. Doctor Morrow says, “A large proportion of sterile -marriages, contrary to the popular view, is from incapacity and not of -choice.” p. 626. - -[92] Thorndyke, _Decrease in the Size of American Families_. Popular -Science Monthly, May, 1903, p. 69. - -[93] Department of Commerce and Labor, _Emigration to the U. S._ 1904, -pp. 105, 112. - -[94] Ross, _Western Civilisation and the Birth-Rate_. Am. Jour. of Soc. -XII, 610, March 1907. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -ECONOMIC CHANGES AND THE DIVORCE-RATE - - -So long has society been accustomed to accepting as final the laws and -customs arising out of earlier social conditions, that changes brought -about by new conditions, and contrary to the accepted scheme of things -arouse a widespread concern. There is no better illustration of the -conflict between the new and the old than the present tendency to -divorce, and the steady pressure of our social institutions to combat -this tendency. - -It did not take primitive man long to see that organization was -essential to preservation. Only the best organized tribes could survive -in a struggle; and the closer the organization, the greater the -advantage when contending with outside or hostile forces. The basis -of tribal organization was the family, and the tribes with the best -organized families in a growing society proved the most effective in -the tribal life. - -When the family became a recognized unit of stability--either for -methods of warfare or economic reasons--forces arose tending to -establish sentiments opposed to divorce. It was of primary importance -that these sentiments should be accepted as a code of morality in a -loosely organized society. It is when the larger organization, such as -the state, is not strong enough to maintain its own stability, that -it is of the utmost importance that the units composing it should -be compact and self reliant. Only in a highly organized, socialized -society, can the family be viewed as a compact with the welfare of its -individual members as its sole motive for existence. - -In primitive times the unity of the family was of the utmost importance -to the men of the tribe as well as to the women. The permanency of the -marriage relation was essential to the preservation of society, for the -state could not assume the function of protection in contradistinction -to the protection afforded by the male head of the family. It is only -in peaceable communities where the occupations of the people are -principally industrial that a social consciousness arises, making -possible a non-militant social compact looking toward the individual’s -welfare as part of the community welfare. - -It was important, too, that the head of the family should assume the -responsibility of caring for the helpless. If this were not so, the -care of the offspring would be shifted from the family to the tribe or -state. Irrespective of the moral practices within the family, or the -form of marriage, it was essential to maintain the family unity for the -care and the protection of children. - -On the other hand it was important for the women to be attached to some -household, and recognized as a permanent part of it. If not, in cases -where their rights were entirely overlooked, they would be forced to -return to the households of their fathers. Consciously or unconsciously -the members of the tribe appreciated the importance of creating moral -sentiments fostering family responsibilities on the part of the -individual. - -Divorce in the past was essentially a masculine institution. The state -arose out of the desire to protect property rights of the individual. -Women did not possess property to any considerable extent and so were -denied the privileges arising therefrom. They were considered by both -father and husband as property and all property rights inhering in -them as in lands and cattle. That is, the status of women did not -necessarily make them property, but the property right possession -involved was responsible to a marked measure for their status. - -In many primitive tribes women neither fought nor cared for the herds -and all their activities resolved themselves into personal services. -Hence, more than one wife was a luxury to a husband for she was a real -economic burden. - -All laws governing property naturally applied to women and aimed -alone at protecting the rights of men. Transgression against these -matrimonial rights of a man was an offense against property and -punished accordingly. It was not an offense against the moral sense -of the community, or of the individual, for wife-loaning was looked -upon with favor by many while the usurpation of the same privilege was -punishable by death. It was a crime against property and not against -the woman in question. - -Women were often treated with great brutality, but this abuse did not -follow necessarily because they were women--the male is naturally -more considerate at all times of the female than of his own kind--but -because they possessed no rights which were synonymous with economic -strength. Their relative economic value did not inhere in them -personally but in the economic strength of their fathers and husbands. - -The rights of women increased with the increase of their economic -importance in the household. During the period of domestic industry, -divorce was almost unknown. When it was practiced, it was the exclusive -privilege of the leisure class, or of those whose financial well being -was secured. - -It is true the church took a decided stand against divorce and did much -toward counteracting the supposed evil, but a far greater force was the -development of the medieval town with its domestic industries. - -Agricultural occupations were also a strong unifying force in the -family relation. Where people are attached to the soil by virtue of -their occupations and property rights, the home is an economic unit -just as is true of the diminutive factory carried on within the family -group. - -When the economic habits of man necessarily attach him to a plot of -ground, or to a definite group of industrial workers who make up in -part the family group, there exists naturally strong sentiments opposed -to the breaking up of the group. Although recognized as fundamentally -social, these sentiments arise out of an economic bond. - -The unifying of the economic interests of the family brought about an -increased sense of family responsibility on the part of men. It was -also of the utmost importance to women that the marriage bond should -be a permanent one; thus assuring them a protection for themselves and -their children against the outside world. - -When the home was the center of practically all economic activities, -the family was given a measure of stability by virtue of its economic -importance. To leave the family circle meant, not only the severing of -ties of sentiment, but the cutting loose from economic moorings. - -We now come to a period in history when machine industry is -revolutionizing the home and rapidly changing its economic -significance. Woman’s work is being transferred to the factory, and -necessity is forcing her to follow it, or to seek other fields of work -that promise her a livelihood. Leaving the home hearth for a wider -industrial field, is giving her the same outlook as man, and allowing -her to determine her relations to the world outside the home. Her -economic independence is secured, and it is no longer necessary for her -to be attached to a household in order to secure employment as a means -of securing her subsistence. Thus is made possible the breaking of the -marriage bond on the part of women and escape from conditions which -formerly were tolerated. - -The census reports show a constant tendency for the divorce-rate to -increase in the United States. Undoubtedly it would be higher than it -is at present if more women possessed means of support which would -not necessitate the losing of their social status, for there are many -women who have had no practical training, nor training of any kind to -make their own living. If thrown upon their own resources they would -be forced into the ranks of the unskilled workers. As married women -they hold enviable positions of social prestige. But the income of -the husband is not sufficient to keep both husband and wife on the -accustomed plane of living when separated, although such separation may -be mutually desirable. - -A fair comparison cannot be made of the rate of divorce in different -countries or states since there exists such wide discrepancies in -the laws themselves, diminishing or increasing the difficulties of -obtaining divorces. So marked are the differences in the divorce laws -in the various states of the United States, that certain communities -have won the title of “divorce colonies” and thereby attracted at least -a temporary increase of population. Hence, low divorce rates may merely -mean a greater difficulty in obtaining separation. - -In some countries the expense of obtaining a divorce makes it a luxury -beyond the poor. In England and Wales “the expense and delay involved -in procuring a divorce there are so great that only somewhat wealthy -persons can go into court, and they do not feel so severely the burden -of a financial crisis. This conjectural explanation derives some -support from the fact which a French statistician of some eminence -claims to have proved, that such periods of distress in Great Britain, -while checking marriage among the poor, are attended by an increase of -marriage among the rich. This difference between effects of hard times -in Europe and in the United States, together with a very rapid increase -in divorce among the southern negroes, and the fact that only about one -wife in six of these obtaining divorce receives an alimony, are among -the indications that divorce has become very frequent and perhaps most -frequent among our lower middle classes and has reached for weal or woe -a lower stratum than perhaps anywhere in Europe.”[95] - -We all know that the divorce rate is higher in the United States than -in any European country, and is increasing more rapidly. “In 1870 -there were 155 divorces, and in 1880, 303 divorces, to 100,000 married -couples. In 1870, 3.5 per cent of the marriages were terminated by -divorce; in 1880, 4.8 per cent; and in 1890, 6.2 per cent.” - -According to the Census Report of 1906 the divorce-rate is still -increasing rapidly. From 1887 to 1891 there was an increase of divorces -of 34.1 per cent; from 1892 to 1896 an increase of 23.9 per cent.; from -1897 to 1901 an increase of 33.7 per cent.; and from 1902 to 1906 an -increase of 27.6 per cent.[96] - -As we have already seen, the decrease of the importance of women’s work -in the home has affected the status of women generally, economically -and socially. Among the poor it has forced many married women to seek -employment outside the home. The inability of the husband and father -to meet his economic responsibilities has imposed upon women an added -responsibility. And in so far as mothers of families have shouldered -economic burdens outside the home there is a tendency for fathers to -lose their family pride and sense of economic independence. The man -who must remain at home, do the housework and care for the children, -while his wife goes out to earn the living, if he cares at all, feels -that he has failed dismally. Charity workers agree that the economic -independence of women of the most unfortunate classes has the effect -of lessening the moral responsibility of the supposed bread-winner and -head of the family. Desertion on the part of fathers is so common as to -create a social problem. - -The causes for desertion are many, and work toward a decreased respect -for family ties. “The great amount of travel due to constantly -increasing means of communication; the ease with which a man, -accustomed to one of the simple processes of modern machinery, can -adapt himself to many others without any long training, so making -employment more readily obtainable; the fuller knowledge of other -communities afforded by the multiplied newspapers, and perhaps the -numerous items about other deserters which awaken a dormant impulse, -just as cheap novels prompt some boys to start out as Indian fighters, -all contribute to the state of mind which makes desertion possible. -If a man who had indulged such thoughts, can, without much time or -expense, in some cases even by investing a nickel or less, by taking -a trolley or a ferry, put himself into a neighboring state, beyond -the power of the court to compel him to support his family, where he -can spend all he earns for his own gratification, he is in danger of -finding some excuse for going.”[97] - -When one considers that a large percentage of the people with whom the -social workers deal are foreigners and children of foreigners; that -religious precepts are comparatively strong; and that they cling to -custom and traditions with greater tenacity than the more fortunate -classes, it seems justifiable to attribute the large number of -separations in this class--although many of these separations are never -registered in the divorce courts--to economic causes. - -Divorce, like many of our social institutions has been influenced by -the rights of property, and is no true criterion for measuring the -moral habits of a people. Where property rights are considered most -sacred the institution of divorce is almost unknown. This is especially -true when the existing forms of wealth are closely allied to land -holding. There, industrial development is backward and all the social -institutions reflect the conservative influence of the past, rather -than the progressive movements of the present. For instance, the -southern states, where property rights and institutions arising out of -the same reflect the spirit of the patriarchal slavery system, divorce -is less common. And yet the morality among the lower social classes -there does not compare favorably with other sections of the country -where the divorce-rate is high. It is among the better classes that -the family represents a compactness and stability wherein divorce has -little play. - -It is true there are some states which represent an advanced industrial -development as is found in the country where divorce is granted -only for adultery. But in these states such restriction is felt to -be oppressive. This is evident by the number who seek release from -conjugal ties in other than their home state. What is true of England -is true of certain American states, that is, the low divorce-rate -is the result of the difficulty of obtaining legal separations. For -example the home life in New York is not any more admirable than the -home life in the extreme west where the divorce-rate is the highest. - -Unless the industrial development and economic conditions are similiar -it is impossible to measure the moral standards of communities by a -comparison of their divorce-rates. Legislation dealing directly with -family relations ought to take into consideration the industrial habits -of the community as well as the moral and social ideals arising out of -existing conditions. - -It is true, a high divorce-rate has been a symptom of a decadent -race, but on the other hand it does not necessarily follow that a -deteriorating race is characterized by a high divorce-rate, or that a -high divorce-rate signifies a retrogressive people. It may be a symptom -of a decline of moral conceptions, but it may also mean a higher -conception of morality, and a decline of respect for property rights -in women. The frontiersman is not inspired with the same awe of wealth -as the man who remained at home in a settled community; and his moral -conceptions tend to conform less to tradition and custom and more to -his own individual conscience. - -Howard says, “Divorce is a remedy and not the disease. It is not a -virtue in a divorce law, as it appears to be often assumed, to restrict -the application of the remedy at all hazards, regardless of the -sufferings of the social body. If it were always the essential purpose -of a good law to diminish directly the number of _bona fide_ divorces, -the more rational course would be to imitate South Carolina and -prohibit divorce entirely. Divorce is not immoral. It is quite probable -on the contrary, that drastic, like negligent, legislation is sometimes -immoral. It is not necessarily a merit, and it may be a grave social -wrong, to reduce the legal causes for a decree to the one ‘scriptural’ -ground.”[98] - -Divorce is an expression of revolt. It may be an expression of revolt -against conditions imposed by one individual upon another, or against -a position of inferiority in the family group imposed upon women by -tradition. Instead of a wide spread incompatibility of temperaments of -two individuals held together by wedlock, the incompatibility may exist -in part between the social institution called “the home” and the ideas -and ideals of a democratic community. - -The entire social atmosphere outside the home--whether in the -school or in the club, or in any other social group aims to inspire -an individualization and socialization in harmony with high moral -precepts. We are living in an age when the individual counts as an -important part of the social groups of which he is a member, and some -vital matter must be at stake when the individual is required to -sacrifice himself against his will for the good of the community. - -Women have been considered the property of their husbands for so long -that an initiative on their part, disturbing the stability of the -conjugal bond is viewed by many as a symptom of rampant anarchy. What -it does indicate is a marked growth in the rights of women, and a -tendency for these rights, especially economic rights, to approach the -plane of the rights of men. - -If the present tendency to divorce is a superficial phenomenon only, -measures ought to be taken to check it. But if it is vital, and has -its roots deep down in our social order, it cannot be checked by mere -repression without perpetrating a grave social wrong. - -There are no historical facts enabling us to predict the outcome. -Divorce in the past was a masculine institution and worked great -hardships upon women and children. It was the rich and not the poor, -the men and not the women who enjoyed the privilege of breaking -the marriage bond. To counteract its evil influences, all social -institutions combined in impressing upon man the necessity of accepting -his family responsibilities out of justice to his wife, his children -and the community. So long has the lesson been impressed that many men -consider it a grave moral responsibility to remain as a protector of -their families. Such is not the case with women. No matter how great -their industrial burdens in the home, the past taught them submission, -and not responsibility. All their training--other than industrial--had -as its goal accomplishments that in nowise involved responsibilities. -Whatever industrial responsibilities the home imposed upon them, the -business world of today has largely freed them from. This economic -situation is leaving an increasing number of women without the -discipline of work or necessity. This lack of responsibility on the -part of women may be in part a reason why they more often than men seek -a divorce. Many women are showing by their unselfish public spirit -an appreciation of the importance of the social forces dealing with -the care and the protection of children. In their social capacities -they are working out many of the social problems dealing with all -humanity, as well as the problems of their sex alone. Many of the -serious problems, especially those bearing directly upon the home, the -relations of husband and wife, and mother and children, will be solved -in time--not by our law makers alone but with the co-operation of women. - -It is true many of our cherished traditions and customs are in grave -danger of complete annihilation. If this destruction is to be brought -about by the baser elements in human nature--the love of sensual ease, -dissipation and depravity--our civilization is indeed in danger. But -if the motive power is the love of freedom as against the needless -sacrifice of the individual--a desire to give expression to creative -instincts which are alike in men and women--there exist signs that -out of the alarming confusion will arise something better, and more -conducive to a progressive civilization. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[95] Willcox. - -[96] Special Report of the Census Office. _Marriage and Divorce_, -1867-1906. Part 1, 1909, pp. 68-69. - -[97] Brandt and Baldwin, _Family Desertion_, p. 8. - -[98] Howard, _A History of Matrimonial Institutions_, III, pp. 219-220. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE POLITICAL RIGHTS OF WOMEN AND INDUSTRIAL CHANGES - - -In studying the history of primitive societies, we find authority -resting upon economic strength of military prowess, the latter nearly -always associated with material advantages. Property is synonymous with -power whether it consists of implements, herds or lands. Excepting -personal belongings, women possessed little property and had little -incentive to hold property as exclusively their own. - -There is a striking difference between the political powers and -property rights of men and women, not only in primitive society, but -all through history. To point out some fundamental reasons for this -divergence will be the purpose of this chapter. - -In modern society, we are accustomed to ascribe this divergence in -the political status of men and women, to custom, tradition, and the -tyranny of one sex over the other. Customs have their roots in habits -of life, and habits more often result from a convenience at an earlier -stage of culture. Tyranny of one sex over the other--especially of man -over woman--is not likely to occur among a peaceable people who show no -aggressive qualities, or among a people the women of which outnumber -men and apparently possess an equal degree of physical strength. All -existing societies as well as all societies of the past that have left -traces of their civilization, show the same tendency to place political -power in the hands of men, and not in the hands of women. This practice -has been so common among all peoples as to suggest some fundamental -reason for a social development--apparently so unjust to half the -race--other than an inherent conflict of interests, between the sexes. -Certainly such a conflict of interests, as some would have us believe, -has never existed in the animal world. The reason therefore must be -social and not inherent. The injustices arising out of such a social -scheme have little in common with the fundamental causes out of which -the existing situation arose. - -It is difficult to trace the relation of primitive economic development -to the political status of women since our knowledge of the origin of -society, and its early development is very limited. But a vivid picture -of the reactions of economic changes upon the political status of women -in historical times, is possible as well as suggestive. - -Morgan says, “The experience of mankind ... has developed but two -plans of government, using the world _plan_ in its scientific sense. -Both were definite and systematic organizations of society. The -first and the most ancient was a _social organization_, founded upon -gentes, phratries and tribes. The second and the latest in time was a -_political organization_, founded upon territory and upon property. -Under the first a gentile society was created, in which the government -dealt with persons through their relation to the gens and the tribe. -These relations were purely personal. Under the second a political -society was instituted, in which the government dealt with persons -through their relations to territory, e. g.--the township, the county, -and the state. These two relations were purely territorial.”[99] - -So long as the government dealt with personal relations and property -belonged to small groups of people rather than to individuals, women -would naturally be conceded a more conspicuous position. We ourselves, -not necessarily from any preconceived notion, but because of the nature -of things, associate women more closely with family ties than we do -men. This does not mean women, that because of their status within -the family group or their relation to the family group, have greater -authority in the affairs of the community than men, or that the balance -of power rests with them, but that their importance in the social -consciousness depends upon where the emphasis is placed. - -Morgan accounts for the practice of reckoning descent in the female -line to the fact that paternity was uncertain. The women and the -children formed a nucleus around which gathered a social organization -composed of the female descendants. Women, especially old women, had -a voice in the affairs of the gens, but when a leader was chosen the -choice invariably fell upon some man. - -Gentes, tracing the descent in the female line, illustrate the early -position of women, and their rights in the beginning of a social -organization. But seldom, if ever, do we find women holding so -prominent a place as a sex, in the political affairs of the community -as men, when political relations were emphasized. This fact is often -attributed to the tyranny of man over woman but is it not more -reasonable to assume that women found it more convenient, and perhaps -more desirable, to leave to the men of their family, whose interests -were identical with their own, the exercise of governmental authority? - -The transition from the matriarchate to a patriarchate grew out of an -appreciation of property. Under the matriarchate property belonged to -the gens and was transmitted through the female line. But under the -patriarchate property belonged to the family, or to the individual -members of the family. “When property began to be created in masses, -and the desire for its transmission to children had changed descent -from the female line to the male, real foundation for patriarchal power -was for the first time established.”[100] - -This change resulted from an appreciation of the necessity to keep the -property of the family within the tribe, or the community, of which it -was a part. - -Granting women the same privilege of property as men, under a -patriarchal system of government, it would be only a question of time -when the property interests of the tribe would lose their unity and -compactness, and be scattered broadcast over the land. Such a division -of property might have been allowed if individual interests alone -were considered and these interests did not interfere with the larger -interests of the state. - -Daughters marrying into other tribes than their own would carry their -property interests with them to the tribe of their husbands and so -weaken the economic strength of the former, while increasing that of -the latter. To prevent women marrying outside the tribe would have been -more difficult than to regulate the transmission of property. - -For the preservation of the state, when the state was a small community -the members of which were bound together by mutual interests of -defense or offense, it was necessary to restrict the property rights -of women. The state that did not do so and allowed the intermarriage -of members of its tribe with members of other tribes was destined -to extermination. “For my part I find it difficult to believe,” -says Vinegradoff, “that the exclusion of women from inheriting and -holding land can be the product not of primitive conditions and of -an undeveloped state of landholding, but of a gradual restriction of -women’s rights. The supposed later restrictions would appear in a very -archaic guise, and with too remarkable a concordance among nations -which could not have any direct influence on each other.”[101] - -The early Germans are often quoted as representing a people among whom -women enjoyed a position of near equality with that of men. And yet -Ross tells us, “Among the Angli and Werini, the right of inheritance -was conceded to daughters only when there were no males left in the -clan. The clan consisted of the male descendants of five successive -generations. When no male was left within this limit, the clan was, -properly speaking, extinct. The clan land might then go to the women, -if there were any, and then into the clans wherein they were received -as wives.”[102] - -While the origin of the distinctions between the property rights of -men and the property rights of women may have their roots in the -preservation of the large interests of the clan, tribe or state, the -custom thus established would tend to be followed in later times -irrespective of the applicability to existing conditions. As with many -other practices, the fact that it had its roots in the distant past -would seem sufficient to justify it. - -The political power of women has been a negligible factor in the -history of political rights. It is true, as we have seen, that -political rights were synonymous with property rights, and that very -few men exercised political rights since they were propertyless, but -nevertheless where property was a family possession the “spear and -spindle distinction” was apparent. “Compare the remarkable customs -in regard to the division of property in the ancient Germanic laws. -The proper inheritance of the woman is her _gerade_ (gerath), the -household furniture. Norse law puts women back in regard to land -inheritance, and points to ‘loose money,’ _losa ore_, as a natural -outfit for them.”[103] - -Women’s attitude toward political power differed from that of men where -it did exist. When a class of men possess no political rights, it means -that such rights inhere in a superior class which assumes a political -and often an economic mastery over them. Such has not been true of -women in the past. When women possessed no political rights their -relationship to the state was consciously or unconsciously involved in -the relationships of their husbands to the state. - -History offers us an excellent example of this attitude toward the -political rights of women in the old Roman patriarchal system which -recognized the family as a complete unit, with one common interest, and -that interest represented by a recognized head of the household. - -We must remember that in the early development of society, political -power has rested in the hands of a few individuals who by virtue of -individual power, were able to wrest from the many, an authority -carrying with it privileges enjoyed primarily by an exclusive governing -class. These governmental privileges tend to increase at the expense of -the governed until there is a recognition on the part of the people of -the injustices practiced. It is then, and only then, that the ruling -class defers to the wishes of the ruled. It is the way to preserve -their most cherished rights and privileges. We see this state of -affairs with the development of towns, and the decline of warfare as -the only occupation through which one was enabled to accumulate wealth. -The development of industries created a class of people who very soon -controlled sufficient wealth to demand a voice in their government. -The nobility was in need of the financial aid of the merchant class, -and the latter by virtue of their economic strength were able to wrest -political privileges from the ruling class. - -In considering the political rights of men, there is a tendency to -assume that they exercise their present rights in sheer virtue of their -manhood, but history shows these rights have arisen out of a struggle -which was economic in its nature. These rights are handed down from -one generation to another and are often thought of as natural rights -when in reality they are rights fought for and won by an industrial -or economic class. Political concessions have been made by one class -to the other, not from philanthropic motives, but rather from a -recognition of the strength of the claimants. It is only when the -battle is virtually won that the opposition grants rights because of -their admiration of democratic principles. - -The development of industries in the town tended to break up the large -landed holdings and to create new forms of wealth. When wealth was no -longer associated with a militant career a new adjustment of power had -to be made, giving political recognition to the successful industrials -who controlled the wealth in the towns. An exchange was effected. The -merchants received political privileges, and the noblemen engaged -primarily in war, received the financial assistance of the townsmen. - -The expansion of the political rights of men shows a gradual increase -in the power of the masses. It represents a progressive evolution. It -is not so with the political rights of women. Before the era of machine -industry, whatever legal recognition women enjoyed, or political rights -they exercised, depended not upon their own efforts, but the efforts of -the men who desired to protect their property interests, and to prevent -these interests from passing outside the family circle. - -Although the political rights of women vary in different countries, -the evolution of these rights does not show a gradual development of -privileges. Rights possessed at one period were lost at another, and -at no time do we hear of them making a protest against a diminution of -their power, or the narrow limits of their influence. Their part seems -to have been a passive one. - -No attempt will be made to give a history of the legal and political -rights of women, but rather to point out the most striking features of -this development, and to emphasize those characteristics in harmony -with the general thesis that before the era of machine industry women -assumed a passive attitude toward social institutions, and that their -status was determined by forces, they made no effort as a class to -control. - -The voice of women in early historical times played no part in affairs -which concerned them as a sex because it was never heard. - -“In addition to many other objections which may be urged against the -common allegation that the legal disabilities of women are merely part -of the tyranny of sex over sex, it is historically and philosophically -valueless, as indeed are most propositions concerning classes so large -as sexes. What really did exist is the despotism of groups over members -composing them.”[104] - -In the early history of civilization group life was an advantage over -individual struggle, and implied the subordination of the interests of -the individual to that of the group.[105] - -This was especially applicable to women. Protection was essential to -women in prehistoric times, and the protection afforded by the group -gave greater security than that of a single individual. Protection -of the female and her offspring was necessary for a rapid increase -of population, and numbers were no small element in determining the -success of a tribe in competing with enemies. Those individuals most -adaptable to group life had the best chance of surviving and of leaving -offspring to whom they transmitted those qualities of character which -made subordination no hardship. - -In ancient societies we have instances of women exercising the highest -function of the state without affecting the status of women in general. -They exercised these functions not as a concession to a sex, but -because they represented a group which would lose its prestige unless -the right to hold the office in question was granted women. Some of -the most conservative nations in respect to the advancement of women, -and in which the position of women has been least affected by modern -radical tendencies, recognize, or have recognized in the past the right -of women to the throne.[106] - -Whatever rights women possessed as a class grew out of the rights of -property. Just as soon as women held property in their own names we -find them possessing powers in at least a degree which were attached -to the land. “The German custom, which in general was hostile to -women, did not interfere in the matters of property and of heredity. -The person having no existence proper in the society of that epoch, and -social order being summed up in property alone, the claims of land were -always weightier than the claims of person.”[107] And what was true -of Germany was true to a considerable extent of all the countries of -Europe. - -After giving examples of women taking part in the communal assemblies, -Ostrogorski asks the question, “Property having in this way become the -exclusive basis of the right, and the personality of the owner being -henceforth completely disregarded, is not the difference between the -sexes an idle distinction?”[108] - -Whatever the legal or political rights of an individual or class of -individuals may be, the only way to maintain them is to exercise the -powers those rights involve. To be indifferent to them, to allow to -others the performance of a duty of political or social significance is -to invite a deprivation of a right others cherish. - -The history of the political and legal rights of women must be traced -by taking cognizance of a few individual cases where women exercised -rights. This exercise of rights on the part of a few women does not -indicate that the practice was universal but rather exceptional. -If these rights were based on property, the failure to exercise -them on the part of women did not show necessarily a disregard for -their property rights, but that their interests were represented by -the male members of the family whom they, in all probability, felt -confident would guard their interests as well as they themselves -could, or, perhaps better, since their knowledge of affairs outside -of the household was of broader scope and their judgment based on -business-world experience. This cannot be considered a usurpation of -rights on the part of men but the recognition of the unity of the -family. That it would lead to injustices was not contemplated by those -who did not consider final results, but only immediate expediency. Some -of the evils arising out of such practice were recognized in special -rights extended to widows and spinsters. - -“As the official maintainer of right and justice, the mayor of Bristol -and Exeter, and probably of some other towns, was the guardian of -widows and orphans; in the former city a promise to ‘keep, maintain and -defend the widows and orphans of this town safely in their rights,’ was -a part of the mayor’s oath of office. And in the latter, the duty was -so burdensome that a special office, that of chamberlain, was created -in 1555, in order to provide for it.”[109] - -Women belonged to the family group, and all their interests were -centered in the family. So long as their home relations were congenial -there was no apparent reason why they should become familiar with the -outside world in order to protect their interests since the interests -of both parents were identical. These interests represented more nearly -a unity of interests than individual interests. - -Here again we find convenience playing a large part in determining the -respective fields of activity of the two sexes. Custom, convention, and -the precepts of the church, although powerful influences in molding -social institutions, would have been of little avail if contrary to the -convenience of large industrial classes. - -Before the era of machine industry, men and women married early as -an economic advantage to both, establishing a family group with a -recognized division of labor and a concentration of authority. By the -concentration of authority is not meant that women were submissive -and docile in the household (although such was the prevailing -ideal of women at that time) for such submission depends upon the -characteristics of the individuals concerned, but male control of -matters establishing the relation of the family to the outside world. -The passivity of one parent was essential in a relation considering the -family all important and the individual of little consequence. - -When the occupations of men were of such a nature as to cause a large -death-rate among them, the number of unmarried women must have been -necessarily large. These attached themselves to the households of -relatives, and were in no sense a burden, for as long as the household -was an industrial center their services were acceptable, and their -economic relations to the household somewhat similiar to those of the -married women. - -Those women who did not become part of a household took refuge in -religious institutions. In a society where religious feeling is strong, -those of the most aesthetic type and susceptible to the incongruities -of life would be the first to separate themselves from earthly ties and -attempt to live up to their convictions and ideals. Hence many women -as well as men, who might have had marked influence in the molding of -social institutions devoted themselves to a spiritual and secluded life -leaving no offspring to whom they might transmit those characteristics -making them superior to the type most adaptable to the prevailing -customs of the time.[110] Thus we find religious institutions a check -to the propagation of a feminine type which has played an important -role in later history. - -With the decline of the monastic system, and the breaking up of the -domestic system of industry, unmarried women were forced to establish -relations to the economic world outside the home similar to those of -men. If these women had dedicated themselves to a life of celibacy -when they entered the industrial field, as they did when they entered -the church, history would show them struggling for legal and political -rights in the same manner as men. But the possibility of changing -habits of life by marriage, freeing them from a serious economic -responsibility prevented the growth of a class conscious spirit which -would stimulate them to co-operate in bettering their conditions. - -We find the family losing ground as an industrial unit with the -development of the factory. Men became more conscious of their social -relations outside the home, and came to appreciate the advantage and -necessity of social compacts. These changed relations growing out -of the new industrial life gave rise to a spirit of democracy which -emphasized the importance of the individual and his social relations. -It was a large factor in developing the political rights of men and -later of women. - -The eighteenth century witnessed a crusade for political rights. -Practically all the serious thinkers of the day were forced to consider -the extension to all men of political rights which had up to this -time been based on high property qualifications. The great material -prosperity of northern Europe was at the expense of the laboring -classes who were forced to resist or to succumb to hopeless slavery. -It was a class struggle and fought out on those lines. Women took an -active part in it and were emphatic in their claims for their husbands, -sons, and brothers but the literature of the time does not show a -consciousness on the part of working women of an antagonism between -their interests and those of men. - -On the eve of the French Revolution Condorcet made a demand for the -political emancipation of women. “In 1789, at election time, several -pamphlets appeared demanding the admission of women to the States -General, and protesting against the holding of a national assembly, -from which half of the nation was excluded.”[111] - -The plea for the political rights of women was made on the ground of -the rights of equality, but the right to vote was not thought of as -an instrument for self protection in the economic world. On the other -hand the struggle on the part of men had a real economic basis. It -was economic pressure that goaded them to political struggle whereas -with women it was merely a declaration of rights expressing the spirit -of democracy of the times. Among its adherents were men and women of -superior intelligence, but the masses showed the indifference they -usually show to claims of abstract rights. - -In England the municipal reform act of 1869 gave women votes in all -municipal elections. The act of 1870 gave them votes for school boards. -The act of 1888, made them voters for the county council. The act of -1894, which transformed the whole system of local government and vastly -extended the system of local representation, abolished in all its -departments the qualification of sex.[112] - -In 1856, over two million women of Great Britain were forced to earn -their living and many of these belonged to the upper classes. Few -indeed were the occupations open to them. This was not entirely due -to the opposition of men but partly to the inability of women to -realize their relations to the industrial world as wage earners. They, -as well as the men, in spite of their employment outside of the home, -entertained the idea they were not performing their proper function in -life, but had failed--perhaps through no fault of their own--to adjust -themselves to their proper sphere. So long as the working women held -to the ideals of their ancestors they showed little tendency to demand -equality between the sexes in the industrial and political world. - -It is true men considered women intruders when they sought employment -in the skilled industries and professions, but women as a whole were a -little more emphatic than the men in the expression of this opinion. - -Time is a forceful element in the crystallization of ideas and in -giving stability to activities. Public opinion has accepted many of the -radical movements of women of the eighteenth century as a matter of -fact, and is becoming ever weaker in its opposition to the extension of -the political and industrial rights of women. - -The movement for the political enfranchisement of women has taken two -aspects--the one industrial and the other social. - -Of the industrial movement the most striking example at the present -time is that in England. They are asking for the suffrage on the ground -that they as industrial workers have a serious need for it. - -It may seem at first a minor matter as to whether women should vote for -the members of parliament since they have the municipal franchise, but -it is really of vital importance to the working women. It is parliament -which enacts labor laws and legislates for the people in general. -Whatever protection the laboring people get through the enactment of -laws depends upon the philanthrophy of the wealthy classes, or upon -their own representatives. This state of affairs is one of the factors -encouraging them to make every possible effort to increase their -representation in parliament. - -The working women--especially union workers--appreciate this fact and -demand the right to vote for the members of Parliament on the ground of -their economic well being. It is an economic question with them, and -they are evidently willing to fight for this privilege just as the men -were at the time of ‘Chartism.’ Ideas of sex propriety have been cast -aside, and the working women are standing as a class, who appreciate -their economic relation to society without any regard for the prevalent -conception of a ‘woman’s sphere’ which long ago became a myth to them. - -It is true that many of their leaders are women of the higher social -classes but this same phenomenon has characterized, though not to the -same degree, the movements of working men to conquer political rights. - -“What in England and America has been the movement of a whole sex, -has, in Germany under Social Democracy been merged in the movement of -the working class. Women are to have their rights not as a sex, but as -_workers_.”[113] - -In France as in Germany the woman’s movement goes hand in-hand with -socialism. “There are no distinguished persons to head the movement. -It springs from the middle and lower classes and is the outcome of the -efforts of a group of enlightened women who, having freed themselves -from the prejudices that hedge about their sex, have crowned their -emancipation by claiming the vote.”[114] - -Europe presents a somewhat different industrial situation from newly -settled countries. Class lines are sharply drawn and the element of -chance has been largely eliminated in the industrial field. There is -little shifting from the lower to the higher classes, so characteristic -of newly settled countries. This apparent fixity in social and economic -life fosters the development of class consciousness. - -In the twentieth century two elements have entered into the struggle -for equal suffrage in England. The one is the spirit of democracy -claiming equal opportunities for all individuals irrespective of class -or sex. The other element is a purely economic one. It is the desire -of working women to gain possession of a force that can be used as -a weapon of defense and offense in a struggle with the masters of -industry. - -When women demand the franchise on economic grounds, they meet with -strong opposition. The nature of the demand indicates the importance -of the issue at stake. This kind of a demand is never made until the -plea on behalf of democracy fails, and the plea for a greater democracy -always fails when the material interests of the ruling classes are -affected. Political rights fought for on economic grounds, when won, -are not quickly lost. The battle creates the spirit of resistance to -any encroachments upon rights once won. - -When the working women of England obtain the right to vote for the -members of parliament on an equality with men, they will unite their -political forces with the men in supporting measures in behalf of the -working people, and distinction in politics will be lost sight of. - -The newer settled countries are conspicuous for the rights granted -women. This liberty is not due to the strength of the demand made by -women but democratic individualism, and freedom from the tyranny of -traditions. - -The conservative elements of a society are not the ones to venture into -a new country. They remain at home and cherish traditions and customs -which color all their thinking. The radical elements in society are the -ones to venture to the frontiers and to colonize the new sections of -a country. Democracy characterizes their government and individualism -their financial undertakings. Hence it is not surprising that the five -American states offering women the same political privileges as men are -the newly settled states where class lines are so lax as to be almost -non-existent, and where the struggle between capital and labor shows -more nearly an equilibrium of forces than in the older settled states. - -In the western states the number of women engaged in industrial -employments outside the home is small when compared with the eastern -states. The total number of female breadwinners in Idaho, according to -the census report of 1900, was but 14.1 per cent of all the women in -the state; Colorado 18.8 per cent; Wyoming 20.8 per cent; and Utah 17.7 -per cent. These figures present quite a striking contrast when compared -with New York where 49.2 per cent of all the women in the state are -breadwinners; New Jersey 46.5 per cent; and Pennsylvania 37.4 per -cent. These figures indicate that women enjoy political privileges in -the West irrespective of their economic conditions. - -In many of the western states men outnumber women and most women are -married and at the head of households. The domestic system of industry -is more prevalent than in the large eastern cities, and in sparsely -settled communities; the family tends to be a close economic unit. -It is reasonable to suppose that the status of women in the West, -political, as well as social, is determined, not so much by economic -conditions directly, as by the breaking away from an old regime weighed -down by traditions and an economic condition favorable to a few. - -The strongest opposition to the enfranchisement of women in the West -comes from the women who have no economic interests outside the home, -and practically no social ones. They are unconscious of any sexual -antagonism--and justly so, for the men are markedly indifferent -excepting those who feel women may take too deep an interest in -questions affecting certain businesses, such as the liquor interests. - -It is not only newly settled countries which show a tendency to grant -women political rights, but countries where there is a complete change -in the governmental regime, either by the throwing off of the tyranny -of another country, or the tyranny of a class rule. At such a time -women help to create public sentiment and take active part in the -struggle to obtain liberty. Under such circumstances a demand for the -extension of the franchise, either for men or women is apt to meet with -approval along with other measures equally democratic. - -The women of the better classes are mostly home makers and cling with -a good deal of pride to the ideals of womanhood of an aristocratic -society of the past. They do not wish for the franchise and would -probably oppose the extension of their political rights. The exercise -of the right of the ballot would not tally with the leisure class -ideals of the community and would savor of a democracy almost plebian. - -As long as women look upon the extension of their political rights -from the point of view of individual gain, a large number of them will -impede the movement by their opposition and indifference. The reason -may be apparently social but it is primarily economic. Free from any -economic responsibilities, and some free from responsibilities of any -kind, they see no individual advantage in promoting a measure that -would add nothing to their comfort or peace of mind. Their philosophy -of life is an individualistic one as well as a selfish one, and their -opposition to a progressive movement is not so much a question of -confirmed principle as egotistical interests. - -Many of them feel absolutely no need for an extension of rights for by -virtue of their sex precedence they possess many more rights than any -social democracy could afford them. - -Many women have been stimulated by a sense of duty to their city and -their state to take an active interest in political and civic affairs. -On the other hand, there will always be many women just as there are -many men who will be indifferent to political issues and who will need -the stimulation and suggestion political meetings afford before they -take an active part in the political life of the community. It is -only then that most people appreciate the significance of a political -contest. - -The campaign for woman’s suffrage is often an attempt on the part of -public-spirited people to utilize the energy and leisure of women -on behalf of the common good. They alone have the time to make -investigations and to work out problems dealing directly with the -physical and moral well being of the community. Most men are interested -in politics from an economic point of view, whereas many women are -interested from the social point of view since they have no economic -interests at stake. They are prepared to devote their time to those -civic questions neglected by men, which are of vital importance to the -health and intelligence of the citizens. - -The evolution of industry out of the home is setting free a vast amount -of energy to be expended according to the will of the individual who -possesses the leisure. That this surplus energy should not be wasted is -of social consequence. - -With the development of industry outside the home the productive value -of many women’s work is disappearing as well as the spirit of unity of -the old-fashioned home. An era of individualism is the consequence. - -As fast as people break away from the customs and traditions of the -past, either through a broader outlook afforded by the educational -world or economic readjustment, they form groups of individuals as -a source of strength. Just as the primitive tribe appreciated the -advantage of the increased strength of group life, so do modern -industrial and social classes form groups as a means of defense. Out -of economic groups have developed social groups with a tendency toward -a social state. As we work toward a social ideal, the power of the -economic forces grow less in the molding of our social institutions. -It is only within the last decade that there has been a conscious -effort to control economic forces for the good of all. Heretofore, -civilizations and their institutions have reflected the economic life, -and the predatory character of the latter made possible the survival -only of the most fit economically whether state, tribe, class or sex. -The survival of the fittest was not necessarily the survival of the -best. - -We are rapidly approaching a time when “what is best” is thought of -rather than what is fittest to survive. “The best” is that which -affords the greatest amount of good to the greatest number. This is -not a social philosophy as opposed to individualism, but a social -philosophy of individualism. Each individual counts in the general -scheme of things and in so far as he counts for good, he counts as an -important and indispensable social force not to be neglected. - -This is the new philosophy of the age: The poor man claims social -rights as well as the rich; the woman as well as the man; and the child -more than all the others. All are working for each and each for all. - -This is the keynote of the demand for the political rights of women -when made by the public-spirited for the sake of the community and -the child. It has not grown out of sex hatred or class struggle, or -an intolerable oppression of the weak by the strong, but the spirit -of a social democracy. On the other hand, the demand as made on a -purely industrial basis is part of an industrial struggle. In it are -involved elements of class struggle and a revolt of the weak against -the oppression of the strong, i. e. the elements which were paramount -in the men’s struggle for the franchise. And to these elements is added -one more. The struggle in the past was fought by the men for their -families, but so difficult has become the industrial life that each -individual, whether man or woman, must fight for himself. It is not -social democracy that is impelling women industrial workers to ask for -the franchise, but on the contrary an industrial tyranny. - -The two are often confused in measuring the status of women of -different countries. We can no more assimilate the movement for -the enfranchisement of women in England to the movement for the -enfranchisement of women in the western section of the United States -than we can liken the economic and social status of the negro of the -South before the Civil War with that of the negro of the North. The one -was a slave to an economic regime and essential to its welfare; the -other was a human being with little economic or social significance. - -Thus we see in some places the political rights of women asked for -on industrial grounds, and fought for as an industrial expedient. -Elsewhere the political rights of women are sought on a social basis -alone. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[99] Morgan, _Ancient Societies_, p. 62. - -[100] Morgan, _Ancient Societies_, p. 470. - -[101] Vinegradoff, _The Growth of the Manor_, p. 249. - -[102] Ross, _The Early History of Land-Holding Among the Germans_, p. -67. - -[103] Vinegradoff, _The Growth of the Manor_, p. 249. - -[104] Maine, _Early History of Institutions_, p. 327. - -[105] Bagehot, _Physics and Politics_, p. 24. - -[106] Ostrogorski, _The Rights of Women_, pp. 8-9. - -[107] Ostrogorski, _The Rights of Women_, p. 2. - -[108] _Ibid_, p. 90. - -[109] Ashley, _Economic History_, 11, p. 42. - -[110] Lecky, _History of European Morals_, II, Chap. 5. - -[111] Ostrogorski, _The Rights of Women_, p. 26. - -[112] Lecky, _Democracy and Liberty_, II, pp. 512-513. - -[113] Russel, _German Social Democracy_, Appendix on Social Democracy -and the Woman Question in Germany, p. 175. - -[114] _‘Feminisme’ in France_, Nineteenth Century, p. 816, Nov., 1908. - - - - -CONCLUSION - - -Our conception of humanity in early race history is associated with -a struggle for subsistence. The animal instincts in men predominated -and determined their destinies. When these deviated from a safe -course, there was extinction. Danger was not encountered for the love -of combat--if so man differed from other species--but to ward off a -greater danger or to satisfy a hunger which was greater than the fear -of forces. Such was the hunger for food and sex. Impulse and fear were -the two guiding forces of primitive man, not self-control and reason. -The sexual impulse of men was easily aroused while with women it was -most often dormant. Thus the latter escaped one form of combat that -played a conspicuous part in the race history. They lacked the impulse, -and therefore the fear, that helped to make men fighters. The better -fighters men were, the less need was there for women to take part in -the combat. It was sex instinct which prompted men to fight for their -mates, and it was the same instinct that incited them to protect them -after possession had been obtained. Thus by virtue of sex woman gained -protection from a hostile outside world, not only for herself but for -her offspring. - -With possession always goes authority. It meant a great deal to the -race for women to be protected during pregnancy and the period of -lactation, but in this early protection of the female lay the roots of -their later subordinate status. They were free in a measure from the -tyranny of the hostile environmental force, but instead subjected to -the tyranny of their masters. The latter was the lesser of two evils. - -Primitive man was not necessarily brutal to his mate; there exists in -all animals a natural deference on the part of the male toward the -female--when he showed consideration for his fellow men. It was only -when cruelty was a characteristic of man toward all his fellow men, or -a distinctive quality of the members of the group in question, men and -women alike, that women suffered from brutality. - -When prehistoric man showed a tendency to establish a permanent -dwelling place, two factors determined the occupation of women. Their -offspring looked to them for food which the chase did not always -supply; and secondly, they possessed, thanks to the men, leisure and -sense of security which made possible the concentration of attention -on the industrial arts. Necessity stimulated them to effort, but the -security from enemies, at least in a measure, made possible peaceable -pursuits that were significant of the beginning of the home. - -Women were not averse to this arrangement of occupations, for to them -it was the most convenient. To take part in war and the chase would -have worked great hardships on the small children who needed much of -the mother’s care. The association of women with the hearth is the -outgrowth of a natural development having its basis in the convenience -of both sexes. - -Thus were established habits which in a later day became recognized as -sex distinctions. The primitive mother handed down to her daughters the -precepts she herself had followed--perhaps on her own initiative, and -what was a habit with her became custom and tradition to her children. - -In early historical times women occupied a sphere industrially, -legally, and socially distinct from that of man, differing with -different peoples, but sufficiently alike to establish the fact that -woman’s position is invariably inferior. In militant types of society -the contrast between the status of men and women is most marked, -whereas these differences grow less as the occupations of both men and -women incline toward industrialism. Strength or weakness in combat -determined the status of the individual, class or sex when combat was -the chief occupation of men. - -Although in general women were physically weaker, and out of their -weakness arose, possibly, sex tyranny, family ties were close, and by -virtue of relationship individual women often exercised authority. This -shows sex alone was not always sufficient to deprive women of all power. - -In the early Roman days, their position was recognized by the state -as distinct from any rank applicable to men. Men were graded from the -highest position of respect in the state, to the lowest conceivable; -from absolute authority to abject slavery. Women were destitute of -authority as a sex, but individually the state recognized their rights -as involved in the rights of the family. They received the rank of -their husbands, but in a lesser degree, when they had no claim to the -rank by virtue of any inherent power or ability of their own. While as -a sex they had no voice in the state, the law-makers feared them when -they were closely related to superior officers. - -When war declined and agriculture assumed greater importance, the -family became a close social and economic unit with recognition of -a division of work between the sexes. Women, while still working in -the fields tended to leave the out-door work to men, and to confine -themselves more exclusively to in-door work. This might have been -considered a concession to the sex, for only among the poorest people -did women continue to hold their own in the field. Undoubtedly -women thought it was to their advantage to be able to confine their -efforts to work close to the hearth. Here we have another example of -convenience as responsible for the division of labor between men and -women. - -From the dawn of the industrial era men made inroads upon the -industrial sphere of women, and while they seemed to assume those -tasks most desirable from a modern point of view, nevertheless those -tasks were the ones most conveniently relinquished by the women. The -change was a mutual advantage and not necessarily a consequence of the -arbitrary exercise of authority. Women’s interests were concentrated on -industrial occupations only in so far as these occupations furthered -the well-being of their families, and just as soon as they were able to -shift the responsibility to others, they did so gladly, for by so doing -they were brought closer to the fireside and their children. - -Before the introduction of machine industry, the home of the working -people stood for an economic unit as well as a social one. Women left -the field for indoor work, and as soon as there existed a surplus of -labor out-of-doors, they once again divided their employments with the -men, the latter taking over those tasks allowing for the greatest play -of skill and inventiveness, and most completely divorced from personal -service. These became the textile industries and paved the way for the -industrial revolution, and the substitution of machine work for hand -work. Women drew their work instinctively closer to the hearth; men -away from it. - -Hardly the most able men according to the estimate of the time were the -ones to leave the fields for a new line of work. What probably happened -was that those men physically deformed or otherwise handicapped in the -out-of-door work, were relegated to the fireside to assist the women. -It was their specialization and concentration that made them excel -in their art and bring it to a higher state of perfection than women -had. Undoubtedly they were looked down on by men, and their social -position was similiar to that of the tailor only a few generations ago. -Literature affords us many a merry gibe at the expense of the man who -earned his bread with his needle, and only recently has he taken his -place in the trades on an equality with others. - -When machine industry replaced hand industry a revolution was started -that has not yet ended. Instead of all social and economic forces -molding the home into a more compact unit, they tend to disintegrate -the home and to force its dependent members from its industrial -shelter. - -It was at this time that great suffering was endured. The family -compact had gained industrial strength by virtue of the combination, -but when each individual member of that family was forced to seek a -place in an industrial regime, many of them became victims of a new -order they were powerless to control. Men, women, and children flocked -to the factories for work, and in return for their services received -a mere pittance in comparison with the economic advantages of the old -economic life. Where there existed poverty, before, now dwelt misery -and desolation. Men could not protect their wives and children from -killing toil and although their memories carried them back to better -days, they now became part of the procession of the hopelessly poor. - -What happened in the warring communities of primitive times now took -place in industrial communities. The old economic groups had been -broken up and no readjustment taken place. Hence, each individual -was forced to fight his battle and his success depended upon his own -efforts. It was the predatory spirit let loose in an economic guise. -The combat was more brutal in that the vanquished ones were not slain -on the field but left to die in damp cellars. - -As in history the status of women depended upon the status of their -husbands. As a sex they asked for nothing but bread for themselves and -their families. Their new economic position in the factory was supposed -to be a temporary make-shift only, and their failure to recognize its -permanency was perhaps one reason why all their demands were demands -for the men--a chance for their husbands to support their families -independent of their wives. - -Little change has been effected in their status since the industrial -revolution excepting an increase in their numbers in the factories. -So many of them lack sufficient nourishment or leisure or power to -help themselves--the same applies to the men--that they are seemingly -powerless even at the present time to change their lot. The effort is -coming from another class which has been far more fortunate in its -economic adjustments. - -The hopelessly poor are the victims of our industrial regime. Just -ahead in the social scale are the middle class workers. It is in their -homes a favorable readjustment to the new economic conditions can be -found. With the departure of each occupation from the home came an -expansion of wants. A greater variety of food and clothing increased -the kinds of work women performed. They were just as busy as when they -wove and spun. If new economic problems had not arisen out of the -fact that men did not receive adequate compensation for their labor -to warrant a higher plane of living in the home, the women of this -class would not have been compelled to change their habits of life to -any extent. In many families of the middle-class, women’s work in the -household has little money value unless performed in the household of -another. It is when the men of the household are out of work that the -small economic importance of women’s work to the family is manifest. It -most often does not satisfy the primary needs for food and shelter of -those about them. Here lies the essential difference between the work -of the modern housewife and that of the housewife of the era before -machine industry. This difference is constantly increasing and making -the family more dependent for its support upon employment outside the -home. As an institution the home is becoming one of sentiment alone, -and not one of economic expediency. - -Women’s work in the home is rapidly becoming a luxury, and less of a -necessity; and unless a different economic regime is brought in, women -will be compelled to add to the incomes of the families or marriage -will become a luxury of the well-to-do alone. Either men of the -middle-class must receive an ever increasing wage or the women engage -in money-gaining occupations. - -It is true many women resist the removal of all productive industry -from the home to the factory, but it is like resisting a glacial -movement down a mountain side. The home must adapt itself to the change -to save itself. When the home no longer possesses economic value, -when marriage “means a doubling of expense and the halving of income, -the accountability of one person for the welfare of another, and the -certainty of no resource if the sole wage earner falls by chance into -the abyss of the unemployed,” people will not so readily enter into a -relation which involves so great a responsibility and sacrifice.[115] - -The number of marriages is decreasing, but the number of married women -following professional pursuits is also increasing. If men are more -timid than formerly in assuming matrimonial ties, or if women show as -great a timidity in entering into a relation that promises hardships -arising out of their complete economic dependence, the progress married -women are making in the skilled industries and other lines of work -compatible with their conception of their social status, will prove -a large factor in restoring confidence in the mutual helpfulness -made possible by marriage and tend to check the decrease of the -marriage-rate. - -The decline of the birth-rate is a more serious problem. A large infant -mortality prevails the world over and no effective means have been -found to prevent this great sacrifice of life. Indeed the decrease of -the birth-rate is comparatively small when compared with the waste -of life by infantile diseases. If only some means were found to -prevent this waste the decrease in the birth-rate would be one more -illustration of the great economy in pain and suffering achieved by -an advanced civilization. The real alarming thing is not a general -decrease in the birth-rate but a decrease applying to the better social -classes alone. The latter are made up of individuals who have enjoyed -the advantages of our social institutions. If their superiority can be -traced to their natural superiority rather than to their opportunities, -made possible by their economic status, there exists genuine reason for -alarm; but if humanity after all is much alike the world over, and the -differences between types are due to opportunity, no better means can -be found to meet the problem than by affording a wider diffusion of -the benefits of a higher civilization. To bring this about cities must -be made sanitary places in which to live and extreme poverty must be -eliminated from the child’s environment. - -The decrease of the importance of women’s work in the home is not alone -responsible for the changes in their status but also the modern close -intercommunication of cosmopolitan groups made possible by modern -industrial methods in the business world. The close relations existing -between individuals and groups of individuals who have not always lived -in the same environment, or the same kind of an environment stimulates -many new desires and human faculties which might have remained dormant -were the individual shut off from the close relations with the outside -world. - -One of the results of this interaction is a disregard for the social -barriers of the past, and a leveling of educational and social -opportunities so that they are within the reach of a constantly -increasing number of men and women alike. - -A desire for invidious distinction is a marked motive in man. He -desires to excel others, at least those in his class, in the pursuits -which give precedence in the eyes of others. If he has not the -financial means at hand to excel with a degree of ease, he will make -every possible sacrifice to maintain at least the standards of the -class with which he is associated. - -When the family was a close economic unit, and high class barriers -existed there was little opportunity for mutual stimulation. The -natural characteristic of responsiveness to suggestion was held in -check by the customary standards of one’s class. Such is not true under -the factory regime. The individual has access to any class so far as -his economic resources and leisure permit. Hence a free play of the -imitative faculty, which often takes the form of a blind imitation of -the recognized superior in invidious distinction--the accepting of -standards from the class above irrespective of their merits. - -This is especially characteristic of women and is given expression in -expensive dress, furniture, and ability to purchase services. Women -show the imitative faculty to a greater degree than men for they -have more leisure. Leisure above all things is most conducive to the -development of desires suggested by the plane or expenditure of the -class above. - -The development of industry has created a vast amount of new wealth, -and women more than men have profited by the great increase of -productivity. Their leisure is being increased rapidly and when their -men-folk are prosperous they can afford to gratify wants without taking -into consideration their ultimate good. Hence women of leisure tend to -form a procession of imitators, each according to her inclinations and -financial standing. - -The initiative faculty is a virtue when appealed to by progressive -social ideals, but is a menace when it signifies an insane procession -of clothes, mission furniture or oriental rugs. It is then the stuffy -flat in the heart of the city is preferred to the cottage in the -suburbs. In some, this inclination to follow fashion seems to grow -with the increased means of communication. A childlike faith that good -models will be imitated rather than bad ones is akin to the _laissez -faire_ philosophy that has so ignominiously failed. It is of the utmost -importance that social ideals should be consciously molded. - -The effect of economic changes upon the status of women have been many. -They have forced and are still forcing an ever increasing number of -women into the factories to compete with each other in the poorest -paid field of labor. The homes of these women are a disgrace to -civilization. It is seldom that the comforts or the decencies of life -can be found there. These same economic forces are making it possible -for many middle class workers to better their financial and social -condition but they threaten the masses with poverty or the necessity of -the wives entering the industrial field with their husbands. They have -also made possible a widening leisure on the part of many women whose -husbands are successful business men. Never in history were there so -many idle women. - -Only the rich and the poor who are adjusted to economic conditions can -afford to marry. The one class has no fear for the future, the other -class has no hope. It is in the large middle class retaining social -ideals and struggling to adapt itself to changing conditions with as -little sacrifice as possible, where one can best measure the effects -of economic changes. It is there parents appreciate the necessity of -giving their children educational advantages superior to their own. -Each generation expects more of the past than the last, and what is -true of individuals is true of institutions. There is a growing demand -for more highly trained men and women. Hence parents appreciate the -necessity of limiting the size of the family in order to meet the -increased demands made upon them. - -Each individual adjusts himself as best he can to his economic life, -and his economic life tends to be the center of his social life. When -the former changes, the change is reflected in the latter and the sum -total creates a social consciousness reflected in the existing social -institutions. - -It is doubtful if women as a sex will ever reach the same economic and -social status as men. Individual women, especially certain unmarried -ones, will do so but as representative of a class in society rather -than sex. - -Unless some radical changes take place in society we now little dream -of, the majority of women will prefer home life to active industrial -careers. This will be made possible in part by the inherent gallantry -of men, and a social conscience which will make fewer economic demands -upon the mothers of the race than upon the fathers. - -Whether one half of the race can support the other half will never be -tested, for there will always be a large army of women, married and -single, who will prefer their economic independence to any form of -co-operation in housekeeping. - -The question resolves itself ultimately into whether the average man -will in the future be able to support a family without the financial -assistance of his wife; and whether society can afford, either -industrially or morally, to support an increasing number of idle women. -The question will be solved by one of two forces and probably by -both. These are economic necessity and our educational institutions. -To prophesy the effects of these forces upon the status of women -in the future, it would be necessary to assume that these forces -themselves are in no immediate danger of undergoing radical changes. -The assumption would be wrong, for the atmosphere is charged with -discontent with the present economic conditions. When the latter are -sufficiently controlled to assure a measure of contentment among the -people the home will adjust itself like any other adaptable institution. - -Many of the responsibilities formerly associated with the home are -now performed by the state municipality. This changed condition is -especially noticeable in the care and education of children. The -functions of the state are no longer confined exclusively to police -powers, but aim through constructive legislation to bring about -industrial and social conditions conducive to the welfare of all its -citizens. - -Through its educational policies it is possible for the government to -so regulate and develop the institutions of society as to minimize some -of the evils arising out of modern economic life, and to direct social -ideals which will reflect themselves in the industrial habits of man. - -The home and all allied institutions show the influence of economic -habits, and whatever changes take place in the latter--whether -resulting from a conscious social influence or a _laissez-faire_ policy -in industry--will in time make themselves felt in the former. The home -comes nearer being an expression of the industrial development of -mankind than any other institution of society. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[115] Patten. - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - - - Adams, Henry. _Historical Essays._ New York, 1891. - - Adams, Thomas Sewell, and Summer, Helen L., _Labor Problems_. New - York, London, 1905. - - Addams, Jane. _Democracy and Social Ethics._ New York, 1902. - - Ashley, William James. _An Introduction to English Economic History - and Theory._ New York. 1888-93 (2 v.). - - Bachofen, J. J. _Das Mutterrechts_ eine Untersuchung über die - Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen - Natur. Stuttgart, 1861. - - Bagehot, Walter. _Physics and Politics._ London, 1872. - - Bailey, William Bacon. _Modern Social Conditions_: a statistical study - of birth, marriage, divorce, death, disease, suicide, immigration, - etc., with special reference to the U. S. New York, 1906. - - Bliss, William D. P. (Editor-in-chief) _The New Encyclopedia of Social - Reform._ New York, London, 1908. - - Booth, Charles. _Labour and Life of the People._ 3 vols. ed. 3 London, - 1891. - - Brand, Lillian. _Five Hundred and Seventy-four Deserters and - their Families_; a descriptive study of their characteristics and - circumstances. New York, 1905. - - Brinton, Daniel Garrison. _Races and Peoples_: lectures on the science - of ethnography. New York, 1890. - - ---- ---- _The Basis of Social Relations_: a study in ethnic - psychology. New York, 1902. - - Brooks, John Graham. _The Social Unrest_: studies in labor and - socialist movements. New York, 1903. - - Bryce. _Marriage and Divorce Under Roman and English Law._ In his - studies in History and Jurisprudence. New York, London, 1901. - - Bucher, Karl. _Industrial Evolution_; translated from the 3d. German - ed. by S. M. Wickett. New York, 1901. - - Cadbury, Edward. _Women’s Work and Wages_: a phase of life in an - industrial city, by Edward Cadbury, M. Cecile Matheson and George - Shann, London, 1906. - - Campbell, Helen. _Prisoners of Poverty_: women wage workers, their - trades and their lives. Boston, 1890. - - ---- ---- _Women Wage-earners_: their past, their present and their - future. Boston, 1893. - - Cheyney, Edward Potts. _An Introduction to the Industrial and Social - History of England._ New York, 1905. - - Collet, Clara E. _Educated Working Women_: essays on the economic - position of women workers in the middle classes. London, 1902. - - Commander, Lydia Kingsmill. _The American Idea._ Does the national - tendency toward a small family point to race suicide or race - development. New York, 1907. - - Creighton, Louise. _Social History of England._ London, 1887. - - Crepaz, Adelé. _The Emancipation of Women and its Probable - Consequences._ London, 1893. - - Cunningham, William. _The Growth of English Industry and Commerce._ - ed. 2, Cambridge, 1890-92. (2 v.) - - Dawson, William Harbreth. _Germany and the Germans._ London, 1894. (2 - v.) - - Debel, Ferdinand August. _Die Frau und der Socialismus._ Stuttgart, - 1904. - - Demolins, Edmund. _Les Grandes Routes Des Peuples_: essai de - géographie sociale; comment la route crée le type social. v. 1 Paris, - 1901. - - Denton, Rev. William. _England in the Fifteenth Century._ London, 1888. - - Duruy, Victor. _History of Rome, and of the Roman People from its - Origin to the Invasion of the Barbarians_, tr. by M. M. Ripley and W. - F. Clarke. Ed. by Rev. J. P. Mahaffy. Boston, 1883. - - Earle, Alice Morse. _Colonial Dames and Good Wives._ Boston, 1895. - - ---- ---- _Colonial Days In Old New York._ New York, 1896. - - ---- ---- _Colonial Life In New England._ New York, 1893. - - ---- ---- _Home Life in Colonial Days._ New York, 1899. - - Eckenstein, Lina. _Woman Under Monasticism_: chapters on Saint lore - and convent life between A. D. 500 and A. D. 1500. Camb. 1896. - - Ellis, Havelock. _Man and Woman_: a study of human secondary - character. London, 1896. - - Ely, Richard T. _Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society._ New - York, 1903. - - Fisher, George Park. _The Beginnings of Christianity_; with a view of - the state of the Roman world at the birth of Christ. New York, 1877. - - Garnier, Russell M. _Annals of the British Peasantry._ London, 1895. - - Gohre, Paul. _Three Months in a Workshop_; a practical study; - translated from the German by A. B. Carr. London, 1895. - - Grosse, Ernst. _Die Formen der Familie und Die Formen Der - Wirthschaft._ Freiburg and Leipzig, 1896. - - Guizot, François Pierre. _General History of Civilization in Europe, - from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the French Revolution_; 9th Amer. - from the 2nd English ed. with occasional notes by C. S. Henry. New - York, 1869. - - Hart, Albert Bushnell. _National Ideals Historically Traced_, - 1607-1907. New York, 1907. - - Hildebrand, Richard. _Über das Problem einer Allgemeinen - Entwicklungsgeschichte des Rechts und Der Sitte._ Graz, 1849. - - Hobhouse, Leonard Trelawney. _Morals in Evolution_: a study in - comparative ethics. New York, 1906. (2 v.) - - Hobson, John Atkinson. _The Social Problem: Life and Work._ New York, - 1901. - - Ichenhauser, Eliza. _Die Politische Gleichberrechtigung der Frau._ - Berlin, 1898. - - Janssen, Johannes. _History of the German People at the Close of the - Middle Ages_; translated from the German by M. A. Mitchell and A. M. - Christie. London, 1900. (C.) - - Jordan, David Starr. _The Voice of the Scholar_, with other addresses - on the problem of higher education. San Francisco, 1903. - - Kellogg, Vernon Lyman. _Darwinism Today._ New York, 1907. - - Kelly, Florence. _Some Ethical Gains through Legislation._ New York, - London, 1905. - - Lang, Andrew. _Early History of the Family._ In his Custom and Myth. - London, 1884. - - Lecky, William Edward Hartpole. _Democracy and Liberty._ New York, - 1896. - - ---- ---- _History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne._ - New York, 1869. (2 v.) - - Letourneau, Charles Jean Marie. _The Evolution of Marriage and the - Family._ London, 1891. - - ---- ---- _La Condition De la Femme Dans les Diverses Races et - Civilizations._ Paris, 1903. - - Lily, Braun. _Die Frauenfrage_: ihre geschichtliche Entwicklung und - wirtschaftliche Seite. Leipzig, 1901. - - Lubbock, John. _The Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition - of Man, Mental and Social Condition of Savages._ New York, 1874. - - Lynch, Hannah. _French Life in Town and Country._ New York, 1901. - - McLennan, John Ferguson. _Studies In Ancient History_, comprising a - reprint of Primitive Marriage, an inquiry into the origin of the forms - of capture in marriage ceremonies. New Ed. London, 1886. - - Mahaffy, John P. and Gilman, Arthur. _A Survey of Greek Civilization._ - New York, 1889. - - Maine, Sir Henry. _Ancient Law._ New York, 1878. - - ---- ---- _Early History of Institutions._ New York, 1875. - - Marshall, Alfred. _Principles of Economics._ 5th ed. London, 1907. - - Mason, O. T. _Woman’s Share in Primitive Culture._ New York, 1894. - - Maspero, Gaston Camille Charles. _The Dawn of Civilization, Egypt and - Chaldaea_ ed. by A. H. Sayce, tr. by M. E. McClure. London, 1894. - - Mill, John Stuart. _Socialism_; being a collection of his writings, - with chapters on democracy, and the right of property in land, and the - enfranchisement of women; ed. by W. P. Bliss, New York, 1891. - - Mommsen, Christian Mathias Theodor. _The History of Rome._ Tr. by Rev. - Wm. P. Dickson. New York, 1869-71. 4 v. - - More, Mrs. Louise Bolard. _Wage Earners’ Budgets_: a study of - standards and cost of living in New York City. New York, 1907. - - Morgan, Lewis H. _Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of Human - Progress from Savagery through Barbarianism to Civilization._ New - York, 1878. - - Ostrogorski, M. _The Rights of Women_: a comparative study in history - and legislation; tr. under the author’s supervision. London, 1893. - - Patten, Simon Nelson. _The New Basis of Civilization._ New York, - London, 1907. - - Paulsen, Friedrich. _German Universities, Character and Historical - Development_; tr. by Frank Thilly and William W. Elwang. New York, - 1906. - - Pearson, Charles Henry. “_The Decline of the Family._” In his National - Life and Character; A Forecast, Chap. v. London, 1893. - - Ploss, Herman Heinrich. _Das Weib in Der Natur-und-völker-kunde_: - anthropologische studien. Lpz. 1905, 2 v. - - Riis, Jacob August. _The Peril and the Preservation of the Home._ - Philadelphia, 1903. - - Rowntree, B. _Poverty_: A study of town life. Ed. 3. London, 1902. - - Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. _German Social Democracy_: with an - appendix on social democracy and the woman question in Germany by Alys - Russell. London, 1896. - - Salmon, Lucy Maynard. _Domestic Service._ Ed. 2. New York, 1901. - - Sayce, A. H. _Social Life Among the Assyrians and the Babylonians._ - London, 1893. - - Smith, Richard Mayo. _Science of Statistics._ 2 v. New York, 1895-99. - - Spahr, Charles B. _An Essay on the Present Distribution of Wealth in - the United States._ New York, 1896. - - Starcke, C. N. _The Primitive Family._ New York, 1889. - - Starr, Frederick. _Some First Steps in Human Progress._ Meadville - (Penn.), 1895. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -Errors and omissions in punctuation have been corrected. - -Page 16: “militant actvities” changed to “militant activities” - -Page 20: “enjoyed ahe” changed to “enjoyed the” - -Page 21: “Mommson says,” changed to “Mommsen says,” - -Page 24: “similiar occupations” changed to “similar occupations” - -Page 32: “some meassure” changed to “some measure” “less disasterous” -changed to “less disastrous” - -Page 38: “nor the benificiaries” changed to “nor the beneficiaries” - -Page 40: “in no covent” changed to “in no convent” - -Page 42: “The wires of the men” changed to “The wives of the men” - -Page 46: “a rare occurance” changed to “a rare occurence” - -Page 54: “cultural opportunites” changed to “cultural opportunities” - -Page 59: “greater the opportunties” changed to “greater the -opportunities” - -Page 63: “It it felt” changed to “It is felt” - -Page 64: “especial in the smaller” changed to “especially in the -smaller” - -Page 73: “it is posible” changed to “it is possible” - -Page 80: “Westermark thinks” changed to “Westermarck thinks” - -Page 81: “in simply astounding” changed to “is simply astounding” - -Page 92: “Great Britian” changed to “Great Britain” - -Page 93: “the case with which a man” changed to “the ease with which a -man” - -Page 94: “at all hazzards” changed to “at all hazards” - -Page 99: “were indentical” changed to “were identical” “to a -patriachate” changed to “to a patriarchate” - -Page 104: “considered a ursurpation” changed to “considered a -usurpation” “were recorganized” changed to “were recognized” - -Page 110: “spirit of resistence” changed to “spirit of resistance” - -Page 116: “the contract between the status” changed to “the contrast -between the status” - -In a few spots, quotations from original sources had small -transcription errors, which were corrected where possible according to -the original source. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN AND ECONOMIC -EVOLUTION *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that: - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/69021-0.zip b/old/69021-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f646d83..0000000 --- a/old/69021-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/69021-h.zip b/old/69021-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5a8731c..0000000 --- a/old/69021-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/69021-h/69021-h.htm b/old/69021-h/69021-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index d80f5bf..0000000 --- a/old/69021-h/69021-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,6289 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> -<head> - <meta charset="UTF-8" /> - <title> - Women and Economic Evolution, by Theresa Schmid McMahon—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover" /> - <style> /* <![CDATA[ */ - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} -.p0 {text-indent: 0em;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } - -hr.r5 {width: 5%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 47.5%; margin-right: 47.5%;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} -table.autotable { border-collapse: collapse; width: 60%;} -table.autotable td, -table.autotable th { padding: 4px; } -.x-ebookmaker table {width: 95%;} - -.tdl {text-align: left;} -.tdr {text-align: right;} -.tdc {text-align: center;} -.page {width: 5em;} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-indent: 0; -} -.bt {border-top: 2px solid;} -.bb {border-bottom: 2px solid;} - -.bbox {border: 2px solid;} - -.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} - -.caption {font-weight: bold;} - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {border: 1px dashed; margin-top: 1em;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -/* Poetry */ -.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; text-indent: 0em;} -/* uncomment the next line for centered poetry in browsers */ -/* .poetry {display: inline-block;} */ -/* large inline blocks don't split well on paged devices */ -@media print { .poetry {display: block;} } -.x-ebookmaker .poetry {display: block;} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -.xbig {font-size: 2em;} -.big {font-size: 1.2em;} -.small {font-size: 0.8em;} - -abbr[title] { - text-decoration: none; -} - - /* ]]> */ </style> -</head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Women and economic evolution, by Theresa Schmid McMahon</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Women and economic evolution</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>or, The effects of industrial changes upon the status of women</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Theresa Schmid McMahon</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: September 20, 2022 [eBook #69021]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION ***</div> - - - - -<p class="center big">BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN</p> - -<p class="center">NO. 496</p> - -<p class="center bb"><span class="smcap">Economics and Political Science Series Vol. 7, No. 2</span>, <span class="allsmcap">PP. 103-234</span> -</p> - - -<h1>WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION<br /><br /> -OR<br /> -<br /> -THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE -STATUS OF WOMEN</h1> - -<p class="center p4"> -<span class="small">By</span><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smcap">THERESA SCHMID McMAHON, Ph. D.</span><br /> -<i>Sometime Fellow in Sociology</i><br /> -<i>The University of Wisconsin</i><br /> -<i>Instructor in Political and Social Science, University of Washington</i><br /> -</p> -<p class="center p4"> -A THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY<br /> -THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN<br /> -</p> -<p class="center p4"> -MADISON, WISCONSIN<br /> -1912<br /> -Price, 25 Cents<br /> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="BULLETIN_OF_THE_UNIVERSITY_OF_WISCONSIN">BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="center">Entered as second-class matter June 10, 1898, at the post office at -Madison, Wisconsin under the Act of July 16, 1894</p> -<hr class="r5" /> - -<p class="center caption">COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION</p> - -<p class="poetry"> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">Walter M. Smith</span>, <i>Chairman</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">Willard G. Bleyer</span>, <i>Secretary</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">O. Clarke Gillett</span>, <i>Editor</i></span><br /> -<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">R. E. Neil Dodge</span>, <i>Philology and Literature Series</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">William H. Lighty</span>, <i>University Extension Series</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">William S. Marshall</span>, <i>Science Series</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">Daniel W. Mead</span>, <i>Engineering Series</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">Winfred T. Root</span>, <i>History Series</i></span><br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><span class="smcap">Thomas K. Urdahl</span>, <i>Economics and Political Science Series</i></span><br /> -</p> - -<hr class="r5" /> -<p>The Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin is published bimonthly at -Madison. For postal purposes, all issues in all series of the Bulletin -are included in one consecutive numbering as published, a numbering -which has no relation whatever to the arrangement in series and volumes.</p> - -<p>The Economics and Political Science series, the History series, the -Philology and Literature series, the Science series, the Engineering -series, and the University extension series contain original papers by -persons connected with the University. The series formerly issued as -the Economics, Political Science, and History series was discontinued -with the completion of the second volume and has been replaced by the -Economics and Political Science series and the History series.</p> - -<p>Persons who reside in the state of Wisconsin may obtain copies of the -Bulletin free by applying to the Secretary of the Regents and paying -the cost of transportation. No. 1 of Vol. 1 of the Economics, Political -Science, and History series, Nos. 1 and 3 of Vol. 2 of the Philology -and Literature series, No. 2 of Vol. 2 of the Science series, and Nos. -1-5 of Vol. 1 and No. 4 of Vol. 2 of the Engineering series are now out -of print and can no longer be furnished. Bulletins issued since May 1, -1898, are entered as second-class mail matter and no charge is required -by the University to cover cost of postage. The postage required for -such of the earlier numbers as can now be furnished is as follows: -Econ. ser., Vol. 1, No. 2, 8c; No. 3, 13c; Vol. 3, No. 1, 4c; Phil. -ser., Vol. 1, No. 1, 5c; Sci. ser., Vol. 1, No. 1, 2c; No. 2, 2c; No. -3, 3c; No. 4, 3c; No. 5, 10c; Vol. 2, No. 1, 2c; Eng. ser., Vol. 1, No. -6, 2c; No. 7, 3c; No. 8, 2c; No. 9, 4c; No. 10, 3c; Vol. 2, No. 1, 4c; -No. 2, 2c.</p> - -<p>Any number of the Bulletin now in print will be sent postpaid to -persons not residents of Wisconsin from the office of the Secretary -of the Regents on receipt of the price. Title pages and tables of -contents to completed volumes of all series, have been issued and will -be furnished without cost on application to the University Librarian. -Communications having reference to an exchange of publications should -be addressed to the Librarian of The University of Wisconsin, Madison, -Wis.</p> - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p class="center big"> -BULLETIN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN<br /> -</p><p class="center"> -NO. 496</p> -<p class="center bb"> -<span class="smcap">Economics and Political Science Series Vol. 7, No. 2</span>, <span class="allsmcap">PP. 103-234</span><br /> -</p> -<p class="center xbig"> -WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION<br /> -<br /> -OR<br /> -<br /> -THE EFFECTS OF INDUSTRIAL CHANGES UPON THE<br /> -STATUS OF WOMEN<br /> -</p> -<p class="center p4"><span class="small"> -BY</span><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smcap">THERESA SCHMID McMAHON, Ph. D.</span><br /> -<i>Sometime Fellow in Sociology</i><br /> -<i>The University of Wisconsin</i><br /> -<i>Instructor in Political and Social Science, University of Washington</i><br /> -</p> -<p class="center p4"> -A THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY<br /> -THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN<br /> -1908<br /> -</p> -<p class="center p4"> -MADISON, WISCONSIN<br /> -1912<br /> -</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr><th></th><th class="tdr">PAGES</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#INTRODUCTION"><span class="smcap">Introduction</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_5">5-10</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_I"><span class="smcap">Chapter I.</span> <span class="smcap">The Status of Women and Primitive Industry</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_10">10-19</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_II"><span class="smcap">Chapter II.</span> <span class="smcap">The Status of Women in Early Historical Times</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_19">19-28</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_III"><span class="smcap">Chapter III.</span> <span class="smcap">The Effects of Industrial Changes Upon the Homes of the Working-Poor</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_28">28-37</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_IV"><span class="smcap">Chapter IV.</span> <span class="smcap">The Effects of Industrial Changes Upon the Homes of the Middle-Class</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_37">37-49</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_V"><span class="smcap">Chapter V.</span> <span class="smcap">Women of Leisure</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_49">49-57</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_VI"><span class="smcap">Chapter VI.</span> <span class="smcap">Status of Women and Home Industry Among Professional Classes</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_57">57-69</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_VII"><span class="smcap">Chapter VII.</span> <span class="smcap">The Effects of Industrial Changes Upon Marriage</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_69">69-80</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="smcap">Chapter VIII.</span> <span class="smcap">Economic Forces and the Birth-Rate</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_80">80-88</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_IX"><span class="smcap">Chapter IX.</span> <span class="smcap">Economic Changes and the Divorce-Rate</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_88">88-97</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CHAPTER_X"><span class="smcap">Chapter X.</span> <span class="smcap">The Political Rights of Women and Industrial Changes</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_97">97-114</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdl"> -<a href="#CONCLUSION"><span class="smcap">Chapter XI.</span> <span class="smcap">Conclusion</span></a></td> -<td class="tdr page"><a href="#Page_114">114-124</a></td></tr> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span></p> - -<p>In dealing with the evolution of home industry and its effects upon the -status of women, it will be necessary to note briefly the status of the -sexes before marked differentiation took place.</p> - -<p>As a matter of fact, we know very little about mankind before the -beginning of recorded history. It is true we have various examples of -primitive culture existing at the present time, and to a considerable -degree they illustrate the different stages of culture through which -civilization has passed; but there is no proof that different types -of social development have not existed in the earlier periods. These -different types may have been out of harmony with the existing -environment, and hence were eliminated by the struggle for existence. -It does not follow that the eliminated types were inferior to the -surviving one, but that they proved less fit in a conflict of certain -forces. For instance, a peaceable race has often been at a disadvantage -when contending with a warlike and aggressive one, and its institutions -have been overthrown in the struggle.</p> - -<p>What has been true in the conflict of races may be equally true in -a conflict for authority between the sexes, if such a conflict ever -existed. In a period of history when severe struggles between peoples -were common, feminine rule was not compatible with such struggle.</p> - -<p>The commonly accepted theory is that men hold their position of -recognized superiority over women by virtue of an inherent superiority; -that sexual differences as measured by world achievements are -characteristic of all races. This is the androcentric theory which is -described by Ward as “the view that the male sex is primary and the -female sex secondary in the organic scheme, that all things center, -as it were, about the male, and that the female, though necessary to -carrying out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span> the scheme, is only the means of continuing the life of -the globe, but it is otherwise an unimportant accessory, and incidental -factor in the general result.”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<p>This theory has been accepted as a fact for ages; it has been -sanctioned by all religions and by custom. In the minds of many people -it had been established as one of the certainties removed from the -province of doubt. Indeed, so many facts have been brought forth in -proof of this theory that in the past to question it simply invited -ridicule.</p> - -<p>According to the androcentric theory man alone is responsible for -the development of our social institutions, and woman’s progressive -evolution has been one of constant adaptation; never one of innovation. -“Woman is the lesser man” and her achievements have always been -measured by masculine standards.</p> - -<p>A new theory has been advanced by Ward which merits careful -consideration. He calls it the gynaecocentric theory. It is the “view -that the female sex is primary and the male secondary in the organic -scheme, that originally and normally all things center, as it were, -about the female, and that the male, though not necessary to carrying -out the scheme, was developed under the operation of the principle of -advantage to secure organic progress through the crossing of strains. -The theory further claims that the apparent male superiority in the -human race and in certain of the higher animals and birds is the result -of specialization in extra-normal directions due to adventitious causes -which have nothing to do with the general scheme, but which can be -explained on biological principles; that it only applies to certain -characters, and to a relatively small number of genera and families. -It accounts for the prevalence of the androcentric theory by the -superficial character of human knowledge of such subjects, chiefly -influenced by the illusion of the near, but largely, in the case of man -at least, by tradition, convention, and prejudice.”<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>Students of primitive history are not agreed as to whether there has -ever existed a people among whom women held sway. The tendency is to -discredit the evidence offered for the theory<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span> of female rule. If -such peoples existed, none have survived to play an important part in -history. This fact seems to indicate that, other things being equal, -female rule was not compatible with the evolution of our present -civilization, if by female rule we mean the recognized superiority of -the female sex at a time when authority rested solely in the hands of -the successful fighters on behalf of the tribe.</p> - -<p>Political power implied the exercise of protection. Hence if women held -the balance of power in a primitive community constantly engaged in -warfare—success in warfare being the only measure of one’s worth—the -insecurity of their lives, and the constant depletion of their numbers -would materially affect the increase of numbers within the tribe, and -in time weaken the tribe in contending with enemies. Elimination or -absorption by other tribes would be inevitable.</p> - -<p>Without discussing the theory that woman is by nature conservative -while man is variable, it is evident that only the women who clung -most tenaciously to custom left offspring. The women who varied -from the established order by their radical or individualistic -characteristics devoted their lives to a cause, usually of a religious -nature, and left no offspring. On the other hand, the most aggressive -men were most successful in winning wives and were able to transmit -their variable qualities, while less aggressive natures tended to -leave no descendants. Therefore, much that is attributed to sexual -differentiation may be due in part to an environment favorable to -a type; to social institutions more favorable to the survival of -conservative females and variable males; to the elimination of those -females in whom inherited variable tendencies did not remain dormant.</p> - -<p>It is reasonable to believe that in the primitive horde there existed -a degree of equality between the sexes, but “at the beginning of the -historical period woman was under the complete subjection of man. She -had so long been a mere slave and drudge that she had lost all the -higher attributes she originally possessed.”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -<p>Many forces have played an important part in the evolution of the -social status of women. The mother instinct which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span> prompted women to -prefer the interests of their children to their own prevented them from -concentrating their attention on activities not directly concerned with -the care of the children and made it possible to subject a whole sex to -an inferior position, irrespective of their numbers, and to make them -apparently contented with their lot.</p> - -<p>The beginning of the race was associated with a keen struggle for -subsistence. If promiscuity was the earliest form of mating, the -greatest burden of support would naturally devolve upon woman and -would handicap her when it came to meeting or evading enemies. But if -the father of her children remained as a protector, at least while -the child was helpless, this handicap would be removed. Whether she -was actually provided with subsistence or protected from enemies in -the beginning, we know she did receive protection by virtue of her -sex before the race advanced very far in its social development. This -protection largely exempted her from warlike struggle, but it also -deprived her almost entirely of the communal authority that had its -basis in such a struggle. What was a gain to the individual woman was a -loss to her sex in social position.</p> - -<p>The supremacy that one sex, class or race gains over another, does not -necessarily arise out of far sighted action, having in view a definite -goal. In the early struggle of our race, the loss of power by woman and -the gain by man was incidental and not the result of a struggle for -authority between the sexes.</p> - -<p>The same general principle applied to economic life. Whatever woman -gained in the early industrial activities of the race which gave her -the right to claim precedence in this field, she lost as industry -departed from the hearth.</p> - -<p>History does not show women struggling for authority before the -domination of machine industry, or struggling to maintain a position -which would give them prestige in the tribe or state. It is true -women have taken part in some of the great movements and revolutions -of society, such as the Crusades, or the French revolution but only -when the country in question was thrown into an emotional state, and -when all other considerations were pushed into the background by the -predominant passion. They have taken part in these struggles, and -often<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span> shown greater frenzy than men in their efforts to attain their -desired goal. They had not yet learned the lesson of self control -forced upon men by their economic struggles. Economic struggles have -always brought men into other relationships with their fellow men than -the purely social. Such has not been the lot of women.</p> - -<p>Industrial changes have played a large part in determining the social, -political and economic status of women. It is only since the advent -of machine industry that women as a sex have been recognized as a -distinct economic factor in our industrial life. Consequently it has -been difficult to procure material illustrating the industrial status -of women in certain periods of history.</p> - -<p>When history mentions women, it is invariably as individuals in their -social, religious or political capacities, and not as a class of -industrial workers. The reason for this lack of data is that women -as a class assumed a passive attitude in the economic and industrial -life; and, excepting when forced by necessity, took no aggressive part -in the great industrial changes of the time. Invariably they adapted -themselves to existing conditions.</p> - -<p>If little emphasis is placed in the following pages on the influence -of the great moral forces which have played such a large part in -the history of our civilization, it is not because these forces are -overlooked but because they are not a part of the general theme dealing -primarily with the economic.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> Ward, <i>Pure Sociology</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 364.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Ward, <i>Pure Sociology</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 296-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Ward, <i>Pure Sociology</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 364.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span></p> - -<p class="center xbig">WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION</p> -</div> -<hr class="r5" /> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">The Status of Women and Primitive Industry</span></span></h2> - - - - -<p>Facts brought to light by ethnologists and anthropologists indicate -that our prehistoric ancestors were engaged in a severe struggle for -existence. This struggle must have been a keen one when man’s life -was filled with fear, when his advantages over other animals were -slight, and where climatic conditions were unfavorable to the procuring -of subsistence. Undoubtedly his greatest desire was for a sense of -security from enemies.</p> - -<p>There is a tendency to attribute to primitive man a considerable degree -of reasoning power; whereas he acted, no doubt, largely from impulse, -and with little concern for the future. Marshall says, “Whatever be -their climate and whatever their ancestry, we find savages living under -the domain of custom and impulse; scarcely ever striking out new lines -for themselves; never forecasting the distant future, and seldom making -provision even for the near future; fitful in spite of their servitude -to custom, governed by the fancy of the moment; ready at times for the -most arduous exertions, but incapable of keeping themselves long to -steady work.”<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> - -<p>The immediate satisfying of his wants was primitive man’s main thought, -and the eliminating of the factors interfering with the gratification -of these wants, his chief concern.</p> - -<p>He probably would have sacrificed freedom for a greater degree of -security, for freedom was something beyond his imagination, and was a -mockery to one engaged in so severe a struggle with his environment.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span></p> - -<p>Primitive woman had an advantage over man in that her sexual appetite -was not so keen. “All females were alike for the male animal and -savage. The only selection that took place down to the close of -the protosocial stage was female selection. The females alone were -sufficiently free from the violence of passion to compare, deliberate, -and discriminate.”<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<p>This might have given primitive woman the upper hand had she sought -authority. But protection, both during the time of pregnancy when her -physical powers were impaired, and during the period of lactation was -her greatest concern. Maternity was her paramount interest and beyond -the needs of her child there was no desire for power.</p> - -<p>Naturally out of the relationship existing between protector and -protected, arose a recognition of authority in the former. Hence it -seems reasonable to believe that the subordination of women to men in -early historical times grew out of conditions working no hardship on -either sex but affording mutual advantages.</p> - -<p>If stress of circumstances was in any way responsible for the superior -intelligence of man over other animals, woman would necessarily be the -first to develop the quality of foresight, for it fell to her lot to -provide for her offspring. The fulfillment of this responsibility was -essential to the preservation of the race.</p> - -<p>Primitive man and primitive woman could go through long periods of -fasting, but not so their children. The mother’s maternal instinct -prompted her to supply their wants before her own, while man satisfied -his hunger first, and then relegated the remains of his feast to the -women and the children. His first instinct was the satisfying of his -wants; hers, the satisfying of her offspring’s. Here lies one of the -fundamental differences between the sexes; and out of this contrast in -self-thought have arisen the marked differences of character commonly -designated as feminine and masculine.</p> - -<p>If primitive man’s first concern had been to feed his mate, woman would -never have become the “mother of industry.”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span> She might have remained -passive in the struggle for subsistence, as she was in the struggle -against enemies.</p> - -<p>Prehistoric men left the remains of the feast to the women and the -children; and when food was scarce the women were forced to seek some -means of subsistence other than the hunt afforded. They “climbed up -hills for the opossum, delved in the ground with their sticks for -yams, native bread, and nutritious roots, groped about the rocks for -shellfish, dived beneath the sea for oysters, and fished for the finny -tribe.”<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -<p>Woman was the “mother of industry” and the inventor of most of the -early industrial arts. Says Mason, “Women were instructed by the -spiders, the nest builders, the storers of food and the workers in -clay like the mud wasp and the termites. It is not meant that these -creatures set up schools to teach dull women how to work, but that -their quick minds were on the alert for hints coming from these -sources.... It is in the apotheosis of industrialism that woman has -borne her part so persistently and well.”<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> - -<p>Students of primitive history have given us vivid pictures of the -industrial occupations of women among different tribes; but they -depend largely for their material upon examples of these industrial -occupations as carried on among tribes existing at present in a -state of primitive culture. Nowhere now do we find an illustration -of inventive genius on the part of women generally, in a primitive -state of culture corresponding to that credited to them in prehistoric -times. This may be due to a lack of personal freedom, such as was known -to primitive woman, or to the lack of proper incentive stimulating -the individual to progress. The latter reason may account for the -unprogressiveness or degeneracy of many tribes of the present day.</p> - -<p>Following his natural instincts and utilizing his power for their -gratification prehistoric man found himself in possession of an -authority over woman which he had unconsciously acquired. When -once conscious of this power he used it arbitrarily, and perhaps -oppressively.</p> - -<p>Among peaceable peoples there was little need for the exercise<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span> of -authority, either defensively or offensively. That personal services -were rendered men by the women does not necessarily signify the -services were prompted by fear. It is only where militancy prevails -that we find an exercise of authority by men over women which suggests -the tyranny of the strong over the weak. But even here the tyranny -of the strong members of the tribe over the weak is more noticeable -than the tyranny of man over woman. Authority determined the status -of the individual or of the sex, but it was only one of the factors -determining occupation.</p> - -<p>Contemporary tribes of low culture differ widely in the position and -occupation of women, but there is sufficient resemblance of work among -women generally, to make it safe to say that to the women fall the -tasks most compatible with stationary habits of life.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> - -<p>As a matter of choice women would naturally engage in those occupations -which centered around the fireside. We do find many instances where -owing to the employments of men, or to the habits of migration -resulting from a search for food, the women are employed far from the -hearth. On the whole, however, the occupations commonly pursued by -women freed them from carrying children long distances. Westermarck -says that the occupations of men are “such as require strength and -ability; fighting, hunting, fishing, the construction of implements for -the chase and war, and the building of huts.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the principal occupations of women are universally -of a domestic kind: She procures wood and water, prepares the food, -dresses skins, makes clothes, takes care of the children. She, -moreover, supplies the household with vegetable food, gathers roots, -berries, acorns, and among agricultural savages, very commonly -cultivates the ground. Thus the various occupations of life are divided -between the sexes according to definite rules. And though the formation -of these rules has undoubtedly been more or less influenced by the -egoism of the stronger sex, the essential principle from which they -spring lies deeper.”<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span></p> - -<p>From necessity women were conservative in their habits since a -stationary life was most conducive to the protection and care of -offspring. That they should follow those occupations which had to do -with the preparation and consumption of food, or with the personal -services closely allied to the satisfying of the need for food and -clothing, seems natural and reasonable since the children looked to -them for those vital services.</p> - -<p>It is but a short step from the rendering of personal services to -offspring to the rendering of services to a mature man or woman. The -performing of services for the father may have been at first voluntary; -later it became fixed as a habit and finally established as a custom. -This performing of personal services—so conspicuous among peoples of -primitive culture, is the basis for concluding the oppression of women. -“What is largely due to custom is taken to be sheer tyranny on the part -of the stronger sex, and the wife is pronounced an abject slave of her -husband, destitute of all rights.”<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> - -<p>Our insight into primitive culture shows a state of society in which -women held a subordinate position, and where the authority rested -primarily with men. The status of women had become fixed by tradition -and custom and to depart from it meant ridicule and contempt.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless primitive woman seemed content with her lot; and freedom -which meant opportunity to struggle against one’s enemies, was not -for her a desideration. If she thought at all of her position of -subordination—she probably did not—she would have concluded that she -was the gainer rather than the loser when she gave up authority in -return for protection.</p> - -<p>The authority of one sex over the other arose spontaneously and -unconsciously by the exercise of the function of protection which in -a measure determined choice of occupation. It is true men chose those -occupations allowing the greatest versatility and demanding much -activity and quickness of motion, and that women were generally barred -from them; but hunting and warfare—the two occupations followed by -primitive man before the era of pastoral and agricultural life—would -have deprived<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> women of the security and protection so essential to the -preservation of the race.</p> - -<p>When women accepted the protection of men, the women had a chance to -survive and reproduce. But the men were forced to fight and only those -survived who were able to overcome the enemy.</p> - -<p>Before long women outnumbered men; and the motive responsible for the -division of occupation was lost sight of. Protection was sought instead -of being voluntarily given, and women surrendered more in proportion as -their value decreased in the estimation of men.</p> - -<p>As long as the number of men and women was approximately equal, the -relations between the sexes were more likely to be based upon mutual -interests and sympathy. But when one sex far outnumbered the other, -degeneracy set in. Wherever we find primitive peoples engaged in almost -constant warfare, women outnumber men and the status of the former is -low. Women are apparently willing to be oppressed to win favor in the -eyes of their lord and master.</p> - -<p>There are no historical facts indicating that women as a class -resisted the encroachments upon their personal rights by the men. -Few individuals are willing to fight for authority when stimulation -is lacking; or to struggle for an abstract right not affecting their -habits of life. Women followed the line of least resistance. It led -to their oppression, but it suited the conservative habit fostered by -maternity, and in a measure offered them greater security at a time -opportune from the standpoint of the race.</p> - -<p>The fate of women seems less hard when judged by the standards of -justice and consideration practiced by men and women alike. “When we -learn that where torture of enemies is the custom, the women out-do -the men—when we read of the cruelties perpetrated by the two female -Dyak chiefs described by Rajah Brooks, or of the horrible deeds which -Winrod Reade narrates of a blood-thirsty African Queen, we are shown -that it is not lack of will but lack of power which prevents primitive -women from displaying natures equally brutal with those of primitive -men.”<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span></p> - -<p>Wherever the militant spirit is absent, there exists greater equality -between man and woman, and between man and man. Industrialism in its -simple forms is conducive to the spirit of equality; and among those -tribes where industry is the chief occupation of the people, and where -exploitation of other peoples ceases to be a habit, the position of -woman is the best.</p> - -<p>A factor not to be overlooked in estimating the status of peoples is -the nature of the environment. No matter whether the inclinations -of the people foster militancy or industrialism, if the natural -environment is unfavorable to the procuring of a steady supply of food, -the people is checked in its development by too great odds against it. -If the natural environment is so friendly as to supply food without -effort on the part of the consumer—as is true of many southern -climes—stagnation or degeneracy results from a lack of stimulus to -exertion.</p> - -<p>What is true of a race or tribe may also be true of women. They -show the least physical and mental development where conditions are -extremely oppressive; and a moral indifference and indolence where life -demands little physical or mental effort for its maintenance.</p> - -<p>Irrespective of its immediate cause the oppression of women brings -about in time a differentiation of the sexes industrially and -especially socially. We have seen among many peoples the assignment -of industrial employments to the women and the militant activities -to the men; but this division is not a true measure of the degree -of subordination of the women. The division of employments is in a -measure influenced by the nature of the environment and by the habits -and customs having their roots in a natural environment in the distant -past. Such a division may originally be based upon woman’s convenience -as well as man’s, but probably more often upon that of the latter.</p> - -<p>When warfare became a less constant occupation, men entered -agriculture, which had been considered women’s own field of work. -They did not assume the least skilled part of the work, as does a -class of industrial workers when it enters a new field, but chose -the occupations most compatible with their inclinations, while women -confined their efforts to the more monotonous pursuits. Their work was -not necessarily easier<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> than that of the men, nor were they shielded -from those tasks requiring great physical strength.</p> - -<p>It is true the work pursued by the recognized superior is considered -more honorific than the work done by the social inferior, but the work -itself generally requires a greater degree of skill and ingenuity. -Such honorific work called for greater application and more energy -than women were accustomed to bestow upon their occupations for they -were always hampered by the demands of their children. During the -agricultural stage, therefore, as in the earlier stage, the women -always did the work requiring the least initiative. In time the women -were largely superseded in the monotonous out-of-door work by the -slave, thus gaining time and energy for the ever increasing indoor -occupations. Through slavery “it is certain that a means was ... found -of maintaining intact the independent household economy with its -accustomed division of labor, and at the same time of making progress -toward an increase in the number and variety of wants.”<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p> - -<p>Women’s position in primitive society has often been mistakenly -compared to that of slaves destitute of all authority and personal -rights. Personal rights are very precious to the individual when no -bond of affection exists making the interests of the master and the -slave identical. But just here lies the fundamental difference between -the position of women and that of slaves. The relation between master -and slave was an economic one while that between husband and wife was -personal as well as economic. It called for mutual concessions, the -woman most often subordinating her interests and wishes to those of -the man, who in turn assumed in many instances the entire economic -responsibility.</p> - -<p>New labor-saving methods were employed in agriculture, making it -possible to meet the increased demand for agricultural products. But -not so with the in-door work. New wants arose calling for a greater -variety in food and clothing. In all probability the men least able -physically were superceded in the field by the more robust, and the -former were assigned those household tasks least affected by custom, -and most easily<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span> separated from the immediate jurisdiction of the -women. Such employment developed the textile industries.</p> - -<p>Never in history have we examples of women excelling men in attaining -the ideal of the time, whether militant, social or industrial. And if -these ideals represented a progressive development of mankind, women -have always been far behind. At the present the industrial ideal -predominates. Although we know that in primitive times women excelled -men in the industrial arts, it was at a time when the militant ideal -was the dominant one. The controlling ideal has always been shaped -by men and their occupations and always will be shaped by those in -authority.</p> - -<p>The spirit of the time has corresponded to masculine achievement and -women’s progress has been measured by their success in adaptation. It -is of little consequence that women excel in industry in a period of -military precedence, or socially in an epoch of industrialism, since -the standard of measurement is fixed by masculine performance. The -ideal to be attained by either sex is always a masculine one.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Marshall, <i>Principles of Economics</i>, I, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 10-11. -Ed. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Ward, <i>Pure Sociology</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 360.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Quoted by Thomas, <i>Sex and Society</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 125.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Mason, <i>Woman’s Share in Primitive Culture</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 2-3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Thomas, <i>Sex and Society</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 134.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> Westermarck, <i>The Position of Women in Early -Civilization</i>, <i>The American Journal of Sociology</i>, Nov., 1904, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 410.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Westermarck, <i>The Position of Women in Early -Civilization</i>, The American Journal of Sociology, Nov., 1904, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> -411.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Spencer, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 747.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Bücher, <i>Industrial Evolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 96.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">The Status of Women in Early Historical Times</span></span></h2> -</div> - - - -<p>The world furnishes many examples of the rise and decline of -civilizations before our era. Their art and literature often show -social institutions comparing favorably with those of modern times. -Almost without exception their decline can be traced to the invasion -of people of less culture but greater warlike propensities. The -institutions of these warlike peoples are the ones which survived, and -upon which rest our modern institutions.</p> - -<p>As we have seen the primitive society, militancy favors a greater -differentiation of sex status and of work than industrialism. In the -primarily industrial nations, men’s and women’s work often overlap, and -although we can recognize a sex division of work, the line constantly -shifts to the economic advantage of women. In a militant society, the -women of the higher classes are often shown a deference unknown in the -lower classes, but this deference is not shown them as a sex alone, -but because of their relation to those who stand highest in the state. -Where the women of the higher classes enjoy rights and privileges -other than those reserved to them by the state, they are bestowed -upon the individual alone, and not upon the sex in general. They have -their basis in family ties making the family a unit in its economic -interests, as well as in its social and political interests. No matter -how conservative men may be in their attitude toward the political, -social, and industrial equality of men and women, their prejudices do -not weigh against family interests, or apply to the females of their -own families.</p> - -<p>Militant types of society have not recognized the political rights -of women as women. But for all that their women have often played -important roles in history by virtue of the power coming to them -through some male relative who was more anxious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> to delegate his power -to them than to see it pass to strangers, or to men of remoter blood -relationship.</p> - -<p>In the early, less militant societies we see that certain rights of -women were recognized. In Egypt “the husband appears to have entered -the house of his wives rather than the wives to have entered his, and -this appearance of inferiority was so marked that the Greeks were -deceived by it. They affirmed that the women were supreme in Egypt; the -man at the time of marriage promised obedience to her, and entered into -a contract not to raise any objection to her commands.”<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> - -<p>Hobhouse says, “It is very possible that the preservation of relics -of mother-right was among the forces tending to the better condition -of women in Egypt. These were augmented toward the close of the -independent history of Egypt by the rise of free contract and the -important part taken by women in the industrial and commercial life. In -these relations and in social intercourse generally it is allowed on -all hands that their position was remarkably free.”<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p> - -<p>In Babylonia there were times when women held a position of -independence and authority. “The wife could act apart from her husband, -could enter into partnership, could trade with her money and conduct -lawsuits in her own name.”</p> - -<p>Sayce says further, “Women, as well as men, enjoyed the advantages of -education. This evidence from the Babylonian contract-tablets, in which -we find women appearing, as well as men, as plaintiffs or defendants -in suits, as partners in commercial transactions, and as signing, when -need arose, their names. There was none of that jealous exclusion of -women in ancient Babylonia which characterizes the East of today, and -it is probable that boys and girls pursued their studies at the same -school.”<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> - -<p>Among the Greeks of the Homeric age, women held a position of respect -and dignity but in the age of Pericles “little pains were taken with -their education. Before their marriage, they managed their households -and seldom left their dwellings.”<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span></p> - -<p>In spite of paternal authority so firmly established by custom all -through early history we find individual women conspicuous by virtue of -their cleverness, intelligence or charm giving them power in affairs of -state. When Rome was at its height, there were men solicitors acting in -behalf of women in litigation and in the management of their property. -In fact, “the mass of capital which was collected in the hands of women -appeared to the statesmen of the time so dangerous, that they resorted -to the extravagant expedient of prohibiting by law the testamentary -nomination of women as heirs, and even sought by highly arbitrary -practice to deprive women for the most part of those collateral -inheritances which fell to them without testament.”<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -<p>The Roman family was absolutely controlled by the father. His -jurisdiction extended not only to the women and children of his -household but to his grown sons after they had established a household -of their own.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -<p>The attitude of the law toward a class of men is a fair criterion of -their status; but this is not true of the women. Since they do not -constitute a distinct class or industrial stratum, law is more apt to -reflect their status as determined by tradition and custom, than to -determine their status.</p> - -<p>Mommsen below says, “Wife and child did not exist merely for the -house-father’s sake in the sense in which property exists only for the -proprietor, or in which the subjects of an absolute state exist only -for the king; they were the objects indeed of a legal right, on his -part, but they had at the same time capacities of right of their own; -they were not things but persons. Their rights were dormant in respect -of exercise, simply because the unity of the household demanded that it -should be governed by a single representative.”<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> - -<p>Long before legislation took a more enlightened attitude toward<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span> the -legal and political rights of women, the old laws relating to women had -become antiquated. “Even in public matters women already began to have -a will of their own and occasionally, as Cato thought, ‘to rule the -rulers of the world.’”<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p> - -<p>Irrespective of the legal and social status of women, early history -shows practically the same division of work between the sexes as in -primitive times. If there is any apparent difference, it is in a -greater diversity of household tasks for women, and the narrowing of -the limits of their out-of-door tasks. Men continue to make inroads -upon the increasing industrial work of women without changing the -nature of it in any of its essentials.</p> - -<p>In Rome within the house “woman was not servant but mistress.” Exempted -from the tasks of corn-grinding and cooking which according to Roman -ideas belonged to the menials, the Roman housewife devoted herself -in the main to the superintendence of her maid servants, and to the -accompanying labours of the distaff, which was to woman what the plow -was to man.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p> - -<p>The characteristic work of the Roman women of the well-to-do -classes was practically that of the well-to-do classes of all early -civilizations. The work, however, of the wives of the poor was in -marked contrast. The Ligurian women “laboured, like the men, at -the hardest work, and hired themselves out for the harvest in the -neighboring countries.”<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p> - -<p>History throws little light upon the conditions of the laboring -people in early civilization. Although they were the foundation on -which society rested, they were considered of no consequence in the -development of the state excepting in their capacity as warriors. -Hence, our knowledge of the manners and customs of the people must be -gleaned from data regarding the well-to-do classes.</p> - -<p>Under feudalism, status was well defined and the individual counted -for little in the social regime. The position of the lord was based -upon military prowess, and he took little or no direct<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span> part in the -industrial occupations of the people. The laborer was his property, -and the lord in return agreed to protect him. Guizot says, “There was -nothing morally common between the holder of the fief and his serfs. -They formed part of his estate; they were his property; and under this -word property are comprised, not only all the rights which we delegate -to the public magistrate to exercise in the name of the state, but -likewise all those which we possess over private property; the right -of making laws, of levying taxes, of inflicting punishment, as well as -that of disposing of them or selling them.”<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -<p>The serf was in no wise a part of the feudal lord’s family nor did the -women of his class experience any of the male chivalry which we are -accustomed to associate with this period.</p> - -<p>The status of the women of the serfs was little better than that of -slaves. The difference between the status of men and women of this -class was probably no greater than that between the lord and his wife, -but the difference was emphasized in that there was a greater range of -abuse on the part of the social superior toward the social inferior -where women were concerned.</p> - -<p>In the house of the lord “the chief, however violent, and brutal his -outdoor exercises, must habitually return into the bosom of his family. -He there finds his wife and children, and scarcely any but them; they -alone are his constant companions; they alone are interested in all -that concerns him. It could not but happen in such circumstances, that -domestic life must have acquired a vast influence, nor is there any -lack of proofs that it did so.”<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p> - -<p>The predominance which domestic life acquired among the upper classes -during feudal times did much toward elevating the women of these -classes to social equality with men.</p> - -<p>Although during this period there exists among the people a great -difference in the kind of work performed by men and the work performed -by women in the higher classes, nevertheless the position of the wife -was one of respect, and often one of authority. When the lord was away -from home on warlike expeditions the wife assumed at times her lord’s -duties.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span></p> - -<p>“Women exercised to the full the powers that were attached to the land -either by proxy, by bailiffs, or in person. They levied troops, held -courts of justice, coined money, and took part in the assembly of peers -that met at the court of the lord.”<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p> - -<p>Parallel with the decline of the feudal system is the rapid growth -of towns. Women did not take a conspicuous part in the work carried -on in the towns, but that they were not excluded from the industries -is apparent when we find them in the trade guilds as early as the -fifteenth century. “Labor disputes arose over the questions of wages -and piece-work, of holidays, of the employment of women and cheap -workers.”<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> - -<p>Before the great pestilence of 1348, women were employed as -agricultural laborers. Their wages were invariably lower than the wages -of men. This difference in wages can be partially accounted for on the -ground that there existed a marked difference in the nature of their -work. Women as farm hands were employed in “dibbling beans, in weeding -corn, in making hay, in assisting the sheep-shearers and washing the -sheep, in filling the muck carts with manure, and in spreading it -upon the lands, in shearing corn, but especially in reaping stubble -after the ears of corn had been cut off by the shearers, in binding -and stacking sheaves, in thatching ricks and houses, in watching in -the fields to prevent cattle straying into the corn, or armed with a -sling, in scaring birds from the seed of ripening corn, and in similar -occupations. When these failed, there were the winding and spinning -of wool ‘to stop a gap.’ These were the employments not only of the -laborers’ wives; the wife and daughters of the farmer took their part -in all farm works with other women, and worked side by side with their -husbands and fathers. After the ‘black death’, women shared for a time -in the general rise of wages, and were seldom paid less than two-pence -for a day’s work, a sum not unfrequently paid a woman for her daily -work in the fields before the time of the great pestilence. This amount -of wages, however, was diminished by one of the statutes of labourers, -which required that every woman not having a craft, nor possessing -property of her own,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> should work on a farm equally with a man, and -be subjected to the same regulations as to wages as her husband and -brothers, and like them should not leave the manor or district in which -she usually lived to seek work elsewhere.”<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> - -<p>In the early stages of industry “wool and silk were woven and spun -in scattered villages by families who eked out their subsistence by -agriculture.”<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> - -<p>Often in the sixteenth century the wealthy graziers were clothiers and -employed the men and women of the neighborhood to make into cloth the -wool raised upon their own lands. “In many districts the farmers and -labourers used few things which were not the work of their own hands, -or which had not been manufactured a few miles from their homes. The -poet Wordsworth’s account of the farmers’ families in Westmorland, who -grew on their own land the corn with which they were fed, spun in their -own home the wool with which they were clothed, and supplied the rest -of their wants by the sale of yarn in the neighboring market town was -not so far inapplicable to other parts of England as we might at first -imagine.”<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p> - -<p>With the introduction of machinery the paternal attitude of the master -toward the employee disappeared. Since the workman at this time had no -political rights the decline of the spirit of paternalism exposed him -to easy industrial exploitation.</p> - -<p>Under the domestic system of industry the entire family was engaged -under one roof in the spinning or weaving of cloth. The spinning -was done by the women and children, and the weaving by the men. -Often it took as many as six spinners to keep one weaver busy, thus -necessitating the employment of the women in the neighborhood when -there were not sufficient spinners in the household.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> - -<p>This system of industry was revolutionized by the invention of the -spinning-jenny, the water-frame, and the self-acting mule, and the -application of the steam engine to cotton manufacture. With the -introduction of these inventions into the cotton industry the modern -factory system arose. Those employers who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span> could not compete with the -new methods were forced to give up their small domestic factories and -seek employment in the towns. In 1811 the agricultural population of -England was 35 per cent of the whole, and within twenty years it had -declined to 28 per cent.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> - -<p>Before the introduction of machinery, industrial occupations kept -pace with increasing wants, but so little progress was made from -one generation to the other as to give the impression of a static -condition. Class lines were sharply drawn, and all authority rested -with those whose property holdings were sufficient to place them -with the privileged classes. Their political power increased with -their material prosperity but neither political power nor material -prosperity fell to the laboring classes. “Except as a member of a mob, -the labourer had not a shred of political influence. The power of -making laws was concentrated in the hands of the land owners, the great -merchant princes, and a small knot of capitalists, manufacturers who -wielded that power?—was it not natural in the interests of their class, -rather than for the good of the people.”<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> - -<p>From the sixteenth to the nineteenth century little change was -effected in the home life of the people. Many of the houses had “but -a single great fireplace.” At the beginning of the nineteenth century -came many improvements in household affairs. “The common use of the -friction matches after 1830 saved an infinitude of pains to the cook, -the workman, and the smoker; instead of the iron pots and Dutch ovens -came the air-tight cook stove, an unspeakable good friend to the -housewife; for the open fire was substituted the wood-stove, and then -the coal-stove, which leaked gas but saved toil and trouble; for the -labor of the needle which has kept feminine fingers employed from the -time of Penelope, came the sewing-machine, rude enough at first, which -revolutionized the making of clothing.”<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> - -<p>History shows from the earliest times the employment of women of the -higher social classes within doors. Although the women of the laboring -classes are employed extensively in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> fields there is always an -apparent tendency for them to center their activities about the hearth. -The performance of out-door tasks among women is determined as much by -their class status as sex status. The outdoor work of women resulted -less from the tyranny of one sex over another than from the tyranny of -one class over another. Whatever the lot of the women field laborers, -the lot of their husbands and brothers was little better.</p> - -<p>The difference between the status of men and women is estimated by -the nature of their work when engaged in the same general occupation -as agriculture. Women seem to be deprived of the element of choice in -their work since they perform the most monotonous and uninteresting -tasks, and the men perform the work allowing for the greatest play -of individuality and skill. How much this division of work is due -to differences of authority, and how much to the difference in the -assumption of responsibility, is difficult to say. It is certainly more -convenient for women not to assume responsibilities for out-door work -when they have to care for small children; and what may be attributed -to an exercise of authority of men over women, may be due to custom -having its basis in convenience. It is interesting to note that in -practically all civilized societies women are the first to profit by -any change doing away with the necessity of all the members of the -family being employed in the field. This fact alone would indicate -a common recognition of the necessity of protecting women from the -severest work for the good of the race. It may have its basis, too, in -the inherent chivalry of man toward woman.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Maspero, <i>Dawn of Civilization</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Hobhouse, <i>Evolution of Morals</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Sayce, <i>Babylonians and Assyrians</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Fisher, <i>The Beginnings of Christianity</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 199.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Mommsen, <i>History of Rome</i>, II, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 484.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Mommsen, <i>History of Rome</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 91.</p> - -<p>“The grown up son might establish a separate household or, as the -Romans expressed it, maintain his own cattle (perculium) assigned to -him by his father; but in law all that the son acquired, whether by -his own labour or by gift from a stranger, whether in his father’s -household or in his own, remained the father’s property.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Mommsen, <i>History of Rome</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Mommsen, <i>History of Rome</i>, II, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 484-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Mommsen, <i>History of Rome</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Durny, <i>History of Rome</i>, I. Sec. 1, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 54-55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Guizot, <i>History of Civilization</i>, I, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 92-93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Guizot, <i>History of Civilization</i>, VI, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Green, <i>Town Life in the Fifteenth Century</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> -264-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Ostrogorski, <i>The Right of Women</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Green, <i>Town Life in the Fifteenth Century</i>, II, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> -88.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Denton, <i>England in the Fifteenth Century</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> -219-220.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Toynbee, <i>The Industrial Revolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Toynbee, <i>The Industrial Revolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 181.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Cheyney, <i>Industrial and Social History of England</i>, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 206.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Toynbee, <i>The Industrial Revolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 88.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Toynbee, <i>The Industrial Revolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 186.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Hart, <i>National Ideals Historically Traced</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> -188-189.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">The Effects of Industrial Changes Upon the Homes of the Working -Poor</span></span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>Under the domestic system of industry the lord or the master assumed a -moral responsibility for the welfare of his working people. It was his -recognized duty to care for them when in distress. Although this system -of industry centered great power in the hands of a few, and admitted -of great abuse, it relieved the workman of a sense of responsibility -for the future. With the introduction of machinery, this protection -afforded by the master ceased along with the servitude of the worker. -A prop was removed from the working people as well as a weight. The -immediate result was almost disastrous.</p> - -<p>Under the old domestic system there was little encouragement of -individual initiative, and the routine of life was subject to few, -if any, disturbances that thrust great responsibilities upon the -individual. Initiative was a characteristic of the master but the poor -worker was taught obedience from the cradle. He was never stimulated -nor encouraged to start out on a new line for himself. In other -words, he and his family were protected from the uncertainties and -responsibilities imposed upon the modern workman. His standard of -living was necessarily low. Hunger was not unknown, but it was apt to -be a hunger common to all in his class, and so seemingly inevitable, -rather than a hunger endured by his family because of his failure in -the every day industrial struggle.</p> - -<p>The cheapened cost of production of machine industry played havoc -with the small domestic manufacturer. His employees were forced into -the cities to compete for work at the machine a new experience which -was markedly reflected in the homes of the workers. The industrial -conditions of the domestic workers in England when forced to compete -with machine industry, were similar to those pictured by Dawson when he -says of Germany,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span> “the condition of the house workers in most country -districts is lamentable, and in towns it is not much better. It would, -indeed, be difficult to exaggerate the misery which has for years been -the lot of this class of workers. There, as in Silesia, a hand-weaver -is glad to earn 5s. or 6s. for work which occupies nine days of from -sixteen to eighteen hours (less than a halfpenny per hour), while his -wife toils six hours a day for three weeks to complete a web which will -bring her an equal sum, the problem how to make ends meet suggests to -the social economist many reflections.”<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -<p>The bringing together of laborers into industrial centers deprived -them of the use of land for agricultural purposes. This increased the -laborer’s dependence upon industrial conditions, and upon his employer. -His employer was now an individual tending to be indifferent to his -employe’s well-being and considering him only as so much labor power to -be utilized for his advantage.</p> - -<p>The laborer found his relations to his new master purely economic, and -he himself responsible for his personal welfare and the welfare of his -family. His sickness and misfortune, though of social importance, was -no longer of economic importance to his employer since the supply of -labor equalled or exceeded the demand for it.</p> - -<p>A few individuals profited by the breaking down of class barriers, -and asserted an individuality in harmony with economic conditions. -But the bulk of the people, either from sheer inefficiency or lack of -opportunity failed to get a foot-hold and constituted a class easily -exploited by the more successful.</p> - -<p>The literature of the period of transition pictures vividly the -sufferings endured by the families of the workers. The poverty and -misery of thousands resulting from the adjustment to machine industry -appealed to all classes of society, and while the essayists and -novelists made a pathetic appeal to the general public, the economists -attempted in vain to suggest some alleviation for the existing distress.</p> - -<p>The poorest class of workers was composed largely of persons<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> who -were highly skilled in the handicraft stage, but were now forced into -occupations requiring little training, and open to labor formerly -considered inefficient. Not only was the number of persons needed to -turn out the finished product much smaller than formerly, but the work -formerly done by men could be done by women and children.</p> - -<p>The labor of women was in greater demand than that of men. “In 1839, -of 31,632 employees in the worsted mills, 18,416, or considerably more -than half, were under eighteen years of age, and of the 13,216 adults, -10,192 were women, leaving only 3,024 adult men among more than 30,000 -laborers.”<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> - -<p>Although cheap labor lowered the cost of production, it did not -benefit the laborer who helped to bring it about, for his standard of -consumption was below that which his production represented. His work -supplied a higher demand than that of his class, and what was his loss -was another’s gain. The greatest benefit of cheapened production fell -to those classes not depending for their living upon their manual work, -or, who received good wages by virtue of the demand for their skill.</p> - -<p>Nowhere are the degenerating possibilities that lurk in industrial -changes more plainly seen than in the homes of the unskilled workers in -England early in the nineteenth century. With the introduction of the -factory system the home in many cases became merely a place to sleep -and eat. Miss Orne pictures the home life of poor families where man -and wife are employed.</p> - -<p>In the chain, nail and bolt making industries man and wife stood -over the same forge, doing practically the same work for they often -exchanged work to break the monotony of their toil. But the wife “took -care of the home in addition to factory work.”</p> - -<p>The married women appear to be as numerous as the unmarried. There is -a general custom in the district for boys and girls of 17 or so to -marry, and for each to continue at work, living in the homes of their -respective parents. Older married<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span> women are generally found in the -small workshop of the husband or some near relation.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -<p>With few exceptions the “homes belonging to women who work either -in factories or home work shops are very nearly desolate. The meals -consist of bread and butter and tea, with a little cold bacon for -dinner. The tea is made from a kettle heated at the forge, and thus -the cares of the housekeeping are reduced to a minimum. There is no -knowledge of cooking, and therefore no variety of diet. The children -troup into the workshop as they come from school, and in fact, there is -no home life at all.”<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -<p>Such homes are typical of workers where the husband and wife are -compelled to enter the factory in order to feed and clothe themselves -and their children. Many of them are ignorant—possess little authority -and are indifferent to the exercises of the authority they do possess. -Their work does not allow them sufficient energy nor do the financial -returns afford them the needed nourishment for a healthy body and mind.</p> - -<p>What is true of England is true of all countries where modern methods -of industry are practiced, and where the state has not taken steps to -check the evils arising out of the system.</p> - -<p>Gohre, who has made a careful study of a large manufacturing -establishment in industrial Saxony says, “Think for a moment of the -incomes and the homes of the working men as I have described them; -under such conditions it becomes almost impossible for the average man -to realize the beautiful old Christian ideal of the family, about which -we hear so much from the pulpit, let him try as he may * * * Think how -the daily struggle for existence often compels the daily absence of -both parents from the home, as well as the presence of strangers in -the household, sometimes coarse and lawless people, and how this must -interfere with any sort of regular training of the children.”<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -<p>Keeping boarders and lodgers—especially lodgers—is a common method of -increasing the income of the family. High<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span> rent imposes upon them the -necessity of resorting to some measure to increase the income of the -family above that which represents the remuneration of the father for -his daily toil. The burden of keeping boarders and lodgers falls upon -the wife, but this source of income is seldom added when estimating the -amount contributed by the wife to the family income.</p> - -<p>Many of the evil effects of mothers being employed in factories is -apparent to all, but the crowding of the home with strangers is no -less disastrous to family life. The economic goal is the only possible -one and the family loses its ethical purpose. The Pittsburgh Survey -emphasized the effect of overcrowding the home. “As half of the family -use the kitchen for sleeping, there is a close mingling of the lodgers -with the family which endangers the children’s morals. In only four -instances were there girls over fourteen found in the families taking -lodgers, but even the younger children learn evil quickly from the free -spoken men. One man in a position to know the situation intimately, -spoke of the appalling familiarity with vice among children in these -families.”<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> - -<p>In the city of York, England, the wages paid for unskilled work are -often insufficient to provide food, shelter, and clothing for a family -of moderate size, “in a state of bare physical efficiency.” Of the -income of those families receiving less than 18s weekly the women -contribute 50 per cent and the men 8 per cent. The small proportion -contributed by the men of the household is due to a large number of -families in which the father is either dead or sick. Where the income -is 18s and under 21s per week and the family of a moderate size the -male heads of the family contribute 76 per cent and the female head of -the household 13.3 per cent. With the increase of the weekly earnings -of the men, women contribute less and less.<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p> - -<p>The investigation of <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> Rowntree shows conclusively that married women -of the poorest classes do not engage in industry outside the home for -the sake of pin money. They work because circumstances compel them to -do so, and just as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span> soon as the economic pressure is somewhat relieved -married women remain in their homes.</p> - -<p>The statement is made in Women’s Work and Wages, that “Nearly all the -home makers who answered the question as to why they worked gave one -of three reasons. The most frequent was that the husband’s wages were -either too small or too irregular to keep the home. Fifty-two per cent -gave their answer in many varying forms, of which a frequent one was, -‘It is all very well at first, but what are you to do when you have -three or four children like little steps around you?’”</p> - -<p>“Others had worked all their lives; if the husband is a labourer -earning at best 18s. per week and liable to many weeks without work, no -other course seems possible.”<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -<p>Miss Collet says, “I have never yet come across a married woman in the -working classes with such eagerness for pocket-money that she would -work for it at the rate of 1/2d or 1d an hour. Whenever I found women -who said they worked at very low rates they have been working for their -living and for that of their children; their husbands have always been -men disabled or out of work.”<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> - -<p>Frequently the wife of the unskilled worker does not go to the factory; -her work is brought to her in her home. This is a great convenience -to her for it enables her to remain with her children who are often -too small to be left alone and it is impossible to take them to the -factory. “The women who take work home from ware-houses, factories, or -sub-contracting agents are, with comparatively few exceptions, married -or widowed, if we exclude from consideration that large class described -as dressmakers or seamstresses. The home workers are to be found in -every grade of society among the wage-earning class; in the home of -the middle-class clerk and in the room of the dock laborer; rarely, I -think, in the tradesmen class, where wives can add to the family income -more effectually by assisting in the management of the shop.”<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p> - -<p>The taking of work into the home is to the advantage of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span> employer -as well as to the immediate advantage of the employee. It saves the -employer rent and tools and procures him cheaper labor. Women can -afford to work for less under their own roof when it is a question -of working for less or not at all. These women do not often compete -with men, for their work is the poorest paid and the least skilled. -Few men compete with women in the lower grades of work unless they -are physically unable to compete with men for the better kinds of -employments. On the other hand women usually perform some branch of -work which is wholly abandoned to them by the men and they refrain, -whether willingly or not, from engaging in the branches monopolized by -their male rivals.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p> - -<p>The advantages of cheap production do not often fall to this class of -laboring women. Says Mrs. Campbell, “The emancipation of women is well -under way, when all underwear can be bought more cheaply than it is -possible to make it up at home, and simple suits of very good material -make it hardly more difficult for women to clothe herself without -thought or worry, than it has long been for men. This is the word heard -at a woman’s club not long ago, and reinforced within a week by two -well-known journals edited in the interests of women at large.”</p> - -<p>The emancipation on the one side has meant no corresponding -emancipation for the other; and as one woman selects, well pleased, -garment after garment, daintily tucked and trimmed and finished beyond -any capacity of home sewing, marveling a little that a few dollars can -give such lavish return, there arises, from narrow attic and dark, foul -basement, and crowded factory, the cry of the women whose life blood is -on these garments. Through burning scorching days of summer; through -marrow-piercing cold of winter, in hunger and rags with white faced -children at their knees, crying for more bread, or, silent from long -weakness, looking with blank eyes at the flying needle, these women -toil on, twelve, fourteen, sixteen hours even, before the fixed task is -done.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> - -<p>After a careful study of one of the thickly populated working<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> -districts in New York, Mrs. More says, “As the children grow older -and require less of her care at home, the mother takes in sewing or -goes out washing, secures a janitor’s place, cleans offices, and -does whatever she can to increase the weekly income. She feels this -to be her duty, and often it is necessary, but frequently it has a -disastrous effect on the ambition of the husband. As soon as he sees -that the wife can help support the family, his interest and sense -of responsibility are likely to lessen, and he works irregularly or -spends more on himself. There are, of course, many families in which -this united income is needed, when the man’s illness or incapacity -makes it imperative for the wife to help. Sometimes it is due to -thrift and ambition to save money for the future, or for some definite -purpose. Charitable societies generally deplore the prevalence of this -custom because of its economic and moral results on the head of the -family.”<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p> - -<p>The British Board of Trade, in its report on French towns, says: “With -regard to the wives’ earnings it may be observed that their importance -is not limited to the towns in which textile industries predominate. -In 51 per cent of all the families from which budgets were obtained -the wives were contributors; the proportion was highest at Rome (a -town largely dependent on the cotton trade,) where it was no less than -82 per cent.” Of Germany the report says, “A large proportion of the -home workers are married women, who in this way seek to supplement the -earnings of the chief bread-winner, and are only able to devote odd -hours to the work. How largely the custom of home working is a result -of poverty may be concluded from a statement made in a memorial lately -addressed to the Berlin Tramway Company by its employees. The tramway employee -is unfortunately unable to dispense with the earnings of his wife, -even in normal domestic conditions, if he would maintain his family -properly. The wife has really no choice in the matter. So, too, of -2,051 municipal employees interrogated on the subject in 1905. 416 -or 20.2 per cent replied that their wives worked<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span> for money, 170 at -charring, 161 as home workers, and 17 in factories, and 68 in other -ways.”<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> - -<p>In spite of their economic independence the status of the women among -the working poor is lower than the status of the women of any other -social class. They suffer more from oppression, and their position is -little higher than that of the women of the Australia aborigines among -whom man has the power of life and death over his wife and children. -It is true, the state restricts the power of the husband over the wife -and secures for her certain personal rights the Australian savages -are ignorant of, but she has a new master in modern industry which -virtually exercises over her a power of life and death untempered by -sympathy and mutual interest. Degeneracy and elimination such as was -never known in primitive society would result if the more fortunately -situated economic classes did not interfere.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Dawson, <i>German Life in Town and Country</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Cheyney, <i>Industrial and Social History of England</i>, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Orne, Eliza, <i>Conditions of Women in the Nail, Chain -and Bolt Making Industries</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> <i>Ibid</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 574.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Gohre, <i>Three Months in a Workshop</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 190.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> <i>Charities and Commons</i>, Feb. 6, 1909, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 916.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Rowntree, <i>Poverty, A Study of Town Life</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 39, -54.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Cadbury, Edward; Matheson, M. Cecile; Shann, George. -<i>Women’s Work and Wages.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Booth, <i>Life and Labor of The People</i>, IV, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 801.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Booth, <i>Labour and Life of the People</i>, IV, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 295.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Webb, <i>Problems In Modern Industry</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 75.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Campbell, <i>Prisoners of Poverty</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 30-1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> More, <i>Wage Earners’ Budgets</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 83, 87.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> <i>Cost of Living in French Towns</i>, 1909, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> XVI; -<i>Cost of Living in German Towns</i>, 1908, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 11.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">The Effects of Industrial Changes Upon the Homes of the -Middle-Class Workers</span></span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>The middle class worker is a worker whose remuneration is sufficient to -allow him to maintain a plane of living commonly considered adequate -for his physical well being.</p> - -<p>His employment is not necessarily in the skilled trades, for many of -the skilled workers are kept on a margin of bare subsistence, while -many unskilled workers are able to enjoy a considerable degree of -comfort. So much depends upon the economic conditions of a country or -section, and the demand for and supply of labor that a classification -according to occupation or remuneration would not be feasible.</p> - -<p>In congested cities where the cost of living is high, employment -uncertain, and labor plentiful, the unskilled worker frequently finds -it impossible to live and enjoy the simple comforts and decencies of -life. On the other hand, in newly settled communities, where labor -is scarce and opportunities many, the unskilled worker is often able -to accumulate property and to give his children advantages usually -confined to the prosperous business class in a large city.</p> - -<p>Hence, in discussing the middle class worker, he will be considered as -a man having sufficient pay, irrespective of his occupation, or the -occupation of his family to enjoy a plane of living generally accepted -as necessary to a normal and healthful life.</p> - -<p>Peoples that make any progress constantly press toward an ideal. -This ideal is the standard—so to speak—accepted by all classes to -a certain extent, reflected in the schools, churches and all other -social institutions. It is a part of the spirit of the age. To judge -a class by any other standard, to expect its members to embrace the -ideals held by their ancestors because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> we think it more in keeping -with their financial circumstances, is as unfair as it is illogical. -It is expecting of others what we feel no one has a right to expect of -us. To share in the benefits of our social institutions and the advance -they make from year to year is a right claimed by all irrespective -of class, that a woman no longer “contented with bare floors and tin -dishes,” or even ingrain carpets and porcelain, or a blue calico gown -and white apron for an afternoon social function, does not signify she -is losing her sense of the fitness of things but that she no longer -lives in an age of bare floors and tin dishes and that she too has -through imitation shared in the rise of material standards. When a -class departs from a seemingly sensible course, it is more often a -joining of the procession of imitators and if the example is not worthy -of imitation, the fault is further up the line.</p> - -<p>The middle class worker has as his goal the social class just ahead of -him. He is following a standard he did not establish, but he must go -with the current or drift back. One cannot long stand still.</p> - -<p>In the last chapter was discussed a class of workers who have little, -if any, freedom in the choice of a plane of living. Their poverty is so -great that outside of the civilizing forces afforded by the community, -gratis to all, they merely exist. We now come to a class of workers -who possess those qualities of character which determine the type of -civilization of a country and from whom have come the progressive -movements tending toward the general uplift of humanity. They are the -real fighters. They stand on a side hill and fight both ways—fight -to keep from being shoved down the hill and to gain an inch on the -upgrade. They are neither exclusively the victims nor the beneficiaries -of the economic regime.</p> - -<p>The home of the middle-class worker contains all the elements of -change characteristic of the age, and the success or failure of the -breadwinner in the economic struggle determines the degree to which -these elements are developed. To apply a test to their respective -values would be unfair unless the same test were applied to the -families of the higher social classes. What will be attempted will -be to trace the influence of economic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span> changes upon the home and the -resulting change in the status of the wife.</p> - -<p>Whatever struggle the workingman engages in involves the destiny of -those dependent upon him for subsistence. His success determines -their plane of living, and their interests are identical with his. In -no other class do we see the home so complete an economic unit. The -individual is often completely lost sight of in deference to the family -interests. There is a recognized division of work between the husband -and wife. The common object is the economic well-being of the family, -and although there may not be sufficient economic liberty to enable -them to choose the work most congenial, they gain by the increased -strength brought about by their close co-operation.</p> - -<p>The husband offers his services for money; the wife remains at home -administering to the needs of the family. Her work is of a productive -nature satisfying the primary needs of those about her. She prepares -the food for consumption, makes the clothing for the family and engages -in numberless pursuits—all of which have real economic value to -the family. This is the prevailing ideal of the middle class family -of today, but like many other social ideals is found only under the -most favorable conditions. We find it in many rural communities, or -communities half urban and half rural. Much depends upon the extent to -which manufacturing is carried on in the vicinity, the facilities for -transportation and the price of the commodities brought into the home -as substitutes for the wife’s handiwork.</p> - -<p>In countries where labor is cheaper than the use of machinery, the -home has retained its function as a center of production. Under such -circumstances life is simple and wants necessarily few. In some -communities women still do all the spinning and weaving, the making -of the clothing, and the preparation of all foods for consumption. -This type of family especially when it owns the ground it occupies, -represents a self-sufficing economic unit, such as was characteristic -of the period of domestic industry before the era of machinery.</p> - -<p>In the early colonial days of the United States many homes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> represented -the best of European civilization in their culture and ideals. -But economically they represented an earlier industrial stage. -Specialization and co-operation were not practiced, and all the -hardships were felt that characterized a domestic system of industry. A -farmer said in 1787 “At this time my farm gave me and my whole family -a good living on the produce of it, and left me one year with another -one hundred and fifty silver dollars, for I never spent more than ten -dollars a year which was for salt, nails, and the like. Nothing to eat -or wear was bought, as my farm provided all.”<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> - -<p>Undoubtedly the duties of the farmer’s wife differed little from those -of the German woman in the 18th century whose husband lauded her in -the following words. “Our cheese and butter, apples, pears, and plums, -fresh or dry, were all of her own preparation.... Her pickles (fruit -preserved in vinegar) excelled anything I ever ate, and I do not know -how she could make the vinegar so incomparable. Every year she made -bitter drops for the stomach. She prepared her elderberry wine herself, -and better peppermint than hers was found in no convent. During all -our married life no one brought a penny-worth of medicine from the -apothecary”....<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> - -<p>The introduction of the factory product into the home was a slow -process, and was stubbornly resisted. If it were left to choice we -would still be clinging to the home-made article with a tenacity -more creditable to our conservatism than our judgment. Fortunately, -necessity forces men to change their habits. At present many of the -occupations followed by our grandmothers have left the home for all -time, and we have become reconciled to the change.</p> - -<p>Whatever changes have taken place in the home are reflections of -changes taking place outside the home. When war ceased to be the -occupation of all men a large amount of productive energy was released -and woman’s sphere of activities became more limited. She was probably -just as busy as when the field work fell to her lot, and her work was -equally productive. What really took place was the gratification<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span> of a -wider circle of wants. When the field had its quota of workers, there -was a surplus of male labor to be applied to the indoor work. As we -have seen in an earlier chapter, men again invaded woman’s field of -work and assumed industrial occupations formerly associated with the -fireside. It was not long before there was a marked change in the -industrial unit, but in spite of the fact that men performed a great -deal of indoor work when the home was a diminutive factory, the family -group lost none of its compactness. Practically all the needs of the -family were supplied by its own individual workers.</p> - -<p>Soon man learned the advantage of the division of labor. He gave -certain portions of his work to be done by his neighbor, and this -portion tended to constantly increase. It was not long before he had -but one occupation and it alone did not produce a finished product. It -still had to be passed on to another worker before it was ready for -consumption. This division of labor necessitated a medium of exchange. -He received money for the large supply of goods he produced over and -above his family needs, and with this money he purchased those articles -which he and his family formerly produced on their own plot of ground -and under their own roof.</p> - -<p>How about woman’s work? Instead of producing more of a kind, as the men -did, she produced the same amount, and the leisure falling to her lot -by virtue of certain industries being taken out of the home was applied -to new forms of production. She was just as busy as ever. There arose a -greater variety of wants and it was for her to satisfy them.</p> - -<p>The process might have gone on from generation to generation with no -marked change except a progressive one. The wife might continue to work -in the home, and as her productive employments departed to the factory -she might substitute others. Wants of a higher nature would demand her -constantly increasing time. But what did happen was that the factory -constantly made inroads upon the work of the home while the money -income of the family remained unaffected.</p> - -<p>The income of the family did not tend to increase in the same -proportion as the cost of maintaining the accustomed plane of -living. This forced men into combination for self protection, these -combinations taking the form of trade-unions.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span></p> - -<p>The women who followed their work into the factory were the least -fortunate. It was only where the men had lost their footing in the -economic struggle that the women offered their services outside of -the home for a wage. They were the least efficient workers, and least -able to protect themselves from a ruthless exploitation. The women -who remained at home were the more fortunate in their matrimonial -relations, for their husbands were still able to provide for their -families, and the family social group was not disturbed. The women -continued to can their fruit and to make their garments. The home was -not less a home than under the old domestic system of industry but -more a home, for the number and variety of wants had increased and the -standard of living had been raised.</p> - -<p>Thus we see that the industrial evolution has had one of two effects -upon the homes of the working class. It has forced thousands of women -and children into the factories, many of whom make up the ranks of -the “submerged tenth” or the population in a “slum” district. They -were economically the weakest, hence were easy victims of a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">laissez -faire</i> economic regime. Their homes spelled retrogression in the -evolution of the race, for they constituted the most unfit type in the -industrial evolution.</p> - -<p>Those who were not victims of the economic regime benefited, at least -in some measure, by the decreased cost of production. The wives of the -men who were able, either alone or through trade association, to hold -their own in the economic struggle gradually ceased to be drudges. -Every time the factory invaded the home to deprive it of one more -of its industries, the wife either was forced to follow her work, -or gained an increased amount of leisure to be applied in her home -as she saw fit. Upon each encroachment of the factory upon the home -there followed a weeding-out process and a few more women became wage -earners. This process has gone on from decade to decade, and excepting -in a few individual cases, women have been helpless in determining -their fate. Excepting where they went to the factory they did not -affect the economic situation of the time. They adapted themselves -to circumstances as best they could, and had no other conception of -the economic situation than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> that the money income of the family had -increased or decreased. At only one period in their lives did they and -their parents realize they had a voice in their economic destiny, and -that was when they chose their life companions. They appreciated the -importance of a competent bread-winner. For this reason man’s economic -status has always been important in winning a bride. Indeed many sins -of his past have been forgiven because he was able “to make her a good -living.”</p> - -<p>In the countries of Europe where the evolution of industry has run -its full painful course from the beginning, the middle class workers -are losing ground. Their numbers have relatively decreased, and as a -class they are protesting loudly through their organizations against -conditions that make the old ideal of the family well nigh impossible. -Many of the single men emigrate to countries offering greater -opportunities to working men, thus leaving the young women to win for -themselves a footing in the industrial life outside the home. Neither -men nor women wish to lose their social status by virtue of failure in -the economic struggle, and so they meet the problem separately and on -different continents.</p> - -<p>Those countries not yet fully exploited profit by the courage and -individualism of the north European immigrant. The high price of -labor in consequence of its scarcity made possible a plane of living -beyond the dreams of the home folks, and with this higher standard of -consumption has gone invariably a degree of culture, self improvement, -and self confidence which stood them in good stead at a later day. When -the community became thickly settled and the old industrial problems -arose women did not show the same inclination to go to the factory, -or to lower their plane of consumption to meet the decreased income -of the family, but sought the professions as avenues for industrial -employment. They did not lose social caste and there was a real -economic gain. The United States census report of 1900 says “women as -a class are engaging more generally in those occupations which are -supposed to represent a higher grade in the social scale.” Undoubtedly -the next census report will make this still more apparent.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span></p> - -<p>The women of the United States have greater educational opportunities -than the women of any other country, and when these opportunities are -taken advantage of, they show a like inclination with men to desert -those employments which call for the least skill, and pay the smallest -wage. They assert an independence characteristic of the better classes, -and assume they have a right to a social status a little higher than -their income permits.</p> - -<p>This is especially true of the married women. If they enjoy an option -between remaining at home or entering the industrial field, they tend -to be more independent as to hours of labor, and the wages they will -accept. Free, in a large measure, from pressing economic necessity, -they are in a better position to dictate terms than the unmarried women -or the men of their class.</p> - -<p>And yet these same married women are considered by their employers -as desirable workers. They tend to be steadier than their unmarried -sisters, and show greater concentration in their work. The secretary -of one of the large glove maker’s union said of the factory in which -she was employed. “When a good worker marries, her place is kept open -for her for several weeks so that she can return within a reasonable -time if she so desires. And she nearly always comes.” Not hunger drives -her back into the factory, but a preference for the industry in which -she has acquired a degree of skill over an industry like housework of -which she knows little, and for which she cares less. From a financial -point of view, it is cheaper for her to hire some one to perform the -distasteful household tasks while she takes her place at her husband’s -side in the factory. There is much to be said for the social advantages -of her work. Once in the home she loses her old associations and finds -herself in an environment which offers little entertainment outside of -her romantic dreams. When these vanish she longs for her old companions -and reënters the factory which, to her, spells industrial freedom, and -a fuller life.</p> - -<p>Many wives of the middle class workers are still engaged in work -also carried on in factories. The latter have not yet attained that -cheapness of production which makes it a waste of time for the -housewife to compete with them. But the attractive rates offered -by laundries for “plain pieces,” and the bargain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span> counters in the -basements of large department stores produce a sigh of relief and the -remark “women have it easier now days than they used to.” Few see the -relation between this cheapened cost of production and wages, for the -breadwinner in all probability belongs to the skilled trades, and the -small wage brought home by the daughter is considered pure gain.</p> - -<p>While the home of the poorest paid worker gives no evidence of luxury -and the wife’s time is employed in satisfying the wants which have -to do with the preparation of food and clothing in their elementary -stages, much of the energy of the home maker of the better paid worker -is applied to maintaining a higher standard of living.</p> - -<p>Wants a century ago were comparatively limited, but under the influence -of modern democratic conditions they have increased many fold. They -most often take the form of a greater variety of food and clothing, or -the satisfying of the spiritual, intellectual and artistic desires. -The newspapers, the magazines, the entire business world seem to have -entered into a conspiracy to separate the working man from his small -savings. Business depends largely upon its success in stimulating the -desires of its patrons. Even our educational system makes every effort -to stimulate higher cultural desires, which inevitably call for a -greater expenditure of money.</p> - -<p>These wants spread among the masses with great rapidity, and their -gratification depends upon economic resources. The demands are -generally felt first in the home. Many women attempt to satisfy them by -their labor so that there is little danger of idleness on the part of -the homeworker of this class as long as wants of this nature increase -more rapidly than the desire for leisure. If their labor has a money -value in the labor market it becomes a luxury when performed for their -families, which could not afford to pay for these services at a very -low cost. Only where the financial means of the families are sufficient -to do without the help of the women in providing the necessities of -life, can this new standard of life be maintained.</p> - -<p>Hand in hand with the expansion of wants must go an increase of -the money income of the family unless the cost of production has -correspondingly cheapened. If not, the family<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> is living beyond its -means. The income of the family must be increased either by increasing -the wages of men or by the wives and mothers entering the industrial -field. Since to lower one’s standard of consumption is to lose one’s -social status, it is considered far better to engage in some reputable -employment outside the home, even though it entails continuous toil -from morning until night.</p> - -<p>The difficulty is not always met in the same way. In one community it -may be perfectly proper for a married woman to continue her stenography -after marriage while in another it would entail social ostracism. Often -small economies are practiced in the home where no one is the wiser.</p> - -<p>In France “the sitting-room is apt to be shut up all the week in the -interest of the furniture, and only opened on the single afternoon -the lady of the house is supposed to be at home to her friends. Then -in winter, just before the hour of reception, the meagre wood-fire is -set ablaze, and sometimes tea is prepared, along with biscuits far -from fresh. You may be thankful—if tea is to be offered you, a rare -occurence—should the tea be no staler than the biscuits.”<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p> - -<p>We need not go to France for illustrations, for even in democratic -America expensive table service does not necessarily imply an abundance -of food. Where men’s incomes do not compensate for the decreased -economic value of women’s work in the home, the problem is as pathetic -as the one faced by the aristocracy of Cranford.</p> - -<p>“The present relation of incomes to wants may be seen more clearly in -the case of single men and women than in that of families. In the life -of both sexes there is a lengthening period between the beginning of -the working years and the marriage age, where the standards of the -individuals are directly made by their income. Whatever they are they -are carried into marriage; if the first epoch is one of advance, the -second is likely to be also.”<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p> - -<p>Of Fall River it is said that “the impulse which makes a married woman -continue to work in the mill may be far less urgent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span> in the economic -sense and simultaneously far more urgent in the social sense.” And -further on they tell us, “These Fall River women are women of a fine -kind. They are highly skilled for women. They are well paid for women. -They are intelligent, attractive, ambitious.”<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p> - -<p>The woman who still “finds plenty to do at home,” and the woman who has -become part of the industrial world represent two types of homes common -in the middle class. There is still a third. It is the woman who lives -in a modern apartment and can take full advantage of all the industrial -changes that minimize her work. Probably Patten has her in mind when he -says “Once the household industries gave to the staying-home woman a -fair share of the labor, but today they are few, and the ‘home-maker’ -suffers under enforced idleness, ungratified longing, and no productive -time-killing.... Heredity has not been making idleness good for women -while it has been making work good for men. Valuable qualities are -developed by toil, and women improve as do men under the discipline of -rewards.”<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> - -<p>Thus we have the three types of women in the middle class and there is -a marked difference in the social attitude toward them. The woman who -is busy in her home is looked upon as a vanishing type. The idle woman -is viewed doubtfully. She is thought of as enjoying a leisure which -she, as a member of the middle class is not entitled to. Her idleness -weighs more on the social conscience than the idleness of the woman -of wealth. And justly so; for her past stands for many of the better -things of our civilization which we cherish as ideals, and to see her -become an idler is to witness a growing waste of energy which was -previously utilized to the great advantage of society. She is already -beginning to ask “What can I do?” lest public sentiment should condemn -her for her social parasitism.</p> - -<p>It is the middle class woman who goes to work—whether married or -single—who is arousing her sex from lethargy that threatens race -degeneracy. She is taking her place with the men in trying to solve -industrial and social problems. Her home life<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span> tends to represent a -newer ideal. She often is not only the companion of her husband in the -home but in the business world as well; a source of economic strength -instead of weakness. What becomes of the children of these families? -This question brings up the subject of “race-suicide” which will be -discussed in another chapter.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Earle, Alice More, <i>Home Life in Colonial Days</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> -158.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Dawson, <i>Germany and the Germans</i>, Vol. I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 96.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> <i>United States Census Report</i>, 1900, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> CCXXIII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Lynch, <i>French Life in Town and Country</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 188.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Patten, <i>New Basis of Civilization</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 193.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> William Hard; Rheta Childe Dorr, <i>The Woman’s -Invasion</i>, Everybody’s Magazine, Nov., 1908.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Patten, <i>New Basis of Civilization</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 193-4.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">Women of Leisure</span></span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>Many laboring women are benefited by the transition of work from the -home to the factory, or the introduction of new industries which were -never allied to the home but represent an entirely new venture into -the business world. But distinct from these, there is a class of women -who reap the benefits of present industrial conditions in a greater or -less degree by virtue of their parasitic relations to some man. These -are the women “to whom leisure has come unsought, a free gift of the -new industrial order.... Never before in the history of civilization -have women enjoyed leisure comparable to that which falls to the lot of -those in comfortable circumstances in America.”<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p> - -<p>The new era of industrialism has brought into prominence a large class -of successful or partially successful business men whose financial -remuneration is sufficient to allow their homes to be adapted to all -the industrial changes which lighten household tasks. The husband’s -economic importance is often marked, and there is no necessity for the -wife to add to the income of the family. She profits by the development -of new industries in the business world which supersede those carried -on in the home and her demand for the output of the new industry is -no small item in determining its success. She is not deterred from -trying the new because of the financial outlay it involves. She -welcomes the era of canned meats and vegetables; the new uses of gas -and electricity, and the application of compressed air for cleaning -purposes. She is the household innovator in a conservative society.</p> - -<p>She knows that whatever advantage her husband wins in the industrial -field, increases the possibility of her leisure rather than his own. -For whatever time the business man may gain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span> for himself, it is most -often utilized to increase the volume of his business. By virtue of -his success his wife can afford to take advantage of home industry -performed by people outside her home. The results are evident. It is no -longer necessary to hire a large number of servants in the household to -carry on the productive industries. The word <em>servant</em> is rapidly -becoming synonymous with menial, for personal services, as household -tasks, are being divorced from production.</p> - -<p>The compensation for the absence of the servants in the home is the -ability to purchase the finished article outside the home.</p> - -<p>In the earlier stages of production, few women were idle, for if -they themselves were not actually engaged in production within the -home, they were called upon to supervise the tasks performed by their -underlings. But modern industry has not only freed many women from -productive work within the home, but released others from the necessity -of managing large households. Responsibility has been shifted from -the home to the business world. This shifting of responsibility so -apparent in production can be also perceived in those activities which -are closely allied to consumption. The business world is no respecter -of tradition. Wherever financial opportunity presents itself, business -takes hold.</p> - -<p>We are accustomed to close our eyes and not admit the possibility of -change until it is upon us. Our immediate past presents to us the -pleasing spectacle of a domestic wife, her head encircled with a halo. -More often this vision is that of <em>mother</em>, the memory of whom is -associated with some form of domestic activity. But time makes changes -and now the successful business man is expected to shield his wife -from all irksome employments; and no matter how much he or his wife -cherishes the occupations of the last generation, tradition does not -prevent the courting of comfort and leisure when possible. Hence all -employments dealing with consumption are willingly transferred to the -business world, and the lady of the house becomes indeed a lady of -leisure.</p> - -<p>Of course there are exceptions. There are families of wealth that -persist in clinging to occupations closely allied to the home in the -immediate past. The preservation and preparation of foods, the making -of all articles of clothing, including hosiery,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span> are still the work of -a few households, and it is clung to with an affection and a loyalty -indicating the close mental association of these occupations with the -idea of home.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, time continues to bring about an adjustment of family -life to economic life. The better-to-do classes tend to flock to family -hotels and apartment houses and the new generation laughs at the fears -and prophecies of the old. The possibility of a higher plane of comfort -at less cost is too much for even the conservative man. He cherishes -his ideal of family life, and would gladly enforce it upon society in -general, but often he thinks circumstances justify the discrepancy -between this theory and his practice. He frequently gives up his -separate dwelling, and takes advantage of modern business methods -of extensive co-operation. Thus specialization and co-operation are -freeing many women from household responsibilities and are bringing -about for some the possibility of idleness.</p> - -<p>The theory that women have suffered and are still suffering from the -tyranny of men does not seem sound when one considers that the women -of the well-to-do classes are always the first to benefit by a surplus -of leisure. Many men work eight or more hours a day while their wives -are not obliged to perform any kind of work. The women’s time is -their own and their husbands resent neither their leisure nor their -idleness. This indifference on the part of men to the complete economic -dependence of women has its basis in sex, out of which arose a feeling -of responsibility for the protection of the family, at first from -enemies and later from economic cares.</p> - -<p>The employments of the women of the leisure class are tersely stated -by Veblen when he says of the well-to-do household: “Under a mandatory -code of decency, the time and effort of the members of such a household -are required to be ostensibly all spent in a performance of conspicuous -leisure, in the way of calls, drives, clubs, sewing-circles, sports, -charity organizations, and other like social functions. Those persons -whose time and energy are employed in these matters privately avow that -all these observances, as well as the incidental attention to dress -and other conspicuous consumption, are very irksome but altogether -unavoidable. Under the requirement of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span> conspicuous consumption of -goods, the apparatus of living has grown so elaborate and cumbrous, -in the way of dwellings, furniture, bric-a-brac, wardrobe, and meals, -that the consumers of these things cannot make way with them in the -required manner without help. Personal contact with the hired persons -whose aid is called in to fulfill the routine of decencies is commonly -distasteful to the occupants of the house, but their presence is -endured and paid for, in order to delegate to them a share in this -generous consumption of household goods. The presence of domestic -servants, and of the special class of body servants in an eminent -degree, is a concession of physical comfort to the moral need of -pecuniary decency.”<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p> - -<p>The status of the women of leisure is social rather than economic. It -has its basis in the economic strength of the husband but the social -status of the wife is far superior to that of the man of the family.</p> - -<p>Although men depend upon their economic strength to give them a social -status, they depend upon their wives to maintain it, and willingly -surrender to them the reins of authority. Authority in the home among -the higher social classes in the more democratic countries rests in -the hands of women rather than in the hands of men. This is one of the -results of a divorce of the economic life from family life, and the -substitution of a social unit for an economic one. The change in itself -need not be condemned if the new social unit promotes a higher ethical -development of its members than is possible under the old economic -regime. But in the leisure class the family as a social unit rarely has -as its goal the ethical advancement of its members. Its desire is for -prestige in a circle conspicuous for display of material wealth.</p> - -<p>Social prestige is closely connected with economic prosperity and only -in so far as the social goal has attained an importance greater than -the economic, is the authority of women conspicuous. The economic idea -is fundamental until a degree of security is attained eliminating the -possibility of want. This changed relation so apparent in the United -States causes no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span> little amusement to the foreigners who have not yet -accepted feminine rule.</p> - -<p>Although the leisure-class women are not conspicuous in demanding -political equality, it is no new phenomenon to see them play a -significant part in the political affairs of the day. Their influence -and support has been sought and is still sought by political aspirants. -But upon the whole their ambitions are purely social. They do not -challenge the admiration of the saner element of the population but -they represent an extreme social type just as many of their fortunes -represent an abnormal and unhealthy financial condition. Their -principal function is that of conspicuous consumption and dissipation.</p> - -<p>With no serious purpose in life degeneracy is bound to be the ultimate -result. If it were not for the dormant abilities and capacities for -good which exist among the women of the leisure class, and which -generate in high society an undercurrent toward better things, their -self elimination would be only a question of time. Patten says: “At -the present time, excessive consumption of wealth, dissipation, and -the vices are destroying successive aristocracies by self-induced -exhaustion, and the suicidal group quickly disappears without -establishing a line of descent. They continually reform on the old -basis and bequeath to society, not sons, but a body of traditions. The -present leisure class of America, for instance, is governed by concepts -handed down by the continental nobility of an era that recognized no -industrial or business man’s ideas.”<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> - -<p>Earnest social workers are making a strong effort to utilize this -excessive leisure on the part of women, and are attempting to direct -it to channels useful to the city, the commonwealth, and society in -general.</p> - -<p>Any one who has associated intimately with women whose entire time is -their own to employ as they see fit, or with women who have a few hours -of leisure daily and who represent a large proportion of our prosperous -middle class, must be impressed with the fact that there is a great -waste of talent, ability, and culture.</p> - -<p>“The wives of tens of thousands of business men and well-paid<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span> -employees enjoy unquestioningly, and as a matter of course, a degree of -leisure such as formed the exclusive privilege of a small aristocracy -in earlier centuries. The beneficent social and philanthropic -activities of public spirited women and the baneful epidemic of -gambling at cards which has run riot for several years and shows no -tendency to diminish, are twin offspring of this unearned leisure.”<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> - -<p>Although less practical than men because of the almost complete divorce -of their mental activities from the duties of life, these women often -represent a plane of culture superior to that of the men of their -class, and possible only when advantage can be taken of intellectual -opportunists, associated with leisure. The women are the ones who are -able to attend public lectures and places of amusement during the -day; and often they alone have sufficient energy to profit by the -intellectual benefits which are offered for the public’s enlightenment. -In every college community where free lecture courses are given for the -benefit of the public, the audience is characteristically feminine.</p> - -<p>A safe measure of the increase of leisure of women of all ages and of -the more prosperous classes is our institutions of higher learning. -The proportion of young women graduating from the high schools in the -United States is greater than that of young men; and if this tendency -continues the same will eventually apply to our institutions of higher -learning. This has been anticipated by a few of the universities -limiting the number of girls who might attend. What might seem to -be sex prejudice may be in reality a resistance to an effeminacy, -arising out of leisure class standards, which is fondly designated as -<em>culture</em>, in contrast to the practical application of knowledge.</p> - -<p>The general tendency of young women to seek education for self -improvement rather than for practical usefulness indicates that they -benefit by the financial surplus of the family. On the other hand, -their brothers are expected to prepare themselves at an early age for -the industrial field or the world of business. This is giving to the -women of the family greater cultural opportunities than to the men. -This is most evident<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span> where girls consider their brother’s associates -their inferiors in the point of social prestige.</p> - -<p>The women whose husbands are successfully employed in the business -world have a large range of social influence, and are so well -established in their pecuniary standing that they have no fear of -losing caste. By virtue of this pecuniary standing they are allowed a -greater degree of freedom than the women of the professional classes. -They can afford to make their own barriers and to some extent can, with -impunity, break down those imposed upon them by tradition. They can -afford to be, and often are cosmopolitan in their habits of life. This -is in a measure due to the constant shifting of the business interests -of the men of the family, and the often close relation of these -interests to all classes of society. While the women may be exclusive -from inclination, they cannot help but be affected by the democracy of -the business world to which their husbands belong.</p> - -<p>Hence, society should appreciate the importance of utilizing the -leisure of the business man’s wife for the benefit of the community. -Her social consciousness has been awakened and she is ready, nay, -anxious to give her services. She knows idleness is not conducive to -happiness, and purely social pleasures are fast palling upon her. She -is a product of a society of business prosperity, highly trained and -stimulated by many social forces to a desire for a life of usefulness. -She does not want to work for wages—she is not yet willing to violate -her leisure-class ideals which forbid her to work for financial -remuneration—but she does want to exercise her trained faculties.</p> - -<p>It is well to talk about the sacredness of the home, but there can be -little sacredness where there is so much idleness and discontent. When -women have been deprived of all useful occupations in the home it is -necessary for the welfare of the community that they find occupation -outside the home. Work is necessary to any normal person if degeneracy -is to be avoided. “A life of ease means lack of stimuli, and hence the -full development of but few powers. Power and efficiency come only -through vigorous exercise, and strength through struggle.”<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p> - -<p>The women working in our large factories present grave<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span> problems but -society is alive to them, and there is some hope of their ultimate -solution; but the degenerating influence of excessive leisure has not -yet aroused the social conscience.</p> - -<p>Nearly every effort to utilize this leisure has come from within the -class itself and takes the form of organized effort supported by -women’s clubs. This movement, comparatively new, often meets with the -restrictions of a conservative society, which thus makes it doubly hard -to attain the degree of efficiency needed for the performance of useful -services to the community.</p> - -<p>Women of leisure are influenced by archaic aristocratic ideals which -before the era of industrialism were held by only a small number. With -the great increase of wealth and new methods of production the number -of women who assume a more or less parasitic relation to society grows -with alarming rapidity. The question now is, what is to be done with -this increasing number of idlers freed from economic responsibilities -formerly imposed by the home? Can they as social factors be neglected -without becoming a menace? Can society afford to support an -ever-increasing number of women in idleness and allow them to propagate -their leisure-class standard of consumption?</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Kelly, <i>Some Ethical Gains through Legislation</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> -112.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Veblen, <i>The Theory of the Leisure Class</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 65-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> Patten, <i>New Basis of Civilization</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Kelly, <i>Some Ethical Gains through Legislation</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> -112-3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> Tyler, <i>Man in the Light of Evolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 109.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">Status of Women and Home Industry among Professional Classes</span></span></h2> -</div> - - - -<p>The effect of industrial changes upon the status of women is most -marked in two conspicuous social classes—the class primarily engaged -in the task of procuring a bare subsistence where the lack of leisure -and insufficient economic returns allows little play for other than -the economic forces,—and the class which by virtue of new industrial -methods is the recipient of a constantly increasing degree of leisure. -Between these two extremes we find the professional classes the prey of -a conflict between the newer ideals of democracy and the leisure class -ideals wrought out before the era of modern industrialism.</p> - -<p>No other class shows so marked a conflict between the older -conservatism and the innovations brought about by modern industrial -conditions, as the professional classes. The radical tendencies -appear in those professions most dependent upon and closely allied -to industrial life, and the conservative tendencies claim as their -stronghold those fields of activity closely allied to wealth and -leisure.</p> - -<p>The spirit of innovation is one of the results of an adaptation to -changing industrial conditions; and this adaptation is always necessary -when a class depends directly for its remuneration upon the individuals -for whom the services were rendered. On the other hand, conservatism -had its basis in customs arising out of the institutions of the past; -can flourish only in a class independent of the general public for its -maintenance.</p> - -<p>Before the spread of democratic ideals, the field of higher learning -was monopolized by the leisure class. Therefore, a high standard of -living characterized it, and was essential in maintaining the status of -its representatives.</p> - -<p>Before the development of industry, the leisure class was synonymous -with the nobility or the priesthood. To belong<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span> to the nobility it -was necessary to possess the predatory instinct to a marked degree, -in order to gain material advantage, especially in an age when wealth -was more limited than at present and carried with it almost unlimited -power. Sometimes when an individual accumulated much material wealth he -was admitted into the noble class, and often into the priesthood.</p> - -<p>Although the priesthood loaned its power to the nobility to fortify -its temporal authority, it taught equality in the spiritual realm. -The greater ease with which the priesthood could be entered opened a -larger field for the ambitious youth whose mind craved stimulation. -His economic condition had to be such as to free him from the -responsibility of providing for others, as well as sufficient to afford -him an education. When he had once attained his goal, and belonged to -the priestly class, he reached a status in life exclusive by virtue of -its prestige, and in no wise divorced from material wealth.</p> - -<p>Learning in the past depended upon the individual’s ability to live -without productive employment, and a willingness to devote himself -to the learned arts which had no economic significance. Here we find -a combination of democratic and aristocratic ideals. When marked -intellectual ability was manifest, it was not uncommon for one of -humble origin to attain a position of distinction in the church. Once -in the church he belonged to an exclusive class surrounding itself with -rituals and ceremonials.</p> - -<p>The nobility of the land received a rude shock from the development -of industry, but the church always allied itself to those who were -most able to give, and did not hesitate to sacrifice the temporal -aristocracy in order to maintain the spiritual one. Although learning -“set out with being in some sense a by-product of the priestly -vicarious class” it has had to submit to democratic influences which -grew out of industrial changes. These influences are most significant -in the spread of the rudiments of learning among the common people, -and the greater the opportunities for a common school education, the -greater the possibility for the individual to enter the field of higher -learning when the opportunity presents itself. But to enter this field -is to depart from the practical affairs of life<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span> and to devote oneself, -if breadwinning were essential, to imparting this knowledge to others. -This applies to the practice of acquiring knowledge for the sake of -learning and not for its practical application, as for instance in -medicine.</p> - -<p>No matter how few the impediments placed in the way of the ambitious -youth entering the field of higher learning, the lack of economic -resources naturally deterred all but the most determined from the -undertaking. Hence we find the field of higher learning, which is -purely cultural, becoming the privilege of the leisure class, free -from economic pressure, and able to maintain the ritual and ceremonial -observances. “The universities of Paris and Oxford and Cambridge were -founded to educate the lord and the priest. And to these schools and -their successors, as time went on, fell the duty of training the -gentlemen and the clergy.”<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<p>The early universities of Germany showed the same spirit. They “did -not grow up gradually, like the earlier ones in France and Italy, but -were established after a scheme already extant and in operation. The -spiritual and temporal power contributed to their foundation. The Pope, -by a bull, founded the institution as a teaching establishment, and -endowed it with the privilege of bestowing degrees, whereby it became -a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">studium generale</i> or <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">privilegiatum</i>, for according to -mediaeval conceptions teaching had its proper source and origin in the -church alone.”<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p> - -<p>While it is extremely difficult to change fossilized habits of thought, -newer civilizations send forth fresh shoots adapted to new conditions. -Thanks to the development of industry demanding trained minds of a -useful bent, we find the newer institutions of learning becoming more -practical, and developing the useful arts and sciences.</p> - -<p>“Through the movement toward the democracy of studies and constructive -individualism, a new ideal is being reached in American universities, -that of personal effectiveness. The ideal in England has always been -that of personal culture: that of France, the achieving, through -competitive examinations, of ready made careers, the satisfaction of -what Villari calls ‘Impiegomania,’<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span> the craze for an appointment; that -of Germany, thoroughness of knowledge; that of America, the power to -deal with men and conditions.”<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a></p> - -<p>The new types of schools, characteristically American, have influenced -the older type, until we see on all sides a struggle between the -leisure class ideals and the practical ideals of democracy; the outcome -of this struggle depending in each case upon the degree of control -exercised by the financial contributors—the leisure class or the -masses.</p> - -<p>The degree of democracy in our higher institutions of learning -determines the degree of “ritualistic paraphernalia” in vogue. The use -of “ritualistic paraphernalia” is an example of the social ideals of -a naturally conservative class and is slow to respond to democratic -ideals brought about by industrial changes.</p> - -<p>The spread of democracy has brought into our schools a new class of -savants. They possess all the qualifications of the older savants save -their financial independence. Their poverty is not a great calamity -to those who remain celibates, but to the head of a family it means a -struggle to maintain a standard of living too high for his income.</p> - -<p>The home is the last to free itself from the influence of leisure class -ideals which permeate higher learning; and the struggle to reconcile -the newer ideals with the older ones is almost tragic. The heaviest -strain falls upon the wife who struggles to maintain her social status -upon which depends the status of the family. A display of clothes is -not as essential to the maintenance of this status as an appearance -of leisure, and the conveyance of the impression to the outsider that -a high standard of comfort and luxury is realized. That the comfort -actually exist is not necessary so long as the outsiders are deceived.</p> - -<p>Often a great deal of ingenuity is displayed by the housewife in -conveying on a very moderate income the impression that the family is -living on a high plane. Economy is practiced “in the obscurer elements -of consumption that go to physical comfort and maintenance.”</p> - -<p>This class of society illustrates most pathetically the ideals<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span> of -propriety of a non-industrial group. Its reluctance in giving up -its exclusiveness, and its persistence in clinging to leisure-class -standards is most apparent in the home. Here the life of the housewife -is often one of drudgery “especially where the competition for -reputability is close and strenuous.”</p> - -<p>The duties of the wife of the college professor are manifold. The work -of ministering to the fundamental needs of the family is left to a -servant, or if it is impossible to keep hired help, it is done with as -much secrecy as possible, in order to avoid the stigma of commonness. -Where she assumes all the household tasks, the strain upon her is a -severe one. The mechanical conveniences are not applied to her work -with the same degree of speed with which newer patterns in rugs and -other furniture make their appearance in the household. The list of -articles essential to the maintenance of an appropriate standard of -living is a long one, and many of them have no other charm than the -expensiveness which proclaims pecuniary strength.</p> - -<p>It must not be inferred that the position of the housewife is a -subordinate one. Her authority is paramount in the home which her -ingenuity has planned and so skillfully manipulates. Her social -prestige is as far above her financial means as the standard of living -she attempts to maintain is above her husband’s salary. This social -prestige rests upon a deference paid to the higher learning her -husband is accredited with by virtue of his position. Her intellectual -attainments may be very mediocre but that is a matter of indifference -as long as she possesses a knowledge of the arts of polite society. -Indeed, the superficial acquirements of a ladies’ seminary are of a -greater assistance to her in performing her social functions than a -mastery of the sciences.</p> - -<p>The difficulty encountered in attempting to maintain the old -aristocratic ideals is having two effects: There is a greater tendency -for college men not to marry, or to marry late in life—after securing -an economic foothold; and secondly, to add to incomes by directing a -part of their energy along lines offering greater economic returns, -such as the writing of books to satisfy a popular demand not of a -purely scholastic nature, or of having interests belonging entirely to -the business world. Veblen says, “Those heads of institutions are best -accepted who combine<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span> the sacerdotal office with a degree of pecuniary -efficiency. There is a similar but less pronounced tendency to intrust -the work of instruction in the higher learning to men of some pecuniary -qualification.”<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> - -<p>The business ventures of college men afford a pecuniary return -compatible with scholastic scale of living. The increase of income -relieves wives of the strain which great economy necessarily involves, -and gives them a greater amount of leisure to perform their social -duties, and to render the little personal services so essential to the -comfort of their families.</p> - -<p>In no other class do we see a greater divergence between the rating -of the women and that of the men. On the one hand, we see the men -graded by a standard of an intellectual nature; on the other hand -their womenfolk are rated according to a standard purely social and -pecuniary, with no regard to utility. Both are conservative and tend to -be archaic depending in a large measure upon the institution where the -teaching is done.</p> - -<p>The conservatism shown in clinging to ancient ideals of womanhood -is illustrated by the attitude of these learned men toward the -admission of women into their ranks on an equality with themselves. -“There has prevailed a strong sense that the admission of women to -the privileges of the higher learning (as the Eleusinian mysteries) -would be derogatory to the dignity of the learned craft. It is, -therefore, only recently, and almost solely in the industrially most -advanced communities, that the higher grades of schools have been -freely opened to women. And even under the urgent circumstances -prevailing in the modern industrial communities, the highest and -most reputable universities show an extreme reluctance to making the -move. The sense of class worthiness, that is to say of status, of an -honorific differentiation of the sexes according to a distinction -between superior and inferior intellectual dignity, survives in a -vigorous form in these corporations of the aristocracy of learning. -It is felt that women should, in all propriety, acquire only such -knowledge as may be classed under one or the other of two heads: (1) -such knowledge as conduces immediately to a better performance of -domestic service—the domestic sphere; (2)<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span> such accomplishments and -dexterity, quasi-scholarly and quasi-artistic, as plainly come in -under the head of the performance of vicarious leisure. Knowledge is -felt to be unfeminine if it is knowledge which expresses the unfolding -of the learner’s own life, the acquisition of which proceeds on the -learner’s own cognitive interest, without prompting from the canons of -propriety.”<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p> - -<p>Where women enter the higher fields of learning, they show a -tendency—although not so marked as in the past—to select those lines -of work and thought which have no practical bearing on every day -life. In other words, they follow those lines of study which are most -similar to those pursued by the students of the Middle Ages who sought -knowledge without any thought of its utility. This tendency of women is -evident in co-educational institutions where their selection of studies -shows their object in the main to be the acquisition of knowledge of a -cultural rather than a practical nature. This choice is most suitable -to their object in life assuming that object to be matrimony. The other -activity followed mostly by college bred women—school teaching, makes -little demand outside of the lines of work pursued by most women.</p> - -<p>Men long ago learned that there is a demand for highly trained minds -in fields other than that of teaching. They have adapted themselves to -this demand until we see men deserting studies of a purely cultural -value, and pursuing those more applicable to every day life. Women are -showing the same tendencies in communities where there is a demand for -their services in fields other than teaching, and where matrimony has -become more of an uncertainty and economic independence a fact.</p> - -<p>When women pursue their college work with a definite practical purpose -in view, they too will desert those lines of work, largely, if not -wholly, valued for their culture side alone.</p> - -<p>In the schools directly controlled by the people we find a greater -appreciation of democracy than in the colleges. The public has great -reverence for custom and tradition so long as these conservative -forces do not interfere too much with practical utility. This sense of -practical utility is closely allied to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span> the commercial principle of -getting the best to be had for money laid out. This principle appeals -to all save when it is a violent contradiction to the accepted moral -code. The policy conferring the greatest benefit to the greatest -number at the least cost is adopted if it does not conflict with more -powerful interests. As a result of this policy women are admitted into -professional work, especially school teaching, because they will not -only work for less wages than will the men, but will do a better grade -of work for less money.</p> - -<p>Superintendents and principals are agreed that for the same salary a -higher grade teacher can be procured among women than among men, and -hence, despite their conservatism and prejudice, they feel obliged to -follow the policy that best utilizes the means at hand. As a result -women have crowded men out of the common schools and have become so -well established in this field of work as to have gathered sufficient -strength to demand the same remuneration as men for the same kind of -work.<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<p>Married women are still excluded from many of the common schools in -deference to the old idea that married women should remain in the home -and follow no remunerative occupation. Even if there existed no good -reason for debarring married women from the work of school teaching, -the conservatism of the community would deter those in authority from -overruling conventional ideas. Not until there is a dearth of teachers, -brought about by the extension of the fields of activity open to -educated women, will married women receive general recognition in the -profession on the same footing with the unmarried.</p> - -<p>Although in academic work the instructor is supposed to maintain -as high a plane of living as a full professor—especially in the -smaller colleges where the faculty is able to maintain its class -exclusiveness—the poorly paid minister is not so conscious of the -discrepancy between his standard of living and his income. He has, -indeed, the same financial problem to face as the college instructor, -for he, too, is guided largely by the leisure class standards of the -past, but it is smaller and hence less tragic. He is not expected to -keep up the same plane of expenditure<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span> as the better paid ministers. -He tends to imitate the well-to-do among his parishioners, or the -intellectual <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">elite</i> of the community rather than his professional -brethren.</p> - -<p>The stronger the hold the minister has over his congregation the more -closely does his remuneration correspond to the standard of living he -is expected to maintain. It is true his services are often undervalued -when measured by money, and that he belongs to a profession that stands -in a measure for sacrifice, but his social prestige in itself makes -certain demands upon the congregation that cannot be overlooked. To -maintain this prestige by a high plane of living on a meagre salary -is one of the problems of the minister and his family. George Eliot -presents the difficulty in a small conservative community in the -following words: “Given a man with a wife and six children; let him be -obliged always to exhibit himself when outside his own door in a suit -of black broadcloth, such as will not undermine the foundations of the -establishment by a paltry plebeian glossiness or an unseemly whiteness -at the edges; in a snowy cravat, which is a serious investment of -labour in the hemming, starching, and ironing departments; and in -a hat which shows no symptom of taking in the hideous doctrine of -expediency, and shaping itself according to circumstances; let him have -a parish large enough to create an external necessity for abundant -beef and mutton as well as poor enough to require frequent priestly -consolation in the shape of shillings and six-pences; and, lastly, let -him be compelled, by his own pride and other peoples’, to dress his -wife and children with gentility from bonnet-strings. By what process -of division can the sum of eighty pounds per annum be made to yield a -quotient which will cover that man’s weekly expenses?”</p> - -<p>The problem is still essentially the same in a poor parish, for the -minister must maintain a standard of consumption above the average of -the community.</p> - -<p>The problem tends to assume a different aspect in an industrial -community where democratic ideas are as evident as financial -prosperity. The individual’s concern for his well-being in another -world gives way to his concern for the present. He insists upon -spiritual guidance, but also expects assistance in bringing about -better relations between himself and his fellow<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span> men. He often insists -upon his minister being a higher intellectual product than is demanded -by the more conservative communities. He regards him as a teacher -who ought to be versed in the affairs of every-day-life and not one -confining himself exclusively to the implications of a future state.</p> - -<p>Like the school men, ministers are appreciating the necessity of a -greater and broader democracy within their class, but unlike the -former, their habits of life are more democratic than their teachings.</p> - -<p>Those professions depending upon the direct patronage of the public -for support are nowadays distinguished by a tendency to depart from -the conservatism characteristic of them in their earlier stages. A -physician often completes a college course in science and letters -before receiving the three or four years training fitting him for his -life work. In mental training he rivals the best college professors and -yet his social status savors of the common people. He is inclined to be -democratic in his tastes, in his habits of life, and in the selection -of his companions. He is one of the people rather than of an exclusive -social class.</p> - -<p>While officialism and ceremonial rituals characterized the medical -profession when its services were rendered almost exclusively to -the people of rank and distinction, or when it was closely allied -to priestly functions, the nature of the work now demands close -association with those upon whom the profession depends for financial -support. The necessity of associating with people of all ranks fosters -the spirit of democracy, and a common-sense philosophy of life.</p> - -<p>The physician maintains a standard of living in harmony with the -ideals of the community of which he is a part, and in accordance with -his income. He cannot maintain a standard of living which erects a -social barrier between himself and his patients, either by its extreme -simplicity, or by its conspicuous waste.</p> - -<p>The wife of the average physician enjoys a freedom from social -restraint not seen in many of the professional classes. Financially she -does not feel the necessity of entering into economic employments to -keep up her standard of living, for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span> the income of the family, though -varying, tends to adjust itself to the demands her social position -calls for.</p> - -<p>The practice of medicine requires not only considerable skill but -great mental concentration, keen judgment and intuition. For women to -gain admission into medical schools is to acquire the privilege of the -fullest mental development. The concession of this privilege is an -acknowledgment of the possession of an inherent ability essential to -successfully follow this line of work. When one considers that success -in medicine calls for special talent it is evident the number of women -seeking to follow this line of work will be small compared with the -number desiring to enter the academic field.</p> - -<p>Although women make strenuous efforts to overcome all barriers raised -against their admission to the different fields of activity, they -cling with great tenacity to ancient sex privileges inconsistent with -a man’s conception of “solid comfort.” For instance, the objects of -medical associations are social as well as scientific. The scientific -program would undoubtedly meet with the approval of both sexes -in the profession but the social functions are a real stumbling -block,—the women leaning toward formalities and conventionalities, -and the men toward what is termed “a good social time.” This is in -itself sufficient to prompt most men to oppose admitting women into -intellectual and social clubs.</p> - -<p>The industrial evolution plays a large part in shaping the institutions -of society. While economic relations may not be considered the most -essential in life, they determine in great measure, the nature of our -relations to social institutions themselves.</p> - -<p>Where the economic influence is not direct we see preserved with the -least change the institutions of the past. What is true of institutions -is also true of the occupations of men. Their conservatism varies -in the degree to which they are affected by economic and industrial -conditions.</p> - -<p>Those professions least dependent upon immediate industrial changes are -the most conservative in their work and ideas, and most closely reflect -the ideals of the past. On the other hand, those professions which -depend for their support upon the services rendered to the community -remunerated according to the recipients’ estimation of these services, -have discarded almost<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span> all the traditions of the past, although their -origin can be traced to the most conservative institutions of society.</p> - -<p>The influence of industrial changes upon social institutions is -apparent in the home. Although the homes of the industrial classes must -adapt themselves to industrial changes even though these changes lower -the plane of family comfort, the professional classes enjoy a margin -above subsistence sufficient to enable them to combat changes with a -conservatism characteristic of all classes having a greater respect for -custom and leisure-class standards than for beneficial innovations. -Hence we find the homes reflecting ideals of the past which clash with -the democratic ideals of the present, and illustrate in their various -phases the struggle between the old and the new.</p> - -<p>While the home makers of some of the professional classes are more -conservative than the men, this is not true of those women who are -actively engaged in professional work themselves. They are more -radical than men of the same class, and are leaders not only in -movements for bettering the condition of women, but in progressive -movements affecting society as a whole. As a rule they are a superior -intellectual type, and not representative of the average woman any more -than our intellectual <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">elite</i> among the men represent the average -man, for the average person is characterized by adaptability rather -than by the spirit of innovations.</p> - -<p>The professional classes here discussed are those which have developed -out of a class of savants who were originally and primarily engaged -with knowledge of an occult nature. It is true that out of these -classes engaged in the transmission of knowledge have developed a class -of scientists whose field of activity is industrial, the engineer -groups—and whose standard of living tends to correspond to the money -income of the family. It is often considerably larger than the income -of the professional man employed in college work. For that reason the -wife of the professional man is not confronted with the same problems -as the wife of the teacher.</p> - -<p>The social status of the professional people whose activities are -confined to the industrial field is measured by their financial status. -This makes it unnecessary for them to maintain a plane of consumption -at variance with their income.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Jordan, <i>The Voice of the Scholar</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 173-4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Paulsen, <i>German Universities, Character and Historical -Development</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 21-22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Jordan, <i>The Voice of the Scholar</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 115-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> Veblen, <i>The Theory of the Leisure Class</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 375.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Veblen, <i>The Theory of the Leisure Class</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> -375-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> <i>Outlook</i>, Vol. 88, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 481, 515.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">The Effects of Industrial Changes Upon Marriage</span></span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>The effect of industrial changes upon marriage among primitive peoples -has been discussed at some length by students of primitive conditions. -So closely do the industrial habits of mankind affect the social that -one is forced to concede an important place to the economic in the -evolution of the race. The preëminence of the struggle for subsistence -in the history of civilization shows how reckless it is to make -historical interpretations while neglecting the industrial side of -society.</p> - -<p>The industrial habits of primitive peoples were intimately related to -the physical environment. There had to be game before man could live by -hunting; a body of water to fish in before there could be fishermen; -grass to feed the herds before herding could be the chief occupation of -a people; and tillable soil before there could arise an agricultural -stage in the history of the race. Favorable conditions had to exist -before men could establish even a temporary dwelling place, not to -mention a permanent one. Conditions determined the occupations of men, -and in turn these occupations made possible a type of social life -compatible with the environment. The social life was not a preconceived -scheme so much as a development spontaneously arising out of existing -conditions. The type of the family was no exception to this rule.</p> - -<p>Herman Grosse has a unique place as an exponent of the theory that -economic occupations have always been the determining influence in -the establishment of the form of marriage and the status of women. -“Restricting his examination to the conditions which lie within actual -historical or ‘ethnological experience’ he seeks to demonstrate that -the ‘various forms of the family correspond to the various forms of -economy (Wirthschaft)’; that ‘in its essential features the character -of each<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span> particular form of the family may be explained by the form of -economy in which it is rooted.’”<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p> - -<p>Grosse’s point of view is recognized by many writers who have given -thought to the subject. Howard says, “It seems certain that the whole -truth regarding the problem of kinship, as well as regarding the rise -and sequence of the forms of the family, can be reached only through -historical investigation of the industrial habits of mankind.”<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a></p> - -<p>Ward gives expression to the same idea when he says, “marriage is from -the beginning an association dictated by economic needs.”<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> - -<p>No evidence existed bearing out the theory of the early prevalence of -promiscuity in sexual relations other than a recognized looseness of -sexual relations outside the marriage bond; or a marriage of such short -duration as to warrant the appellation of temporary pairing. Where the -latter custom prevails, it is the outcome of certain social conditions -existing in a tribe, and not representative of a certain stage of -culture.</p> - -<p>Even in our advanced western civilization there exist small communities -of peoples who stand for certain moral principles developed to such -extreme forms as to shock people generally. These principles often -have their basis in sexual relations and are conspicuous by virtue -of their contrast to general practices. They in nowise warrant the -importance given them, representing as they do a mental excrescence -and not a healthy social development. The same may apply equally to -primitive societies. Only where certain causes have repeatedly brought -about certain results are we justified in the conclusion that certain -practices were common in a stage of which we have no direct knowledge.</p> - -<p>Speaking of promiscuity, Morgan thinks it “was limited to the period -when mankind were frugivorous and within their primitive habitat, -since its continuance would have been improbable after they had become -fishermen and commenced their spread over the earth in dependence -upon food artificially<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span> acquired. Consanguine groups would then form, -with intermarriage within the group as a necessity, resulting in the -formation of the consanguine family. At all events, the oldest form of -society which meets us in the past through deductions from systems of -consanguinity is this family. It would be in the nature of a compact on -the part of several males for the joint subsistence of the group, and -for the defence of their common wives against the violence of society.”<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> - -<p>Hobhouse says, “Sheer promiscuity is probably to be regarded rather -as the extreme of looseness in the sexual relation than as a positive -institution supported by social sanction.”<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> - -<p>Grosse finds in the different stages of industrial occupations which he -designates as “lower” and “higher hunters” “pastoral peoples” “lower -and higher cultivators of the soil,” prevalent forms of marriage -corresponding to the occupations pursued by the men.</p> - -<p>The Bushmen and the Esquimaux of the present time are the best -representatives of the lower hunters among whom monogamy is the form of -marriage. Whether the Bushmen or the Esquimaux represent a primitive -type of the culture arising out of a lower stage of culture, or a -degeneration from a higher type, the author does not know. But he tells -us hunger plays a large part in their lives; and the lack of foresight -or sense of accumulation accounts for the little advantage the few have -over the many.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> - -<p>Hobhouse says, “the strict monogamy and well-united family life of -the Veddahs is partly explained by the fact that they live in great -measure in isolation. In the dry season they pass their time on their -hunting ground; in the wet season small groups of families will resort -to some hillock which is the center of two or three hunting grounds and -sometimes two or three families will reside together for a time in one -cave.”<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> - -<p>Among the higher hunters, according to Grosse, monogamy is the -prevalent form of marriage but polygamy is sanctioned, and practiced by -the wealthy.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span></p> - -<p>The conditions of the herders are better known than that of the -hunters. The individual family may rest upon monogamy or polygamy -depending upon the wealth of the nomad. In Central Asia the price of -the wife is often very high, and the father considers his daughters as -a means of increasing his wealth. The price a well-to-do Kalmuck asks -for his daughter is fifteen horses, fifteen cows, three camel, and -twenty sheep. He gives in return as a dowry, one camel, one horse, four -sewed garments, eight unmade garments, and tools depending upon his -wealth.<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> - -<p>The great family (sippe) whether on the father’s or mother’s side -developed a social organization having its basis in agriculture. Starke -says, “An agricultural community lays much more claim to the capacity -of each individual for labour than is the case with a community which -is wholly or chiefly occupied with the rearing of cattle. In the former -case the diminution of the number of the household is a loss which is -difficult to supply, and they are chiefly concerned in keeping up their -numbers, that is, in retaining their hold on the individual. But in a -cattle-breeding community men make it their first object to increase -the number of stock. In the former community the head of the family -opposes the departure of his daughter, and seeks to induce her wooer to -become one of the household; but in the latter he sells her early, and -for as high a price as possible.”<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> - -<p>While Grosse emphasizes the fact that the different forms of economy -influence the prevalent form of marriage, it is apparent that polygamy -exists in a marked degree where women are not valued for their -labor, and where there has developed a stage of economy admitting of -inequalities in wealth. It is when woman’s work has real economic -value that she obtains rights of her own. Agriculture as a means of -subsistence is pursued to a marked degree only where there is a measure -of security against enemies: where there is strength by virtue of -numbers. Under these circumstances warfare is not so common, and there -is a tendency for the numbers of the sexes to remain comparatively -equal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span></p> - -<p>“The circumstances attending marriage by service, especially when we -compare it with marriage by purchase or capture, have shown us how much -the relations of husband and wife are determined by what in the modern -world is called the economic factor. The savage woman’s price—if we -mean by price the difficulty of approaching her—may be high or low. -Where it is always possible to organize a raid and carry her off it is -decidedly low, and she becomes the captor’s property. When this is not -countenanced, it is possible to buy her from her guardian, and then -presumably her price like that of other things, is a matter of supply -and demand.”<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> - -<p>In all civilizations inequalities of wealth arise, and make possible -social privileges differing from the common practices of the general -population. Under such circumstances we always find social types at -variance with established conceptions of right, and human nature -showing itself in many cases unspeakably repulsive when free from any -economic restraint. This is perhaps, the effect of a freedom from -restraint which is made possible by great wealth. The only restraint -then is public opinion or religious precepts; the former is easily -swayed by the powerful and wealthy, and the latter often admits of a -tolerance not shown to the masses of the people.</p> - -<p>In industrial communities where no great inequalities of wealth exist, -the marriage relation tends toward monogamy. Even where western -civilization has made little impression on social institutions, -great and conscious inequalities do not often exist between the -sexes, and woman’s position is not a degraded one. All the important -factors entering into economic life, tending to create serious -distinctions—social, political and industrial—between men and men, -between the rich and the poor, tend to differentiate status between men -and women. Women are most degraded in the marriage relations where they -are economically the weakest; where they personally control the least -wealth. The few who are more fortunately situated are not sufficiently -numerous to make any impressive protest even if they desired to do so.</p> - -<p>In a society where the few dictate to the many because of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span> their -financial strength, in a society marked by inequalities originating -in predatory exploitation, we find in a greater or less degree moral -discrepancies with the prevailing conception of right and wrong. Normal -industrial life tends to promote a normal moral life, and to develop -ideals most conducive to a steady progress.</p> - -<p>When the family represented an exclusive economic unit with little -dependence upon the outside world, it was of economic importance to -both men and women to marry, and thus lay the foundation for household -prosperity. Wife and children were never a luxury to the poor man, -but of real economic value. This fact is apparent in new countries -where the form of industry must be necessarily domestic. Women have -been shipped in large numbers to new colonies to marry the settlers. -In practically all cases the women went voluntarily for they too -appreciated the importance of obtaining for themselves a place in homes -where so much of the social and economic life of the time centered. -These unions, primarily economic resulted often in family groups -containing much of the ideal.</p> - -<p>In the early colonial days of America “every farmer and his sons raised -wool and flax; his wife and daughters spun them into thread and yarn, -knit these into stockings and mittens, or wove them into linen and -cloth, and then made them into clothing. Even in large cities nearly -all women spun yarn and thread, all could knit, and many had hand-looms -to weave cloth at home.... All persons who were not employed in other -ways, as single women, girls, and boys, were required to spin. Each -family must contain one spinner.... There were no drones in this hive. -Neither the wealth nor high station of parents excused children from -this work. Thus all were leveled to one kind of labor, and by this -leveling all were elevated to independence.”<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> - -<p>In all rural communities of modern Europe much of women’s work is of -considerable importance from an economic point of view, and there is -little incentive for a man to remain single from economic prudence. -Instead of an economic burden the wife is more often a helpmeet who -even offers her services for pay outside the home. She works in the -fields like a man<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span> and is an important factor when estimating the value -of labor on the farm.</p> - -<p>Letourneau says, “At Paris, where the struggle for existence is -more severe, and where the care for money is more predominant, late -marriages abound, and it is only above the age of forty for men and -thirty-five for women that the marriage rate equals and even exceeds, -that of the whole of France.”<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a></p> - -<p>The constant drifting of country population into large cities where -employment can be found is affecting markedly the life of the rural -community, and tending to postpone the formation of family ties until -an economic foothold is secured.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p> - -<p>There has been a slight diminution of the marriage rate since the -middle of the nineteenth century, but so many forces have come into -play that one is hardly justified in the conclusion that this decrease -is due entirely to economic causes.</p> - -<p class="center caption"><i>Number of Marriages Per 1000 Population.</i><a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr><th></th><th>1876-80.</th><th>1881-85.</th><th>1886-90.</th></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Hungary</td><td class="tdc">9.6</td><td class="tdc">10.3</td><td class="tdc">8.9</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Prussia</td><td class="tdc">8.0</td><td class="tdc">8.0</td><td class="tdc">8.1</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Germany</td><td class="tdc">7.8</td><td class="tdc">7.7</td><td class="tdc">7.9</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Austria</td><td class="tdc">7.8</td><td class="tdc">7.9</td><td class="tdc">7.7</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Italy</td><td class="tdc">7.5</td><td class="tdc">8.0</td><td class="tdc">7.8</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">France</td><td class="tdc">7.6</td><td class="tdc">7.5</td><td class="tdc">7.2</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Belgium</td><td class="tdc">6.9</td><td class="tdc">6.8</td><td class="tdc">7.1</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Great Britain</td><td class="tdc">7.1</td><td class="tdc">7.1</td><td class="tdc">6.9</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Switzerland</td><td class="tdc">7.4</td><td class="tdc">6.8</td><td class="tdc">7.0</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Denmark</td><td class="tdc">7.8</td><td class="tdc">7.7</td><td class="tdc">7.0</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Norway</td><td class="tdc">7.2</td><td class="tdc">6.6</td><td class="tdc">6.3</td></tr> -<tr class="bt"><td class="tdl">Sweden</td><td class="tdc">6.6</td><td class="tdc">6.5</td><td class="tdc">6.1</td></tr> -</table> - -<p>Some statisticians see co-relation between the price of food and the -marriage rate.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></p> - -<p>Food, clothing, and shelter are the essential needs of man. When the -price of food, shelter, and clothing increases and wages remain the -same, the money income of the family is relatively less. If the price -of food remains the same and wages are lowered because of an oversupply -of labor to meet the demand, or for other causes, the effect is -practically the same. When marriage means an increase of the financial -burden, and foresight<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span> comes into play there will naturally follow a -postponement of marriage. Letourneau says, the “principal causes which -influence matrimony are the greater or less existence, and the extreme -importance attached to money. As a general rule, life and death tend to -balance each other, and the populations whose mortality is great have, -as compensation, a rich birth-rate. We invariably see the number of -marriages and births increasing after a series of prosperous years, and -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">vice versa</i>. General causes have naturally a greater influence on -the population living from hand to mouth. The well-to-do classes escape -this, and we find that the chances of marriage for the rich increase -during years of high prices.”<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a></p> - -<p>Economic conditions will not prevent people from marrying when it is -understood the wife will continue her work in the factory as is true in -many manufacturing towns, especially in Europe. Under such conditions -marriage does not signify an immediate increase of the financial burden -of the husband. In fact, if marriage meant that the entire burden of -support was to fall upon the man alone, it would be a serious matter -when under the existing conditions husband and wife together can -scarcely make a living.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p> - -<p>European countries are cited as admirable examples of advanced -legislation for the protection of the home. Farsightedness and a love -of domesticity are not so much responsible for the protection of women -in industry as the fact that they have become a well established factor -in industrial life, such as they have not yet reached in the United -States.</p> - -<p>When legislation provides women with a longer noon hour than men, -it is an acknowledgment of the fact that many women, so many as -to make legislation in their behalf a crying need, are employed -outside of the home and at the same time carrying the burden of -maintaining a household after working hours. The extra half hour at -noon allowed married women is time in which to prepare the noonday -meal for the members of the family. Beneficent as legislation is in -behalf of married women looking toward the welfare of the race, it is -significant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span> of the fact that women are being forced out of the home -into the industrial field and compelled to assume heavier burdens -than the men. To restrict fecundity under such circumstances, or to -refuse to be mothers at all, is hardly a reproach to the women who are -thus forced to toil, but rather a reproach to civilization imposing -home-making, motherhood, and breadwinning upon the supposed weaker sex.</p> - -<p>In communities where women take their places with their husbands in the -factory or work-shop, industrial changes do not affect the marriage -rate. It is where women are not expected to contribute to the family -income, and where men’s wages are at first by no means adequate to meet -the expenses of a household, that the marriage rate is affected.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless even under these circumstances, where there is no outlook -but one of poverty for the future, marriages are often formed.</p> - -<p>The decrease of the marriage rate among people who live close to -the margin of subsistence is not as apparent as among people whose -income warrants a scale of living which gratifies the higher social -wants. What is often attributed to the selfishness of men is a growing -consciousness of the responsibility which marriage involves as well -as an increase in the responsibility itself. There is a greater need -of money outlay than ever before, and with the decreasing importance -of women’s labor in the home, the financial strain is so great as to -prompt men to postpone marriage until they are able to support a family -in comfort, comfort meaning not merely sufficient food and clothing for -physical well being but a scale of expenditure characteristic of one’s -class.</p> - -<p>The increasing independence of women is an <em>effect</em> of the -postponement of marriage on the part of men rather than a <em>cause</em>. -When men no longer assume family responsibilities as soon as they -become voters, or shortly thereafter, women are forced into avenues -of employment for a livelihood. The lengthening period which a man -dedicates to preparing himself for his life work makes it just that -much more difficult for the women of his class to marry early.</p> - -<p>When once established in the industrial field and confirmed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span> in certain -habits of life associated with a higher plane of consumption than they -can hope for in a home of their own, women are not so eager to give -up the luxuries and opportunities for personal expression which their -work may afford, for matrimony. This is especially true at an age when -marriage has lost much of the romance youth endows it with. When life -is comparatively easy, and the romantic period of youth is passed, the -economic factor assumes greater importance in matrimonial alliances. -To lower one’s economic and social status, even when prompted to do -so by high ideals and motives, receives little commendation from an -enlightened community and its “How could she?” savors more of contempt -than admiration.</p> - -<p>Among the higher social classes—although the same tendency is showing -itself in all classes—there is a growing consciousness of the -individual’s importance as a social unit, rather than his importance -as a part of the family unit. His ties to society are growing at -the expense of family ties. This changed attitude does not arise -from selfishness for never in history have men shown greater ability -and willingness to sacrifice personal interests to the interests of -society. There is a rapidly growing sentiment on the part of each that -he is indeed his brother’s keeper, and he is responsible for evil -industrial and social conditions. The time favors, not the family as -opposed to the community, but the family as a part of the community.</p> - -<p>Says Howard, “More threatening to the solidarity of the family is -believed to be the individualistic tendencies arising in existing urban -and economic life. With the rise of corporate and associated industry -comes a weakening of the intimacy of home ties. Through the division -of labor the ‘family hearth-stone’ is fast becoming a mere temporary -meeting-place of individual wage-earners.”<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p> - -<p>Thus we are rapidly approaching the time when men can no longer -consider marriage an economy. A wife tends to become a luxury to the -average man in so far as she adds nothing to the income of the family -and increases its expenses.</p> - -<p>It is true many married women among the professional classes work -outside the home, but the practice is not sufficiently<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span> widespread to -meet with the general approval of a conservative society. When this -practice becomes common, provided there is no corresponding decrease -in the salaries of men and the increase of the income of the family is -marked, marriage will become more attractive to men.</p> - -<p>Women, too, consider the economic side of marriage. They are just as -unwilling to lower their plane of living as the men. To the average -woman to marry a poor man means drudgery, for although her economic -importance as a bread winner has decreased, her domestic duties have -not grown correspondingly less.</p> - -<p>Women’s class status shifts more easily than that of men. With -the latter it is personal success while with the former it is the -matrimonial relation that determines one’s social sphere. For this -reason women consciously or unconsciously are guided in their choice -of a husband by economic considerations. With the decrease of their -productive capacity in the home there is a greater need on their part -to consider the pecuniary side.</p> - -<p>The marriage-rate among the rich and the very poor is little affected -by economic changes. The one feels no need to curtail expenses to meet -the needs of a family; the other is so hopelessly poor, especially in -many of the European countries, so starved in mind and body as to be -irresponsive to any but the primary animal instincts. It is the large -middle classes that reflect social and economic changes and determine -the type of future social institutions.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Howard, <i>A History of Matrimonial Institutions</i>, I, -<abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 60-61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> <i>Ibid</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 115.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Ward, <i>Pure Sociology</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 358.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Morgan, <i>Ancient Society</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 501.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Hobhouse, <i>Morals in Evolution</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Grosse, <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Familie und Wirthschaft</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Hobhouse, <i>Morals in Evolution</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Grosse, <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Familie und Wirthschaft</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 73-4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Grosse, <i>Ibid</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 104-5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Starke, <i>The Primitive Family</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 99, 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Hobhouse, <i>Morals and Evolution</i>, I, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 176.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Earle, <i>Home Life in Colonial Days</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 166-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Letourneau, <i>The Evolution of Marriage</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 352.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> E. Vandervelde, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Exode Rural</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Bailey, <i>Modern Social Conditions</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Mayo-Smith, <i>Statistics and Sociology</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Letourneau, <i>The Evolution of Marriage</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 351-2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> See page 51.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Howard, <i>A History of Matrimonial Institutions</i>, -III, 227-8.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">Economic Forces and the Birth-Rate</span></span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>In primitive times infanticide was often resorted to as a means of -freeing the tribe from the care and responsibility of unwelcome -children. McLennan says, “The moment infanticide was thought of as an -expedient for keeping down numbers, a step was taken, perhaps the most -important that was ever taken in the history of mankind.”<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p> - -<p>Westermarck thinks McLennan places too much emphasis upon the extent -of the practice of infanticide. “A minute investigation of the -extent to which female infanticide is practiced has convinced me -that McLennan has much exaggerated the importance of the custom. It -certainly prevails in many parts of the world; and it is true that, -as a rule, female children are killed rather than male. But there is -nothing to indicate that infanticide has ever been so universal or had -anywhere been practiced, on so large a scale, as McLennan’s hypothesis -presupposes.”<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p> - -<p>Among primitive peoples when starvation threatened a tribe, it is -reasonable to believe a sacrifice of life was considered necessary -to lessen immediate as well as prospective suffering and where the -new-born infants were the selected victims, the female children would -be sacrificed before the male. The services of women were of less -importance to a warring community than of men, and under ordinary -circumstances there would be a tendency for women to out number men -since they were not exposed to the risks and hardships warfare imposed -upon the men.</p> - -<p>That infanticide was widely practiced where there was no danger -from starvation does not seem likely. The maternal instinct is very -pronounced among all animals, and the mother<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span> shows greater willingness -to sacrifice herself than her offspring. It must have been necessary to -overcome the mother feeling by force of reasoning, or by an exercise of -tyrannical authority to win her consent.</p> - -<p>There existed many natural checks to the increase of population among -primitive peoples. Droughts and the ravages of diseases played no -small part in keeping down numbers. These same natural forces in -perhaps fewer forms are still effective in all countries of the world, -producing an infant mortality of an alarming proportion.</p> - -<p>Unsanitary conditions, bad housing, impure milk and water, and the -heat of summer are among the checks to the more rapid increase of -population. <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> Phelps says in his statistical study of infant -mortality, “In view of the many material changes in the living habits -and industrial conditions of the world’s population in the last -generation, the great advance in medical knowledge and the marked -decrease in the general death-rate, the practical uniformity of the -infantile death-rate the world around is simply astounding.”<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<p>The problem of how to decrease infant mortality has received -considerable attention from municipal and philanthropic associations. -The results obtained are far from satisfactory, so great and far -reaching are its causes.</p> - -<p>The fall of the birth-rate is generally attributed to psychological -rather than to physiological causes. Statistical reports do not show -the same decline in the birth-rate among the inhabitants of poor -districts of a city as among the well-to-do. A large number of the -unskilled workers are foreigners, or people ignorant in respect to -medical and physiological knowledge, and likewise unconscious of the -prevalence of the practice of the restriction of the birth-rate. But -the rapid diffusion of knowledge of all kinds in a democratic country -will soon change this state of affairs. Mrs. Commander’s study of the -birth-rate led her to believe that the birth-rate among immigrants who -come to the United States of America “falls decidedly below European -standards, and that the majority of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span> immigrants when only a short time -in this country imbibe the idea of limiting family. The small family -appears to be an American ideal which immigrants accept as they do -other American ideals.”<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> - -<p>The investigation of the Fabian Society of London brought to light -the fact that “the decline in the birth-rate appears to be especially -marked in places inhabited by the servant keeping class. The birth-rate -of Bethnal Green—the district in London in which there are fewest -non-Londoners and in which fewest of the inhabitants keep domestic -servants fell off between 1881 and 1901 by twelve per cent and that of -Hampstead, where most domestic servants are kept, fell off by no less -than 36 per cent. The birth-rate for 1901 of five separate groups of -metropolitan boroughs arranged in grades of average poverty gave the -following interesting result. The small group of three ‘rich’ boroughs -have, for 100,000 population 2,004 legitimate births; the four groups -comprising 19 intermediate boroughs have almost identical legitimate -birth-rate between 2,362 to 2,490 for 100,000 whilst the poorest group -of 7 boroughs has a legitimate birth-rate of no less than 3,078, or 50 -per cent more than that in the ‘rich’ quarters.”<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> - -<p>The pathological reason for the decline in the birth-rate is presented -by The National League for the Protection of the Family. “Since the -discovery of the germ of what was formerly considered the milder and -less harmful of the two chief sexual diseases, and more especially -since the numerous ramifications and effects of this milder form, -hitherto little suspected to exist, have been found and studied, there -has been a strong tendency towards agreement among medical authorities -that this disease is the real cause of a large part of the decline in -the birth-rate everywhere. While the difficulty of getting accurate -statistics on the subject is fully recognized by the authorities upon -it, they seem to agree that nearly or quite one-half of the cases of -sterility among the married are due to this milder of the two diseases, -and some would put it much higher. The more recent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span> investigations also -go to show, so the medical authorities say, that a large number of what -they call ‘one-child marriages’ must be accounted for by the effects of -this milder of the two diseases.”<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> - -<p>Thorndyke suggests that the opinion that the decline in the birth-rate -is psychological rather than physiological may be “as wide of the -mark as the common belief that unwillingness is the main cause of the -failure of the women of the better classes to nurse their children”. -As a contradiction of natural selection, he says, “I may suggest that -the existence, amount and result of the elimination of types by their -failure to produce of their kind is after all a problem which only -statistical inquiries can settle and that if the doctrine is to be used -as an excuse for reading certain obvious facts in human history it is -perhaps time that it should be questioned.”<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> - -<p>Undoubtedly various causes are responsible for the decline in the -birth-rate, some of which have existed for ages. When the dominant -cause is psychological the remedy, if desirable, must be looked for -in the education of a community. Conditions must be brought about -making children desirable in the home, and a sufficient number of them -for the race to hold its own. But if the cause is beyond individual -selfishness—is other than psychological, and is a symptom of race -degeneracy in its reproductive capacities, it is as Thorndyke suggests -“time that it should be questioned.”</p> - -<p>A statistical study of 524 families in the city of Chicago made in the -summer of 1909 suggests the possibilities of race degeneracy brought -about by economic causes. The mothers of these 524 families had been -married at least ten years and were born in foreign countries. The -nationalities represented were Italians, Germans, Irish, Bohemians, -Polish, Swedish and Norwegian, English and Scotch. They were people -who lived in the congested districts of the city and whose families -represented from one to thirteen children. 588 children died before<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span> -they reached the age of three years and 303 more were prematurely born -or died at birth, making the total loss under three years of age of 891.</p> - -<p>Of the 588 deaths practically all would be attributed to social causes -such as unsanitary conditions existing in large cities or the ignorance -of mothers in the care and feeding of their children. Of the 303 babies -who died at birth or were prematurely born a large percentage would -be attributed to psychological causes resulting in foetiside. But -when one considers that only 20 per cent of the mothers embraced the -Protestant religion, a little less than 15 per cent were Jews and 65 -per cent Catholics—the Catholic mother believes the unbaptized child -is destined to eternal punishment—the suspicion seems unwarranted.</p> - -<p>It is true the above cases are all abnormal. They do not even represent -the average family of the congested parts of Chicago but rather the -most unfortunate of the unfortunate. They are the mothers who were sent -by the charity associations to the summer camps for a few weeks’ rest. -Nearly all were miserably poor, and had large families which in all -probability were important factors bringing about their poverty.</p> - -<p>Undoubtedly the men of the families were the most inefficient workers -and the women possessed the least vitality when compared with the women -of the more fortunate classes. They might have been the least fit to -be parents, and their children—those who did survive the first three -years of life—help to swell the number of defective children in our -schools.</p> - -<p>The fact, as Phelps notes, that so little difference exists in the -infant mortality-rate in the various countries of the world in spite of -increased medical knowledge may be indicative of a social evil common -to all countries, namely poverty.</p> - -<p>The people who come from Europe and make up the tenement districts are -the poorest class at home, and many of them have never been properly -nourished. A United States Emigration report says, “The Poles are a -most prolific race, of strong and good physique, but rather anaemic in -appearance, owing to insufficient diet;” of the Bohemians, “the people -are industrious and economical. Their homes are primitive and barren -of everything except necessities.” One of the reasons the Italian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span> -comes to this country is “the fact that the needs of the people have -outstripped the means of satisfying them.”<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> - -<p>It is most often real hunger that drives the emigrant to a new country -in the hopes of bettering his condition. And perhaps it is generations -of hunger, of malnutrition, on the part of the mother that is -responsible for the inability of the new-born child to resist infantile -diseases, or that prevents its natural birth. Thus the economic sins -of one generation are visited upon the next. There is indeed danger of -race degeneracy if the mothers and fathers of the future generations -are to be the underfed and the underpaid of the present time.</p> - -<p>When necessity forced men to invade women’s field of work they did -not assume the heavier tasks because of their inconsistency with -motherhood, but because they were those tasks most in harmony with -their habits of life. Primitive women’s work was severe, but it was -work consistent with a stationary life which was desirable in the -bearing and rearing of children. Convenience helped to determine habits -of life and they in turn developed into customs. These customs were -responsible for many of the sex barriers, and class barriers of later -historical times.</p> - -<p>The individual belonged to a class and his status was apparently fixed. -There was complete subordination within the class and competition -became class competition rather than individual competition. Thus -occupations were fixed and the plane of living showed little variation -from one generation to the other. There was no incentive to leave one’s -class, and little possibility of doing so. The individual’s future -was secure. At least it was not a game of chance, and children had an -equal chance at prosperity or starvation with their parents. The son -followed the occupation of his father which was in all probability the -occupation of his grandfather as well. The daughter was content with -the status of her mother, for she knew nothing different. She accepted -things as they were, just as her brother did, and whether her lot was -hard or comparatively easy, it was not for her to question it.</p> - -<p>Wherever this social regime exists, the birth-rate is high. But<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span> -wherever class barriers are let down, and there is a possibility of the -individual shifting from one class to the other, competition between -individuals grows keen and individualization progresses by leaps. The -tyranny of custom and tradition ceases, and the lower classes can -with impunity imitate the higher classes. This creates an insatiable -desire for invidious distinction. The means to attain the desired end -are purely economic. The mother often engages in gainful occupations -to raise the plane of living and gain social prestige. An increasing -family becomes of vital concern to both parents because it would entail -a foregoing of luxuries which have to them become necessities.</p> - -<p>This same overwhelming power of new wants is in a large measure -responsible for the increasing number of women in the professional -fields of work. To them it is an economic necessity. When measured -by the mental torture involved it is as essential to maintain the -standards of one’s class as bread is to the poor Russian peasant. A -girl will stand behind the counter from morning until night displaying -goods to exacting customers in order to maintain her standard of dress. -If she fails, she suffers probably as much as if her supply of food -were insufficient to satisfy her hunger.</p> - -<p>The decrease of the birth-rate among the middle classes is thought to -be psychological. The Royal Commission on the decline of the birth-rate -in New South Wales after a careful investigation came to the conclusion -that the reasons for limiting the birth-rate “have one element in -common, namely selfishness.” Other investigators call this force -egoism, individualization, or the result of a struggle to maintain the -standard of life common to a class, all of which means an increased -consciousness of self. Ross says, “In the face of the hobby-riders I -maintain that the cause of the shrinkage in fecundity lies in the human -will as influenced by certain factors which have their roots deep in -the civilization of our times.”<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> - -<p>With the decrease of the importance of women’s work in the home, and -the increase of the necessity for them to enter the industrial field, -the birth-rate will continue to fall. Women’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span> invasion of the fields -of work outside the home will eventually result in a marked decline in -fecundity. So long as individual competition prevails in the business -world, the successful women will be those without the handicap of small -children. Mothers of small children cannot compete successfully in -the industrial world with the women who have no ties making demands -on their time or energy. Here lies the real danger arising out of the -necessity of women seeking employment outside the home. Under the -present industrial regime motherhood is not compatible with business -careers.</p> - -<p>As long as the home was an industrial sphere and demanded the entire -time and energy of women there was little chance on their part for -individual development. But with the transition of work from the home -to the factory, women’s interests ceased to be necessarily centered -about the hearth, and many of them developed an individuality formerly -characteristic of men only. Freed from the cares of maternity women are -quite as radical as men. It is maternity that is largely responsible -for the conservatism of women and their indifference toward affairs -outside the home.</p> - -<p>The high birth-rate of former times will not return nor is it -desirable, for the decreased death-rate among infants will tend to -maintain numbers. But while in the past children were accepted without -question, and parents never thought of the possibility of limiting -the size of their families, in the future the human will will play an -ever increasing part. Whether the guiding motive in restricting the -birth-rate will be a worthy one, or one to be deprecated will depend -upon those social institutions which are responsible for the production -of individuals’ ideals.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> McLennan, <i>Studies in Ancient History</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 81-2, -2nd Series.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Westermarck.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Phelps, <i>A Statistical Study of Infant Mortality</i>, -<abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 268. Quarterly Publication of The American Statistical Association.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Commander, <i>The American Idea</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Webb, <i>Physical Degeneracy or Race Suicide</i>. Popular -Science Monthly, Dec. 1906, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 515-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> <i>Annual Report for 1906</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 10. <i>American Journal -of Sociology</i>, March, 1909. Doctor Morrow says, “A large proportion -of sterile marriages, contrary to the popular view, is from incapacity -and not of choice.” <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 626.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Thorndyke, <i>Decrease in the Size of American -Families</i>. Popular Science Monthly, May, 1903, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Department of Commerce and Labor, <i>Emigration to the U. -S.</i> 1904, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 105, 112.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Ross, <i>Western Civilisation and the Birth-Rate</i>. Am. -Jour. of Soc. XII, 610, March 1907.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">Economic Changes and the Divorce-Rate</span></span></h2> -</div> - - - -<p>So long has society been accustomed to accepting as final the laws and -customs arising out of earlier social conditions, that changes brought -about by new conditions, and contrary to the accepted scheme of things -arouse a widespread concern. There is no better illustration of the -conflict between the new and the old than the present tendency to -divorce, and the steady pressure of our social institutions to combat -this tendency.</p> - -<p>It did not take primitive man long to see that organization was -essential to preservation. Only the best organized tribes could survive -in a struggle; and the closer the organization, the greater the -advantage when contending with outside or hostile forces. The basis -of tribal organization was the family, and the tribes with the best -organized families in a growing society proved the most effective in -the tribal life.</p> - -<p>When the family became a recognized unit of stability—either for -methods of warfare or economic reasons—forces arose tending to -establish sentiments opposed to divorce. It was of primary importance -that these sentiments should be accepted as a code of morality in a -loosely organized society. It is when the larger organization, such as -the state, is not strong enough to maintain its own stability, that -it is of the utmost importance that the units composing it should -be compact and self reliant. Only in a highly organized, socialized -society, can the family be viewed as a compact with the welfare of its -individual members as its sole motive for existence.</p> - -<p>In primitive times the unity of the family was of the utmost importance -to the men of the tribe as well as to the women. The permanency of the -marriage relation was essential to the preservation of society, for the -state could not assume the function of protection in contradistinction -to the protection afforded by the male head of the family. It is only -in peaceable communities<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span> where the occupations of the people are -principally industrial that a social consciousness arises, making -possible a non-militant social compact looking toward the individual’s -welfare as part of the community welfare.</p> - -<p>It was important, too, that the head of the family should assume the -responsibility of caring for the helpless. If this were not so, the -care of the offspring would be shifted from the family to the tribe or -state. Irrespective of the moral practices within the family, or the -form of marriage, it was essential to maintain the family unity for the -care and the protection of children.</p> - -<p>On the other hand it was important for the women to be attached to some -household, and recognized as a permanent part of it. If not, in cases -where their rights were entirely overlooked, they would be forced to -return to the households of their fathers. Consciously or unconsciously -the members of the tribe appreciated the importance of creating moral -sentiments fostering family responsibilities on the part of the -individual.</p> - -<p>Divorce in the past was essentially a masculine institution. The state -arose out of the desire to protect property rights of the individual. -Women did not possess property to any considerable extent and so were -denied the privileges arising therefrom. They were considered by both -father and husband as property and all property rights inhering in -them as in lands and cattle. That is, the status of women did not -necessarily make them property, but the property right possession -involved was responsible to a marked measure for their status.</p> - -<p>In many primitive tribes women neither fought nor cared for the herds -and all their activities resolved themselves into personal services. -Hence, more than one wife was a luxury to a husband for she was a real -economic burden.</p> - -<p>All laws governing property naturally applied to women and aimed -alone at protecting the rights of men. Transgression against these -matrimonial rights of a man was an offense against property and -punished accordingly. It was not an offense against the moral sense -of the community, or of the individual, for wife-loaning was looked -upon with favor by many while the usurpation of the same privilege was -punishable by death. It was a crime against property and not against -the woman in question.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span></p> - -<p>Women were often treated with great brutality, but this abuse did not -follow necessarily because they were women—the male is naturally -more considerate at all times of the female than of his own kind—but -because they possessed no rights which were synonymous with economic -strength. Their relative economic value did not inhere in them -personally but in the economic strength of their fathers and husbands.</p> - -<p>The rights of women increased with the increase of their economic -importance in the household. During the period of domestic industry, -divorce was almost unknown. When it was practiced, it was the exclusive -privilege of the leisure class, or of those whose financial well being -was secured.</p> - -<p>It is true the church took a decided stand against divorce and did much -toward counteracting the supposed evil, but a far greater force was the -development of the medieval town with its domestic industries.</p> - -<p>Agricultural occupations were also a strong unifying force in the -family relation. Where people are attached to the soil by virtue of -their occupations and property rights, the home is an economic unit -just as is true of the diminutive factory carried on within the family -group.</p> - -<p>When the economic habits of man necessarily attach him to a plot of -ground, or to a definite group of industrial workers who make up in -part the family group, there exists naturally strong sentiments opposed -to the breaking up of the group. Although recognized as fundamentally -social, these sentiments arise out of an economic bond.</p> - -<p>The unifying of the economic interests of the family brought about an -increased sense of family responsibility on the part of men. It was -also of the utmost importance to women that the marriage bond should -be a permanent one; thus assuring them a protection for themselves and -their children against the outside world.</p> - -<p>When the home was the center of practically all economic activities, -the family was given a measure of stability by virtue of its economic -importance. To leave the family circle meant, not only the severing of -ties of sentiment, but the cutting loose from economic moorings.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span></p> - -<p>We now come to a period in history when machine industry is -revolutionizing the home and rapidly changing its economic -significance. Woman’s work is being transferred to the factory, and -necessity is forcing her to follow it, or to seek other fields of work -that promise her a livelihood. Leaving the home hearth for a wider -industrial field, is giving her the same outlook as man, and allowing -her to determine her relations to the world outside the home. Her -economic independence is secured, and it is no longer necessary for her -to be attached to a household in order to secure employment as a means -of securing her subsistence. Thus is made possible the breaking of the -marriage bond on the part of women and escape from conditions which -formerly were tolerated.</p> - -<p>The census reports show a constant tendency for the divorce-rate to -increase in the United States. Undoubtedly it would be higher than it -is at present if more women possessed means of support which would -not necessitate the losing of their social status, for there are many -women who have had no practical training, nor training of any kind to -make their own living. If thrown upon their own resources they would -be forced into the ranks of the unskilled workers. As married women -they hold enviable positions of social prestige. But the income of -the husband is not sufficient to keep both husband and wife on the -accustomed plane of living when separated, although such separation may -be mutually desirable.</p> - -<p>A fair comparison cannot be made of the rate of divorce in different -countries or states since there exists such wide discrepancies in -the laws themselves, diminishing or increasing the difficulties of -obtaining divorces. So marked are the differences in the divorce laws -in the various states of the United States, that certain communities -have won the title of “divorce colonies” and thereby attracted at least -a temporary increase of population. Hence, low divorce rates may merely -mean a greater difficulty in obtaining separation.</p> - -<p>In some countries the expense of obtaining a divorce makes it a luxury -beyond the poor. In England and Wales “the expense and delay involved -in procuring a divorce there are so great that only somewhat wealthy -persons can go into court, and they do not feel so severely the burden -of a financial crisis.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span> This conjectural explanation derives some -support from the fact which a French statistician of some eminence -claims to have proved, that such periods of distress in Great Britain, -while checking marriage among the poor, are attended by an increase of -marriage among the rich. This difference between effects of hard times -in Europe and in the United States, together with a very rapid increase -in divorce among the southern negroes, and the fact that only about one -wife in six of these obtaining divorce receives an alimony, are among -the indications that divorce has become very frequent and perhaps most -frequent among our lower middle classes and has reached for weal or woe -a lower stratum than perhaps anywhere in Europe.”<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> - -<p>We all know that the divorce rate is higher in the United States than -in any European country, and is increasing more rapidly. “In 1870 -there were 155 divorces, and in 1880, 303 divorces, to 100,000 married -couples. In 1870, 3.5 per cent of the marriages were terminated by -divorce; in 1880, 4.8 per cent; and in 1890, 6.2 per cent.”</p> - -<p>According to the Census Report of 1906 the divorce-rate is still -increasing rapidly. From 1887 to 1891 there was an increase of divorces -of 34.1 per cent; from 1892 to 1896 an increase of 23.9 per cent.; from -1897 to 1901 an increase of 33.7 per cent.; and from 1902 to 1906 an -increase of 27.6 per cent.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> - -<p>As we have already seen, the decrease of the importance of women’s work -in the home has affected the status of women generally, economically -and socially. Among the poor it has forced many married women to seek -employment outside the home. The inability of the husband and father -to meet his economic responsibilities has imposed upon women an added -responsibility. And in so far as mothers of families have shouldered -economic burdens outside the home there is a tendency for fathers to -lose their family pride and sense of economic independence. The man -who must remain at home, do the housework and care for the children, -while his wife goes out to earn the living, if he cares at all, feels -that he has failed dismally. Charity workers agree that the economic -independence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span> of women of the most unfortunate classes has the effect -of lessening the moral responsibility of the supposed bread-winner and -head of the family. Desertion on the part of fathers is so common as to -create a social problem.</p> - -<p>The causes for desertion are many, and work toward a decreased respect -for family ties. “The great amount of travel due to constantly -increasing means of communication; the ease with which a man, -accustomed to one of the simple processes of modern machinery, can -adapt himself to many others without any long training, so making -employment more readily obtainable; the fuller knowledge of other -communities afforded by the multiplied newspapers, and perhaps the -numerous items about other deserters which awaken a dormant impulse, -just as cheap novels prompt some boys to start out as Indian fighters, -all contribute to the state of mind which makes desertion possible. -If a man who had indulged such thoughts, can, without much time or -expense, in some cases even by investing a nickel or less, by taking -a trolley or a ferry, put himself into a neighboring state, beyond -the power of the court to compel him to support his family, where he -can spend all he earns for his own gratification, he is in danger of -finding some excuse for going.”<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p> - -<p>When one considers that a large percentage of the people with whom the -social workers deal are foreigners and children of foreigners; that -religious precepts are comparatively strong; and that they cling to -custom and traditions with greater tenacity than the more fortunate -classes, it seems justifiable to attribute the large number of -separations in this class—although many of these separations are never -registered in the divorce courts—to economic causes.</p> - -<p>Divorce, like many of our social institutions has been influenced by -the rights of property, and is no true criterion for measuring the -moral habits of a people. Where property rights are considered most -sacred the institution of divorce is almost unknown. This is especially -true when the existing forms of wealth are closely allied to land -holding. There, industrial development is backward and all the social -institutions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span> reflect the conservative influence of the past, rather -than the progressive movements of the present. For instance, the -southern states, where property rights and institutions arising out of -the same reflect the spirit of the patriarchal slavery system, divorce -is less common. And yet the morality among the lower social classes -there does not compare favorably with other sections of the country -where the divorce-rate is high. It is among the better classes that -the family represents a compactness and stability wherein divorce has -little play.</p> - -<p>It is true there are some states which represent an advanced industrial -development as is found in the country where divorce is granted -only for adultery. But in these states such restriction is felt to -be oppressive. This is evident by the number who seek release from -conjugal ties in other than their home state. What is true of England -is true of certain American states, that is, the low divorce-rate -is the result of the difficulty of obtaining legal separations. For -example the home life in New York is not any more admirable than the -home life in the extreme west where the divorce-rate is the highest.</p> - -<p>Unless the industrial development and economic conditions are similiar -it is impossible to measure the moral standards of communities by a -comparison of their divorce-rates. Legislation dealing directly with -family relations ought to take into consideration the industrial habits -of the community as well as the moral and social ideals arising out of -existing conditions.</p> - -<p>It is true, a high divorce-rate has been a symptom of a decadent -race, but on the other hand it does not necessarily follow that a -deteriorating race is characterized by a high divorce-rate, or that a -high divorce-rate signifies a retrogressive people. It may be a symptom -of a decline of moral conceptions, but it may also mean a higher -conception of morality, and a decline of respect for property rights -in women. The frontiersman is not inspired with the same awe of wealth -as the man who remained at home in a settled community; and his moral -conceptions tend to conform less to tradition and custom and more to -his own individual conscience.</p> - -<p>Howard says, “Divorce is a remedy and not the disease. It is not a -virtue in a divorce law, as it appears to be often assumed, to restrict -the application of the remedy at all hazards,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span> regardless of the -sufferings of the social body. If it were always the essential purpose -of a good law to diminish directly the number of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">bona fide</i> -divorces, the more rational course would be to imitate South Carolina -and prohibit divorce entirely. Divorce is not immoral. It is quite -probable on the contrary, that drastic, like negligent, legislation -is sometimes immoral. It is not necessarily a merit, and it may be a -grave social wrong, to reduce the legal causes for a decree to the one -‘scriptural’ ground.”<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -<p>Divorce is an expression of revolt. It may be an expression of revolt -against conditions imposed by one individual upon another, or against -a position of inferiority in the family group imposed upon women by -tradition. Instead of a wide spread incompatibility of temperaments of -two individuals held together by wedlock, the incompatibility may exist -in part between the social institution called “the home” and the ideas -and ideals of a democratic community.</p> - -<p>The entire social atmosphere outside the home—whether in the -school or in the club, or in any other social group aims to inspire -an individualization and socialization in harmony with high moral -precepts. We are living in an age when the individual counts as an -important part of the social groups of which he is a member, and some -vital matter must be at stake when the individual is required to -sacrifice himself against his will for the good of the community.</p> - -<p>Women have been considered the property of their husbands for so long -that an initiative on their part, disturbing the stability of the -conjugal bond is viewed by many as a symptom of rampant anarchy. What -it does indicate is a marked growth in the rights of women, and a -tendency for these rights, especially economic rights, to approach the -plane of the rights of men.</p> - -<p>If the present tendency to divorce is a superficial phenomenon only, -measures ought to be taken to check it. But if it is vital, and has -its roots deep down in our social order, it cannot be checked by mere -repression without perpetrating a grave social wrong.</p> - -<p>There are no historical facts enabling us to predict the outcome.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span> -Divorce in the past was a masculine institution and worked great -hardships upon women and children. It was the rich and not the poor, -the men and not the women who enjoyed the privilege of breaking -the marriage bond. To counteract its evil influences, all social -institutions combined in impressing upon man the necessity of accepting -his family responsibilities out of justice to his wife, his children -and the community. So long has the lesson been impressed that many men -consider it a grave moral responsibility to remain as a protector of -their families. Such is not the case with women. No matter how great -their industrial burdens in the home, the past taught them submission, -and not responsibility. All their training—other than industrial—had -as its goal accomplishments that in nowise involved responsibilities. -Whatever industrial responsibilities the home imposed upon them, the -business world of today has largely freed them from. This economic -situation is leaving an increasing number of women without the -discipline of work or necessity. This lack of responsibility on the -part of women may be in part a reason why they more often than men seek -a divorce. Many women are showing by their unselfish public spirit -an appreciation of the importance of the social forces dealing with -the care and the protection of children. In their social capacities -they are working out many of the social problems dealing with all -humanity, as well as the problems of their sex alone. Many of the -serious problems, especially those bearing directly upon the home, the -relations of husband and wife, and mother and children, will be solved -in time—not by our law makers alone but with the co-operation of women.</p> - -<p>It is true many of our cherished traditions and customs are in grave -danger of complete annihilation. If this destruction is to be brought -about by the baser elements in human nature—the love of sensual ease, -dissipation and depravity—our civilization is indeed in danger. But -if the motive power is the love of freedom as against the needless -sacrifice of the individual—a desire to give expression to creative -instincts which are alike in men and women—there exist signs that -out of the alarming confusion will arise something better, and more -conducive to a progressive civilization.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Willcox.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> Special Report of the Census Office. <i>Marriage and -Divorce</i>, 1867-1906. Part 1, 1909, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 68-69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Brandt and Baldwin, <i>Family Desertion</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> Howard, <i>A History of Matrimonial Institutions</i>, -III, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 219-220.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X<br /><span class="small"><span class="smcap">The Political Rights of Women and Industrial Changes</span></span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>In studying the history of primitive societies, we find authority -resting upon economic strength of military prowess, the latter nearly -always associated with material advantages. Property is synonymous with -power whether it consists of implements, herds or lands. Excepting -personal belongings, women possessed little property and had little -incentive to hold property as exclusively their own.</p> - -<p>There is a striking difference between the political powers and -property rights of men and women, not only in primitive society, but -all through history. To point out some fundamental reasons for this -divergence will be the purpose of this chapter.</p> - -<p>In modern society, we are accustomed to ascribe this divergence in -the political status of men and women, to custom, tradition, and the -tyranny of one sex over the other. Customs have their roots in habits -of life, and habits more often result from a convenience at an earlier -stage of culture. Tyranny of one sex over the other—especially of man -over woman—is not likely to occur among a peaceable people who show no -aggressive qualities, or among a people the women of which outnumber -men and apparently possess an equal degree of physical strength. All -existing societies as well as all societies of the past that have left -traces of their civilization, show the same tendency to place political -power in the hands of men, and not in the hands of women. This practice -has been so common among all peoples as to suggest some fundamental -reason for a social development—apparently so unjust to half the -race—other than an inherent conflict of interests, between the sexes. -Certainly such a conflict of interests, as some would have us believe, -has never existed in the animal world. The reason therefore must be -social and not inherent. The injustices arising out of such a social -scheme have little in common with the fundamental causes out of which -the existing situation arose.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span></p> - -<p>It is difficult to trace the relation of primitive economic development -to the political status of women since our knowledge of the origin of -society, and its early development is very limited. But a vivid picture -of the reactions of economic changes upon the political status of women -in historical times, is possible as well as suggestive.</p> - -<p>Morgan says, “The experience of mankind ... has developed but two -plans of government, using the world <em>plan</em> in its scientific -sense. Both were definite and systematic organizations of society. The -first and the most ancient was a <em>social organization</em>, founded -upon gentes, phratries and tribes. The second and the latest in time -was a <em>political organization</em>, founded upon territory and upon -property. Under the first a gentile society was created, in which the -government dealt with persons through their relation to the gens and -the tribe. These relations were purely personal. Under the second a -political society was instituted, in which the government dealt with -persons through their relations to territory, e. g.—the township, the -county, and the state. These two relations were purely territorial.”<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> - -<p>So long as the government dealt with personal relations and property -belonged to small groups of people rather than to individuals, women -would naturally be conceded a more conspicuous position. We ourselves, -not necessarily from any preconceived notion, but because of the nature -of things, associate women more closely with family ties than we do -men. This does not mean women, that because of their status within -the family group or their relation to the family group, have greater -authority in the affairs of the community than men, or that the balance -of power rests with them, but that their importance in the social -consciousness depends upon where the emphasis is placed.</p> - -<p>Morgan accounts for the practice of reckoning descent in the female -line to the fact that paternity was uncertain. The women and the -children formed a nucleus around which gathered a social organization -composed of the female descendants. Women, especially old women, had -a voice in the affairs of the gens, but when a leader was chosen the -choice invariably fell upon some man.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span></p> - -<p>Gentes, tracing the descent in the female line, illustrate the early -position of women, and their rights in the beginning of a social -organization. But seldom, if ever, do we find women holding so -prominent a place as a sex, in the political affairs of the community -as men, when political relations were emphasized. This fact is often -attributed to the tyranny of man over woman but is it not more -reasonable to assume that women found it more convenient, and perhaps -more desirable, to leave to the men of their family, whose interests -were identical with their own, the exercise of governmental authority?</p> - -<p>The transition from the matriarchate to a patriarchate grew out of an -appreciation of property. Under the matriarchate property belonged to -the gens and was transmitted through the female line. But under the -patriarchate property belonged to the family, or to the individual -members of the family. “When property began to be created in masses, -and the desire for its transmission to children had changed descent -from the female line to the male, real foundation for patriarchal power -was for the first time established.”<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> - -<p>This change resulted from an appreciation of the necessity to keep the -property of the family within the tribe, or the community, of which it -was a part.</p> - -<p>Granting women the same privilege of property as men, under a -patriarchal system of government, it would be only a question of time -when the property interests of the tribe would lose their unity and -compactness, and be scattered broadcast over the land. Such a division -of property might have been allowed if individual interests alone -were considered and these interests did not interfere with the larger -interests of the state.</p> - -<p>Daughters marrying into other tribes than their own would carry their -property interests with them to the tribe of their husbands and so -weaken the economic strength of the former, while increasing that of -the latter. To prevent women marrying outside the tribe would have been -more difficult than to regulate the transmission of property.</p> - -<p>For the preservation of the state, when the state was a small community -the members of which were bound together by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span> mutual interests of -defense or offense, it was necessary to restrict the property rights -of women. The state that did not do so and allowed the intermarriage -of members of its tribe with members of other tribes was destined -to extermination. “For my part I find it difficult to believe,” -says Vinegradoff, “that the exclusion of women from inheriting and -holding land can be the product not of primitive conditions and of -an undeveloped state of landholding, but of a gradual restriction of -women’s rights. The supposed later restrictions would appear in a very -archaic guise, and with too remarkable a concordance among nations -which could not have any direct influence on each other.”<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> - -<p>The early Germans are often quoted as representing a people among whom -women enjoyed a position of near equality with that of men. And yet -Ross tells us, “Among the Angli and Werini, the right of inheritance -was conceded to daughters only when there were no males left in the -clan. The clan consisted of the male descendants of five successive -generations. When no male was left within this limit, the clan was, -properly speaking, extinct. The clan land might then go to the women, -if there were any, and then into the clans wherein they were received -as wives.”<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -<p>While the origin of the distinctions between the property rights of -men and the property rights of women may have their roots in the -preservation of the large interests of the clan, tribe or state, the -custom thus established would tend to be followed in later times -irrespective of the applicability to existing conditions. As with many -other practices, the fact that it had its roots in the distant past -would seem sufficient to justify it.</p> - -<p>The political power of women has been a negligible factor in the -history of political rights. It is true, as we have seen, that -political rights were synonymous with property rights, and that very -few men exercised political rights since they were propertyless, but -nevertheless where property was a family possession the “spear and -spindle distinction” was apparent. “Compare the remarkable customs -in regard to the division of property in the ancient Germanic laws. -The proper inheritance of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span> the woman is her <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">gerade</i> (gerath), -the household furniture. Norse law puts women back in regard to land -inheritance, and points to ‘loose money,’ <i>losa ore</i>, as a natural -outfit for them.”<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p> - -<p>Women’s attitude toward political power differed from that of men where -it did exist. When a class of men possess no political rights, it means -that such rights inhere in a superior class which assumes a political -and often an economic mastery over them. Such has not been true of -women in the past. When women possessed no political rights their -relationship to the state was consciously or unconsciously involved in -the relationships of their husbands to the state.</p> - -<p>History offers us an excellent example of this attitude toward the -political rights of women in the old Roman patriarchal system which -recognized the family as a complete unit, with one common interest, and -that interest represented by a recognized head of the household.</p> - -<p>We must remember that in the early development of society, political -power has rested in the hands of a few individuals who by virtue of -individual power, were able to wrest from the many, an authority -carrying with it privileges enjoyed primarily by an exclusive governing -class. These governmental privileges tend to increase at the expense of -the governed until there is a recognition on the part of the people of -the injustices practiced. It is then, and only then, that the ruling -class defers to the wishes of the ruled. It is the way to preserve -their most cherished rights and privileges. We see this state of -affairs with the development of towns, and the decline of warfare as -the only occupation through which one was enabled to accumulate wealth. -The development of industries created a class of people who very soon -controlled sufficient wealth to demand a voice in their government. -The nobility was in need of the financial aid of the merchant class, -and the latter by virtue of their economic strength were able to wrest -political privileges from the ruling class.</p> - -<p>In considering the political rights of men, there is a tendency to -assume that they exercise their present rights in sheer virtue of their -manhood, but history shows these rights have arisen out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span> of a struggle -which was economic in its nature. These rights are handed down from -one generation to another and are often thought of as natural rights -when in reality they are rights fought for and won by an industrial -or economic class. Political concessions have been made by one class -to the other, not from philanthropic motives, but rather from a -recognition of the strength of the claimants. It is only when the -battle is virtually won that the opposition grants rights because of -their admiration of democratic principles.</p> - -<p>The development of industries in the town tended to break up the large -landed holdings and to create new forms of wealth. When wealth was no -longer associated with a militant career a new adjustment of power had -to be made, giving political recognition to the successful industrials -who controlled the wealth in the towns. An exchange was effected. The -merchants received political privileges, and the noblemen engaged -primarily in war, received the financial assistance of the townsmen.</p> - -<p>The expansion of the political rights of men shows a gradual increase -in the power of the masses. It represents a progressive evolution. It -is not so with the political rights of women. Before the era of machine -industry, whatever legal recognition women enjoyed, or political rights -they exercised, depended not upon their own efforts, but the efforts of -the men who desired to protect their property interests, and to prevent -these interests from passing outside the family circle.</p> - -<p>Although the political rights of women vary in different countries, -the evolution of these rights does not show a gradual development of -privileges. Rights possessed at one period were lost at another, and -at no time do we hear of them making a protest against a diminution of -their power, or the narrow limits of their influence. Their part seems -to have been a passive one.</p> - -<p>No attempt will be made to give a history of the legal and political -rights of women, but rather to point out the most striking features of -this development, and to emphasize those characteristics in harmony -with the general thesis that before the era of machine industry women -assumed a passive attitude toward social institutions, and that their -status was determined by forces, they made no effort as a class to -control.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span></p> - -<p>The voice of women in early historical times played no part in affairs -which concerned them as a sex because it was never heard.</p> - -<p>“In addition to many other objections which may be urged against the -common allegation that the legal disabilities of women are merely part -of the tyranny of sex over sex, it is historically and philosophically -valueless, as indeed are most propositions concerning classes so large -as sexes. What really did exist is the despotism of groups over members -composing them.”<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> - -<p>In the early history of civilization group life was an advantage over -individual struggle, and implied the subordination of the interests of -the individual to that of the group.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p> - -<p>This was especially applicable to women. Protection was essential to -women in prehistoric times, and the protection afforded by the group -gave greater security than that of a single individual. Protection -of the female and her offspring was necessary for a rapid increase -of population, and numbers were no small element in determining the -success of a tribe in competing with enemies. Those individuals most -adaptable to group life had the best chance of surviving and of leaving -offspring to whom they transmitted those qualities of character which -made subordination no hardship.</p> - -<p>In ancient societies we have instances of women exercising the highest -function of the state without affecting the status of women in general. -They exercised these functions not as a concession to a sex, but -because they represented a group which would lose its prestige unless -the right to hold the office in question was granted women. Some of -the most conservative nations in respect to the advancement of women, -and in which the position of women has been least affected by modern -radical tendencies, recognize, or have recognized in the past the right -of women to the throne.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<p>Whatever rights women possessed as a class grew out of the rights of -property. Just as soon as women held property in their own names we -find them possessing powers in at least a degree which were attached -to the land. “The German custom, which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span> in general was hostile to -women, did not interfere in the matters of property and of heredity. -The person having no existence proper in the society of that epoch, and -social order being summed up in property alone, the claims of land were -always weightier than the claims of person.”<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> And what was true -of Germany was true to a considerable extent of all the countries of -Europe.</p> - -<p>After giving examples of women taking part in the communal assemblies, -Ostrogorski asks the question, “Property having in this way become the -exclusive basis of the right, and the personality of the owner being -henceforth completely disregarded, is not the difference between the -sexes an idle distinction?”<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> - -<p>Whatever the legal or political rights of an individual or class of -individuals may be, the only way to maintain them is to exercise the -powers those rights involve. To be indifferent to them, to allow to -others the performance of a duty of political or social significance is -to invite a deprivation of a right others cherish.</p> - -<p>The history of the political and legal rights of women must be traced -by taking cognizance of a few individual cases where women exercised -rights. This exercise of rights on the part of a few women does not -indicate that the practice was universal but rather exceptional. -If these rights were based on property, the failure to exercise -them on the part of women did not show necessarily a disregard for -their property rights, but that their interests were represented by -the male members of the family whom they, in all probability, felt -confident would guard their interests as well as they themselves -could, or, perhaps better, since their knowledge of affairs outside -of the household was of broader scope and their judgment based on -business-world experience. This cannot be considered a usurpation of -rights on the part of men but the recognition of the unity of the -family. That it would lead to injustices was not contemplated by those -who did not consider final results, but only immediate expediency. Some -of the evils arising out of such practice were recognized in special -rights extended to widows and spinsters.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span></p> - -<p>“As the official maintainer of right and justice, the mayor of Bristol -and Exeter, and probably of some other towns, was the guardian of -widows and orphans; in the former city a promise to ‘keep, maintain and -defend the widows and orphans of this town safely in their rights,’ was -a part of the mayor’s oath of office. And in the latter, the duty was -so burdensome that a special office, that of chamberlain, was created -in 1555, in order to provide for it.”<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> - -<p>Women belonged to the family group, and all their interests were -centered in the family. So long as their home relations were congenial -there was no apparent reason why they should become familiar with the -outside world in order to protect their interests since the interests -of both parents were identical. These interests represented more nearly -a unity of interests than individual interests.</p> - -<p>Here again we find convenience playing a large part in determining the -respective fields of activity of the two sexes. Custom, convention, and -the precepts of the church, although powerful influences in molding -social institutions, would have been of little avail if contrary to the -convenience of large industrial classes.</p> - -<p>Before the era of machine industry, men and women married early as -an economic advantage to both, establishing a family group with a -recognized division of labor and a concentration of authority. By the -concentration of authority is not meant that women were submissive -and docile in the household (although such was the prevailing -ideal of women at that time) for such submission depends upon the -characteristics of the individuals concerned, but male control of -matters establishing the relation of the family to the outside world. -The passivity of one parent was essential in a relation considering the -family all important and the individual of little consequence.</p> - -<p>When the occupations of men were of such a nature as to cause a large -death-rate among them, the number of unmarried women must have been -necessarily large. These attached themselves to the households of -relatives, and were in no sense a burden, for as long as the household -was an industrial center their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span> services were acceptable, and their -economic relations to the household somewhat similiar to those of the -married women.</p> - -<p>Those women who did not become part of a household took refuge in -religious institutions. In a society where religious feeling is strong, -those of the most aesthetic type and susceptible to the incongruities -of life would be the first to separate themselves from earthly ties and -attempt to live up to their convictions and ideals. Hence many women -as well as men, who might have had marked influence in the molding of -social institutions devoted themselves to a spiritual and secluded life -leaving no offspring to whom they might transmit those characteristics -making them superior to the type most adaptable to the prevailing -customs of the time.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Thus we find religious institutions a check -to the propagation of a feminine type which has played an important -role in later history.</p> - -<p>With the decline of the monastic system, and the breaking up of the -domestic system of industry, unmarried women were forced to establish -relations to the economic world outside the home similar to those of -men. If these women had dedicated themselves to a life of celibacy -when they entered the industrial field, as they did when they entered -the church, history would show them struggling for legal and political -rights in the same manner as men. But the possibility of changing -habits of life by marriage, freeing them from a serious economic -responsibility prevented the growth of a class conscious spirit which -would stimulate them to co-operate in bettering their conditions.</p> - -<p>We find the family losing ground as an industrial unit with the -development of the factory. Men became more conscious of their social -relations outside the home, and came to appreciate the advantage and -necessity of social compacts. These changed relations growing out -of the new industrial life gave rise to a spirit of democracy which -emphasized the importance of the individual and his social relations. -It was a large factor in developing the political rights of men and -later of women.</p> - -<p>The eighteenth century witnessed a crusade for political rights. -Practically all the serious thinkers of the day were forced to consider -the extension to all men of political rights<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span> which had up to this -time been based on high property qualifications. The great material -prosperity of northern Europe was at the expense of the laboring -classes who were forced to resist or to succumb to hopeless slavery. -It was a class struggle and fought out on those lines. Women took an -active part in it and were emphatic in their claims for their husbands, -sons, and brothers but the literature of the time does not show a -consciousness on the part of working women of an antagonism between -their interests and those of men.</p> - -<p>On the eve of the French Revolution Condorcet made a demand for the -political emancipation of women. “In 1789, at election time, several -pamphlets appeared demanding the admission of women to the States -General, and protesting against the holding of a national assembly, -from which half of the nation was excluded.”<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> - -<p>The plea for the political rights of women was made on the ground of -the rights of equality, but the right to vote was not thought of as -an instrument for self protection in the economic world. On the other -hand the struggle on the part of men had a real economic basis. It -was economic pressure that goaded them to political struggle whereas -with women it was merely a declaration of rights expressing the spirit -of democracy of the times. Among its adherents were men and women of -superior intelligence, but the masses showed the indifference they -usually show to claims of abstract rights.</p> - -<p>In England the municipal reform act of 1869 gave women votes in all -municipal elections. The act of 1870 gave them votes for school boards. -The act of 1888, made them voters for the county council. The act of -1894, which transformed the whole system of local government and vastly -extended the system of local representation, abolished in all its -departments the qualification of sex.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> - -<p>In 1856, over two million women of Great Britain were forced to earn -their living and many of these belonged to the upper classes. Few -indeed were the occupations open to them. This was not entirely due -to the opposition of men but partly to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span> inability of women to -realize their relations to the industrial world as wage earners. They, -as well as the men, in spite of their employment outside of the home, -entertained the idea they were not performing their proper function in -life, but had failed—perhaps through no fault of their own—to adjust -themselves to their proper sphere. So long as the working women held -to the ideals of their ancestors they showed little tendency to demand -equality between the sexes in the industrial and political world.</p> - -<p>It is true men considered women intruders when they sought employment -in the skilled industries and professions, but women as a whole were a -little more emphatic than the men in the expression of this opinion.</p> - -<p>Time is a forceful element in the crystallization of ideas and in -giving stability to activities. Public opinion has accepted many of the -radical movements of women of the eighteenth century as a matter of -fact, and is becoming ever weaker in its opposition to the extension of -the political and industrial rights of women.</p> - -<p>The movement for the political enfranchisement of women has taken two -aspects—the one industrial and the other social.</p> - -<p>Of the industrial movement the most striking example at the present -time is that in England. They are asking for the suffrage on the ground -that they as industrial workers have a serious need for it.</p> - -<p>It may seem at first a minor matter as to whether women should vote for -the members of parliament since they have the municipal franchise, but -it is really of vital importance to the working women. It is parliament -which enacts labor laws and legislates for the people in general. -Whatever protection the laboring people get through the enactment of -laws depends upon the philanthrophy of the wealthy classes, or upon -their own representatives. This state of affairs is one of the factors -encouraging them to make every possible effort to increase their -representation in parliament.</p> - -<p>The working women—especially union workers—appreciate this fact and -demand the right to vote for the members of Parliament on the ground of -their economic well being. It is an economic question with them, and -they are evidently willing to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span> fight for this privilege just as the men -were at the time of ‘Chartism.’ Ideas of sex propriety have been cast -aside, and the working women are standing as a class, who appreciate -their economic relation to society without any regard for the prevalent -conception of a ‘woman’s sphere’ which long ago became a myth to them.</p> - -<p>It is true that many of their leaders are women of the higher social -classes but this same phenomenon has characterized, though not to the -same degree, the movements of working men to conquer political rights.</p> - -<p>“What in England and America has been the movement of a whole sex, -has, in Germany under Social Democracy been merged in the movement of -the working class. Women are to have their rights not as a sex, but as -<em>workers</em>.”<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> - -<p>In France as in Germany the woman’s movement goes hand in-hand with -socialism. “There are no distinguished persons to head the movement. -It springs from the middle and lower classes and is the outcome of the -efforts of a group of enlightened women who, having freed themselves -from the prejudices that hedge about their sex, have crowned their -emancipation by claiming the vote.”<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> - -<p>Europe presents a somewhat different industrial situation from newly -settled countries. Class lines are sharply drawn and the element of -chance has been largely eliminated in the industrial field. There is -little shifting from the lower to the higher classes, so characteristic -of newly settled countries. This apparent fixity in social and economic -life fosters the development of class consciousness.</p> - -<p>In the twentieth century two elements have entered into the struggle -for equal suffrage in England. The one is the spirit of democracy -claiming equal opportunities for all individuals irrespective of class -or sex. The other element is a purely economic one. It is the desire -of working women to gain possession of a force that can be used as -a weapon of defense and offense in a struggle with the masters of -industry.</p> - -<p>When women demand the franchise on economic grounds, they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span> meet with -strong opposition. The nature of the demand indicates the importance -of the issue at stake. This kind of a demand is never made until the -plea on behalf of democracy fails, and the plea for a greater democracy -always fails when the material interests of the ruling classes are -affected. Political rights fought for on economic grounds, when won, -are not quickly lost. The battle creates the spirit of resistance to -any encroachments upon rights once won.</p> - -<p>When the working women of England obtain the right to vote for the -members of parliament on an equality with men, they will unite their -political forces with the men in supporting measures in behalf of the -working people, and distinction in politics will be lost sight of.</p> - -<p>The newer settled countries are conspicuous for the rights granted -women. This liberty is not due to the strength of the demand made by -women but democratic individualism, and freedom from the tyranny of -traditions.</p> - -<p>The conservative elements of a society are not the ones to venture into -a new country. They remain at home and cherish traditions and customs -which color all their thinking. The radical elements in society are the -ones to venture to the frontiers and to colonize the new sections of -a country. Democracy characterizes their government and individualism -their financial undertakings. Hence it is not surprising that the five -American states offering women the same political privileges as men are -the newly settled states where class lines are so lax as to be almost -non-existent, and where the struggle between capital and labor shows -more nearly an equilibrium of forces than in the older settled states.</p> - -<p>In the western states the number of women engaged in industrial -employments outside the home is small when compared with the eastern -states. The total number of female breadwinners in Idaho, according to -the census report of 1900, was but 14.1 per cent of all the women in -the state; Colorado 18.8 per cent; Wyoming 20.8 per cent; and Utah 17.7 -per cent. These figures present quite a striking contrast when compared -with New York where 49.2 per cent of all the women in the state are -breadwinners; New Jersey 46.5 per cent; and Pennsylvania 37.4 per<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span> -cent. These figures indicate that women enjoy political privileges in -the West irrespective of their economic conditions.</p> - -<p>In many of the western states men outnumber women and most women are -married and at the head of households. The domestic system of industry -is more prevalent than in the large eastern cities, and in sparsely -settled communities; the family tends to be a close economic unit. -It is reasonable to suppose that the status of women in the West, -political, as well as social, is determined, not so much by economic -conditions directly, as by the breaking away from an old regime weighed -down by traditions and an economic condition favorable to a few.</p> - -<p>The strongest opposition to the enfranchisement of women in the West -comes from the women who have no economic interests outside the home, -and practically no social ones. They are unconscious of any sexual -antagonism—and justly so, for the men are markedly indifferent -excepting those who feel women may take too deep an interest in -questions affecting certain businesses, such as the liquor interests.</p> - -<p>It is not only newly settled countries which show a tendency to grant -women political rights, but countries where there is a complete change -in the governmental regime, either by the throwing off of the tyranny -of another country, or the tyranny of a class rule. At such a time -women help to create public sentiment and take active part in the -struggle to obtain liberty. Under such circumstances a demand for the -extension of the franchise, either for men or women is apt to meet with -approval along with other measures equally democratic.</p> - -<p>The women of the better classes are mostly home makers and cling with -a good deal of pride to the ideals of womanhood of an aristocratic -society of the past. They do not wish for the franchise and would -probably oppose the extension of their political rights. The exercise -of the right of the ballot would not tally with the leisure class -ideals of the community and would savor of a democracy almost plebian.</p> - -<p>As long as women look upon the extension of their political rights -from the point of view of individual gain, a large number of them will -impede the movement by their opposition and indifference. The reason -may be apparently social but it is primarily<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span> economic. Free from any -economic responsibilities, and some free from responsibilities of any -kind, they see no individual advantage in promoting a measure that -would add nothing to their comfort or peace of mind. Their philosophy -of life is an individualistic one as well as a selfish one, and their -opposition to a progressive movement is not so much a question of -confirmed principle as egotistical interests.</p> - -<p>Many of them feel absolutely no need for an extension of rights for by -virtue of their sex precedence they possess many more rights than any -social democracy could afford them.</p> - -<p>Many women have been stimulated by a sense of duty to their city and -their state to take an active interest in political and civic affairs. -On the other hand, there will always be many women just as there are -many men who will be indifferent to political issues and who will need -the stimulation and suggestion political meetings afford before they -take an active part in the political life of the community. It is -only then that most people appreciate the significance of a political -contest.</p> - -<p>The campaign for woman’s suffrage is often an attempt on the part of -public-spirited people to utilize the energy and leisure of women -on behalf of the common good. They alone have the time to make -investigations and to work out problems dealing directly with the -physical and moral well being of the community. Most men are interested -in politics from an economic point of view, whereas many women are -interested from the social point of view since they have no economic -interests at stake. They are prepared to devote their time to those -civic questions neglected by men, which are of vital importance to the -health and intelligence of the citizens.</p> - -<p>The evolution of industry out of the home is setting free a vast amount -of energy to be expended according to the will of the individual who -possesses the leisure. That this surplus energy should not be wasted is -of social consequence.</p> - -<p>With the development of industry outside the home the productive value -of many women’s work is disappearing as well as the spirit of unity of -the old-fashioned home. An era of individualism is the consequence.</p> - -<p>As fast as people break away from the customs and traditions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span> of the -past, either through a broader outlook afforded by the educational -world or economic readjustment, they form groups of individuals as -a source of strength. Just as the primitive tribe appreciated the -advantage of the increased strength of group life, so do modern -industrial and social classes form groups as a means of defense. Out -of economic groups have developed social groups with a tendency toward -a social state. As we work toward a social ideal, the power of the -economic forces grow less in the molding of our social institutions. -It is only within the last decade that there has been a conscious -effort to control economic forces for the good of all. Heretofore, -civilizations and their institutions have reflected the economic life, -and the predatory character of the latter made possible the survival -only of the most fit economically whether state, tribe, class or sex. -The survival of the fittest was not necessarily the survival of the -best.</p> - -<p>We are rapidly approaching a time when “what is best” is thought of -rather than what is fittest to survive. “The best” is that which -affords the greatest amount of good to the greatest number. This is -not a social philosophy as opposed to individualism, but a social -philosophy of individualism. Each individual counts in the general -scheme of things and in so far as he counts for good, he counts as an -important and indispensable social force not to be neglected.</p> - -<p>This is the new philosophy of the age: The poor man claims social -rights as well as the rich; the woman as well as the man; and the child -more than all the others. All are working for each and each for all.</p> - -<p>This is the keynote of the demand for the political rights of women -when made by the public-spirited for the sake of the community and -the child. It has not grown out of sex hatred or class struggle, or -an intolerable oppression of the weak by the strong, but the spirit -of a social democracy. On the other hand, the demand as made on a -purely industrial basis is part of an industrial struggle. In it are -involved elements of class struggle and a revolt of the weak against -the oppression of the strong, i. e. the elements which were paramount -in the men’s struggle for the franchise. And to these elements is added -one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span> more. The struggle in the past was fought by the men for their -families, but so difficult has become the industrial life that each -individual, whether man or woman, must fight for himself. It is not -social democracy that is impelling women industrial workers to ask for -the franchise, but on the contrary an industrial tyranny.</p> - -<p>The two are often confused in measuring the status of women of -different countries. We can no more assimilate the movement for -the enfranchisement of women in England to the movement for the -enfranchisement of women in the western section of the United States -than we can liken the economic and social status of the negro of the -South before the Civil War with that of the negro of the North. The one -was a slave to an economic regime and essential to its welfare; the -other was a human being with little economic or social significance.</p> - -<p>Thus we see in some places the political rights of women asked for -on industrial grounds, and fought for as an industrial expedient. -Elsewhere the political rights of women are sought on a social basis -alone.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Morgan, <i>Ancient Societies</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Morgan, <i>Ancient Societies</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 470.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Vinegradoff, <i>The Growth of the Manor</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 249.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Ross, <i>The Early History of Land-Holding Among the -Germans</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 67.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Vinegradoff, <i>The Growth of the Manor</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 249.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Maine, <i>Early History of Institutions</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 327.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Bagehot, <i>Physics and Politics</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Ostrogorski, <i>The Rights of Women</i>, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 8-9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Ostrogorski, <i>The Rights of Women</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> <i>Ibid</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 90.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Ashley, <i>Economic History</i>, 11, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Lecky, <i>History of European Morals</i>, II, Chap. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Ostrogorski, <i>The Rights of Women</i>, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 26.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Lecky, <i>Democracy and Liberty</i>, II, <abbr title="pages">pp.</abbr> 512-513.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Russel, <i>German Social Democracy</i>, Appendix on -Social Democracy and the Woman Question in Germany, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 175.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> <i>‘Feminisme’ in France</i>, Nineteenth Century, <abbr title="page">p.</abbr> 816, -Nov., 1908.</p> - -</div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONCLUSION">CONCLUSION</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Our conception of humanity in early race history is associated with -a struggle for subsistence. The animal instincts in men predominated -and determined their destinies. When these deviated from a safe -course, there was extinction. Danger was not encountered for the love -of combat—if so man differed from other species—but to ward off a -greater danger or to satisfy a hunger which was greater than the fear -of forces. Such was the hunger for food and sex. Impulse and fear were -the two guiding forces of primitive man, not self-control and reason. -The sexual impulse of men was easily aroused while with women it was -most often dormant. Thus the latter escaped one form of combat that -played a conspicuous part in the race history. They lacked the impulse, -and therefore the fear, that helped to make men fighters. The better -fighters men were, the less need was there for women to take part in -the combat. It was sex instinct which prompted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span> men to fight for their -mates, and it was the same instinct that incited them to protect them -after possession had been obtained. Thus by virtue of sex woman gained -protection from a hostile outside world, not only for herself but for -her offspring.</p> - -<p>With possession always goes authority. It meant a great deal to the -race for women to be protected during pregnancy and the period of -lactation, but in this early protection of the female lay the roots of -their later subordinate status. They were free in a measure from the -tyranny of the hostile environmental force, but instead subjected to -the tyranny of their masters. The latter was the lesser of two evils.</p> - -<p>Primitive man was not necessarily brutal to his mate; there exists in -all animals a natural deference on the part of the male toward the -female—when he showed consideration for his fellow men. It was only -when cruelty was a characteristic of man toward all his fellow men, or -a distinctive quality of the members of the group in question, men and -women alike, that women suffered from brutality.</p> - -<p>When prehistoric man showed a tendency to establish a permanent -dwelling place, two factors determined the occupation of women. Their -offspring looked to them for food which the chase did not always -supply; and secondly, they possessed, thanks to the men, leisure and -sense of security which made possible the concentration of attention -on the industrial arts. Necessity stimulated them to effort, but the -security from enemies, at least in a measure, made possible peaceable -pursuits that were significant of the beginning of the home.</p> - -<p>Women were not averse to this arrangement of occupations, for to them -it was the most convenient. To take part in war and the chase would -have worked great hardships on the small children who needed much of -the mother’s care. The association of women with the hearth is the -outgrowth of a natural development having its basis in the convenience -of both sexes.</p> - -<p>Thus were established habits which in a later day became recognized as -sex distinctions. The primitive mother handed down to her daughters the -precepts she herself had followed—perhaps on her own initiative, and -what was a habit with her became custom and tradition to her children.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span></p> - -<p>In early historical times women occupied a sphere industrially, -legally, and socially distinct from that of man, differing with -different peoples, but sufficiently alike to establish the fact that -woman’s position is invariably inferior. In militant types of society -the contrast between the status of men and women is most marked, -whereas these differences grow less as the occupations of both men and -women incline toward industrialism. Strength or weakness in combat -determined the status of the individual, class or sex when combat was -the chief occupation of men.</p> - -<p>Although in general women were physically weaker, and out of their -weakness arose, possibly, sex tyranny, family ties were close, and by -virtue of relationship individual women often exercised authority. This -shows sex alone was not always sufficient to deprive women of all power.</p> - -<p>In the early Roman days, their position was recognized by the state -as distinct from any rank applicable to men. Men were graded from the -highest position of respect in the state, to the lowest conceivable; -from absolute authority to abject slavery. Women were destitute of -authority as a sex, but individually the state recognized their rights -as involved in the rights of the family. They received the rank of -their husbands, but in a lesser degree, when they had no claim to the -rank by virtue of any inherent power or ability of their own. While as -a sex they had no voice in the state, the law-makers feared them when -they were closely related to superior officers.</p> - -<p>When war declined and agriculture assumed greater importance, the -family became a close social and economic unit with recognition of -a division of work between the sexes. Women, while still working in -the fields tended to leave the out-door work to men, and to confine -themselves more exclusively to in-door work. This might have been -considered a concession to the sex, for only among the poorest people -did women continue to hold their own in the field. Undoubtedly -women thought it was to their advantage to be able to confine their -efforts to work close to the hearth. Here we have another example of -convenience as responsible for the division of labor between men and -women.</p> - -<p>From the dawn of the industrial era men made inroads upon the -industrial sphere of women, and while they seemed to assume<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span> those -tasks most desirable from a modern point of view, nevertheless those -tasks were the ones most conveniently relinquished by the women. The -change was a mutual advantage and not necessarily a consequence of the -arbitrary exercise of authority. Women’s interests were concentrated on -industrial occupations only in so far as these occupations furthered -the well-being of their families, and just as soon as they were able to -shift the responsibility to others, they did so gladly, for by so doing -they were brought closer to the fireside and their children.</p> - -<p>Before the introduction of machine industry, the home of the working -people stood for an economic unit as well as a social one. Women left -the field for indoor work, and as soon as there existed a surplus of -labor out-of-doors, they once again divided their employments with the -men, the latter taking over those tasks allowing for the greatest play -of skill and inventiveness, and most completely divorced from personal -service. These became the textile industries and paved the way for the -industrial revolution, and the substitution of machine work for hand -work. Women drew their work instinctively closer to the hearth; men -away from it.</p> - -<p>Hardly the most able men according to the estimate of the time were the -ones to leave the fields for a new line of work. What probably happened -was that those men physically deformed or otherwise handicapped in the -out-of-door work, were relegated to the fireside to assist the women. -It was their specialization and concentration that made them excel -in their art and bring it to a higher state of perfection than women -had. Undoubtedly they were looked down on by men, and their social -position was similiar to that of the tailor only a few generations ago. -Literature affords us many a merry gibe at the expense of the man who -earned his bread with his needle, and only recently has he taken his -place in the trades on an equality with others.</p> - -<p>When machine industry replaced hand industry a revolution was started -that has not yet ended. Instead of all social and economic forces -molding the home into a more compact unit, they tend to disintegrate -the home and to force its dependent members from its industrial -shelter.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span></p> - -<p>It was at this time that great suffering was endured. The family -compact had gained industrial strength by virtue of the combination, -but when each individual member of that family was forced to seek a -place in an industrial regime, many of them became victims of a new -order they were powerless to control. Men, women, and children flocked -to the factories for work, and in return for their services received -a mere pittance in comparison with the economic advantages of the old -economic life. Where there existed poverty, before, now dwelt misery -and desolation. Men could not protect their wives and children from -killing toil and although their memories carried them back to better -days, they now became part of the procession of the hopelessly poor.</p> - -<p>What happened in the warring communities of primitive times now took -place in industrial communities. The old economic groups had been -broken up and no readjustment taken place. Hence, each individual -was forced to fight his battle and his success depended upon his own -efforts. It was the predatory spirit let loose in an economic guise. -The combat was more brutal in that the vanquished ones were not slain -on the field but left to die in damp cellars.</p> - -<p>As in history the status of women depended upon the status of their -husbands. As a sex they asked for nothing but bread for themselves and -their families. Their new economic position in the factory was supposed -to be a temporary make-shift only, and their failure to recognize its -permanency was perhaps one reason why all their demands were demands -for the men—a chance for their husbands to support their families -independent of their wives.</p> - -<p>Little change has been effected in their status since the industrial -revolution excepting an increase in their numbers in the factories. -So many of them lack sufficient nourishment or leisure or power to -help themselves—the same applies to the men—that they are seemingly -powerless even at the present time to change their lot. The effort is -coming from another class which has been far more fortunate in its -economic adjustments.</p> - -<p>The hopelessly poor are the victims of our industrial regime. Just -ahead in the social scale are the middle class workers. It<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span> is in their -homes a favorable readjustment to the new economic conditions can be -found. With the departure of each occupation from the home came an -expansion of wants. A greater variety of food and clothing increased -the kinds of work women performed. They were just as busy as when they -wove and spun. If new economic problems had not arisen out of the -fact that men did not receive adequate compensation for their labor -to warrant a higher plane of living in the home, the women of this -class would not have been compelled to change their habits of life to -any extent. In many families of the middle-class, women’s work in the -household has little money value unless performed in the household of -another. It is when the men of the household are out of work that the -small economic importance of women’s work to the family is manifest. It -most often does not satisfy the primary needs for food and shelter of -those about them. Here lies the essential difference between the work -of the modern housewife and that of the housewife of the era before -machine industry. This difference is constantly increasing and making -the family more dependent for its support upon employment outside the -home. As an institution the home is becoming one of sentiment alone, -and not one of economic expediency.</p> - -<p>Women’s work in the home is rapidly becoming a luxury, and less of a -necessity; and unless a different economic regime is brought in, women -will be compelled to add to the incomes of the families or marriage -will become a luxury of the well-to-do alone. Either men of the -middle-class must receive an ever increasing wage or the women engage -in money-gaining occupations.</p> - -<p>It is true many women resist the removal of all productive industry -from the home to the factory, but it is like resisting a glacial -movement down a mountain side. The home must adapt itself to the change -to save itself. When the home no longer possesses economic value, -when marriage “means a doubling of expense and the halving of income, -the accountability of one person for the welfare of another, and the -certainty of no resource if the sole wage earner falls by chance into -the abyss of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span> the unemployed,” people will not so readily enter into a -relation which involves so great a responsibility and sacrifice.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> - -<p>The number of marriages is decreasing, but the number of married women -following professional pursuits is also increasing. If men are more -timid than formerly in assuming matrimonial ties, or if women show as -great a timidity in entering into a relation that promises hardships -arising out of their complete economic dependence, the progress married -women are making in the skilled industries and other lines of work -compatible with their conception of their social status, will prove -a large factor in restoring confidence in the mutual helpfulness -made possible by marriage and tend to check the decrease of the -marriage-rate.</p> - -<p>The decline of the birth-rate is a more serious problem. A large infant -mortality prevails the world over and no effective means have been -found to prevent this great sacrifice of life. Indeed the decrease of -the birth-rate is comparatively small when compared with the waste -of life by infantile diseases. If only some means were found to -prevent this waste the decrease in the birth-rate would be one more -illustration of the great economy in pain and suffering achieved by -an advanced civilization. The real alarming thing is not a general -decrease in the birth-rate but a decrease applying to the better social -classes alone. The latter are made up of individuals who have enjoyed -the advantages of our social institutions. If their superiority can be -traced to their natural superiority rather than to their opportunities, -made possible by their economic status, there exists genuine reason for -alarm; but if humanity after all is much alike the world over, and the -differences between types are due to opportunity, no better means can -be found to meet the problem than by affording a wider diffusion of -the benefits of a higher civilization. To bring this about cities must -be made sanitary places in which to live and extreme poverty must be -eliminated from the child’s environment.</p> - -<p>The decrease of the importance of women’s work in the home is not alone -responsible for the changes in their status but also the modern close -intercommunication of cosmopolitan groups<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span> made possible by modern -industrial methods in the business world. The close relations existing -between individuals and groups of individuals who have not always lived -in the same environment, or the same kind of an environment stimulates -many new desires and human faculties which might have remained dormant -were the individual shut off from the close relations with the outside -world.</p> - -<p>One of the results of this interaction is a disregard for the social -barriers of the past, and a leveling of educational and social -opportunities so that they are within the reach of a constantly -increasing number of men and women alike.</p> - -<p>A desire for invidious distinction is a marked motive in man. He -desires to excel others, at least those in his class, in the pursuits -which give precedence in the eyes of others. If he has not the -financial means at hand to excel with a degree of ease, he will make -every possible sacrifice to maintain at least the standards of the -class with which he is associated.</p> - -<p>When the family was a close economic unit, and high class barriers -existed there was little opportunity for mutual stimulation. The -natural characteristic of responsiveness to suggestion was held in -check by the customary standards of one’s class. Such is not true under -the factory regime. The individual has access to any class so far as -his economic resources and leisure permit. Hence a free play of the -imitative faculty, which often takes the form of a blind imitation of -the recognized superior in invidious distinction—the accepting of -standards from the class above irrespective of their merits.</p> - -<p>This is especially characteristic of women and is given expression in -expensive dress, furniture, and ability to purchase services. Women -show the imitative faculty to a greater degree than men for they -have more leisure. Leisure above all things is most conducive to the -development of desires suggested by the plane or expenditure of the -class above.</p> - -<p>The development of industry has created a vast amount of new wealth, -and women more than men have profited by the great increase of -productivity. Their leisure is being increased rapidly and when their -men-folk are prosperous they can afford to gratify wants without taking -into consideration their ultimate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span> good. Hence women of leisure tend to -form a procession of imitators, each according to her inclinations and -financial standing.</p> - -<p>The initiative faculty is a virtue when appealed to by progressive -social ideals, but is a menace when it signifies an insane procession -of clothes, mission furniture or oriental rugs. It is then the stuffy -flat in the heart of the city is preferred to the cottage in the -suburbs. In some, this inclination to follow fashion seems to grow -with the increased means of communication. A childlike faith that good -models will be imitated rather than bad ones is akin to the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">laissez -faire</i> philosophy that has so ignominiously failed. It is of the -utmost importance that social ideals should be consciously molded.</p> - -<p>The effect of economic changes upon the status of women have been many. -They have forced and are still forcing an ever increasing number of -women into the factories to compete with each other in the poorest -paid field of labor. The homes of these women are a disgrace to -civilization. It is seldom that the comforts or the decencies of life -can be found there. These same economic forces are making it possible -for many middle class workers to better their financial and social -condition but they threaten the masses with poverty or the necessity of -the wives entering the industrial field with their husbands. They have -also made possible a widening leisure on the part of many women whose -husbands are successful business men. Never in history were there so -many idle women.</p> - -<p>Only the rich and the poor who are adjusted to economic conditions can -afford to marry. The one class has no fear for the future, the other -class has no hope. It is in the large middle class retaining social -ideals and struggling to adapt itself to changing conditions with as -little sacrifice as possible, where one can best measure the effects -of economic changes. It is there parents appreciate the necessity of -giving their children educational advantages superior to their own. -Each generation expects more of the past than the last, and what is -true of individuals is true of institutions. There is a growing demand -for more highly trained men and women. Hence parents appreciate the -necessity of limiting the size of the family in order to meet the -increased demands made upon them.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span></p> - -<p>Each individual adjusts himself as best he can to his economic life, -and his economic life tends to be the center of his social life. When -the former changes, the change is reflected in the latter and the sum -total creates a social consciousness reflected in the existing social -institutions.</p> - -<p>It is doubtful if women as a sex will ever reach the same economic and -social status as men. Individual women, especially certain unmarried -ones, will do so but as representative of a class in society rather -than sex.</p> - -<p>Unless some radical changes take place in society we now little dream -of, the majority of women will prefer home life to active industrial -careers. This will be made possible in part by the inherent gallantry -of men, and a social conscience which will make fewer economic demands -upon the mothers of the race than upon the fathers.</p> - -<p>Whether one half of the race can support the other half will never be -tested, for there will always be a large army of women, married and -single, who will prefer their economic independence to any form of -co-operation in housekeeping.</p> - -<p>The question resolves itself ultimately into whether the average man -will in the future be able to support a family without the financial -assistance of his wife; and whether society can afford, either -industrially or morally, to support an increasing number of idle women. -The question will be solved by one of two forces and probably by -both. These are economic necessity and our educational institutions. -To prophesy the effects of these forces upon the status of women -in the future, it would be necessary to assume that these forces -themselves are in no immediate danger of undergoing radical changes. -The assumption would be wrong, for the atmosphere is charged with -discontent with the present economic conditions. When the latter are -sufficiently controlled to assure a measure of contentment among the -people the home will adjust itself like any other adaptable institution.</p> - -<p>Many of the responsibilities formerly associated with the home are -now performed by the state municipality. This changed condition is -especially noticeable in the care and education of children. The -functions of the state are no longer confined<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span> exclusively to police -powers, but aim through constructive legislation to bring about -industrial and social conditions conducive to the welfare of all its -citizens.</p> - -<p>Through its educational policies it is possible for the government to -so regulate and develop the institutions of society as to minimize some -of the evils arising out of modern economic life, and to direct social -ideals which will reflect themselves in the industrial habits of man.</p> - -<p>The home and all allied institutions show the influence of economic -habits, and whatever changes take place in the latter—whether -resulting from a conscious social influence or a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">laissez-faire</i> -policy in industry—will in time make themselves felt in the former. -The home comes nearer being an expression of the industrial development -of mankind than any other institution of society.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Patten.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="BIBLIOGRAPHY">BIBLIOGRAPHY</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="p0">Adams, Henry. <i>Historical Essays.</i> New York, 1891.</p> - -<p class="p0">Adams, Thomas Sewell, and Summer, Helen L., <i>Labor Problems</i>. New -York, London, 1905.</p> - -<p class="p0">Addams, Jane. <i>Democracy and Social Ethics.</i> New York, 1902.</p> - -<p class="p0">Ashley, William James. <i>An Introduction to English Economic History -and Theory.</i> New York. 1888-93 (2 v.).</p> - -<p class="p0">Bachofen, J. J. <i>Das Mutterrechts</i> eine Untersuchung über die -Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen -Natur. Stuttgart, 1861.</p> - -<p class="p0">Bagehot, Walter. <i>Physics and Politics.</i> London, 1872.</p> - -<p class="p0">Bailey, William Bacon. <i>Modern Social Conditions</i>: a statistical -study of birth, marriage, divorce, death, disease, suicide, -immigration, etc., with special reference to the U. S. New York, 1906.</p> - -<p class="p0">Bliss, William D. P. (Editor-in-chief) <i>The New Encyclopedia of -Social Reform.</i> New York, London, 1908.</p> - -<p class="p0">Booth, Charles. <i>Labour and Life of the People.</i> 3 <abbr title="volumes">vols.</abbr> ed. 3 -London, 1891.</p> - -<p class="p0">Brand, Lillian. <i>Five Hundred and Seventy-four Deserters and their -Families</i>; a descriptive study of their characteristics and -circumstances. New York, 1905.</p> - -<p class="p0">Brinton, Daniel Garrison. <i>Races and Peoples</i>: lectures on the -science of ethnography. New York, 1890.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>The Basis of Social Relations</i>: a study in ethnic -psychology. New York, 1902.</p> - -<p class="p0">Brooks, John Graham. <i>The Social Unrest</i>: studies in labor and -socialist movements. New York, 1903.</p> - -<p class="p0">Bryce. <i>Marriage and Divorce Under Roman and English Law.</i> In his -studies in History and Jurisprudence. New York, London, 1901.</p> - -<p class="p0">Bucher, Karl. <i>Industrial Evolution</i>; translated from the 3d. -German ed. by S. M. Wickett. New York, 1901.</p> - -<p class="p0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span></p> - -<p class="p0">Cadbury, Edward. <i>Women’s Work and Wages</i>: a phase of life in -an industrial city, by Edward Cadbury, M. Cecile Matheson and George -Shann, London, 1906.</p> - -<p class="p0">Campbell, Helen. <i>Prisoners of Poverty</i>: women wage workers, -their trades and their lives. Boston, 1890.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>Women Wage-earners</i>: their past, their present and -their future. Boston, 1893.</p> - -<p class="p0">Cheyney, Edward Potts. <i>An Introduction to the Industrial and Social -History of England.</i> New York, 1905.</p> - -<p class="p0">Collet, Clara E. <i>Educated Working Women</i>: essays on the economic -position of women workers in the middle classes. London, 1902.</p> - -<p class="p0">Commander, Lydia Kingsmill. <i>The American Idea.</i> Does the -national tendency toward a small family point to race suicide or race -development. New York, 1907.</p> - -<p class="p0">Creighton, Louise. <i>Social History of England.</i> London, 1887.</p> - -<p class="p0">Crepaz, Adelé. <i>The Emancipation of Women and its Probable -Consequences.</i> London, 1893.</p> - -<p class="p0">Cunningham, William. <i>The Growth of English Industry and -Commerce.</i> ed. 2, Cambridge, 1890-92. (2 v.)</p> - -<p class="p0">Dawson, William Harbreth. <i>Germany and the Germans.</i> London, 1894. -(2 v.)</p> - -<p class="p0">Debel, Ferdinand August. <i>Die Frau und der Socialismus.</i> -Stuttgart, 1904.</p> - -<p class="p0">Demolins, Edmund. <i>Les Grandes Routes Des Peuples</i>: essai de -géographie sociale; comment la route crée le type social. v. 1 Paris, -1901.</p> - -<p class="p0">Denton, <abbr title="reverend">Rev.</abbr> William. <i>England in the Fifteenth Century.</i> London, -1888.</p> - -<p class="p0">Duruy, Victor. <i>History of Rome, and of the Roman People from its -Origin to the Invasion of the Barbarians</i>, tr. by M. M. Ripley and -W. F. Clarke. Ed. by <abbr title="reverend">Rev.</abbr> J. P. Mahaffy. Boston, 1883.</p> - -<p class="p0">Earle, Alice Morse. <i>Colonial Dames and Good Wives.</i> Boston, 1895.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>Colonial Days In Old New York.</i> New York, 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>Colonial Life In New England.</i> New York, 1893.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>Home Life in Colonial Days.</i> New York, 1899.</p> - -<p class="p0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span></p> - -<p class="p0">Eckenstein, Lina. <i>Woman Under Monasticism</i>: chapters on Saint -lore and convent life between A. D. 500 and A. D. 1500. Camb. 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">Ellis, Havelock. <i>Man and Woman</i>: a study of human secondary -character. London, 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">Ely, Richard T. <i>Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society.</i> -New York, 1903.</p> - -<p class="p0">Fisher, George Park. <i>The Beginnings of Christianity</i>; with a -view of the state of the Roman world at the birth of Christ. New York, -1877.</p> - -<p class="p0">Garnier, Russell M. <i>Annals of the British Peasantry.</i> London, -1895.</p> - -<p class="p0">Gohre, Paul. <i>Three Months in a Workshop</i>; a practical study; -translated from the German by A. B. Carr. London, 1895.</p> - -<p class="p0">Grosse, Ernst. <i>Die Formen der Familie und Die Formen Der -Wirthschaft.</i> Freiburg and Leipzig, 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">Guizot, François Pierre. <i>General History of Civilization in Europe, -from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the French Revolution</i>; 9th -Amer. from the 2nd English ed. with occasional notes by C. S. Henry. -New York, 1869.</p> - -<p class="p0">Hart, Albert Bushnell. <i>National Ideals Historically Traced</i>, -1607-1907. New York, 1907.</p> - -<p class="p0">Hildebrand, Richard. <i>Über das Problem einer Allgemeinen -Entwicklungsgeschichte des Rechts und Der Sitte.</i> Graz, 1849.</p> - -<p class="p0">Hobhouse, Leonard Trelawney. <i>Morals in Evolution</i>: a study in -comparative ethics. New York, 1906. (2 v.)</p> - -<p class="p0">Hobson, John Atkinson. <i>The Social Problem: Life and Work.</i> New -York, 1901.</p> - -<p class="p0">Ichenhauser, Eliza. <i>Die Politische Gleichberrechtigung der -Frau.</i> Berlin, 1898.</p> - -<p class="p0">Janssen, Johannes. <i>History of the German People at the Close of the -Middle Ages</i>; translated from the German by M. A. Mitchell and A. -M. Christie. London, 1900. (C.)</p> - -<p class="p0">Jordan, David Starr. <i>The Voice of the Scholar</i>, with other -addresses on the problem of higher education. San Francisco, 1903.</p> - -<p class="p0">Kellogg, Vernon Lyman. <i>Darwinism Today.</i> New York, 1907.</p> - -<p class="p0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span></p> - -<p class="p0">Kelly, Florence. <i>Some Ethical Gains through Legislation.</i> New -York, London, 1905.</p> - -<p class="p0">Lang, Andrew. <i>Early History of the Family.</i> In his Custom and -Myth. London, 1884.</p> - -<p class="p0">Lecky, William Edward Hartpole. <i>Democracy and Liberty.</i> New -York, 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>History of European Morals from Augustus to -Charlemagne.</i> New York, 1869. (2 v.)</p> - -<p class="p0">Letourneau, Charles Jean Marie. <i>The Evolution of Marriage and the -Family.</i> London, 1891.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>La Condition De la Femme Dans les Diverses Races et -Civilizations.</i> Paris, 1903.</p> - -<p class="p0">Lily, Braun. <i>Die Frauenfrage</i>: ihre geschichtliche Entwicklung -und wirtschaftliche Seite. Leipzig, 1901.</p> - -<p class="p0">Lubbock, John. <i>The Origin of Civilization and the Primitive -Condition of Man, Mental and Social Condition of Savages.</i> New -York, 1874.</p> - -<p class="p0">Lynch, Hannah. <i>French Life in Town and Country.</i> New York, 1901.</p> - -<p class="p0">McLennan, John Ferguson. <i>Studies In Ancient History</i>, comprising -a reprint of Primitive Marriage, an inquiry into the origin of the -forms of capture in marriage ceremonies. New Ed. London, 1886.</p> - -<p class="p0">Mahaffy, John P. and Gilman, Arthur. <i>A Survey of Greek -Civilization.</i> New York, 1889.</p> - -<p class="p0">Maine, Sir Henry. <i>Ancient Law.</i> New York, 1878.</p> - -<p class="p0">—— —— <i>Early History of Institutions.</i> New York, 1875.</p> - -<p class="p0">Marshall, Alfred. <i>Principles of Economics.</i> 5th ed. London, 1907.</p> - -<p class="p0">Mason, O. T. <i>Woman’s Share in Primitive Culture.</i> New York, 1894.</p> - -<p class="p0">Maspero, Gaston Camille Charles. <i>The Dawn of Civilization, Egypt -and Chaldaea</i> ed. by A. H. Sayce, tr. by M. E. McClure. London, -1894.</p> - -<p class="p0">Mill, John Stuart. <i>Socialism</i>; being a collection of his -writings, with chapters on democracy, and the right of property in -land, and the enfranchisement of women; ed. by W. P. Bliss, New York, -1891.</p> - -<p class="p0"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span></p> - -<p class="p0">Mommsen, Christian Mathias Theodor. <i>The History of Rome.</i> Tr. by -<abbr title="reverend">Rev.</abbr> Wm. P. Dickson. New York, 1869-71. 4 v.</p> - -<p class="p0">More, Mrs. Louise Bolard. <i>Wage Earners’ Budgets</i>: a study of -standards and cost of living in New York City. New York, 1907.</p> - -<p class="p0">Morgan, Lewis H. <i>Ancient Society, or Researches in the Lines of -Human Progress from Savagery through Barbarianism to Civilization.</i> -New York, 1878.</p> - -<p class="p0">Ostrogorski, M. <i>The Rights of Women</i>: a comparative study in -history and legislation; tr. under the author’s supervision. London, -1893.</p> - -<p class="p0">Patten, Simon Nelson. <i>The New Basis of Civilization.</i> New York, -London, 1907.</p> - -<p class="p0">Paulsen, Friedrich. <i>German Universities, Character and Historical -Development</i>; tr. by Frank Thilly and William W. Elwang. New York, -1906.</p> - -<p class="p0">Pearson, Charles Henry. “<i>The Decline of the Family.</i>” In his -National Life and Character; A Forecast, Chap. v. London, 1893.</p> - -<p class="p0">Ploss, Herman Heinrich. <i>Das Weib in Der Natur-und-völker-kunde</i>: -anthropologische studien. Lpz. 1905, 2 v.</p> - -<p class="p0">Riis, Jacob August. <i>The Peril and the Preservation of the Home.</i> -Philadelphia, 1903.</p> - -<p class="p0">Rowntree, B. <i>Poverty</i>: A study of town life. Ed. 3. London, 1902.</p> - -<p class="p0">Russell, Bertrand Arthur William. <i>German Social Democracy</i>: with -an appendix on social democracy and the woman question in Germany by -Alys Russell. London, 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">Salmon, Lucy Maynard. <i>Domestic Service.</i> Ed. 2. New York, 1901.</p> - -<p class="p0">Sayce, A. H. <i>Social Life Among the Assyrians and the -Babylonians.</i> London, 1893.</p> - -<p class="p0">Smith, Richard Mayo. <i>Science of Statistics.</i> 2 v. New York, -1895-99.</p> - -<p class="p0">Spahr, Charles B. <i>An Essay on the Present Distribution of Wealth in -the United States.</i> New York, 1896.</p> - -<p class="p0">Starcke, C. N. <i>The Primitive Family.</i> New York, 1889.</p> - -<p class="p0">Starr, Frederick. <i>Some First Steps in Human Progress.</i> Meadville -(Penn.), 1895.</p> - -<hr class="x-ebookmaker-drop chap" /> -<div class="chapter transnote"> - -<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - -<p>Errors and omissions in punctuation have been corrected.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_16">Page 16</a>: “militant actvities” changed to “militant activities”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_20">Page 20</a>: “enjoyed ahe” changed to “enjoyed the”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_21">Page 21</a>: “Mommson says, ” changed to “Mommsen says,”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_24">Page 24</a>: “similiar occupations” changed to “similar occupations”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_32">Page 32</a>: “some meassure” changed to “some measure” “less disasterous” -changed to “less disastrous”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_38">Page 38</a>: “nor the benificiaries” changed to “nor the beneficiaries”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_40">Page 40</a>: “in no covent” changed to “in no convent”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_42">Page 42</a>: “The wires of the men” changed to “The wives of the men” </p> - -<p><a href="#Page_46">Page 46</a>: “a rare occurance” changed to “a rare occurence”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_54">Page 54</a>: “cultural opportunites” changed to “cultural opportunities”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_59">Page 59</a>: “greater the opportunties” changed to “greater the -opportunities”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_63">Page 63</a>: “It it felt” changed to “It is felt”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_64">Page 64</a>: “especial in the smaller” changed to “especially in the smaller”</p> - - -<p><a href="#Page_73">Page 73</a>: “it is posible” changed to “it is possible”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_80">Page 80</a>: “Westermark thinks” changed to “Westermarck thinks”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_81">Page 81</a>: “in simply astounding” changed to “is simply astounding”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_92">Page 92</a>: “Great Britian” changed to “Great Britain”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_93">Page 93</a>: “the case with which a man” changed to “the ease with which a man”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_94">Page 94</a>: “at all hazzards” changed to “at all hazards”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_99">Page 99</a>: “were indentical” changed to “were identical” “to a -patriachate” changed to “to a patriarchate”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_104">Page 104</a>: “considered a ursurpation” changed to “considered a -usurpation” “were recorganized” changed to “were recognized”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_110">Page 110</a>: “spirit of resistence” changed to “spirit of resistance”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_116">Page 116</a>: “the contract between the status” changed to “the contrast between the status”</p> - -<p>In a few spots, quotations from original sources had small transcription errors, which were corrected where possible according to the original source.</p> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WOMEN AND ECONOMIC EVOLUTION ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. -</div> - -<div style='margin-top:1em; font-size:1.1em; text-align:center'>START: FULL LICENSE</div> -<div style='text-align:center;font-size:0.9em'>THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE</div> -<div style='text-align:center;font-size:0.9em'>PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person -or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when -you share it without charge with others. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work -on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the -phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: -</div> - -<blockquote> - <div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most - other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions - whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms - of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online - at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you - are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws - of the country where you are located before using this eBook. - </div> -</blockquote> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format -other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain -Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -provided that: -</div> - -<div style='margin-left:0.7em;'> - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation.” - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ - works. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works. - </div> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right -of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™ -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread -public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/donate/">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. -</div> - -</div> -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/69021-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/69021-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e80afbf..0000000 --- a/old/69021-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null |
