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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 04:34:57 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 04:34:57 -0700 |
| commit | 417d76ce87f99ed7b97d9f745e73320f08ad5cec (patch) | |
| tree | cc91e87c7e0b0391fc557ce22368a02d6f71d33a /10672-h | |
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diff --git a/10672-h/10672-h.htm b/10672-h/10672-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6e000c3 --- /dev/null +++ b/10672-h/10672-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,6277 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<html> +<head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8"> + <title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Game and Playe of the Chesse, by Caxton</title> +<style type="text/css"> + + * { font-family: Times;} + P { margin-top: .75em; + margin-bottom: .75em; } + H1,H2,H3 { text-align: center; } + HR { width: 33%; } + + </style> +</head> +<body> +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 10672 ***</div> + +<h1>CAXTON'S<br> +GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE.</h1> + + +<h2>1474.</h2> + +<center> +<h2> +A VERBATIM REPRINT OF THE FIRST EDITION.</h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +WITH AN INTRODUCTION</h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +BY</h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +WILLIAM E.A. AXON, M.R.S.L.</h2></center> + +<center> +<h4> +"And ther was founde by clerkes full prudent <br> +Of the chesse the play most glorious."</h4></center> + +<center> +<h4> +JOHN LYDGATE.</h4></center> + +<center><img SRC="images/002tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=136 width=200></center> + +<center> +<h3> +LONDON: ELLIOT STOCK,<br> +62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C.<br> +1883.</h3></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<blockquote>[Transcribers Note: This is a reprint of Caxton's 1474 original. +"Englifh" long s's which look very similar to f's have been transposed +to s's for readability; yogh (looks like a mutated 3) has been rendered +as a 3; thorn, þ, has been left as such and macrons over letters +are given as e.g. [=o]. Otherwise the text has been left as is. +<p>The original punctutation has been preseved. Virgula suspensiva, shown +here as / was in common use from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century. +Often used for short pauses (such as the cæsura in the middle of +a line of poetry), but sometimes was used as equivalent to the punctus. +'9 represents a superscripted 9 and is an ancestor to the modern apostrophe. +It usually indicates the omission of a terminal -us. +<p>A small amount of text in this edition is in Blackletter, which was +used in the Caxton original, and these sections have been marked up as +such. +<p>The book contains many attractive illustrations copied from the Caxton +original and an HTML version exists to give a better representation of +this.] +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/004banner.gif" ALT="banner lion" height=133 width=500></center> +</blockquote> + +<h2><a href="#INTRODUCTION">CONTENTS</a></h2> + +<h3> +<a name="cINTRODUCTION."></a><a href="#INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION.</a></h3> +<img SRC="images/004J.gif" ALT="J" height=130 width=120 align=LEFT>Jonathon Oldbuck +on the Game of Chess, 1474 +<br>The First Edition: copies in libraries and at sales +<br>Where was it printed? +<br>Caxton's account of the translation +<br>The Second Edition: copies in libraries and at sales +<br>Ferron and De Vignay's "Jeu d'Echecs" +<br>Jacques de Cessoles: "Liber de Moribus hominum" +<br>Sermons on Chess +<br>Ægidius Romanus, his life and his book: "De Regimine Principum" +<br>Occleve's imitation +<br>William Caxton as a translator +<br>Bibliography of the Chess Book: +<br> Colonna +<br> Cessoles +<br> Ferron and De Vignay +<br> Conrad van Ammenhaufen +<br> Mennel +<br> Heinrich von Beringen +<br> Stephan +<br> Caxton +<br> Sloane +<br> The scope and language of the Chess-book +<br> Authors quoted and named +<br> Biblical names and allusions +<br> Xerxes the inventor of Chess! +<br> Sidrac +<br> John the monk +<br> Truphes of the Philosophers +<br> Helinand +<br> Classical allusions +<br> Mediæval allusions and stories +<br> John of Ganazath +<br> St. Bernard +<br> The dishonest trader +<br> The drunken hermit +<br> A violent remedy +<br> Murder of Nero +<br> Theodorus Cyrenaicus +<br> Democritus of Abdera +<br> Socrates disguised +<br> Didymus and raised letters for the blind +<br> Shaksperean etymology +<br> Caxton at Ghent +<br> The history of Chess +<br> The ethical aim of the writer of the Chess-book +<h2> +<a name="cTHEGAMEOFTHE"></a><a href="#THEGAMEOF">THE GAME OF THE CHESSE.</a></h2> + +<h3> +<a name="cDedicationtotheDukeof"></a><a href="#DEDICATION">Dedication +to the Duke of Clarence</a></h3> + +<h3> +<a name="cProloguetosecond"></a><a href="#PREFACETOTHESECOND">Prologue +to second edition</a></h3> + +<h3> +<a name="cBOOKI"></a><a href="#BOOKI">BOOK I.</a></h3> +This booke conteyneth. iiii. traytees/ The first traytee is of the Invencion +of this playe of the chesse/ and conteyneth. iii. chapitres. +<p><a name="cbkIThefirst"></a><a href="#bk1ch1">The first chapitre is +under what kynge this play was founden.</a> +<p><a name="cbk1The2"></a><a href="#bk1ch2">The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde +this playe.</a> +<p><a name="cbk1The3"></a><a href="#bk1ch3">The .iii. chapitre/ treteth +of. iii. causes why hit was made and founden.</a> +<h3> +<a name="cBOOKII"></a><a href="#BOOKII">BOOK II.</a></h3> +<a href="#bk2ch1">The seconde traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and conteyneth +.v. chapitres.</a> +<p><a name="cbk2ch1"></a><a href="#bk2ch1">The first chapitre treteth of +the forme of a kynge and of suche thinges as apperteyn to a kynge.</a> +<p><a name="cbk2ch2"></a><a href="#bk2ch2">The .ii. chapitre treteth of +y'e quene & her forme & maners.</a> +<p><a name="cbk2ch3"></a><a href="#bk2ch3">The .iii. chapitre of the forme +of the alphins and her offices and maners.</a> +<p><a name="cbk2ch4"></a><a href="#bk2ch4">The .iiii. chapitre is of the +knygth and of his offices.</a> +<p><a name="cbk2ch5"></a><a href="#bk2ch5">The .v. is of the rooks and +of their maners and offices.</a> +<h3> +<a name="cBOOKIII"></a><a href="#BOOKIII">BOOK III.</a></h3> +<a href="#bk3ch1">The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple +And hath .viii. chapitres.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch1"></a><a href="#bk3ch1">The first chapitre is of the +labourers & tilinge of the erthe.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch2"></a><a href="#bk3ch2">The .ii. of smythis and other +werkes in yron & metall.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch3"></a><a href="#bk3ch3">The .iii. is of drapers and +makers of cloth & notaries.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch4"></a><a href="#bk3ch4">The .iiii. is of marchantes +and chaungers.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch5"></a><a href="#bk3ch5">The .v. is of phisicyens and +cirugiens and apotecaries.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch6"></a><a href="#bk3ch6">The .vi. is of tauerners and +hostelers.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch7"></a><a href="#bk3ch7">The .vii. is of y'e gardes of +the citees & tollers & customers.</a> +<p><a name="cbk3ch8"></a><a href="#bk3ch8">The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars +and currours.</a> +<h3> +<a name="cBOOKIV"></a><a href="#BOOKIV">BOOK IV.</a></h3> +<a href="#bk4ch1">The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them +And hath .viii. chapitres.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch1"></a><a href="#bk4ch1">The first is of the eschequer.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch2"></a><a href="#bk4ch2">The seconde of the yssue and +progression of the kynge.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch3"></a><a href="#bk4ch3">The thirde of the yssue of the quene.</a> [Transcribers +note: Original mislabels 3rd chapter as a second 2nd chapter] +<p><a name="cbk4ch4"></a><a href="#bk4ch4">The fourth is of the yssue of +the alphyns.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch5"></a><a href="#bk4ch5">The fifth is of the yssue of +the knyghtes.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch6"></a><a href="#bk4ch6">The sixty chapitre of the yssue +of the rooks.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch7"></a><a href="#bk4ch7">The seuenth is of the meuynge +& yssue of the comyn peple.</a> +<p><a name="cbk4ch8"></a><a href="#bk4ch8">And the eyght and laste chapitre +is of the epilegacion and of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres.</a> +<h3> +<a name="cGLOSSARY"></a><a href="#GLOSSARY">GLOSSARY</a></h3> + +<h3> +<a name="cINDEX"></a><a href="#INDEX">INDEX</a></h3> + +<center><img SRC="images/007tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=140 width=200></center> + +<p> +<hr> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/008banner.gif" ALT="banner birds" height=104 width=511></h2></center> + +<h2> +<a name="INTRODUCTION"></a><a href="#cINTRODUCTION.">INTRODUCTION</a></h2> +<img SRC="images/008T.gif" ALT="T" height=128 width=120 align=LEFT>The readers +of the "Antiquary" will remember the anecdote told with so much effusion +by Jonathan Oldbuck. '"Davy Wilson," he said, "commonly called Snuffy Davy, +from his inveterate addiction to black rappee, was the very prince of scouts +for searching blind alleys, cellars, and stalls, for rare volumes. He had +the scent of a slow-hound, sir, and the snap of a bull-dog. He would detect +you an old black-letter ballad among the leaves of a law-paper, and find +an <i>editio princeps</i> under the mask of a school Corderius. Snuffy +Davy bought the 'Game of Chess, 1474,' the first book ever printed in England, +from a stall in Holland for about two groschen, or two-pence of our money. +He sold it to Osborne for twenty pounds, and as many books as came to twenty +pounds more. Osborne re-sold this inimitable windfall to Dr. Askew for +sixty guineas. At Dr. Askew's sale," continued the old gentleman, kindling +as he spoke, "this inestimable treasure blazed forth in its full value +and was purchased by Royalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds! +Could a copy now occur, Lord only knows," he ejaculated with a deep sigh +and lifted-up hands, "Lord only knows what would be its ransom; and yet +it was originally secured, by skill and research, for the easy equivalent +of two-pence sterling."' +<p>Sir Walter Scott in a footnote adds:--"This bibliomaniacal anecdote +is literally true; and David Wilson, the author need not tell his brethren +of the Roxburghe and Bannatyne Clubs, was a real personage." Mr. Blades, +whose iconoclastic temper is not moved to mercy even by this good story, +says that although it "looks like a true bibliographical anecdote," its +appearance is deceptive, and that "not a single statement is founded on +fact."<a name="FNanchor1"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_1">[1]</a></sup> +<p>Jonathan Oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum that would ransom +a copy of the "Game of Chesse," and the world of the bibliomania has moved +even since his days, so that prices which seemed fabulous, and were recounted +with a sort of awe-struck wonder, have been surpassed in these latter days, +and the chances of any successor of "Snuffy Davy" buying a Caxton for two +groschen have been greatly reduced. +<p>According to Mr. William Blades, our latest and best authority on the +subject, there are but ten copies known of the first edition of the "Chesse" +book.<a name="FNanchor2"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_2">[2]</a></sup> There +is a perfect copy in the King's Library in the British Museum. This is +what ought to be Snuffy Davy's copy. A previous owner--R. Boys--has noted +that it cost him 3<i>s</i>. The copy in the Grenville Library has the table +and last leaf supplied in facsimile. The copy in the Public Library at +Cambridge is defective to the extent of five leaves. The Bodleian copy +wants the last leaf. The Duke of Devonshire's copy formerly belonged to +Roger Wilbraham, and the first and eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile. +The exemplar belonging to the Earl of Pembroke is perfect, "but on weak +and stained paper." Earl Spencer's copy is perfect, clean, and unusually +large. Mr. H. Cunliffe's copy came from the Alchorne and Inglis Libraries, +and wants the first two printed leaves, two near the end, and the last +two. Mr. J. Holford's copy is perfect and in its original binding. It was +once in the library of Sir Henry Mainwaring of Peover Hall, as his bookplate +shows. On a fly-leaf is written, "Ex dono Thomæ Delves, Baronett +1682." The copy belonging to the Rev. Edward Bankes is imperfect, and wants +the dedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed. +<p>The book, when complete, consists of eight quaternions or eight leaves +folded together and one quinternion or section of five sheets folded together, +making in all seventy-four leaves, of which the first and last are blank. +The only type used throughout is that styled No. 1 by Mr. Blades. The lines +are not spaced out; the longest measure five inches; a full page has thirty-one +lines. Without title-page, signatures, numerals, or catch-words. The volume, +as already mentioned, begins with a blank leaf, and on the second recto +is Caxton's prologue, space being left for a two-line initial, without +director. The text begins with a dedication:--"(T)o the right noble/ right +excellent & vertuous prince George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and +of Salisburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant of Ireland +oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god kynge of England and +of France/ your most humble servant william Caxton amonge other of your +servantes sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon your Enemyes/ +Right highe puyssant and." The text ends on the seventy-third recto, thus:--"And +sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Joyous and vertuous desirs +Amen:/: Fynysshid the lastday of Marche the yer of our lord god. a. thousand +foure honderd and LXXIIII. *. *. *. *." The seventy-fourth leaf is blank. +<p>It is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes into the market. +The recorded sales are very few. In 1682 R. Smith sold a perfect copy for +13s. 2d. In 1773 J. West's copy was bought by George III. for.£32 +0s. 6d. Alchorne's imperfect copy was bought by Inglis for £54 12s., +and at the sale of his books found a purchaser in Lord Audley for £31 +10s., and was again transferred, in 1855, to the possession of Mr. J. Cunliffe +for £60 l0s. 0d.<a name="FNanchor3"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_3">[3]</a></sup> +Mr. J. Holford's copy was bought at the Mainwaring sale for £101. +<p>The last copy offered for sale was described in one of Mr. Bernard Quaritch's +catalogues issued in 1872, and the account given by that veteran bibliopole +is well worth reproduction. +<p>CAXTON'S GAME AND PLAY OF CHESS MORALIZED, (translated 1474) FIRST EDITION, +folio, 65 LEAVES (of the 72), bound in old ruffia gilt, £400. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/012blackletter1.gif" ALT="Fynyshid the last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God, a thousande, foure hondred and lcciiiii..." height=63 width=600> +<br>[Blackletter: Fynyshid the last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God, +a thousande, foure hondred and lcciiiii...]</center> + +<p>An extremely large, though somewhat imperfect copy of +<p>THE FIRST BOOK PRINTED IN ENGLAND, from Caxton's press. +<p>Mr. Blades quotes 9 copies (4 perfect, 5 imperfect), the present is +the 10th known copy, and is TALLER than even the Grenville--hitherto the +tallest known copy; my copy measures 11-1/8 inch in height by 8 in width, +whilst the Grenville copy (also imperfect) is only 11 inches high. +<p>COLLATION of <i>my copy</i>: +<br> +<center><table> +<tr> +<td ALIGN=LEFT>[Blackletter: This Booke conteyneth iiii traytees] </td> + +<td>1 <i>leaf</i></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>[Blackletter: This first chapiter of the first tractate]</td> + +<td>1 <i>leaf</i></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>[Blackletter: The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly,] etc. to the +end</td> + +<td>62 <i>leaves</i></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td><i>The last leaf with the date:</i> +<br>[Blackletter: In conquerynge his rightful inheritance,] +<br><i>ending:</i> [Blackletter: fynyshed], <i>etc.</i> 1474</td> + +<td>1 <i>leaf</i></td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td></td> + +<td>------------- +<br>65 leaves.</td> +</tr> +</table></center> + +<p>My copy wants therefore 7 leaves, the two blank ones being out of question. +The imperfections include the first leaf, and two leaves in the second +chapitre of the fourth tractate, the end is all right. I should be glad +to hear of any IMPERFECT COPY of this work, which would supply me with +what I want. In the mean time this precious relic of the Infancy of Printing +in England can be feen by BUYERS of Rare books. +<p><i>See</i> Dibdin's Bibl. Spenc. IV. p. 189. +<p>No copy of this edition has been sold for years; in 1813, Alchorne's +copy, wanting first two leaves, the last two leaves and two leaves in the +second chapter of the fourth tractate, fetched at Evans', £54. 12<i>s</i>. +The value of this class of books has much risen since then, and may now +be considered, as ten times greater. +<p>In comparing the first edition of "Caxton's Game of Chess" with the +second, one perceives many variations in the spelling. I confider the +<i>first +edition</i> to be the more interesting, for a variety of reasons: +<p>1. It is the first book printed in England. 2. It is the <i>Editio princeps</i> +of the English version. 3. It shows the Art of Printing in its crudest +form. 4. It has a Post-script not in the second edition. +<p>Both editions run on together to the passage on the last page of the +second edition: +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/013bl1.gif" ALT="blackletter" height=52 width=600></center> + +<blockquote>[Blackletter: And a mon that lyvyth in thys world without vertues +lyveth not as a man but as a beste.]</blockquote> +The first edition ends thus: +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/013bl2.gif" ALT="blackletter" height=408 width=600> +<br><img SRC="images/014bl1.gif" ALT="blackletter continued" height=109 width=600></center> + +<blockquote>[Blackletter: And therefore my right redoubted Lord I pray +almighty god to save the Kyng our soverain lord to gyve him grace to yssue +as a Kynge tabounde in all vertues/ to be assisted with all other his lordes +in such wyse yn his noble royame of England may prospere/ habounde in vertues +and yn synne may be eschewid justice kepte/ the royame defended good men +rewarded malefactours punyshid the ydle peple to be put to laboure that +he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously. +<p>In conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce / that verraypeas and charitie +may endure in both his royames and that marchandise may have his cours +in suche wise that every man eschewe synne/ and encrese in vertuous occupacions +/ Praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and symple book made +under the hope and shadow of your noble protection by hym that is your +most humble servant in gree and thanke. And I shall praye almighty god +for your long lyf & welfare / which he preserve And sende now thaccomplishment +of your hye noble joyous and vertuous desirs Amen:|: +<p>Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god a. thousand +four hondred and lxxiiii. *.:.:.*.]</blockquote> +The second edition ends thus: +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/014bl2.gif" ALT="blackletter" height=79 width=600></center> + +<blockquote>[Blackletter: Thenne late every man of what condycion he be +that redyth or herith this litel book redde. take therby ensaumple to amend +hym. Explicit per Caxton.]</blockquote> +This copy came from the library of Mr. L.M. Petit.<a name="FNanchor4"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_4">[4]</a></sup> +<p>It will be noticed that Mr. Quaritch calls the <i>editio princeps</i> +of Caxton's "Game and Play of the Chesse" the first book printed in England. +This was the general opinion of bibliographers before the investigations +of Mr. Blades. Dibdin, although he seems to have had some doubt, pronounced +in favour of that view. Yet it is clearly erroneous. The only materials +for judgment are those afforded by the colophon and the prologue to the +second edition, with the silent but eloquent testimony of typography. Caxton +ends the first edition with the words:--"Fynysshid the last day of Marche +the yer of our lord god a thousand four hondred and LXXIIII." The word +"fynysshid," as Mr. Blades observes, "has doubtless the same signification +here as in the epilogue to the second book of Caxton's translation of the +Histories of Troy, 'Begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt and finysshed +in Coleyn,' which evidently refers to the translation only. The date, 1475-6, +has been affixed, because in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced +on Easter-day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day +of the conclusion of the translation, 31 March 1475, the same year being +the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book." Then +there is Caxton's own racy account of the circumstances under which the +book first appeared:-- +<blockquote>"And emong alle other good werkys It is a werke of ryght special +recomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto +them that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye Th[=e]ne +emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of +fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended +the same and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche at suche tyme +as I was resident in brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam into my handes/ +whiche whan I had redde and ouerseen/ me semed ful necessarye for to be +had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that s[=o]me +which haue not seen it/ ne [=v]nderstonde frenssh ne latyn J delybered +in my self to translate it in to our maternal tonge/ And whan I so had +achyeued the sayd translacion/ J dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre +of theym/ Whiche anone were depesshed and solde wherfore by cause thys +sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte vnto euery astate and +degree/ J haue purposed to enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche +persons as longen to the playe."</blockquote> +It is clear from this that both the translation and printing belong to +the period of Caxton's residence in Bruges. From the use of the instrumental +form "dyde doo sette en enprynte" it might be thought that Caxton employed +the services of some printer, but although commonly so employed, there +are instances which will not bear this interpretation of its intention.<a name="FNanchor5"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_5">[5]</a></sup> +He either employed a printer or made some partnerfhip with one, and there +are various indications that confirm Mr. Blades' theory that the book came +from the press of Colard Mansion. +<p>The second edition is undoubtedly the work of our first English printer. +"Explicit per Caxton" is the unambiguous statement of the colophon. It +is a much more advanced specimen of typography than the first edition. +It has signatures, of which <i>a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i,</i> are quaternions, +<i>k</i> +and <i>l</i> are terternions, making in all eighty-four leaves, of which +the first is blank. There is no title-page, and the type used is that which +Mr. Blades reckons as No. 2*. The lines are spaced out to an even length. +There are twenty-nine lines to a full page, and the full line measures +4-7/8 inches. The prologue begins on <i>a ij</i>., and the table of chapters +begins on the next page. The text begins on the recto of <i>a iii</i>. +The text ends on the recto of <i>l</i> 6, the last page being blank. There +are sixteen woodcuts in the volume, which are used twenty-four times. There +has been some diversity of opinion as to the year in which this "Game of +the Chesse" came from the press of Caxton. The book is not dated. Dibdin +thought it one of the printer's earliest efforts. Figgins regarded it as +the earliest issue of the Westminster press, and further believed that +it was printed from cut metal types. This is not the view of Mr. Blades, +who says: "An examination of the work, however, with a typographical eye +does not afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All Caxton's +early books were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even. +Not one of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout. +These two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of impression +at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of signatures; +but when we find that every known copy of this edition of the 'Chess-Book' +presents a thicker and more worn appearance than any one copy of any other +book, there is good reason for supposing that this may have followed the +'Tulli' of 1481, and have been the last book for which Type No. 2* was +used."<a name="FNanchor6"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_6">[6]</a></sup> +<p>Mr. Blades describes nine known copies, so that even fewer exemplars +remain of the second edition than of its predecessor. The copy in the King's +Library in the British Museum is imperfect, wanting several leaves, and +is mended in many places. The copy in the Pepysian Collection at Cambridge +wants one-half of the last leaf. Trinity College, Cambridge, has a perfect +copy, "but a bad impression." The Bodleian copy is defective in not having +the last leaf. St. John's College, Oxford, has a copy, from which one-half +of <i>d iii</i>. has been torn away. The Imperial Library at Vienna has +an imperfect copy. The Duke of Devonshire's copy is perfect, but it is +"a poor impression, and slightly stained." The Earl of Pembroke's copy +is very imperfect. Earl Spencer's is only slightly imperfect. The prices +fetched by the second edition have a sufficiently wide range. In 1698, +at Dr. Bernard's sale, a copy fold for 1s. 6d. Farmer's copy in 1798 fetched +£4 4s. Ratcliffe's copy was bought at his sale for £16 by Willett; +and when his books came to the hammer in 1813, it was purchased by the +Duke of Devonshire for £173 5s.<a name="FNanchor7"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_7">[7]</a></sup> +It is interesting to know that the copy of the second edition in the Bibliotheca +Spenceriana formerly belonged to Laurence Sterne, who bought it for a few +shillings at York!<a name="FNanchor8"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_8">[8]</a></sup> +<p>In the present reprint, the text followed is that of the first edition, +transcribed from the copy in the British Museum; but the variations, alterations, +and additions made in the second issue are all recorded in footnotes. The +reader has, therefore, before him the work in all its fulness. The same +reasons that have led to the adoption of this course have also decided +the publisher to include facsimiles of the curious woodcuts which appeared +in the second edition. These, although necessarily reductions in size, +reproduce the quaint vigour of the originals. +<p>Caxton, we have seen, translated the "Game of the Chesse" from the French. +There were in effect two, if not three, from which he may have taken his +version. One of these is by Jean Faron, Perron, or Feron (as the name is +variously spelled), a monk of the order of St. Dominic, of whom the notices +are exceedingly scanty.<a name="FNanchor9"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_9">[9]</a></sup> +La Croix du Maine styles him "de l'Ordre des Frères Prescheurs ou +Jacobins du Paris." La Monnaye says that the translation was made from +the Latin of Cessoles, and was begun in the year 1347. It has not been +printed.<a name="FNanchor10"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_10">[10]</a></sup> +The translation is considered a literal version of the Latin of Cessoles. +<p>The prologue of Perron's version is as follows:--"Chy ensuit le geu +des Eschas moralisé, ouquel a plusiers exemples bien à noter. +A noblehomme, Bertrand de Tarascon, frere Jehan Perron, de l'ordre des +Freres precheurs de Paris, son petil et humble chappelain soy tout. Le +Sainte Escripture dit que Dieux a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier +à tous nos prochains leur sauvement. Or est-il ainsi que nos prochains +ne sont pas tout un, ains sont de diverses condicions, estas et manieres, +sy comme il appert. Car les uns sont nobles; les aultres non: les aultres +sont de cler engin; les aultres, non: les aultres sont enclins a devocion; +les aultres, non. Et pour ce, affin que le commandement de Dieu soit mis +à execution bien convenablement, il convient avoir plusiers voyes +et baillier à chascun ce qui lui est plus convenable; et ainsi pourroit +il le commandement de Dieu accomplir; .... Pour tant je, vostre petit chappelain, +à vostre requeste, que je tieng pour commendement, vous ai volu +translata de latin en français le Gieu des Eschas moralisé, +que fist l'un de nos freres, appelé frere Jaques de Cossoles, maistre +en divinité, si que vous l'entendés plus legierrement; et +à exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont notteés, veuillés +maintenir, quant à vous, honnestement, et quant aux autres justement.... +Or prenés done ce petit present, comencié le 4'e jour de +May, l'an 1347."<a name="FNanchor11"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_11">[11]</a></sup> +<p>That Caxton made use of Perron's version is clear. Thus Mr. Blades mentions +the description of Evilmerodach as "un homme joly sans justice" as peculiar +to Ferron, whose version he regards as the basis of the first and third +chapters of Caxton's work. +<p>Dr. Van der Linde mentions a number of MSS.; in some the date is given +as 1357, and in one as 1317. This version remains unprinted, but there +are MSS. of it in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Aosta, Cambrai, at Brussels, +in the British Museum, Chartres, at Bern, and at Stockholm.<a name="FNanchor12"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_12">[12]</a></sup> +<p>Dr. Van der Linde also describes a MS. on parchment of the fifteenth +century, forming part of the national library at Paris, which contains +the Game of Chess in verse. +<br> "Mès si d'esbat te prent tallant, +<br> Pren ton esbat déuement; +<br> Mès si à jouer vieulx attendre, +<br> Un noble jou te faulte attendre, +<br> C'est des echecs qui est licite +<br> Et à touz bien les gens incite." +<p>The author has concealed his name with an ingenuity that has so far +defied penetration. +<br> "Nommez mon nom et mon surnom, +<br> Je ey escript tout environ, +<br> A vingt et dous lettres sans plus, +<br> Sera trouvé cy au dessus +<br> En enscript, et sans plus ne moins." +<p>On this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks of a French critic:--"Ou +ne nous dit pas si c'est dans la suite même de la phrase, ou seulement +en acrosticke, que se trouvent les vingt-deux lettres de ces nom mystérieux. +Nous ne saurions former aucun nom avec les initiales des trente vers qui +précèdent ceux que nous venons de citer; et le merite de +l'ouvrage ne nous encourage pas à faire des longues recherches pour +découvrir un nom que l'auteur a pris plaisir à nous cacher."<a name="FNanchor13"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_13">[13]</a></sup> +<p>The bulk of Caxton's work is undoubtedly from the French translation +of Jehan de Vignay, whose dedication to Prince John of France has simply +been transformed into a similar address to the Duke of Clarence. He styles +De Vignay "an excellent doctor of the order of the Hospital of St. John's +of Jerusalem." This is the only authority we have for supposing De Vignay +to be connected with that order. He styles himself "hospitaller de l'ordre +de haut pas," which was situated in the Faubourg St. Jacques of Paris. +It is curious that two members of the same order--for Ferron was also a +Jacobin--should independently have occupied themselves with the same work. +The version by De Vignay was probably the later of the two, and it was +also the most popular, for whilst Ferron's is still unprinted, that of +De Vignay has been frequently re-issued from the press. The work is dedicated +to Jean de France, Duc de Normandie, who became king in 1350. It will be +seen from this that these two French versions were practically contemporaneous. +<p>The prologue to the book is as follows:--"A Tres noble & excellent +prince Jehan de france duc de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par +le grace de dieu Roy de france. Frere Jehan de vignay vostre petit Religieux +entre les autres de vostre seignorie/ paix sante Joie & victoire sur +vos ennemis. Treschier & redoubte seign'r/ pour ce que Jay entendu +et scay que vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proffitables & honestes +et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur ay Je mis vn petit liuret de +latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement/ ou quel plussieurs +auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de poetes & +des anciens sages/ sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la moralite des +nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des eschez le quel liure +Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou nom & soubz vmbre +de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign'r Je vous suppli & requier +de bonne voulente de cuer que il vo daigne plaire a receuvoir ce liure +en gre aussi bien que de vn greign'r maistre de moy/ car la tres bonne +voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie me doit estre reputee pour +le fait/ Et po'r plus clerement proceder en ceste ouure/ Jay ordene que +les chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au commencement afin de +veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy le dit liure pole."<a name="FNanchor14"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_14">[14]</a></sup> +<p>It will be seen that this is the foundation of Caxton's dedication of +the Chess-book to the Earl of Warwick. The "Golden Legend," printed by +Caxton in 1484, was in effect a translation from "La Legende Dorée," +made before the year 1380 by Jehan de Vignay, who in his prologue mentions +that he had previously translated into French "Le miroir des hystoires +du monde," at the request of "Ma dame Jehanne de Borgoigne, royne de France."<a name="FNanchor15"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_15">[15]</a></sup> +This preface Caxton, as usual, adopted with some changes of name and other +alterations, amongst which is a reference to "the book of the chesse" as +one of his works. The "Legenda Aurea" of Jacobus de Voragine is, of course, +the original source of De Vignay's "Legende Dorée," and Caxton's +"Golden Legend." +<p>Ferron and de Vignay were avowedly translators. Their original was Jacques +de Cessoles. The name of this author has been tortured into so many fantastic +forms that one may almost despair of recovering the original. Cæsolis, +Cassalis, Castulis, Casulis, Cesolis, Cessole, Cessulis, Cesulis, Cezoli, +de Cezolis, de Cossoles, de Courcelles, Sesselis, Tessalis, Tessellis, +de Thessolus, de Thessolonia, and de Thessolonica are different manners +of spelling his surname, and the two last are certainly masterpieces of +transformation. Prosper Marchand has amused himself by collecting some +vain speculations of previous writers as to the age, country, and personality +of Jacques de Cessoles. Some counted him a Lombard, some an Italian, whilst +others again boldly asserted that he was a Greek! +<p>He lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth +century, and having joined the Dominican order, was a "Maître en +Théologie" of that brotherhood at Reims. Various works are attributed +to him, and his learning and piety had many eulogists. +<p>It is more than probable that his name would have been much less widely +known but for the happy accident that turned his attention to the game +of chess. It was a popular diversion, and in the moralizing spirit of the +age he saw in it an allegory of the various components of the commonwealth. +The men who were merely killing time were perhaps flattered at the thought +that they were at the same time learning the modes of statecraft. Then, +as now, the teachers of morality felt that a song might reach him who a +sermon flies, and they did not scruple to use in the pulpit whatever aids +came handy. The popular stories, wise saws, and modern instances, were +common enough on the lips of the preachers, and such collections as the +"Gesta Romanorum show what a pitch of ingenuity in unnatural interpretation +they had reached. An appropriate instance is furnished by it in the following +quaint fashion of moralizing the chess play:-- +<blockquote>"Antonius was a wys emp<i>er</i>our regnyng in the cite of +Rome, the which vsid moche to pley with houndis; and aftir þat pley, +all þe day aftir he wolde vse þe chesse. So yn a day, as he +pleide at þe chesse, & byheld the kyng fette yn the pley, som +tyme hy and som tyme lowe, among aufyns and pownys, he thought þ<i>er</i>with +þ<i>a</i>t hit wold be so with hi<i>m</i>, for he shuld dey, and +be hid vndir erth. And þ<i>er</i>fore he devided his Reame in thre +p<i>ar</i>ties; and he yaf oo part to þe kyng of Ier<i>usa</i>l<i>e</i>m; +þe secunde p<i>ar</i>t vnto þe lordis of his Reame or his empire; +and the thrid p<i>ar</i>tie vnto the pore people; & yede him self vnto +the holy londe, and ther he endid his lyf in peas. +<p>MORALITE. +<p>Seth now, good sirs; this emp<i>er</i>our, þat lovith so wele +play, may be called eche worldly man þat occupieth him in vanytes +of the world; but he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did +the emp<i>er</i>oure. the chekir or þe chesse hath viij. poyntes +in eche p<i>ar</i>tie. In eu<i>er</i>y pley beth viij. kyndes of men, s<i>cil</i>. +man, woman, wedewer, wedowis, lewid men, clerk<i>es</i>, riche men, and +pou<i>er</i>e men. at this pley pleieth vj. men. the first man, þat +goth afore, hath not but oo poynt, but whenne he goth aside, he takith +anoþ<i>er</i>; so by a pou<i>er</i>e man; he hath not, but when he +comyth to þe deth with pacience, þen shall he be a kyng in +heuen, w<i>i</i>t<i>h</i> þe kyng of pore men. But if he grucche +ayenst his neighbour of his stat, and be a thef, and ravissh þat +wher he may, þen he is ytake, and put in to the p<i>re</i>son of +helle. The secund, f<i>cil</i>. alphyn, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward +and douneward; [he] betokenyth wise men, the whiche by deceyuable eloquence +& takyng of money deceyueth, & so he is made oonly. The iij. <i>scil.</i> +þe kny3t, hath iij. poyntes, & goth þ<i>er</i>with; [he] +betokenyth gentilmen þat rennyth aboute, & ravisshith, and ioyeth +for her kynrede, & for habundaunce of richesse. The fourth, s<i>cil.</i> +þe rook, he holdith length & brede, and takith vp what so is +in his way; he betokenyth okerers and false m<i>er</i>chaunt3, þat +rennyth aboute ouer all, for wynnyng & lucre, & rechith not how +thei geten, so that thei haue hit. The fifthe is þe quene, that goth +fro blak to blak, or fro white to white, and is yset befide þe kyng, +and is ytake fro the kyng. This quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels, +þat goth fro chastite to synne, and beth ytake by the devill, for +glovis or such man<i>e</i>r yiftis. The vj. is to whom all owe to obey +and mynystre; and he goth forth, and bakward ayen, & in either side, +& takith ouer all; so sone discendith in to þe world, and ascendith +to god by praiers; But when he takith [no] kepe of god, and hath no meyne, +þan is hit to þe man chekmate. And þ<i>er</i>fore let +vs not charge of oure estatis, no more þan is w<i>i</i>t<i>h</i> +þe men, when þei be put vp in þe poket; then hit is no +charge who be above or who be byneth; and so by the Spirit of loulynesse +we may come to þe ioy of heven. And þat graunt vs, <i>qui viuit</i> +&c."</blockquote> +It is not, therefore, surprising to learn that Jacques de Cessoles found +texts for sundry sermons on the game that formed so favourite a diversion +of clergy and laity. The favour with which these discourses were received +no doubt gratified the worthy Dominican father. At the request of some +of those who heard them he began to write down the substance of his sermons. +The result was the "Liber de moribus Hominum et officiis Nobilium ac Popularium +super ludo scachorum," which immediately attained great popularity. This +is shown by the bibliography of Dr. A. Van der Linde in a striking manner, +for he has described two hundred codices to be found in the various public +libraries of Europe.<a name="FNanchor16"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_16">[16]</a></sup> +<p>The difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception as to the +life and personality of Cessoles, Ferron, and De Vignay are well shown +in an article by M.C. Leber.<a name="FNanchor17"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_17">[17]</a></sup> +Dr. Ernst Köpke, who has reexamined the evidences as to Cessoles, +holds that he was a Lombard.<a name="FNanchor18"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_18">[18]</a></sup> +<p>The chief source from which Cessoles took his material was the treatise +"De Regimine Principum" of Egidius Romanus. +<p>He was of the great Neapolitan family of the Colonna, and his Christian +name appears to have been Guido, but his designations have undergone some +curious transformations. Born at Rome, 22nd Sept., 1216, Guido Colonna +went at an early age to Paris, where, from the name of his birthplace, +he became known as Ægidius Romanus, with the French form of Gilles +de Rome. He was an ardent and enthusiastic disciple of St. Thomas Aquinas, +and his familiarity with that great doctor of the Church led him to desire +admission to the Dominican order, but a difficulty intervened from the +circumstance that he had already contracted ties which bound him to the +order of St. Augustine. To this untoward accident may probably be attributed +no little of the extension of the philosophical doctrine of Aquinas; for +Colonna, unable or unwilling to be relieved of the vows that bound him +to the Augustinians, preached eagerly amongst them the Thomist speculations +of his friend and master. In the controversy with the Franciscans, those +whom he had indoctrinated were valuable allies to the Thomists, for their +aid, coming from an independent organization, appeared to carry the weight +of impartiality, and to be unassailable on the plea of partisan interest. +In the year 1287 there was a general convocation of the order of St. Augustine +at Florence, and at this assembly it was decreed that the doctors of the +order should teach in conformity with the decisions arrived at by Colonna. +To him is largely due the success of the Thomist scheme, of which he was +an able, persistent, and vigorous exponent. Many tracts by him remain in +print and MS. on these subjects. The fame he had thus acquired gained him +the name of <i>doctor fundamentarius</i> and <i>doctor fundatissimus</i>. +His lectures at Paris attracted to him the attention of Philippe le Hardi, +who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted with the education of +his son, who was afterwards known to hiftory as Philippe le Bel. It was +whilst occupied with this royal youth that the thought of composing or +compiling--and the terms were in practice interchangeable in those days--occurred, +and the result was the treatise "De regimine Principum libri iii." Philippe +le Hardi, if not an educated man himself--and there are doubts as to whether +he could write his own name--was laudably anxious that his heir should +have the best instruction that could be obtained. It cannot well be claimed +that the able, handsome, and unscrupulous Philippe was any great credit +to his preceptor. The despotic and perfidious character of the king probably +owed more to the influence of Nogaret and other defenders of the "right +divine of kings to govern wrong," than to the soberer precepts of Colonna. +That Philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may be inferred from +his employment of Jehan de Meung to translate the military treatise of +Vegetius Flavius Renatus, a compilation of the second century of the present +era, which was so popular in the middle ages that it was translated by +Caxton into English. Still better evidence is the translation made for +the king by the same poet of Boethius, whose stoical philosophy must have +had a special appropriateness for those times of political storm and stress, +when the fickleness of fortune must have been a matter of only too common +repute. Guido Colonna was elected by his admiring brethren the general +of the order in 1292, and took up his residence at Bourges, its metropolitan +seat. +<p>In this honourable office he continued his literary labours, and to +this period are assigned the greater part of his numerous works. He died +at Avignon in 1316. His body was translated to Paris, where his effigy +in black marble, with his epitaph, remained until the French revolution.<a name="FNanchor19"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_19">[19]</a></sup> +It would be superfluous to enumerate his philosophical writings, for they +would have no interest in the present day. His commentary on Aristotle +"De Anima," it may be observed, was dedicated to Edward I. His name is +now chiefly remembered because his work on the rule of princes formed the +basis of the treatise in which Jacques de Cessoles moralized the fashionable +game of the chess. +<p>One interesting instance of the popularity of Colonna's work is the +translation of it made into English verse by Thomas Occleve.<a name="FNanchor20"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_20">[20]</a></sup> +He wrote it in 1411 or 1412, and its object was to obtain the payment of +an annuity from the exchequer which had been granted to him, but the payment +of which was very irregular. The book was dedicated to the Prince of Wales. +After mentioning his purpose to translate from the (apocryphal) letter +of Aristotle to Alexander and "Gyles of Regement of Prynces," he proceeds:-- +<br> "There is a booke, Jacob de Cessoles, +<br> Of the ordre of Prechours, made, a worthy man, +<p> That the Chesse moralisede clepede is, +<br> In whiche I purpose eke to labour ywis +<br> And here and there, as that my litelle witte +<br> Afforthe may, I thynke translate it. +<p> And al be it that in that place square +<br> Of the lystes, I meane the eschekere, +<br> A man may learn to be wise and ware; +<br> I that have avanturede many a yere, +<br> My witte therein is but litelle the nere, +<br> Save that somewhat I know a Kynges draught, +<br> Of other draughts lernede have I naught."--(p. 77.) +<p>"In those days," says Warton, "ecclesiastics and schoolmen presumed +to dictate to kings and to give rules for administering states, drawn from +the narrow circle of speculation, and conceived amid the pedantries of +a cloister. It was probably recommended to Occleve's notice by having been +translated into English by John Trevisa, a celebrated translator about +the year 1390.<a name="FNanchor21"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_21">[21]</a></sup> +<p>Having thus traced the stream back to its fountain, we return to Caxton. +The story of his life has been told by Mr. Blades, and only the most essential +facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated here. He was +born in the Weald of Kent, and it has been conjectured that the manor of +Caustons, near Hadlow, was the original home of the family. He was apprenticed +to Alderman Robert Large, a mercer, who was afterwards Lord Mayor. The +entry in the books of the Mercers' Company leads to the inference that +Caxton was born about 1422. Probably on the death of Large, in 1441, Caxton +went abroad, for he tells us that in 1471 he had been resident outside +England for thirty years. About 1462 or 1463 he was Governor of the English +Nation or Merchant Adventurers at Bruges. This was a position of great +influence, and it is thought to have enabled the loyal mercer to give good +service to Edward IV., who was an exile in 1470. Caxton's marriage was +not much later than 1469, and it is conjectured that this led him to enter +the service of the Duchess of Burgundy. She had literary tastes, and at +her request he translated the "Recuyell des Histoires de Troyes" of Raoul +Le Fevre. It was the demand for copies of this that exhausted Caxton's +calligraphic patience, and led to his employment of a printer. The incident +may have been casual, but it led to great results. It has been said that +he learned the printers' art at Cologne, but Mr. Blades supposes that he +entered its mystery at Bruges under Colard Mansion, with whom he appears +to have had some partnership. Probably towards the end of 1476 Caxton returned +to England. He had the favour of Edward IV. and of his sister, Duchess +of Burgundy, and the friendship of the King's brother-in-law, Earl Rivers. +Ninety-nine distinct productions issued from Caxton's press, he was printer, +publisher, translator, and something of author as well. He set in good +earnest about the work that is still going on--of making the best accessible +literature widely and commonly known. This useful career was only ended +by his death. The exact date is not known, but it was probably late in +1491. He left a married daughter. Caxton was a good business man. He was +also a sincere lover of literature, and he was at his favourite work of +translation only a few hours before the final summons came. +<p>The quality of Caxton as a translator is not a matter of much doubt. +It may be that the archaic forms give an additional flavour to his style, +since they present few difficulties to the modern reader, and yet sound +like echoes from the earlier periods of the language. Generally he is content +to follow his author with almost plodding fidelity, but occasionally he +makes additions which are eminently characteristic. His author having remarked:--"Il +nest an Jour Duy nulle chose qui tant grieue Rome ne ytalie com~e fait +le college Des notaires publiques Car ilz ne sont mie en accort ensemble"--Caxton +improves the passage thus:-- +<blockquote>"For ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome +and Italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque. For +they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the aduocats. +men of law. And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e royame as +well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how torne they the lawe +and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the peple/ how enpouere they +the comynte/ I suppose that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys +and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely/ for yf they were nombrid all +that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche. comyn place. +cheker. ressayt and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ hit shold amounte +to a grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit shold +be vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende to theyr +synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/"</blockquote> +Another addition is the brief passage in the first chapter of the fourth +tract in which the "good old times" are lamented and contrasted with the +decadence of the then present--now the four centuries past. +<blockquote>"Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what +prosþite/ In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office contente/ +how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how was renomed the +noble royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And spack worship of +hit/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I reporte me to them +that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see/ they +knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle on the see I wote well the same +is grete therof I pray god saue that noble royame And sende good true and +politicque counceyllours to the gouernours of the same &c./"</blockquote> +The concluding paragraph of the book is also due to Caxton. +<blockquote>"And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god to +saue the kyng our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge +& tabounde in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his +lordes in such wyse y't his noble royame of Englond may prospere & +habounde in vertues/ and y't synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte/ the royame +defended good men rewarded malefactours punysshid & the ydle peple +to be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously +In conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray peas and charite +may endure in bothe his royames/ and that marchandise may haue his cours +in suche wise that euery man eschewe synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ +Praynge your good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder +the hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most +humble seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your +longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preferue And sende yow thaccomplisshement +of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs Amen:/: Fynysshid the last +day of marche the yer of our lord god. a. thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii"</blockquote> +This was struck out in the second edition, and the following briefer farewell +substituted:-- +<blockquote>"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth +or herith this litel book redde take therby ensaumple to amend hym. +<p>Explicit per Caxton."</blockquote> +The alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence of our first English +printer's fastidiousness as an author. +<p>The bibliography of the editions, translations, and imitations of Cessoles +is long and intricate. Details of MSS. have not been thought necessary. +They have been amply described by Dr. Van der Linde. The treatise on the +rule of princes of Colonna has been taken as furnishing the matter which +Jacques de Cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the attractive form of +a description of the game of chess. The editions of the Latin text are +followed by particulars of the translations into French, English, Spanish, +Italian, and other languages. Each title has appended the name of the bibliographer +on whose authority it is given. +<p>These are as follows:-- +<p><i>Hain.</i>--Repertorium Bibliographicum ... opera Ludovici Hain. Stuttgart, +1826. +<p><i>Ebert.</i>--A General Bibliographical Dictionary, from the German +of Frederic Adolphus Ebert. Oxford, 1837. 4 vols. +<p><i>Græsse.</i>--Trésor de Livres rares et précieux: +par Jean George Théodore Græsse. Dresde, 1859-67. 6 vols. +<p><i>Brunet.</i>--Manuel du Libraire par Jacques-Charles Brunei. Paris, +1860. +<p><i>Linde.</i>--Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels von Antonius +van der Linde. Berlin, 1874. +<p>Das erste Jartausend der Schachlitteratur (850-1880) zusammengestellt +von Dr. A.v.d. Linde. Berlin, 1881. +<p>Dr. van der Linde's work is so complete that, for the most part, it +has been thought sufficient to give his name, even when older authorities +have been consulted. +<h2> +COLONNA.</h2> +(See <i>antè</i>, p. xxviii.) +<p>Ægidius Romanus de regimine principum L. III. s. l. 1473. Folio. +<p>This Ebert and Græsse conjecture to have been printed by G. Zainer. +They describe it as the first edition of a work frequently reprinted, and +say that the last edition appeared at Lugd. Batav. in 1643, and had on +the title-page the name of St. Thomas Aquinas as author. Hain mentions +editions at Rome--Stephanum Plannck, 1482, folio; Venetiis, 1498. +<br> +<hr style="width: 25%;"> +<p>(<i>French translation.</i>) +<p>Miroir exemplaire, selon la compilation du Gilles de Rome du regime +et gouvernement des rois etc. (by Henri de Gauchy or de Gauchay) et avec +est compris le secret de Aristote appellé le secret des secrets, +et les noms des rois de France com bien de temps ils out regné. +Paris, 1517. Folio. +<p>(<i>Græsse.</i>) +<p>This was printed by Guillaum Eustace: "On les v=et au palais au Tiers +pillier Et a la me neufue nostre dame a lenseigne de Lagnus dei" (<i>Brunef</i>). +Ebert mentions a French translation as having been printed at Paris, in +1497; but Brunet, in the article on Aristotle, gives a somewhat minute +account of the book, to show that it is not that of Colonna. +<br> +<hr style="width: 25%;"> +<p>(<i>Spanish translation.</i>) +<p>Regimi[=e]to de los principes sechs y ordenado par Don fray Gil de Roma +de la orden de s[=a]t Augustin. E fizolo trasladar de latín en rom[=a]ce +do Bernardo obispo de osma etc. Suilla--a espenses de Mæstre Conrado +aleman. & Melchior gurrizo, mercadores de libros, fue impresso per +Meynardo Ungut alememo: & Stanislas Polono compañeros. Acabaron +se a veynte dias del mes de octubre Año del señor de Mill +& quarto cientos & nouenta & quarto [1494] folio. +<p>(<i>Hain, Brunet, Græffe</i>.) +<p>Ebert notes that there was an edition under the name of Th. Aquino at +Madrid, 1625, 4to. +<p>(<i>Catalan translation</i>.) +<p>Regiment des Princeps. Barcelona per Mestre Nicolau Spindaler emprentador. +1480. Folio. +<p>(<i>Græffe</i>.) +<p>Regiment del Princeps. Barcelona per Johan Luchner. 1498. Fol. +<p>(<i>Brunei, Græffe</i>.) +<p>(<i>Italian translation</i>.) +<p>Ebert mentions an Italian version by Val. Averoni. Firenze, 1577, 8vo. +<p>(<i>Græffe</i>.) +<p>(<i>English translation</i>.) +<p>De regimine Principum, a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign +of Henry IV. Edited for the first time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., +&c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London, J.B. Nichols. 1860. 4to. +<p>(See <i>antè</i>, p. xxxii., for notice of another Early English +version.) +<h2> +CESSOLES.</h2> +(See <i>antè</i>, p. xxiv.) +<p>Incipit solati[=u] ludi schacor. Scilicz regiminis ac morum nominu= +et officium viror' nobili[=u] quor' si quis formas menti impresserit bellum +ipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere. (E)Go frater iacobus +de thessolonia multor' fratru= &c. Ends: Explicit folaci[=u] ludi schacor'. +Folio. 40 leaves. +<p>There is neither date, place, nor printer's name given; but it is considered +to have been the work of Nic. Ketelær and Ger. de Leempt, at Utrecht +(Ultrajectus), about 1473. +<p>(<i>Linde, Græsse</i>.) +<p>Incipit libellus de ludo Scaccorum, et de dictis factisque nobilium +virorum, philosophorum et antiquorum. Explicit tabula super ludum Scacchorum. +Deo gratias. 4to. 29 leaves. Sign. A--H. +<p>This is in black letter, and has neither date nor place. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>Incipit libelles de ludo Schaccorum.... Explicit doctrina vel morum +informatio, accepta de modo et ordine Ludi Schaccorum. 4to. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>Incipit liber quem composuit frater. Jacobus' de cessolis ordinis fratr[=u] +predicatorum qui intitulatur liber de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium +super ludo scacorum. Impressum Mediolani ad impensas Paulini de suardis +Anno a natali christiano. MCCCCLXXviiij. die xxiij. Mensis augusti. Folio. +24 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde, Græsse</i>.) +<p>Jacobi de Cessolis Ord. Præd. Informatio morum, excerpta ex modo +et ratione ludi Scacchorum; sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium +et super eo commentarius. Mediolani. 1497. Folio. +<p>(<i>Linde, Græsse</i>.) +<p>Tractatus de Scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus per singulos homin[=u] +status. 4to. Anno 1505. +<p>On leaf 31b:-- +<br> +"Ad lectorum +<br>Qum paucis rigidos possis compescere mons +<br>Accipe: quod offert hiberna ex arce Johannes +<br>Scacherii munus: sapiens Philometer et illud +<br>Tradidit. ut regis babilonis crimina mergat +<br>Hunc tibi si soties capiet te lectio frequens +<br>Noveris et iuste que ius moderamina vite." +<p>No place or date, but supposed to be printed at Vienna, by Joh. Winterburg. +<p>(<i>Linde, Græsse</i>.) +<p>Jacobus de Cessoles. Von Prof. Dr. Ernft Köpke, Mittheilungen, +aus den Handschriften der Ritter. Akademie zu Brandenburg. Brandenburg +a.d. Havel, 1879, 4to. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>, "Jartausend.") +<p>(<i>French translation</i>.) +<p>Les jeu des Echez moralisé, nouvellement imprimé à +Paris (ends). Cy finist le livre des Echez et l'Ordre de Chevalerie, translaté +de latin en françois, imprimé nouvellement à Paris; +et fut achevé le vendredy, VI'e jour de septembre, l'an MVC et IIII, +pour Anthoine Verart, libraire juré en l'université de Paris, +demourant à Paris, à l'imaige Sainct Jehan l'evangeliste, +devant la rue neufve Nostre Dame, &c. Folio, 102 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>"On trouve an f. LX un autre traité de Morale et an f. lxxxij +celui de +<i>Melibee et de Prudence</i>. Il y a à la bibl. imp. un +exempl. de cette éd. tiré sur vélin et orné +de 4 Miniatures." +<p>(<i>Græsse.</i>) +<p>Le Jeu de Echets moralisé ... Cy finist le liure des eschecz +et lordre de cheualerie, translattée de latin en françoys +imprimé à Paris: et fut acheué le xiiii iour de nouembre +mil cinq cent et cinq. Par Michel le noir libraire ... demourant deuant +Saint Denys de la chartre à limaige nostre dame. 90 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>On trouve à la fin du <i>Livre de l'ordre de chevalerie</i> le +même Dialogue entre Melibée et Prudence sous le titre: <i>Ung +petit traictie a lenseignement et au prouffit de tous princes barons & +aultres que le vouldront entendre & garder lequel fut fonde & extrait +d'une fiction trouvee en escript</i>. Ce qui a induit <i>Du Verdier</i> +(vol. i. p. 556) en erreur de croire que cette traduction, publiée +en 1505, diffère de celle de 1504. +<p>(<i>Græsse.</i>) +<p>{<i>Italian translation</i>.} +<p>Libro di Giuocho di Scacchi intitulato de costumi degli huomin et degli +officii de nobili. 4to. +<p>"Ohne Angabe des Druckortes und des Jahres. Ausser dem Titelblattbildchen +bringt das Buch dreizehn Abbildungen, welche die von Cessoles auf dem Schachbrett +statuirten Würden und Gewerke darstellen." +<p>(<i>Linde</i>) +<p>Libro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi degl huomini & +degli offitii de nobili. (Fol. 2a:) In comincia un tractato gentile & +utile della uirtu del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi deglhuomini +& degli ufitii denobili: composto pel Reu[=e]redo Mæstro Jacopo +dacciesole dellordine de fratri predicatori. Fol. 67b: Impresso in Fir[=e]ze +per Mæstro Antonio Miscomini Anno M.CCCCLXXXXIII. Adi primo di Marzo +8vo. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>"Cette ed. bien incorrecte quant an texte (comme les reimpressions: +f. l. 1534, in 8vo. [56 ff.] I 1. 206, Gallarini) est recherchée +pour ses belles gravures en bois, don't une partie a été +copiée par Dibdin, Aedes Althorp, vol. ii. p. 5-13. II y a une nouvelle +édition: <i>Mil. tipogr. di Giulio Terrario</i>, 1829, gr. in 8°, +avec des copies de ces mêmes figures et des corrections du texte +d'après des de Florence. On a tiré de cette dernière +édition 24 exempl. <i>in carte distinte</i>, 1 sur peau velin d'Augsbourg +et 1 <i>in capretti di Roma</i>." +<p>(<i>Græsse</i>.) +<p>Opera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento delli huomini & +delle do[=n]e di qualunqu grado, stato, e condition esser si voglia:, Composta +per lo Reuerendissimo Padre Frate Giacobo da Cesole del ordine di predicatori +sopra il giuoco delli Scacchi, Intitulata Costvme delli hvomini, & +vfficii delli nobeli, nuouamente Stampata. M.D. XXXIIII. Stampata in Vineggia +per Fransesco di Alessandro Bin doni & Mapheo Pasini compagni: Nelli +anni del Signore, 1534. del mese di Zenaro 8vo. 56 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>Volgarizzamento del libro de' costumi e degli officii de' nobili sopra +il giuoco degli scacchi di frate Jacopo da Cessole tratto nuovamente da +un codice Magliabechiano. Milano, 1829. Dalla tipografia del dottore Giulio +Ferrario Contrado del Bocchetto al No. 2465 8vo. Pp. xx and 162, and 1 +leaf. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p><i>Catalan translation</i>. +<p>This does not appear to have been printed. There is a codex in the Vatican +and another at Barcelona. They are described by Linde. See ante, p. xxviii. +<p><i>Spanish translation</i>. +<p>Dechado de la vida humana. moralmento Sacado del juego del Axedrez. +tradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado Reyna Vezino della Villa de +Aranda de duero. En este año M.D.XLIX. 4to. 56 leaves. +<p>Printed at Valladolid by Francifque Fernandes de Cordoue. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p><i>German translation</i>. +<p>Ich bruder Jacob von Caffalis prediger ordens, bin überwunder worden +von der bruder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten +vnd d'ampt der edeln. Folio. 40 leaves. +<p>Without place or year, but printed before the year 1480. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>I (Ch) bruder Jacob von Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden +vo(n) +der brüder gebet wegen vn(d) der weltlichen studenten vn(d) andern +edlen leut die mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset schachzabel. +Das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch. vn(d) hab das pracht zenutz menschlichs +geschlechts. Vn(d) hab es geheissen das buch menschlicher sitten vnnd der +ampt der edlen ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten +vnd der ampt der edeln I.4.7.7. Folio. 40 leaves. +<p>This is believed to have been printed with the type of G. Zainer at +Augftmrg. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>) +<p>(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden +von der brüder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das Buch menschlicher +sitten vnd der ampt der edlen. Gedruckt zu Augsburg in der Kayserliche(n)stat +anno dni MCCCC LXXX IIJ. am osterabe(n)t geent. Folio. 36 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>Dis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel spils, Vnd menschlicher +fitten, Auch von den ampten der edeln. (Leaf Aiia) +<p>(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger orde(n)s ... (Leaf 39b) Getruckt +vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern in der hochgelobten stat Strassburg +vff Sant Egidius tag In dem LXXX iij Jor. &c. Folio. 39 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>Jacobus de Cessolis, de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac popularium; +oder, Das Schachwerk des Cessolis, von den Sitten der Menschen und den +Pflichten der Vornehmen und Niedern. Von Heydebrand v. d. Lafa. (Schachzeitung, +1870.) +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>(<i>German rhyming version of Conrad von Ammenhausen</i>.) +<p>Ueber das Schachzabelbuch Konrads von Ammenhausen und die Zofinger Handsschrift +desselben, von Wilhelm Wackernagel (Beitrage zur Geschichte und Literatur +vorzuglich aus den Archiven und Bibliotheken des Kanton Aargau. Herausgegeben +von Dr. Heinrich Kurz ... und Placid Weissenbach. Erster Band. Aarau 1846.) +<p>Dr. van der Linde gives particulars of various MSS. of this rhyming +version of Cessolis. +<p>(<i>German rhyming version of Dr. Jacob Mennel</i>.) +<p>Schachzabel. (Ends.) Getruckt vund vollendet in der loblichen statt +Costentz vo Hanfen schäffeler. Vf zinftag vor sant Vits tag Anno M. +cccc vn vii iar. 4to 13 leaves. Sig. a ii--c ii. +<p>In the prologue Jacob Mennel, doctor, claims the paternity of this rhyming +treatise, but he is supposed to have taken much of his material--ready +made--from Ammenhausen. +<p>Schachtzabel Spiel. D Esz Ritterlich[=e] kunst lich[=e] Schachtzabel +Spiels vnderweygung, erclärung, vn(d) verstant, wo here das kommen, +were das am ersten erfunden, vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey, Auch +wie man das künstlich lernen ziehen vn(d) spielen solle, sampt etlich[=e] +kunstlich[=e] geteylten spielen &c. [Illustration: hand] Zu dem Schachtzieher. +<br> +<p>"Dein Augen scherpff, nicht uberseh +<br>Dem wyderteyl, sleiszlich nach speh, +<br>Wie fich gebürt, im Feld und Heer, +<br>Dein volck das schich an zu der weer, +<br>Vnd orden das recht an dem streyt, +<br>Ders überlicht, gern vnden leyt." +<p>Getruckt zu Oppenheym. 4to. +<p>This second edition was issued by Jacob Köbel, who printed about +1520. +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>Des Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels, grüntlich bedeutung +vund klarer bericht, dasselbig künstlich zuziehenn vund spilen. Mit +ein newenn zusatz ettlicher besonderen Meisterstück, nach der Current, +welfchen art, vn(d) von Hutten, deszgleichen ettlichener besondern Regeln +des Schachziehens, vormals nie auszgangen. Franckfurt, 1536. 4to. +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>Vnderweifzung, erklärung, vund auszlegung desz Ritterlichenn, kunstlichenn +spielfz des Schachzabels, durch den Hochgelartenn Doctor Jacob Mennel... +auff dem heiligen Reichsztag zu Kostentz, Anno &c. 1507 in Rheimen +gedicht, vund desselbinn spiels Vrsprung vn(d) wesenn, Auch wie man das +auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen begreissen mag, offenbart. +Frankfurt, 1536, 4to. +<p>This is given on the authority of Massmann by Dr. van der Linde. +<p>Das Schachzabelspiel. Des alten ritterlichen Spiels des Schachzabels' +gründlich Bedeutung... Frankf. 1536. [Reprint.] +<p>Dr. van der Linde does not speak well of this reprint which appeared +in:--Schaltjahr, welches ist der teutsch Kalendar, durch J. Scheible. Dritter +Band. Stuttgart, 1847. +<p>(<i>German rhyming version of Heinrich von Beringen.</i>) +<p>There is a third rhyming version of the Chessbook by Heinrich von Beringer, +of which a MS., dated 1438, is in the Stuttgart library. (<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>(<i>Low German rhyming translation by Stephan.</i>) +<p>Van dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol dat valen ouer +left de wert ok des schackspeles klock. (Lubeck, about 1489.) Small 4to. +or large 8vo. +<blockquote>"Hir gheyt vth ghemaket to dude +<br>Dat schackspil der eddelen lude +<br>Des bokes dichter het stephan."</blockquote> + +<p><br>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>(<i>Dutch Translation.</i>) +<p>(D)It is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat scæcspel (Fol. +2'a) (H)Ier beghint ee suuerlyc boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende +vrouwen. als vande scæc spul. dær nochtant een ygherlyck mensche +van wat stæt dat hi si. vele scoenre en(de) saliger leren wt neme(n) +mach. næ welcken hi syn leuen sal regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt +synre sielen (Fol. 67'b), ghebruyken Amen In iær ons heren dusent +vierhondert ende neghentseuentich. opten anderden dach van october, soe +is dit ghenoechlycke boeck voleynt en(de) Ghemæct ter goude in hollant. +by my gherært leeu. Lof heb god Folio. +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>Tractat van den Tydverdryf der Edele Heeren ende Vrouwen, genoemt dat +scækspel, verciert met veele schoone historien (Ends:) Int iær +ons heren M.CCCC.LXXXIII. opten veertienden dach van februario: so is dat +ghenoecklike bock volmæckt te Delff in hollant. 4to. +<p>(<i>Linde.</i>) +<p>Hier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande(n) tytuerdrijf edelre heere(n) +ende vrouwen, als vanden scæck spel, dær nochtans een ieghelijck +me(n)sche va wat stæt dz by sy, vele scoonre en(de) saligher leerighe(n) +wt nemen mach, næ welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren tot profijt ende +salicheyt synre sielen. (Ends.) Gheprint tot Louen in de Borchstrate in +den Lupært by my Anthonis Maria Bergaigne ghesworen boecprinter. +Int iær ons Heren. M.CCCCC. ende LI. den VI. dach van Augustus. 8vo. +120 leaves. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>(<i>Scandinavian rhyming translation</i>.) +<p>De ludo Scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac popularium. +Poema suecanum vetustum. e codice manuscripto biblioth. Reg. Universitatis +Havn. nunc primum editum. quod consensu ampl. ord. phil. Lund. p.p. Ernestus +Rietz et Augustus Ludovicus Sjöberg, scanus in Academia Carolina die +vi Decembris MDCCCXLVIII. Lundæ, Typis Berlingianis. MDCCCXLVIII. +8vo. +<p>Fourteen dissertations, of which there is a set in the Jena Library. +<p>There is a MS. of this Scandinavian poetical version of Cessolis dated +1492, and another dated 1492 in the Kopenhagen University Library. +<p>(<i>Linde</i>.) +<p>(<i>English translation.</i>) +<p>The Game and Playe of the Chesse. folio. E. P. +<p>The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Explicit per Caxton. folio. +<p>The Game at Chesse, a metaphorical Discourse shewing the present Estate +of this Kingdome. London. 1643, 4to. +<p>This title is given by Lowndes, but examination only would show whether +it is in any way an imitation of Caxton. +<p>The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. [Facsimile reprint of the +second edition, with remarks by Vincent Figgins.] London: J. R. Smith, +1855. folio. +<p>The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. Reproduced in facsimile from +a copy in the British Museum. With a few remarks on Caxton's Typographical +Productions. By Vincent Figgins. London: John Russell Smith. 1860. +<p>The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. A facsimile reproduction of +the first work printed in England, from the copy in the British Museum. +London: Trübner and Co. 1862. fol. +<p>Caxton and the Spelling Reform. [Signed] Isaac Pitman, Bath, 10th March, +1877. 4to. Pp. 4. +<p>This contains an extract from the "Game of the Chess" in four columns:--i. +Caxton's spelling. 2. The supposed pronunciation of the same represented +by the Phonetic alphabet. 3. Modern spelling. 4. Phonetic spelling. +<p>The Game of the Chesse: a moral treatise on the duties of life. The +First Book Printed in England, by William Caxton in the year 1474. Reprinted +in Phonetic spelling, with a preface and contents in Caxton's orthography, +and a fac-simile page of the original work. Second edition. London, F. +Pitman. Bath, Isaac Pitman, James Davies. 1872 [1879]. +<p>The printing of this book began in 1872, when the title-page and earlier +sheets were worked, but it was not finished until May, 1879. This is the +second time that Mr. Pitman has printed the Chess-book in his reformed +orthography. The first issue was in 1855. Although the title-page repeats +the old belief that "The Game of Chess" was the first book printed in England, +and gives the date of 1474, it is really a reprint of the second edition +of Caxton. +<p>(<i>Sloane's version</i>.) +<p>The Buke of the Chesse. Auchinleck Press. 1818. 4to. +<p>This is printed from a MS. which is believed to have been written about +the beginning of the sixteenth century. The work is in verse, and ends: +"Heir endis y'e buke of y'e Chess, Script per manu Jhois Sloane." Only +forty copies were reprinted by Sir Alexander Boswell at the Auchinleck +Press. +<p>(<i>Linde. Lowndes</i>.) +<p>The "Game and Play of the Chess" is an interesting specimen of mediæval +English literature. It is so near our own time that the language prefents +few difficulties, in spite of its many Gallicisms, and yet it is so remote +as to seem like the echo of an unknown world. The distinctly dogmatic portions +of the book are but few, and their paucity is indeed a matter of some surprise, +since it is in effect a detailed treatise on practical ethics, and is, +in part if not wholly, systematized from the discourses of one distinguished +preacher, who had borrowed much of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic. +The author aims not at the enforcement of doctrine, but at the guidance +of life, though he no doubt assumes that his hearers are all faithful and +orthodox sons of the Church.<a name="FNanchor22"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_22">[22]</a></sup> +<p>The ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds an interesting +expression. The sharp lines of demarcation between class and class are +stated with the frankness that comes of a belief that the then existing +social fabric was the only one possible in the best of worlds. There is +no doubt in the author's mind as to the rightful position of king and baron, +of bishp and merchant. The "rights of man" had not been invented, apparently, +and the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern, would have perplexed +the souls of Cessoles and his translators. They had no more doubt as to +the divine right of the monarch, than the Thibetan has of the divine right +of the grand lama. The Buddhist thinks he has secured the continuous re-appearance +of supernatural wisdom in human form, and the regular transmission of political +ability in the same family was the ideal for which the devotees of mediæval +despotism had to hope. Nothing could be further from the aspirations of +our author than a race of mere palace kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence. +The king was to be the ruler and leader of his people. The relation and +interdependence of the several classes is emphatically proclaimed, and +the claims of duty are urged upon each. +<p>The book enables us to gauge the literary culture of the thirteenth, +fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. Poor as it may now seem, it belonged, +in those days, to the "literature of power," and had great influence. The +form is one which lent itself readily to poetic and historic illustration, +and indeed demanded such treatment. The authors and translators were chiefly +learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics. Caxton, the representative of +the new time when literature was to be the common heritage, was filled +to overflowing with the best literature then accessible. A writer of the +present century, probably borrowing his sentiment, has defined originality +to be undetected imitation. Such refinements were unknown to Cessoles and +his contemporaries. A writer took whatever suited his purpose from any +and every source that was open to him. A quotation was always as good as +an original sentiment, and sometimes much better. Why should a man take +the trouble of laboriously inventing fresh phrases about usury or uncleanness +when there were the very words of St. Augustine or St. Basil ready to hand? +Why seek modern instances when the great storehouse of anecdotes of Valerius +Maximus was ready to be rifled? Very frequently the author is given, mostly +it may be imagined from a sense of the value of the authority of the names +thus cited. Whatever the intention of the writer, the effect is to show +us what were the authors known, studied, and quoted in the middle ages. +<p>The authors named are:--Saint Ambrose (2 references), Anastasius (1), +Avicenna (2), Saint Augustine (9), Saint Basil (1), Saint Bernard (2), +Boethius (3), Cassiodorus (1), Cato (5), Cicero (6), Claudian (2), "Crete" +(1), Diomedes (1), Florus (1), Galen (1), Helinand (4), Hippocrates (4), +Homer (1), Saint Jerome (3), John the Monk (1), Josephus (4), Livy (2), +Lucan (1), Macrobius (1), Martial (1), Ovid (6), Paulus Diaconus (1), Petrus +Alphonsus (2), Plato (4), Quintilian (3), Sallust (1), Seneca (15), Sidrac +(1), Solinus (1), Symmachus (1), Theophrastus (1), "Truphes of the Philosophers" +(2), Turgeius Pompeius (1), Valerius Maximus (23), Valerian (7), Varro +(1), Virgil (2), "Vitas Patrum" (2). +<p>It will be seen that the great classical writers are but poorly represented, +and the main dependence has been upon the later essayists, and chiefly +upon Valerius Maximus, who has pointed many of the morals enforced in this +book. It may, perhaps, be doubted if the writer had more to work from than +Valerius, Seneca, and St. Augustine, with occasional quotations such as +memory would supply from other sources. The verification of all these quotations +would not repay the labour it would involve; but in most cases where the +experiment has been tried, the result has been fairly creditable to the +old author. +<p>The biblical allusions may be taken as typical. There are references +to the "bible," "holy scripture," "Ecclesiastes," and "Canticles." There +also occur the names of Adam, Eve, Abel, Cain, Noah, Ham, Lot, David, Abner, +Joab, Abishai, Solomon, Isaiah, Evilmerodach, Belshazzar, Darius, Cyrus, +Tobias, John the Baptist, and Paul. The citations are not all literally +exact. Solomon had not a very good opinion of his fellow-men; but the comprehensive +estimate of the number of fools with which he is credited on p. 3 is not +to be found in the writings canonically attributed to him. The quotation +from the Canticles on p. 25 may be compared with the translation in the +Wicliffite verfion made by Nicholas de Hereford, A. D. 1380. This passage +is rendered: "His left hond is vndur myn heed; and his ri3t hond shal biclippe +me" ("Song of Solomon," ii. 6). Clip is still current in Lancashire, in +the sense of embrace. +<p>The extract from St. Paul, with which the prologue to the second edition +opens, is no doubt intended for the following passage: "All Scripture is +given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, +for correction, for instruction in righteousness" (2 Tim. iii. 16). +<p>In the reference to the Athenians (p. 16), we seem to hear an echo of +the words: "For all the Athenians and strangers that were there spent their +time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing " (Acts +xvii. 21). +<p>The most curious reference to a biblical personage is that relating +to Evilmerodach (p. 10). Cessoles seems to have been the first to associate +the name of the son of Nebuchadnezzar with the invention of the game of +chess. The biblical references to Evilmerodach are few; they throw no light +on the reason of his selection by the mediæval scribe for a bad pre-eminence +of parricide. The epithet of <i>joli</i> applied to the king has an odd +effect, followed as it is by the narrative of his most unfilial conduct. +Dr. Van der Linde shows how widely the legend spread. Lydgate evidently +hesitates between the divided authority of Guido--that is, Colonna, the +author of the Troy book--and Cessoles, whom he quotes through Jacobus de +Vitriaco.<a name="FNanchor23"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_23">[23]</a></sup> +<p>Amongst the authors not identified are "Crete" (p. 133), and Diomedes +(p. 10). The account of the origin of chess attributed to the last is amplified +a little further on. The legend that Palamedes invented a game of this +kind at the siege of Troy is emphatically rejected by our author, who pins +his fame on Xerxes, a Greek philosopher! This became the received opinion, +as may be gathered from the unhesitating language of Polydore Vergil in +a passage which is thus rendered by John Langley:--"The chesse were invented +the year of the world 3635, by a certain Wise man called Xerxes, to declare +to a Tyrant, that Majesty or Authority without strength, assistance & +help of his subjects, was casual feeble & subject to many calamities +of fortune; his intent was to break the fierce cruelty of his heart, by +fear of such dangers as might come to passe in the life of man." <a name="FNanchor24"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_24">[24]</a></sup> +<p>The curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations of King +Bocchus and the philosopher Sidrac (p. 171) was a favourite science book +of the middle ages. It is probably of oriental origin, but there are editions +in Latin, French, German, Flemish, Dutch, Italian, and English. By way +of question and answer very decided statements are made on a wide variety +of topics of which the author was profoundly ignorant. The particular part +referred to by Cessoles is chap, cclxxxi: "Pourquoy sacostent les hommes +charnellement aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne le font pas?"<a name="FNanchor25"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_25">[25]</a></sup> +John the Monk (p. 70) is the noted canonist Giovanni Andrea, who died at +the plague of Bologna in 1347. His learning gained him such titles as <i>rabbi +doctorum</i> and <i>normaque morum</i>. His commentaries on the decretals +were frequently reprinted. He gave the name of "Novellæ" to this +work after the name of his mother and daughter. His code of morality contained +no prohibition of literary theft, for his additions to the "Speculum Juris" +of Durand are said to have been taken bodily from Oddrale. In the same +magnificent manner he appropriated the treatise "De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio" +of Anguissola. His daughter Novella was a learned woman, and became the +wife of Giovanni Calderino, a jurist of Bologna. Their son, Gaspard Calderino, +wrote a commentary on the decretals. Father, daughter, son-in-law, and +grandson appear to have all been experts in the canon law.<a name="FNanchor26"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_26">[26]</a></sup> +<p>The reference to the "first book of the Truphes of the Philosophers +by figure" does not convey a very definite idea as to the particular work +intended. It must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character, for one +extract describes the fountain of the syrens (p. 122), and the other is +an anecdote, which though told here of Julius Cæsar (p. 71), is really +the story of the soldier who had fought at Actium with Augustus Cæsar. +It occurs also in the "Gesta Romanorum," where the emperor is named Agyos. +<p>"Helmond" (p. 33, &c.) is intended for Helinand, who died some time +after 1229. After a brilliant period at the court of Philip Augustus, where +he is represented as reciting his heroic verses before the king and his +surrounding, he became a monk of the Cistercian Abbey of Froidmont. One +of his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject of death. The +"Flores Helinandi" are said to have been popular as well as his "Chronique." +He is also the reputed author of some sermons, and of the life of St. Gereon, +published by the Bollandists, and of other works still inedited. He is +sometimes confounded with another French monk of the same name, who lived +in the eleventh century, and was an inmate of the monastery at Persigne +in Maine. This second Helinand was the author of commentaries or glosses +on the Apocalypse and Exodus.<a name="FNanchor27"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_27">[27]</a></sup> +The first-named has been credited with the authorship of "Gesta Romanorum." +The grounds for this are very slight. "On a longtemps ignoré le +nom de l'auteur de cette compilation, mais un passage du 68^e dialogue +du livre intitulé 'Dialogus creaturarum' nous le révele par +ces mots: <i>Elimandus in gestis romanorum</i>."<a name="FNanchor28"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_28">[28]</a></sup> +But, as Sir F. Madden and Mr. Herrtage have pointed out, the name of "Gesta +Romanorum" was given to any book treating of Roman affairs. A French translation +of Livy, by Robert Gaguin, has been catalogued as a version of the "Gesta." +The reference cited by Brunet is to the Chroniques of Helinand.<a name="FNanchor29"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_29">[29]</a></sup> +<p>Many of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces of ancient history, +such as the friendship of Damon and Pythias, the sword of Damocles, the +chastity of Scipio, the magnanimity of Alexander, the fable of the Dog +and the Shadow, &c. Others current in the middle ages had great popularity, +and even in our own days occasionally renew their youth. The story of John +of Ganazath (p. 48) is to be found in Occleve's translation of Colonna. +Mr. Thomas Wright remarks: "This story, under different forms, was a very +common one in the middle ages. One version will be found in my 'Latin Stories,' +p. 28. It will hardly be necessary to remark that the story of King Lear +and his daughters is another version."<a name="FNanchor30"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_30">[30]</a></sup> +<p>The story appears also in some modern compilations. In one instance +it is given as the will of Jehan Connaxa, of Antwerp, about 1530.<a name="FNanchor31"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_31">[31]</a></sup> +The incident is given in the following form in the popular collection known +as the "Percy Anecdotes":<a name="FNanchor32"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_32">[32]</a></sup>-- +<p>"An eminent trader at Lyons, who had acquired an easy fortune, had two +handsome daughters, between whom, on their marriage, he divided all his +property, on condition that he should pass the summer with one and the +winter with the other. Before the end of the first year, he found sufficient +grounds to conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest to either; +of this, however, he took no notice, but hired a handsome lodging, in which +he resided a few weeks; he then applied to a friend, and told him the truth +of the matter, desiring the gift of two hundred livres, and the loan of +fifty thousand, in ready money, for a few hours. His friend very readily +complied with his request; and the next day the old gentleman made a very +splendid entertainment, to which his daughters and their husbands were +invited. Just as dinner was over, his friend came in a great hurry; told +him of an unexpected demand upon him, and desired to know whether he could +lend him fifty thousand livres. The old man told him, without any emotion, +that twice as much was at his service, if he wanted it; and going into +the next room, brought him the money. After this, he was not suffered to +stay any longer in lodgings; his daughters were jealous if he stayed a +day more in one house than the other; and after three or four years spent +with them, he died; when, upon examining his cabinet, inftead of livres, +there was found a note containing these words: 'He who has suffered by +his virtues, has a right to avail himself of the vices of those by whom +he has been injured; and a father ought never to be so fond of his children +as to forget what is due to himself.'" +<p>Amongst other versions of the story is a novelle by Giovanni Brevio, +published as part of his "Rime" in 1545. Piron's comedy of "Les Fils Ingrats," +also known as "L'Ecole des Pères," appeared in 1728. "The story," +adds Dunlop, "is also told in the 'Pieuses Recreations d'Angelin Gazée,' +and is told in the 'Colloquia Mensalia' of Luther, among other examples +to deter fathers from dividing their property during life among their children--a +practice to which they are in general little addicted."<a name="FNanchor33"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_33">[33]</a></sup> +<p>There is yet another verfion of the story in John of Bromyard's "Summa +Predicantium." After describing the discovery of the club it says, "in +quo Anglice scriptum erat"-- +<blockquote>"Wyht fuyle a betel be he smetyn, +<br>That al the werld hyt mote wyten, +<br>That gyfht his sone al his thing, +<br>And goht hym self a beggyn."</blockquote> +Mr. Wright gives another version, and adds that he is inclined to think +that the story and verses had some connection with "a superstition not +yet forgotten, which is thus told by Aubrey in his 'Remains of Gentilism'" +(Thorn's "Anecdotes and Traditions," p. 84)--"The Holy Mawle, which they +fancy was hung behind the church door, which when the father was seaventie, +the sonne might fetch to knock his father in the head, as effete and of +no more use."<a name="FNanchor34"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_34">[34]</a></sup> +<p>Herodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct to some Indian tribes. +<p>The incident of St. Bernard playing at dice for a soul (p. 151), is +in the "Gesta Romanorum." The anecdote how a son induced his father to +become a monk (p. 81) which is quoted from the "Vitas Patrum" is also in +the "Gesta Romanorum," and has so much of the Buddhist flavour as to give +rise to the suspicion that it comes from an Oriental source.<a name="FNanchor35"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_35">[35]</a></sup> +The story of two merchants quoted from Petrus Alphonsus is also in the +"Gesta Romanorum." It is the foundation of Lydgate's "Two Friends," and +is beyond doubt an Eastern importation. In a MS. of the "Speculum Laicorum," +described by Prof. Ingram, the writer has transformed one of the merchants +into an Englishman.<a name="FNanchor36"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_36">[36]</a></sup> +<p>The story quoted from "Paul, the historiagraph of the Lombards" (p. +46), is also given in the "Gesta Romanorum." Mr. Herrtage says it is "evidently +founded on the classical legend of Tarpeia." The narrative in the chess-book +is taken from Paulus Diaconus.<a name="FNanchor37"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_37">[37]</a></sup> +<p>The stratagem by which deposited money was recovered from a dishonest +trustee (p. 114) is told by Petrus Alphonsus, and is also in the "Gesta +Romanorum." +<p>The story of the danger of drunkenness (p. 129) was a favourite with +our forefathers. It is given by John of Bromyard, and is the subject of +a fabliau which is given by Meon.<a name="FNanchor38"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_38">[38]</a></sup> +<p>The somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been adopted by Demosthenes +(p. 103) will remind some readers of a passage in the life of St. Francis +of Assisi. "He had given up," says Mrs. Oliphant, "without hesitation, +as would appear, all the indefinite sweetness of youthful hopes. But, nevertheless, +he was still young, still a man, with human instincts and wishes, the tenderest +nature, and an imagination full of all the warmth and grace of his age +and his country. It does not appear that he ever put into words the musings +which caught him unawares--the relics of old dreams or soft recollections +which now and then would steal into his heart. But one night suddenly he +rose from the earthen floor which was his bed, and rushed out into the +night in an access of rage and passion and despair. A certain brother who +was praying in his cell, peering, wondering, through his little window, +saw him heap together seven masses of snow in the clear moonlight. 'Here +is +thy wife,' he said to himself; 'these four are thy sons and daughters, +the other two are thy servant and thy handmaid; and for all these thou +art bound to provide. Make haste, then, and provide clothing for them, +lest they perish with cold. But if the care of so many trouble thee, be +thou careful to serve our Lord alone.' Bonaventura, who tells the story, +goes on, with the true spirit of a monkish historian, to state how, 'the +tempter being vanquished, departed, and the holy man returned victorious +to his cell.' The piteous human yearning that is underneath this wild tale, +the sudden access of self-pity and anger, mixed with a strange attempt, +not less piteous than the longing, at self-consolation--all the struggle +and conflict of emotion which stilled themselves, at least for a moment, +by that sudden plunge into the snow, and wild, violent, bodily exertion, +are either lost upon the teller of the tale, or perhaps he fears to do +his master injustice by revealing any consciousness of the possibility +of such thoughts. But it is a very remarkable peculiarity of Francis's +history, that whereas every saint in the Calendar, from Antony downwards, +is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous delight, only Francis, +in his pure dreams, is tempted by the modest joys of wife and children--the +most legitimate and tenderest love."<a name="FNanchor39"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_39">[39]</a></sup> +<p>The reader must not expect any historical exactitude or critical spirit +from our author. For his purpose a narrative was just as useful whether +true or false, but it probably never occurred to him to question the exact +truth of any statement that he found written in a book. The murder of Seneca +(p. 9) is certainly not the least of the many crimes which stain the memory +of Nero, but the circumstances of his death are not exactly described by +the mediæval scribe. Whether the philosopher and former tutor was +implicated in the conspiracy of Piso may be doubted, but some ambiguous +phrases he had used were reported to the Emþeror, whose messenger +demanded an explanation of their meaning. The reply of Seneca was either +unsatisfactory or the tyrant had decided to be rid of his former guide. +As in more recent times in Japan the condemned man was expected to be his +own executioner, and Seneca opened his veins and allowed the life to ooze +from them with a stoicism that was certainly heroic if not untainted by +theatrical display. The character of Seneca will ever remain one of the +puzzles of history, for the grave moralist was accessory to the murder +of Agrippina, and not unsuspected of licentiousness, and of the accumulation +of an enormous fortune of three hundred million sestertii by injustice +and fraud. The statements of Dion Cassius as to the misdeeds of the philosopher +must be weighed against the absence of any condemnation of his proceedings +in the pages of Tacitus. +<p>The Theodore Cerem named on p. 12, is Theodorus Cyrenaicus, who was +probably a native of Cyrene, and a disciple of Aristippus. He was banished +from the (supposed) place of his birth, and was shielded at Athens by Demetrius +Phalerus, whose exile he is assumed to have shared. Whilst in the service +of Egypt he was sent as an ambassador to Lysimachus, whom he offended by +the directness and plainness of his speech. The offended monarch threatened +him with crucifixion, and he replied in a phrase which became famous, "Threaten +thus your courtiers, for it matters not to me whether I rot on the ground +or in the air."<a name="FNanchor40"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_40">[40]</a></sup> +The king's threat was not executed, as Theodorus was afterwards at Corinth, +and is believed to have died at Cyrene. That he was condemned to drink +hemlock is a statement cited from Amphicrates by Diogenes Lærtius +(<i>Aristippus</i>, xv.). The anecdote of his colloquy with Lysimachus +would easily be perverted into a belief that he had been put to death for +the freedom with which he exercised his biting wit. +<p>The Democreon mentioned at pp. 12 and 16 is Democritus of Abdera, of +whom the anecdote is told. He was a man whose knowledge and wisdom won +even the respect of Timon, the universal scoffer. The tradition that he +deprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic abstraction is mentioned +by Cicero, Aulus Gellius, and others, but it is hardly necessary to account +for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so remarkable. +<p>The transformations of some of the names are peculiar. At p. 12 we read +of Defortes. The philosopher disguised under this strange name appears +to be Socrates. The story is told in the Apology of Socrates attributed +to Xenophon. The person to whom the saying was addressed was not Xanthippe, +but was a disciple named Apollodorus, whose understanding was not equal +to his admiration. +<p>The statement that Didymus voluntarily blinded himself is made both +by Jerome (<i>Ep</i>. 68) and in the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates +(iv. 29). Didymus was born 309 or 314, and became blind at the age of four, +as the result of disease. He learned the alphabet by wooden letters, and +by application and force of character became learned in all the learning +of his time. Is this a real anticipation of the use of raised letters for +the blind? What would be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so acquired +in obtaining that skill in geometry, rhetoric, arithmetic, and music for +which he was famous? He owed to Athanasius his position as head of the +Catechetical School of Alexandria. +<p>The readers of "Cymbeline" will remember the passage in the concluding +scene:-- +<blockquote>"The piece of tender air, thy virtuous daughter, +<br>Which we call <i>mollis ær</i>; and <i>mollis ær</i> +<br>We term it <i>mulier</i>; which mulier, I divine, +<br>Is this most constant wife: who even now, +<br>Answering the letter of the oracle, +<br>Unknown to you unsought, were clipp'd about +<br>With this most tender air."</blockquote> +This quaint piece of etymology will be found at p. 123 of the present volume. +<p>There is an interesting personal reference in the following passage +which has not, it is believed, been pointed out:-- +<p>"And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune +& not propre is most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious +men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & +kepe the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue +my self ben conuersant in a religious hous of white freris at gaunt Which +haue all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/ +in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii.d or iiii.d to praye for +hym in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his +ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute freris +And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy church wold +neuer suffre hit in religion." +<p>This description by the busy merchant of the "best life" might serve +to point anew the distinction between the real and the ideal, and perhaps +not to the advantage of the latter. +<p>Nothing has yet been said as to the place of this book in the history +of chess, and, indeed, it must be confessed that it has very little practical +bearing on the game. The learned dreams by which the chess of to-day was +connected with the <i>latrunculi</i> and with the amusement said to have +been invented by Palamedes, have been dissipated by the cool air of modern +criticism. The student of the history of chess may now follow its fortunes +under the safe guidance of Dr. van der Linde, who rejects unhesitatingly +the claim made for it, and admitted even by Forbes, of an antiquity of +5,000 years.<a name="FNanchor41"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_41">[41]</a></sup> +The game of chess, which, whilst remaining an amusement, has acquired the +dignity of a science, is one that Europe owes to India, where it was probably +invented not earlier than five centuries before Christ; the triumphant +progress of Islam aided in the extension of this oriental pastime. It was +known at the courts of Nicephorus at Conftantinople and his contemporary +Haroun-al-Rashid at Bagdad. One would like to add that Charlemagne also +was acquainted with it, but there is no good evidence for that legend. +It was known in Spain in the tenth century, since the library of the learned +caliph Hakam II. of Cordova contained some Arabic MSS. on the game. By +the middle of the eleventh century it was common in the western world. +In 1061 a Florentine bishop is said to have been ordered by Cardinal Damiani +to expiate the offence of playing chess in public by three recitations +of the Psalter, by washing the feet of twelve poor persons, and by giving +them liberal alms. The gradual developments of the game in Europe are illustrated +in detail by Dr. van der Linde. Chess in its prefent form is comparatively +modern, and refults from the enlargement of the powers of the Queen (originally +the Vizier or minister) and of the Bishop (formerly the Alfil or Elephant). +The greater powers of these pieces came into play between 1450 and 1500, +but the period of transition was prolonged to a much later date in some +cafes, and the Portuguese Damiano may be regarded as the founder of the +modern school. The player of to-day on consulting the elementary directions +given in this book (p. 159, <i>et seq</i>.), will see how greatly the present +play exceeds in complexity and scientific interest the moves that excited +the enthusiasm of Jacobus de Cessoles, and led him to the composition of +the book of the chess which has had such long and widespread popularity. +<p>Incidentally his book is a monument in the history of chess, but it +was never intended to make its primary object that of teaching the game. +The author's aim was almost exclusively ethical. It was to win men to a +sober life and to the due performance of individual and social duties, +that the preacher exhausted his stores of learning, and invoked alike the +reproofs of the fathers of the Church, the history and legend of chroniclers, +pagan and Christian, and the words of prophets and poets. As a memorial +of the literature and learning of the middle ages, it must always possess +a permanent value. From it we may learn, and always with interest, what +was the literary taste and social ideal of the thirteenth, fourteenth, +and fifteenth centuries. There is, doubtless, ample room for dissatisfaction +with that ideal, but it is not without some bright aspects. Possibly there +are modern realms that are not any happier now than they would be if governed +in strict accordance with the rules laid down by the earnest author of +the game and play of the chess. +<p>It only remains for the editor to thank the friends who have interested +themselves in his work. Mr. J.E. Bailey, F.S.A., has shown his usual scholarly +courtesy and liberality in the communication of books and references. To +Mr. R.C. Christie, the Chancellor of the Diocese of Manchester, a similar +acknowledgment is due. Mr. C.W. Sutton, and Mr. W.R. Credland, of the Manchester +Free Library, on this, as on many other occasions, have not only given +the editor many facilities for his work, but some suggestions by which +he trusts he has profited. The index is chiefly the work of the editor's +eldest daughter. + +<center> +<img SRC="images/071tri.gif" ALT="Triangle floral" height=151 width=200> +</center> + +<hr> + +<center> +<img SRC="images/072banner.gif" ALT="banner dragon" height=138 width=600> +</center> + +<h2><a name="THEGAMEOF"></a><a href="#cTHEGAMEOFTHE">THE GAME OF CHESSE</a></h2> + +<h2><a name="DEDICATION"></a><a href="#cDedicationtotheDukeof">[DEDICATION.]</a></h2> + +<a name="FNanchor42"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_42">[42]<img SRC="images/072T.gif" ALT="T" height=134 width=120 align=LEFT></a></sup>To +the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince George duc of Clarence +Erle of warwyck and of salifburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant +of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god kynge of England +and of france/ your most humble servant william Caxton amonge other of +your seruantes sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon your +Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and redoubted prynce/. For as moche as I +haue understand and knowe/ that y'e are enclined unto the comyn wele of +the kynge our sayd saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and comyn peple of his +noble royame of Englond/ and that y'e sawe gladly the Inhabitants of y'e +same enformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and honeste maners. In whiche +your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows haboundeth/ gyuyng light and +ensample unto all other/ Therfore I haue put me in deuour to translate +a lityll book late comen in to myn handes out of frensh in to englisshe/ +In which I fynde thauctorites. dictees. and stories of auncient Doctours +philosophes poetes and of other wyse men whiche been recounted & applied +unto the moralite of the publique wele as well of the nobles as of the +comyn peple after the game and playe of the chesse/ whiche booke right +puyssant and redoubtid lord I haue made in the name and under the shadewe +of your noble protection/ not presumyng to correcte or enpoigne ony thynge +ayenst your noblesse/. For god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth +as well in strange regions as with in the royame of england gloriously +unto your honour and lande/ which god multeplye and encrece But to thentent +that other of what estate or degre he or they stande in may see in this +sayd lityll book/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought to doo/ wherfor +my right dere redoubted lord I requyre & supplye your good grace not +to desdaygne to resseyue this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke/ as well +of me your humble and unknowen seruant as of a better and gretter man than +I am/. For the right good wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk +in the best wyse I can/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede/ And +for more clerely to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the +chapitres ben sette in the begynnynge to thende that y'e may see more playnly +the mater wherof the book treteth &c. +<br> +<br> +<br> +<br> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/074banner.gif" ALT="banner floral" height=116 width=500></center> + +<h2> +<a name="PREFACETOTHESECOND"></a><a href="#cProloguetosecond">[PREFACE +TO THE SECOND EDITION.]</a></h2> +<img SRC="images/074T.gif" ALT="T" height=131 width=120 align=LEFT>The holy appostle +and doctour of the peple saynt Poule sayth in his epystle. Alle that is +wryten is wryten unto our doctryne and for our lernyng. Wherfore many noble +clerkes haue endeuoyred them to wryte and compyle many notable werkys and +historyes to the ende that it myght come to the knowlege and vnderstondyng +of suche as ben ygnoraunt. Of which the nombre is infenyte/ And accordyng +to the same saith Salamon. that the nombre of foles. is infenyte/ And emong +alle other good werkys. It is a werke of ryght special recomendacion to +enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not +lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye. Th[=e]ne emonge whom there +was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre +of thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended the fame and hath +made a book of the chesse moralysed. which at suche tyme as J was resident +in brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam in to my handes/ which whan J +had redde and ouerseen/ ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe/ +And in eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen +it/ ne understonde frenssh ne latyn I delybered in my self to translate +it in to our maternal tongue/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ +I dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ Whiche anone were +depesshed and folde. wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom +wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree/ J haue purposed to +enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the +playe. Jn whom al astates and degrees ben comprysed/ besechyng al them +that this litel werke shal see/ here/ or rede to have me for excused for +the rude & symple makyng and reducyn in to our englisshe/ And where +as is defaute to correcte and amende/ and in so doyng they shal deserve +meryte and thanke/ and I shal pray for them/ that god of his grete mercy +shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse in heven/ to the whiche he +brynge us/ that wyth his precious blood redemed us Amen +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/075tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=135 width=171></center> + +<hr WIDTH="100%"> + +<center><img SRC="images/076banner.gif" ALT="banner floral" height=117 width=500></center> + +<h2>[TABLE.]</h2> + +<p><br><img SRC="images/076T.gif" ALT="T" height=133 width=120 align=LEFT>his booke conteyneth +.iiii. traytees/ +<p>The first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe of the chesse,/ +and conteyneth .iii. chapitres +<p>The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden +<p>The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe +<p>The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of .iii. causes why hit was made and founden +<p>The second traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and conteyneth .v. chapitres +<p>The first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges +as apperteyn to a kynge +<p>The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners +<p>The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and maners +<p>The .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices +<p>The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices +<p>The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath .viii. +chapitres +<p>The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe +<p>The .ii. of fmythis and other werkes in yron & metall +<p><a name="FNanchor43"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_43">[43]</a></sup> +The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries +<p>The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers +<p><a name="FNanchor44"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_44">[44]</a></sup> +The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries +<p><a name="FNanchor45"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_45">[45]</a></sup> +The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers +<p><a name="FNanchor46"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_46">[46]</a></sup> +The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & cuftomers +<p><a name="FNanchor47"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_47">[47]</a></sup> +The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours The .iiii. traytee +is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. chapitres +<p>The first is of the eschequer +<p>The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge +<p>The thirde of the yssue of the quene +<p>The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns +<p>The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes +<p>The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks +<p>The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple +<p>And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion. +<p>And of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres. +<br> +<hr> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/078banner.gif" ALT="banner" height=116 width=500></h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +<a name="BOOKI"></a><a href="#cBOOKI">BOOK I.</a></h2></center> + +<center><img SRC="images/078clover.gif" ALT="clover icon" height=40 width=40></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/080top.gif" ALT="battlefield" height=538 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk1ch1"></a><i><a href="#cbkIThefirst">This first chapiter of +the first tractate sheweth under what kynge the play of the chesse was +founden and maad.:.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/080A.gif" ALT="A" height=129 width=120 align=LEFT>monge all the euyll +condicions and signes that may be in a man the first and y'e grettest is +whan he feereth not/ ne dredeth to displese and make wroth god by synne/ +and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly/ whan he reccheth not/ ner taketh +hede unto them that repreue hym and his vices/ but fleeth them/ In suche +wyse as dide the emperour Nero/ whiche dide do slee his maister seneque +For as moche as he might not suffre to be repreuid and taught of hym In +lyke wyse was somtyme a kynge in babiloine that was named Evilmerodach +a Jolye man with oute Justice and so cruell that he dyde do hewe his faders +body in thre honderd pieces/ And gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd +birdes that men calle wultres And was of suche condicion as was Nero/ And +right well resemblid and was lyke unto his fader Nabogodonosor/ whiche +on a tyme wold do flee alle the sage and wyse men of babylonye/ For as +moche as they coude not telle hym his dreme that he had dremed on a nyght +and had forgoten hit lyke as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell/ +Under this kynge than Evilmerodach was this game and playe of the chesse +founden/ Trewe it is that some men wene/ that this playe was founden in +the tyme of the bataylles & siege of troye But that is not soo For +this playe cam to the playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek sayth +and reherceth That amonge the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge +all other playes/ And after that/ cam this playe in the tyme of Alixandre +the grete in to Egipte And so unto alle the parties toward the south/ And +the cause wherfore thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the thirde +chapitre. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/081tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=127 width=186></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/082top.gif" ALT="Bishop" height=529 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk1ch2"></a><i><a href="#cbk1The2">This second chapitre of the +first tra3tate sheweth who fonde first the playe of the chesse.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/082T.gif" ALT="T" height=128 width=120 align=LEFT>Thys playe +fonde a phylosopher of Thoryent whiche was named in Caldee Exerses or in +greke philometor/ which is as moche to saye in english as he that loveth +Justice and mesure/ And this philosopher was renomed gretly amonge the +grekes and them of Athenes whiche were good clerkys and philosophers also +renomed of theyr connynge. This philosopher was so Juste and trewe that +he had leuyr dye/ than to lyue longe and be a fals flaterer wyth the sayd +kynge. For whan he behelde the foull and synfull lyf of the kynge/ And +that no man durst blame hym. For by his grete cruelte he putte them alle +to deth that displesid hym/ he put hym self in paryll of deth/ And louyd +and chees rather to dye than lenger to lyue: The euyll lyf and diffamed +of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell beste/ And ought not longe to be susteyned/ +For he destroyeth hym that displesith hym/ And therfore reherceth valerius/ +that ther was a wise man named theodore cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange +on the crosse for as moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll & fowll +lyf And all way as he was in the torment he said to y'e kynge/ upon thy +counceyllours & them that ben cladd in thy clothynge & robes were +more reson that this torment shold come/ For as moche as they dar not saye +to the The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly/ of my self I make no +force whether I dye on the lande or on the water or otherwyse &c as +who sayth he recched not to dye for Justice/ In lyke wyse as democreon +the philosophre put out his owen eyen be cause he wold not see that no +good myght come to the euyll and vicyous peple wyth out right And also +defortes the philosophre as he went toward his deth/ his wyf that folowed +after hym saide that he was dampned to deth wrongfully/ than he answerd +and sayd to her/ holde thy peas and be styll/ hit is better and more merytorye +to dye by a wronge and unrightfull Jugement/ than that I had deseruyd to +dye. +<br> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/084top.gif" ALT="game of chesse" height=541 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk1ch3"></a><i><a href="#cbk1The3">The thirde chapitre of the first +tractate treteth wherfore the playe was founden and maad.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/084T.gif" ALT="T" height=131 width=120 align=LEFT>he causes wherfore +this playe was founden ben thre/ the first was for to correcte and repreue +the kynge .For whan this kynge Evilmerodach sawe this playe And the barons +knyghtes and gentillmen of his court playe wyth the philosopher/ he meruaylled +gretly of the beaulte and nouelte of the playe/ And desired to playe agaynst +y'e philosopher/ The philosopher answerd and sayd to hym that hit myght +not be doon. But yf he first lerned the playe/ The kynge said hit was reson +and that he wold put him to the payne to lerne hit Than the philosopher +began to teche hym and to shewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse +borde and the chesse meyne/ And also the maners and condicions of a kynge +of the nobles and of the comun peple and of theyr offices and how they +shold be touchid and drawen. And how he shold amende hymself & become +vertuous And whan this kynge herde that he repreuyd hym/ He demanded hym +upon payne of deth to tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe/ +And he answerd my ryght dere lord and kynge/ the grettest and most thinge +that I desire is that thou haue in thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf +And that may I not see/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd and +that had/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple Thus than I desire y't +thou haue other gouernement than thou hast had/ And that thou haue upon +thy self first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon other by +force and not by right Certaynly hit is not ryght that a man be mayster +ouer other and comandour/ whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and +that his vertues domyne aboue his vices/. For seygnourye by force and wylle +may not longe endure/ Than thus may thou see oon of the causes why and +wherfore I haue founden and maad thys playe/ whyche is for to correcte +and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous lyuynge/ .For alle kynges specyally +ought to here her corrygeours or correctours and her corrections to hold +and kepe in mynde/ In lyke wyse as Valerius reherceth that the kynge Alixandre +had a noble and renomed knyght that sayd in repreuynge of Alixandre that +he was to moche couetous and in especyall of the honours of the world/ +And sayd to hym yf the goddes had maad thy body as greet as is thy herte +Alle the world coude not holde the/. For thou holdest in thy right hand +alle the Oryent/ And in thy lyfte hande the occident/ syn than hit is so/ +or thou art a god or a man or nought/ yf thou be god doo than well and +good to the peple as god doth/ And take not from them that they ought to +haue and is theyres. yf thou be a man/ thinke that thou shalt dye/ And +than thou shalt doo noon euyll/ yf thou be nought forgete thy self/ ther +is no thynge so stronge and ferme/ but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth +doun and ouerthrowe hit How well that the lyon be the strengest beste/ +yet somtyme a lityll birde eteth hym/ The seconde cause wherfore this playe +was founden and maad/ was for to kepe hym from ydlenesse/ whereof senecque +saith unto lucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture of a man +lyuyng/ and varro saith in his sentences that in lyke wise as men goo not +for to goo/ the same wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo +well and good/ And therfore secondly the philosopher fonde this playe for +to kepe the peple from ydlenes/. For there is moche peple. Whan so is that +they be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them to ease and ydlenes +wherof cometh ofte tymes many euyllys and grete synnes And by this ydlenes +the herte is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion/ The thirde cause is that +euery man naturelly desireth to knowe and to here noueltees and tydynges. +For this cause they of atthenes studyed as we rede/ and for as the corporall +or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth otherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll +thinges/ therfore we rede that <a name="FNanchor48"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_48">[48]</a></sup> +democrion the phylosopher put oute his owen eyen/ for as moche as he myght +haue the better entendement and understondynge/ Many haue ben made blynde +that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was dydymus bisshop of Alixandrye/ +that how well that he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk/ that gregore +nazan & saynt Ierome that were clerkes and maystres to other/ came +for to be his scolers & lerned of hym And saynt Anthonie The grete +heremyte cam for to see hym on a tyme/ and amonge all other thynges/ he +demanded hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was blynde and sawe +not. And he answerd that he was gretly abasshid for that he supposid not +that he was not displesid in that he had lost his sight/ And saynt Anthonye +answerd to hym I meruayle moche that hit displesith the that thou hast +lost that thynge whiche is comyn betwene the and bestes. And thou knowest +well that thou hast not loste that thynge that is comyn bitwene the and +the angellis And for thise causes forsayd the philosopher entended to put +away alle pensisnes and thoughtes/ and to thinke only on this playe as +shall be said & appere in this book after. +<br> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/088banner.gif" ALT="banner" height=123 width=500></h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +<a name="BOOKII"></a><a href="#cBOOKII">BOOK II.</a></h2></center> + +<center><img SRC="images/088icon.gif" ALT="icon" height=40 width=36></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/090top.gif" ALT="King" height=527 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk2ch1"></a><a href="#cbk2ch1"><i>The seconde tractate/ the first +chapiter treteth of the forme of a kynge of his maners and of his estate</i>.</a></h3> +<img SRC="images/090T.gif" ALT="T" height=127 width=120 align=LEFT>The kynge must +be thus maad. For he must sitte in a chayer clothed in purpure/ crowned +on his heed in his ryght hand a ceptre and in the lyfte hande an apple +of gold/. For he is the most grettest and hyest in dignyte aboue alle other +and most worthy. And that is signefyed by the corone/. For the glorye of +the peple is the dignite of the kynge/ And aboue all other the kynge ought +to be replenysshid with vertues and of grace/ and thys signefieth the purpure. +For in lyke wyse as the robes of purpure maketh fayr & enbelysshith +the body/ the same wise vertues maketh the sowle/ he ought alleway thenke +on the gouernement of the Royame and who hath thadmynystracion of Justice/ +And thys shuld be by hym self pryncipally. This signefieth the appell of +gold that he holdeth in his lyfte honde/ And for as moche as hit apperteyneth +unto hym to punysshe the rebelles hath he y'e sceptre in his right hand +And for as moche as mysericorde and trouthe conserue and kepe the kynge +in his trone/ Therfore ought a kynge to be mercyfull and debonayr For whan +a kynge or prynce desired or will be belouyd of his peple late hym be gouerned +by debonarite And valerius saith that debonairte percyth the hertes of +straungers and amolisshith and maketh softe the hertes of his enemyes/ +wherof he reherceth that philostratus that was due of athenes had a doughter/ +whom a man louyd so ardantly/ that on a tyme as he sawe her wyth her moder/ +sodaynly he cam and kyssed her/ wherof the moder was so angry and soroufull +that she wente and requyred of her lord the duc/ that his heed myght be +smyten of/ The prynce answerd to her and sayde/ yf we shold slee them that +loue us/ what shall we doo to our enemyes that hate us/ Certaynly this +was thanswer of a noble & debonair prynce That suffred that villonye +don to his doughter and to hymself yet more This prince had also a frende +that was named Arispe that sayd on a tyme as moche villonye unto the prynce +as ony man miht saye And that might not suffise hym/ but he scracchid hym +in the visage/ The prynce suffryd hym paciently in suche wyse as thowh +he had doon to hym no vilonye but curtoysye And whan his sones wold haue +auengid this vilonye/ he comanded them that they shold not be so hardy +so to do The next day folowyng arispe remembrid of the right grete vilonye +that he had don to his frende and lord wythoute cause. He fyll in dispayr +and wold haue slayn hym self/ whan the duc knewe and understode that/ he +cam to hym and sayd ne doubte the nothynge And swore to hym by his fayth/ +that also well he was and shold be his frende fro than forthon as euery +he had ben to fore yf he wold And thus he respited hym of his deth by his +debonairte. And in lyke wyse rede we of the kynge pirre to whom was reported +that they of tarente had said grete vilonye of hym. For whiche cause he +maad alle them to come to fore hym And demanded of them yf they had so +sayd. Than oon of them answerd and sayd/ yf the wyn and the candellys had +not fayllyd/ thys langage had ben but a Iape/ In regarde of that we had +thought to haue doon/ Than the kynge began to lawhe/ for they had confessid +that suche langage as was sayd and spoken was by dronkenship/ And for this +cause of debonairte the peple of tarante toke for a custome that the dronken +men shold be puuysshyd/ And the sobre men preyfed. The kynge than thus +ought to loue humylyte and hate falsite after the holy scripture that speketh +of euery man generally/ For the kynge in his royame representeth god/ And +god is verite/ And therfore hym ought to saye no thynge but yf hit were +veritable and stable. Valerius reherceth that Alixandre wyth alle his ooste +rood for to destroye a cyte whyche was named lapsare/ whan than a phylosophre +whiche had to name Anaximenes which had ben to fore maistre & gouernour +of Alixandre herd and understood of his comyng Cam agayn Alixandre for +to desire and requyre of hym. And whan he sawe Alixandre he supposid to +haue axid his requefte/ Alixandre brake his demande to fore and swore to +hym to fore he axid ony thynge by his goddes. That suche thynge as he axid +or requyryd of hym/ he wold in no wyse doon/ Than the philosopher requyred +hym to destroye the cyte/ whan Alixandre understood his desire/ and the +oth that he had maad/ he suffrid the cyte to stande and not to be destroyed +For he had leuer doo his wyll than to be periured and forsworn and doo +agaynst his oth/ Quyntilian saith that no grete man ne lord shold not swere/ +but where as is grete nede/ And that the symple parole or worde of a prynce +ought to be more stable than the oth of a marcha[=u]t/ Alas how kepe the +prynces their promisses in thise dayes/ not only her promises but their +othes her fealis and wrytynges & signes of their propre handes/ alle +faylleth god amende hit &c. A kynge also ought to hate alle cruelte/ +For we rede that neuer yet dyed ony pietous persone of euyll deth ne cruell +persone of good deth Therfore recounteth valerius that ther was a man named +theryle a werke-man in metall/ that made a boole of coppre and a lityll +wyket on the side/ wherby men myght put in them that shuld be brent therin/ +And hit was maad in suche manere/ that they that shold be put and enclosid +therin shold crye nothinge lyke to the wys of a man but of an oxe. And +this made he be cause men shold haue the lasse pite of them. Whan he had +made this hole of copper/ he presented hit unto a kynge which was callyd +philarde that was so cruell a tyrant that he delited in no thinge but in +cruelte And he told hym the condicion of the bole/ Whan philarde herde +and understode this/ he alowed and preysed moche the werke/ And after sayde +to hym/ thou that art more cruell than I am/ thou shalt assaye & prove +first thy þsente and yeft/ And so made hym to goo in to the boole +and dye an euyll deth/ Therfore faith Ouide ther is no thinge more raisonable +than that a man dye of suche deth as he purchaseth unto other Also the +kynge ought souerainly kepe Iustice/ who maketh or kepeth a royame with +oute Iustice/ of verray force ther muste be grete robberye and thefte Therfor +reherceth saint Augustyn in a book which is intituled the cyte of god/ +that there was a theef of the see named diomedes that was a grete rouar +and dide so moche harme that the complaintes cam to fore Alixander whiche +dide hym to be taken & brought to fore hym/ and he demanded hym wherfore +he was so noyous & cruell in the see And he answerd to hym agayn/ for +as moche as thou art oon a lande in the world/ so am I another in y'e see/ +but for as moche as the euyll y't I doo is in oon galeye or tweyne therfore +I am callyd a theef/ but for as moche as thou dost in many shippis and +with grete puyssance and power/ therfore art thou callyd an emperour/ but +yf fortune were for me in suche wyse/ I wold be come a good man and better +than I now am/ but thou/ the more richer and fortunat that thou art/ the +more worse art thou/ Alixander sayd to hym I shall change thy fortune in +suche wyse as thou ne saye/ that thou shalt doo hit by pouerte/ but for +euyll and mauaiste/ And so he made hym ryche/ And thys was he that afterward +was a good prynce and a good Iusticyer/ The kynge ought to be soueraynly +chaste/ And this signefyeth a quene that is only on his ryght syde For +hit is to be beleuyd and credible that whan the kynge is a good man Iuste. +trewe & of good maners and condicions/ that his children shall folowe +gladly the same/ for a good sone & a trewe ought not to forsake & +goo fro y'e good condicions of his fader. For certes hit is agaynst god +and nature in partie whan a man taketh other than his propre wyf/ And that +see we by birdes/ of whom the male and female haue to gyder the charge +in kepynge and norisshinge of their yonge fowlis and birdis/. For some +maner of fowlis kepen them to theyr femeles only/ As hit appereth by storkes +dowues and turtils/ But tho fowles that norisshith not their birdes haue +many wyues and femelles/ As the cock that no thynge norisshith his chekens/ +And therfore amonge alle the bestes that been/ Man and woman putteth most +theyr entente and haue moste cure & charge in norisshyng of their children/ +And therfore doon they agaynst nature in partye whan they leue theyr wyues +for other women/ Of this chastete reherceth valerius an example and faith +that ther was a man of rome which was named scipio affrican. For as moche +as he had conquerd affricque how well that he was of rome born. Whan he +was of .xxxiiii. yer of age he conquerd cartage And toke moche peple in +Ostage/ Amonge whom he was presented wyth a right fair mayde for his solas +and playsir whiche was assurid and handfast unto a noble yong gentillman +of cartage whiche was named Indiuicible/ And anon as this gentill scipio +knewe that Notwythstandyng that he was a prynce noble & lusty Dyde +do calle anon the parents and kynnesmen of them And deliuerid to them their +doughter wyth oute doyng of ony vilonye to her/ and y'e rænsom or +gold that they had ordeyned for their doughter/ gaf hit euery dele In dowaire +to her And the yong man that was her husbonde sawe the fraunchise and gentilnes +of hym/ torned hymself and the hertes of the noble peple unto the loue +& alliance of the romayns/ And this suffiseth as towchynge the kynge +&c. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/096tri.gif" ALT="trinagle floral" height=171 width=190></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/097top.gif" ALT="King & Queen" height=538 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk2ch2"></a><i><a href="#cbk2ch2">The seconde chapitre of the +seconde book treteth of the forme and maners of the Quene.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/097T.gif" ALT="T" height=129 width=120 align=LEFT>Thus ought +the Quene be maad/ she ought to be a fair lady sittynge in a chayer and +crowned wyth a corone on her heed and cladd wyth a cloth of gold & +a mantyll aboue furrid wyth ermynes And she shold sytte on the lyfte syde +of the kinge for the amplections and enbrasynge of her husbonde/ lyke as +it is sayd in scripture in the canticles/ her lyfte arme shall be under +my heed And her ryght arme fhall<a name="FNanchor49"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_49">[49]</a></sup> +be clyppe and enbrace me/ In that she is sette on his lyfte syde is by +grace gyuen to the kynge by nature and of ryght. For better is to haue +a kynge by succession than by election/ For oftentymes the electours and +chosers can not ne wyll not accorde/ And so is the election left/ And otherwhyle +they chese not the beste and most able and conuenyent/ but hym that they +best loue/ or is for them most proffytable/ But whan the kynge is by lignage +and by trewe succession/ he is taught enseygned and nourrishid in his yongth +in alle good & vertuous tacches and maners of hys fader/ And also the +prynces of the royame dar not so hardily mene warre agaynst a kynge hauynge +a sone for to regne after hym And so a Quene ought to be chaste. wyse. +of honest peple/ well manerd and not curyous in nourisshynge of her children/ +her wyfedom ought not only tappere in feet and werkes but also in spekynge +that is to wete that she be secrete and telle not suche thynges as ought +to be holden secrete/ Wherfore it is a comyn prouerbe that women can kepe +no counceyle And accordyng therto Macrobe reherceth in the book of the +dremes of Scipio. That ther was a child of rome that was named papirus +that on a tyme went with his fader whiche was a senatour into the chambre +where as they helde their counceyll And that tyme they spak of suche maters +as was comanded and agreed shold be kept secrete upon payn of their heedes +And so departed And whan he was comen home from the senatoire and fro the +counceyll with his fader/ his moder demanded of hym what was the counceyll +and wherof they spack and had taryed so longe there And the childe answerd +to her and sayd he durst not telle ner saye hit for so moche as hit was +defended upon payn of deth Than was the moder more desirous to knowe than +she was to fore/ And began to flatere hym one tyme And afterward to menace +hym that he shold saye and telle to her what hit was And whan the childe +sawe that he might haue no reste of his moder in no wife He made her first +promise that she shold kepe hit secrete And to telle hit to none of the +world/ And that doon/ he fayned a lesing or a lye and sayd to her/ that +the senatours had in counceyll a grete question and difference whiche was +this/ whether hit were better and more for the comyn wele of rome/ that +a man shold have two wyuys/ or a wyf to haue two husbondes/ And whan she +had understonde this/ he defended her that she shold telle hit to none +other body And after this she wente to her gossyb and told to her this +counceyll secretly/ And she told to an other/ And thus euery wyf tolde +hit to other in secrete And thus hit happend anone after that alle the +wyues of rome cam to the senatorye where the senatours were assemblid/ +And cryed wyth an hye voys/ that they had leuer/ and also hit were better +for the comyn wele that a wyf shold haue two husbondes than a man two wyues/ +The senatours heerynge this. were gretly abasshid and wist not what to +saye/ ner how to answere/ tyll at laste that the child papire reherced +to them all the caas and feet how hit was happend And whan the senatours +herd & understood the mater they were gretly abasshid/ and comended +gretly y'e Ingenye & wytte of the child that so wisely contriued the +lye rather than he wolde discouere their co[=u]ceyll/ And forthwith made +hym a senatour/ and establisshid & ordeyned fro than forthon that no +childe in ony wise sholl entre in to y'e counceyll hous amonge them with +their faders exept papirus/ whome they wold y't he shold alwey be among +them/ also a quene ought to be chaste/ for as she is aboue all other in +astate & reuer[=e]ce so shold she be ensample to all other in her liuyng +honestly/ wherof Ierome reherceth agaynst Ionynyan/ that ther was a gentilman +of rome named duele/ and this man was he y't first fond y'e maner to fight +on y'e water/ and had first victorie/ this duele had to his wif one of +the best women & so chaste/ that euery woman might take ensample of +her/ And at y't tyme the synne of the flesshe was the grettest synne y't +ony might doo agaynst nature/ And this sayd good woman was named ylye/ +and so it happend that this duele becam so olde that he stowped & quaqued +for age And on a tyme one of his aduersaries repreuyd & reprochid hym +sayng that he had a stynkynge breth/ And forthwyth he wente home to his +wyf alle angry and abasshid and axid her why and wherfore she had not told +his defaulte to hym that he myght haue founden remedye to haue ben purgid +therof/ And she answerd that as for as moche as she supposid that euery +man had that same faute as well as he. For she kyst neuer ony mannes mouth +but her husbondes/ O moche was this woman to be preysed & haue a singuler +lawde wenynge that this defaulte had not ben only in her husbonde/ wherfore +she suffrid hit paciently in suche wyse that her husbonde knewe his defaute +sonner by other than by her/ Also we rede that ther was a wedowe named +anna/ whiche had a frende that counceyllid her to marye/ For she was yong +fayr and riche/ to whom she answerd that she wold not so doo in no wise +For yf I shold haue an husbond as I haue had and that he were as good as +he was/ I shold euer ben a ferd to lose hym/ lyke as I lost that other/ +And than shold I lyue all wey in fere & drede/ whiche I wyll not And +yf hit happend me to haue awors/ what shold hyt prouffite me to haue an +euyll husbond after a good. And so she concluded that she wold kepe her +chastete. Saynt Austyn reherceth in the book de Civitate dei that in rome +was a noble lady gentill of maners & of hyghe kynrede named lucrecia/ +And had an husbonde named colatyne/ whiche desired on a tyme the Emþours +sone named Torquyne thorguyllous or the proude and he was callid sixte +for to come dyne and sporte hym in his castell or manoir And whan he was +entrid amonge many noble ladyes he sawe lucrecia/ And whan this Emþours +sone had seen & aduertised her deportes. her contenance. her manere. +and her beaulte/ he was all rauysshid and esprised wyth her loue forthwyth +And espyed a tyme whan her husbonde collatyn wente unto the ooste of themþour/ +and camm to the place where as lucresse was with her felawship/ whom she +receyuyd honorably/ and whan tyme came to goo to bedde and slepe she made +redy a bedde ryally for hym as hit apperteyned to the emperours sone And +this sixtus espyed where lucresia laye. And whan he supposyd & knewe +that euery body was in his first sleep/ he cam to the bedde of lucresse +and that oon hand sette on her breste and in that other hand a naked swerd/ +and sayd to her/ lucresse holde thy pees and crye not/ For I am sixte tarquynus +sone/ for yf y'u speke ony worde thou shalt be dede/ And for fere she held +her pees/ Than he began to praye and promise many thinges And after he +menaced & thretenyd her that she shold enclyne to hym to do his wyll/ +And whan he sawe he coude ner might haue his entent he sayd to her yf thou +do not my wyll/ I shall slee the and o[=o]n of thy seruantes and shall +leye hym all ded by thy syde And than I shall saye that I haue slayn yow +for your rybawdrye/ And lucresse that than doubted more the shame of the +world than the deth consentid to hym/ And anone after as the Emþours +sone was departid/ the ladye sente l*res to her husbond her fader her brethern +& to her frendes/ and to a man callid brute conceyllour & neuewe +to tarquyn/ And sayd to them/ that yesterday sixte the emp*ours sone cam +in to myn hous as an enemye in likenes of a frende/ & hath oppressid +me And knowe y'u colatyn that he hath dishonorid thy bedde And how well +y't he hath fowled & dishonored my body/ yet myn herte is not/ wherfore +I beseche the of pardon foryfnes & absolucion of the trespas but not +of the payne/ and he y't hath doon this synne to me hit shall ben to his +meschance yf y'e doo your deuoir/ And be cause no woman take ensample of +lucresse and lyue after the trespaas/ but that she in lyke wyse take ensample +also of the payne And forthwyth wyth a swerd that she helde under her gowen +or robe/ she roof her self unto the herte And deyde forthwyth to fore them/ +And than brute the counseillr And her husbond collatyn and alle her other +frendes swore by the blood of lucresse that they wold neuer reste vnto +the tyme that they had put out of rome tarquyn and and alle his lignee/ +And that neuer after none of them shold come to dignite/ And alle this +was doon. For they bare the dede corps thurgh the cyte and meuyd the peple +in suche wyse/ that tarquyn was put in exyle And fixte his sone was slayn/ +A Quene ought to be well manerd & amonge alle she ought to be tumerous +and shamefast/ For whan a woman hath loste shamefastnes/ she may ner can +not well be chaast/ Wherfore saith symachus that they that ben not shamefast +haue no conscience of luxurye/ And saynt Ambrose saith that oon of the +best parements and maketh a woman most fayr in her persone/ is to be shamefast/ +Senecque reherceth that ther was oon named Archezille whiche was so shamefast +That she put in a pelow of fethers a certain some of money/ and put hit +vnder y'e heed of a pour frende of heeris/ whiche dissimyled his pouerte +and wold not ner durst not be a knowen of his pouerte For for shame she +durst not gyue hit openly/ but had leuer that he shold fynde hit/ than +that she had gyuen hit hym/ Wherfore otherwhile men shold gyue & helpe +her frendes so secretly That they knowe not whens hit come/ For whan we +kepe hit secret and make no boost therof/ our deedes and werkes shall plese +god and them also/ A Quene ought to be chosen whan she shall be wedded +of the most honest kynrede and peple/ For oftentymes the doughters folowen +the tacches and maners of them that they ben discended from/ Wherof Valerius +maximus sayth that ther was one that wold marye/ whiche cam to a philosopher +and axid counceyll what wif he might best take He answerd that he shold +take her that thou knowe certaynly that her moder and her grauntdame haue +ben chaast and well condicioned/ For suche moder/ suche doughter comunely/ +Alfo a quene ought to teche her childern to ben contynent and kepe chastite +entyerly/ as hit is wreton in ecclesiastes/ yf thou haue sones enseigne +and teche them/ And yf thou haue doughters kepe well them in chastite/ +For helemonde reherceth that euery kynge & prynce ought to be a clerke +for to comande to other to studye and rede the lawe of our lord god/ And +therfore wrote themperour to the kynge of france that he shold doo lerne +hys children sones the seuen sciences lyberall/ And saide amonge other +thynges that a kynge not lettryd resembleth an asse coroned/ Themperour +Octauian maad his sones to be taught and lerne to swyme. to sprynge and +lepe. to Iufte. to playe wyth the axe and swerde/ And alle maner thynge +that apperteyneth to a knyght/ And his doughters he made hem to lerne. +to sewe. to spynne. to laboure as well in wolle as in lynnen cloth/ And +alle other werkis longynge to women And whan his frendes demanded wherfore +he dyde so/ he answerd how well that he was lord & syre of alle the +world/ yet wyste he not what shold befalle of his children and whether +they shold falle or come to pouerte or noo/ and therfore yf they conne +a good crafte they maye alleway lyue honestly/ The Quene ought to kepe +her doughters in alle chastyte/ For we rede of many maydens that for theyr +virginite haue ben made quenes/ For poule the historiagraph of the lombardes +reherceth y't ther was a duchesse named remonde whiche had .iii. sones +& two doughters And hit happend that the kynge of hongrye cantanus +assaylled a castell where she behelde her enemyes And amonge all other +she sawe the kynge that he was a well faryng and goodly man/ Anone she +was esprised and taken wyth his loue/ And that so sore/ that forthwith +she sent to hym that she wold deliuere ouer the castell to hym yf he wold +take her to his wyf and wedde her And he agreed therto/ and sware that +he wold haue her to his wyf on that condicion/ whan than the kynge was +in the castell/ his peple toke men and women and alle that they fonde/ +her sones fledde from her/ of whom one was named Ermoaldus and was yongest/ +and after was duc of boneuentan/ And syn kynge of the lumbardis. And the +two susters toke chikens And put hem vnder her armes next the flessh and +bytwene her pappes/ that of the heete & chaffyng the flessh of the +chikens stanke. And whan so was that they of hongrye wold haue enforcid +& defowled hem anone they felte the stenche and fledde away and so +lefte hem sayng/ fy how these lombardes stynke/ and so they kept their +virginite/ wherfore that one of them afterward was Quene of france And +that other Quene of Aleman/ And hit happend than that the kynge Catanus +toke acordynge to his promyse the duchesse/ and laye with her one night +for to saue his oth And on the morn he made her comune unto alle the hongres/ +And the thirde day after he dyde doo put a staf of tre fro the nether part +of her/ thurgh her body vnto her throte or mouthe/ for be cause of the +lust of her flessh she betrayed her cyte and sayd suche husbond/ suche +wyf &c And this sufficeth of the Quene. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/106loz.gif" ALT="Lozenge" height=153 width=200></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/107top.gif" ALT="Alphyns" height=528 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk2ch3"></a><i><a href="#cbk2ch3">The thirde chapitre of the seconde +tractate treteth of the alphyns her offices and maners.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/107T.gif" ALT="T" height=128 width=120 align=LEFT>The Alphyns +ought to be made and formed in manere of Iuges syttynge in a chayer wyth +a book open to fore their eyen/ And that is be cause that some causes ben +crymynell/ And some ben cyuyle as aboute possessyons and other temporell +thynges and trespaces/ And therfore ought to be two Iuges in the royame/ +one in the black for the first cause/ And that other in whyte as for the +seconde/ Theyr office is for to counceyll the kynge/ And to make by his +comandements good lawes And to enforme alle the royame in good and vertuous +maners/ And to Iuge and gyue sentence well and truly after the caas is +had/ And to counceyll well and Iustely alle them that are counceyll of +hem/ wyth oute hauynge of ony eye opene to ony persone/ And to estudye +diligently in suche wyse and to ordeygne alle that/ that ought to be kept +be obseruyd be faste and stable/ So that they be not founde corrupt for +yeft for favour ne for lignage ne for enuye variable And as touchynge the +first poynt Seneque sayth in the book of benefetes that the poure Dyogenes +was more stronge than Alixandre/ For Alixandre coude not gyue fo moche +as Diogenes wold reffuse. +<p>Marcus cursus a romayn of grete renome sayth thus. That whan he had +besiegid & assayllyd them of amente And boneuentans whiche herde that +he was poure/ they toke a grete masse and wegghe of gold and ended hit +to hym prayng hym that he wold resseyue hyt and leue his assault and siege/ +And whan they cam with the present to hym they fonde hym sittynge on the +erthe and ete his mete oute of platers and disshes of tree and of wode +and dyde than her message/ to whom he answerd and sayde that they shold +goo hoome and saye to them that sente hem that marcus cursus loueth better +to be lord and wynne richesses than richesses shold wynne hym/ For by bataylle +he shall not be ouercome and vaynquysshid Nor be gold ne siluer he shal +not be corrupt ne corompid Often tymes that thynge taketh an euyll ende +that is vntrewe for gold and siluer/ And that a man is subgett vnto money +may not be lord therof/ helimond reherceth that <a name="FNanchor50"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_50">[50]</a></sup> +demoncene demanded of aristodone how moche he had wonne for pletynge of +a cause for his clyent/ And he answerd a marck of gold. <a name="FNanchor51"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_51">[51]</a></sup> +Demoscenes answerd to hym agayn that he had wonne as moche for to hold +his pees and speke not Thus the tonges of aduocates and men of lawe ben +þyllous and domegeable/yet they must be had yf thou wylt wynne thy +cause for wyth money and yeft thou shall wynne And oftetymes they selle +as welle theyr scilence/ as theyr vtterance/ Valerius reherceth that the +senatours of rome toke counceyll to geder of two persones that one was +poure/ And that other riche and couetous/ whiche of hem bothe were moft +apte for to sende to gouerne and Iuge the contre of spayne/ and scipion +of affricque sayd that none of them bothe were good ner prouffitable to +be sente theder/ For that one hath no thynge And to that other may nothynge +suffise And despised in his saynge alle pouerte and auerice in a Iuge/ +For a couetous man hath nede of an halfpeny For he is seruant & bonde +vnto money/ and not lord therof. But pouerte of herte & of wylle ought +to be gretly alowed in a Iuge Therfore we rede that as longe as the romayns +louyd pouerte they were lordes of all the world For many ther were that +exposed alle their goodes for the comyn wele and for that was most prouffitable +for the comynaulte that they were so poure that whan they were dede they +were buryed & brought to erthe with the comyn good/ And theyr doughters +were maryed by the comandement of the senatours/ But syn that they despised +pouerte/ And begonne to gadre rychesses/ And haue maad grete bataylles/ +they haue vsed many synnes And so the comyn wele perysshid/ For there is +no synne but that it regneth there/ Ther is none that is so <a name="FNanchor52"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_52">[52]</a></sup> +synfull as he that hath alle the world in despyte/ For he is in pees that +dredeth no man/ And he is ryche that coueyteth no thynge/ Valere reherceth +that he is not ryche that moche hath/ But he is ryche that hath lytyll +and coueyteth no thynge/ Than thus late the Iuges take hede that they enclyne +not for loue or for hate in ony Iugement/ For theophrast saith that alle +loue is blynde ther loue is/ ther can not ryght Iugement by guyen/ For +alle loue is blynde And therfore loue is none euyn Iuge For ofte tymes +loue Iugeth a fowll & lothly woman to be fayr And so reherceth quynte +curse in his first book that the grete Godaches sayth the same to Alixandre +men may saye in this caas that nature is euyll For euery man is lasse auysed +and worse in is owne feet and cause than in an other mans/ And therfore +the Iuges ought to kepe hem well from yre in Iugement/ Tullius sayth that +an angry & yrous þsone weneth that for to doo euyll/ is good +counceyll/ and socrates saith y't .ii. thinges ben contraryous to co[=u]ceyll/ +and they ben haftynes & wrath/ and Galeren sayth in Alexandrye/ yf +yre or wrath ouercome the whan thou sholdest gyue Iugement/ weye all thinge +in y'e balance so that thy Iugement be not enclyned by loue ne by yeste/ +ne fauour of persone torne not thy corage. Helemond reherceth that Cambyses +kynge of perse whiche was a rightwys kynge had an vnrightwys Iuge/ whiche +for enuye and euyll will had dampned a man wrongfully and agaynst right/ +wherfore he dide hym to be flain all quyk/ and made the chayer or fiege +of Iugement to be couerid wyth his skyn/ And made his sone Iuge and to +sitte in the chayer on the skyn of his fader/ to thende that the sone shold +Iuge rightwysly/ And abhorre the Iugement & payne of his fader/ Iuges +ought to punysshe the defaultes egally And fullfille the lawe that they +ordeyne/ Caton sayth accomplisshe and do the lawe in suche wyse as thou +hast ordeyned and gyuen. Valerius reherceth that calengius a consull had +a sone whiche was taken in adwultrye. And therfore after the lawe at that +tyme he was dampned to lose bothe his eyen The fader wold y't the lawe +shold be acc[=o]plisshid in his sone with out fauour/ but all the cyte +was meuyd herewyth And wold not suffre hit/ but in the ende his fader was +vaynquysshid by theyr prayers/ And ordeyned that his sone shold lese oon +eye whiche was put oute And he hymself lost an other eye/ And thus was +the lawe obserued and kept/ And the prayer of the peple was accomplisshid +We rede y't ther was a counceyllour of rome that had gyen counceill to +make a statute/ that who some euer that entrid in to the senatoire/ & +a swerd gyrt aboute hym shold be ded/ Than hit happend on a tyme that he +cam from with out and entrid in to the senatoyre & his swerd gyrt aboute +hym/ wherof he took n[=o]n heede/ and [=o]n of the senatours told hym of +hit/ and whan he knewe hit & remembrid the statute/ he drewe oute his +swerd & slewe hymself to fore them/ rather to dye than to breke the +lawe/ for whos deth all the senatours made grete sorowe/ but alas we fynde +not many in thise dayes that soo doo/ but they doo lyke as anastasius saith +that the lawes of some ben lyke vnto the nettis of spyncoppis that take +no grete bestes & fowles but lete goo & flee thurgh. But they take +flyes & gnattes & suche smale thynges/ In lyke wise the lawes now +a dayes ben not executed but vpon the poure peple/ the grete and riche +breke hit & goo thurgh with all And for this cause sourden bataylles +& discordes/ and make y'e grete & riche men to take by force and +strengthe lordshippis & seignouries vpon the smale & poure peple/ +And this doon they specially that ben gentill of lignage & poure of +goodes And causeth them to robbe and reue And yet constrayned them by force +to serue them And this is no meruayll/ for they that drede not to angre +god/ ner to breke the lawe and to false hit/ Falle often tymes by force +in moche cursednes and wikkidnes/ but whan the grete peple doo acordinge +to the lawe/ and punysh the tr[=a]nsgressours sharply The comyn peple abstayne +and withdrawe hem fro dooyng of euyll/ and chastiseth hem self by theyr +example/ And the Iuges ought to entende for to studie/ for y't yf smythes +the carp[=e]ntiers y'e vignours and other craftymen saye that it is most +necessarye to studye for the comyn prouffit And gloryfye them in their +connyng and saye that they ben prouffitable Than shold the Iuges studie +and contemplaire moche more than they in that/ that shold be for the comyn +wele/ wherfore sayth seneke beleue me that they seme that they do no thynge +they doo more than they that laboure For they doo spirytuell and also corporall +werkis/ and therfore amonge Artificers ther is no plesant reste/ But that +reson of the Iuges hath maad and ordeyned hit/ And therfore angelius in +libro actiui atticatorum de socrate sayth That socrates was on a tyme so +pensyf that in an hole naturell daye/ He helde one estate that he ne meuyd +mouth ne eye ne foote ne hand but was as he had ben ded rauyshyd. And whan +one demanded hym wherfore he was fo pensyf/ he answerd in alle worldly +thynges and labours of the fame And helde hym bourgoys and cytezeyn of +the world And valerius reherceth that carnardes a knyght was so age wye +and laborous in pensifnes of the comyn wele/ that whan he was sette at +table for to ete/ he forgate to put his hande vnto the mete to fede hymself. +And therfore his wys y't was named mellye whom he had taken more to haue +her companye & felawship than for ony other thynge/ Fedde hym to thende +that he shold not dye for honger in his pensifnes/ Dydymus sayd to Alix-andrie +we ben not deynseyns in the world but stra[=u]gers/ ner we ben not born +in the world for to dwell and abyde allway therein/ but for to goo and +passe thurgh hit/ we haue doon noon euy dede/ but that it is worthy to +be punysshid and we to suffre payne therfore And than we may goon with +opon face and good conscience And so may we goo lightly and appertly the +way that we hope and purpose to goo This suffiseth as for the Alphyns. +<br> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/114top.gif" ALT="Knight" height=536 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk2ch4"></a><i><a href="#cbk2ch4">The fourth chapitre of the seconde +book treteth of the ordre of cheualerye and knyghthode and of her offices +and maners.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/107T.gif" ALT="T" height=128 width=120 align=LEFT>The knyght +ought to be made alle armed upon an hors in suche wyse that he haue an +helme on his heed and a spere in his ryght hande/ and coueryd wyth his +sheld/ a swerde and a mace on his lyft syde/ Cladd wyth an hawberk and +plates to fore his breste/ legge harnoys on his legges/ Spores on his heelis +on his handes his gauntelettes/ his hors well broken and taught and apte +to bataylle and couerid with his armes/ whan the knyghtes ben maad they +ben bayned or bathed/ that is the signe that they shold lede a newe lyf +and newe maners/ also they wake alle the nyght in prayers and orysons vnto +god that he wylle gyue hem grace that they may gete that thynge that they +may not gete by nature/ The kynge or prynce gyrdeth a boute them a swerde +in signe/ that they shold abyde and kepe hym of whom they take theyr dispenses +and dignyte. Also a knyght ought to be wise, liberall, trewe, stronge and +full of mercy and pite and kepar of the peple and of the lawe/ And ryght +as cheualrye passeth other in vertu in dignite in honour and in reu[=e]rece/ +right so ought he to surmounte alle other in vertu/ For honour is no thing +ellis but to do reuer[=e]ce to an other þsone for y'e good & +vertuo'9 disposicion y't is in hym/ A noble knyght ought to be wyse and +preuyd to fore he be made knyght/ hit behoued hym that he had longe tyme +vsid the warre and armes/ that he may be expert and wyse for to gouerne +the other For syn that a knyght is capitayn of a batayll The lyf of them +that shall be vnder hym lyeth in his hand And therfore behoueth hym to +be wyse and well aduysed/ for some tyme arte craft and engyue is more worth +than strengthe or hardynes of a man that is not proued in Armes/ For otherwhyle +hit happeth that whan the prynce of the batayll affieth and trusteth in +his hardynes and strength And wole not vse wysedom and engyne for to renne +vpon his enemyes/ he is vaynquysshid and his peple slayn/ Therfore saith +the philosopher that no man shold chese yong peple to be captayns & +gouernours For as moche as ther is no certainte in her wysedom. Alexandra +of macedone vaynquysshid and conquerid Egypte Iude Caldee Affricque/ and +Affirye vnto the marches of bragmans more by the counceyll of olde men +than by the strength of the yong men/ we rede in the historye of rome y't +ther was a knyght whiche had to name malechete that was so wyse and trewe +that whan the Emþour Theodosius was dede/ he made mortall warre ayenst +his broder germain whiche was named Gildo or Guye For as moche as this +said guye wold be lorde of affricque with oute leue and wyll of the senatours. +And this sayd guye had slayn the two sones of his broder malechete/ And +dide moche torment vnto the cristen peple And afore that he shold come +in to the felde ayenst his broder Emyon/ he wente in to an yle of capayre +And ladde with hym alle the cristen men that had ben sente theder in Exyle +And made hem alle to praye wyth hym by the space of thre dayes & thre +nyghtis/ For he had grete truste in the prayers of good folk/ & specially +that noman myght counceyll ne helpe but god/ and .iii. dayes to fore he +shold fight saynt Ambrofe whiche was ded a lityl to fore apperid to hym/ +and shewde hym by reuelacion the tyme & our that he shold haue victorie/ +and for as moche as he had ben .iii. dayes and .iii nyghtes in his prayers +& that he was assewrid for to haue victorie/ He faught with .v. thousand +men ayenst his broder y't had in his companye .xxiiii. thousand men And +by goddes helpe he had victorie And whan the barbaryns y't were comen to +helpe guion fawe y'e disconfiture they fledde away/ and guion fledd also +in to affricque by shiipp/ and whan he was ther arryued he was sone after +stranglid/ These .ii. knyghtes of whom I speke were two bredern germayns/ +whiche were sent to affricque for to defende the comyn weele/ In likewise +Iudas machabe'9 Ionathas & symon his bredern put hem self in the mercy +and garde of our lord god And agayn the enemyes of the lawe of god with +lityll peple in regard of the multitude that were agayn them/ and had also +victorye/ The knights ought to ben trewe to theyr princes/ for he that +is not trewe leseth y'e name of a knight Vnto a prince trouth is the grettest +precious stone whan it is medlid with Iuftice/ Paule the historiagraph +of the lombardes reherceth that ther was a knight named enulphus and was +of the cyte of papye that was so trewe to his kynge named patharich/ that +he put hym in parill of deth for hym/ For hit happend that Grymald Due +of <a name="FNanchor53"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_53">[53]</a></sup> +buuentayns of whom we haue touched to fore in the chapitre of the Quene/ +Dyde do flee Godebert whiche was kynge of the lombardes by the hande of +Goribert duc of Tauryn/ whiche was discended of the crowne of lombardis +And this grimald was maad kynge of lombardis in his place/ and after this +put & bannysshid out of the contrey this patharych whiche was broder +vnto the kynge Godebert/ that for fere and drede fledd in to hongrye/ And +than this knyght Enulphus dide so moche that he gate the peas agayn of +his lord patharich agaynft the kynge grymalde/ and that he had licence +to come out of hongrye where he was all wey in paryll. and so he cam and +cryed hym mercy And the kynge grymalde gaf hym leue to dwelle and to lyue +honestly in his contree/ allway forseen that he toke not vpon hym and named +hymself kynge/ how well he was kynge by right This doon a litill while +after/ the kynge that beleuyd euyll tonges/ thought in hymself how he myght +brynge this patharich vnto the deth And alle this knewe well the knyght +enulphus/ whiche cam the same nyght with his squyer for to visite his lord +And made his squyer to vnclothe hym & to lye in the bedde of his lord +And made his lord to ryse and clothe hym wyth the clothis of his squyer/ +And in this wyse brought hym oute/ brawlynge and betynge hym as his seruant +by them that were assigned to kepe the hows of patharik y't he shold not +escape Whiche supposid that hit had ben his squyer that he entretid so +outragiously/ & so he brought hym to his hous whiche Ioyned with the +walles of the toun/ And at mydnyght whan alle men were asleepe/ he lete +a doun his maistre by a corde/ whiche toke an hors oute of the pasture +And fled vnto the cyte of Aast and ther cam to the kynge of fraunce/ And +whan hit cam vnto the morn. Hit was founden that Arnolphus and his squyer +had deceyvyd the kynge and the wacchemen/ whom the kyng comanded shold +be brought to fore hym And demanded of them the maner how he was escaped +And they told hym the trouthe/ Than the kynge demanded his counceyll of +what deth they had deseruyd to dye that had so doon and wrought agayn the +wylle of hym/ Some sayde that they shold ben honged/ and some sayd they +shold ben slayn And other sayd that they shold be beheedid. Than sayd the +kynge by that lord that made me/ they ben not worthy to dye/ but for to +haue moche worship and honour/ For they haue ben trewe to theyr lord/ wherfore +the kynge gaf hem a grete lawde and honour for their feet And after hit +happend that the propre squyer and seruant of godeberd slewe the traytre +Goribalde that by trayson had slayn his lord at a feste of seynt Iohn in +his Cyte of Tauryn wherof he was lord and duc/ Thus ought the knyghtes +to love to gyder/ And eche to put his lyf in aventure for other/ For so +ben they the strenger And the more doubted/ Lyke as were the noble knyghtes +Ioab and Abysay that fought agaynst the syryens and Amonytes/ And were +so trewe that oon to that other that they vaynquysshid theyr enemies And +were so Ioyned to gyder that yf the siryens were strenger than that one +of them/ that other helpe hym/ we rede that damon and phisias were so ryght +parfyt frendes to gyder that whan Dionisius whiche was kynge of cecylle +had Iuged one to deth for his trespaas in the cyte of syracusane whom he +wold haue executed/ he desired grace and leue to goo in to hys contre for +to dispose and ordonne his testament/ And his felawe pleggid hym and was +sewrte for hym vpon his heed that he shold come agayn. Wherof they that +sawe & herd this/ helde hym for a fool and blamed hym/ And he said +all way that he repentid hym nothynge at all/ For he knewe well the trouth +of his felawe And whan the day cam and the oure that execusion shold be +doon/ his felawe cam and presented hymself to fore the Iuge/ And dischargid +his felawe that was plegge for hym/ wherof the kynge was gretly abasshid +And for the grete trouthe that was founden in hym He pardonyd hym and prayd +hem bothe that they wold resseyue hym as their grete frende and felawe/ +Lo here the vertues of loue that a man ought nought to doubte the deth +for his frende/ Lo what it is to doo for a frende/ And to lede a lyf debonayr +And to be wyth out cruelte/ to loue and not to hate/ whiche causeth to +doo good ayenst euyll And to torne payne into benefete and to quenche cruelte +Anthonyus sayth that Julius Cesar/ lefte not lightly frenshippe and Amytye/ +But whan he had hit he reteyned hit faste and maynteyned hit alleway/ Scipion +of Affricque sayth that ther is no thynge so stronge/ as for to mayntene +loue vnto the deth The loue of concupiscence and of lecherye is sone dissoluyd +and broken/ But the verray true loue of the comyn wele and prouffit now +a dayes is selde founden/ where shall thou fynde a man in thyse dayes that +wyll expose hymself for the worshippe and honour of his frende/ or for +the comyn wele/ selde or neuer shall he be founden/ Also the knyghtes shold +be large & liberall For whan a knyght hath regarde vnto his singuler +prouffit by his couetyse/ he dispoylleth his peple For whan the souldyours +see that they putte hem in paryll. And theyr mayster wyll not paye hem +theyr wages liberally/ but entendeth to his owne propre gayn and proussryt/ +than whan the Enemyes come they torne sone her backes and flee oftentymes/ +And thus hit happeth by hym that entendeth more to gete money than victorye +that his auaryce is ofte tymes cause of his confusion Than late euery knyght +take heede to be liberall in suche wyse that he wene not ne suppose that +his scarcete be to hym a grete wynnynge or gayn/ And for thys cause he +be the lasse louyd of his peple/ And that his aduersarye wythdrawe to hym +them by large gyuynge/ For oftetyme bataylle is auaunced more for getynge +of siluer. Than by the force and strengthe of men/ For men see alle daye +that suche thynges as may not be achieuyd by force of nature/ ben goten +and achieuyd by force of money/ And for so moche hit behoueth to see well +to that whan the tyme of the bataylle cometh/ that he borowe not ne make +no tayllage/ For noman may be ryche that leuyth his owne/ hopyng to gete +and take of other/ Than all waye all her gayn and wynnynge ought to be +comyn amonge them exept theyr Armes. For in lyke wyse as the victorie is +comune/ so shold the dispoyll and botye be comune vnto them And therfore +Dauid that gentyll knyght in the fyrst book of kynges in the last chapitre +made a lawe/ that he that abode behynde by maladye or sekenes in the tentes +shold haue as moche parte of the butyn as he that had be in the bataylle/ +And for the loue of thys lawe he was made afterward kynge of Isræll/ +Alexander of Macedone cam on a tyme lyke a symple knyght vnto the court +of Porus kynge of Inde for to espye thestate of the kynge and of the knyghtes +of the court/ And the kynge resseyuyd hym ryght worshipfully/ And demanded +of hym many thynges of Alexander and of his constance and strengthe/ nothynge +wenynge that he had ben Alexander But antygone one of his knyghtis and +after he had hym to dyner And whan they had feruyd Alexander in vayssell +of gold and siluer with dyuerce metes &c. After that he had eten suche +as plesid hym he voyded the mete and toke the vayssell and helde hit to +hymself and put hit in his bosom or sleuys/ wherof he was accusid vnto +the kynge After dyner than the kynge callid hym and demanded hym wherfore +he had taken his vayssell And he answerd/ Syre kynge my lord I pray the +to vnderstande and take heede thy self and also thy knyghtes/ I haue herd +moche of thy grete hyenes And y't thou art more myghty and puyssant in +cheualrye & in dispensis than is Alexander/ and therfore I am come +to the a pour knyght whiche am named Antygone for to serue the/ Than hit +is the custome in the Courte of Alexandre/ that what thynge a knyght is +seruyd wyth all is alle his/ mete and vayssell and cuppe And therfore I +had supposid that this custome had ben kept in thy court for thou art richer +than he/ whan the knyghtes herd this/ an[=o]n they lefte porus/ and wente +for to serue alixandre/ and thus he drewe to hym y'e hertes of them by +yeftes/ whiche afterward slewe Porus that was kynge of Inde/ And they made +Alexandra kynge therof Therfore remembre knyght alleway that wyth a closid +and shette purse shalt thou neuer haue victorye. Ouyde sayth that he that +taketh yeftes/ he is glad therwyth/ For they wynne wyth yeftes the hertes +of the goddes and of men For yf Iupiter were angrid/ wyth yestes he wold +be plesid/ The knyghtes ought to be stronge not only of body but also in +corage. Ther ben many stronge and grete of body/ that ben faynt and feble +in the herte/ he is stronge that may not be vaynquysshid and ouercomen/ +how well that he suffryth moche otherwhile/ And so we beleue that they +that be not ouer grete ne ouer lityll ben most corageous & beste in +batayll. We rede that cadrus duc of athenes shold haue a batayll agayn +them of polipe/ And he was warned and had a reuelacion of the goddes/ that +they shold haue the victorie of whom the prynce shold be slayn in the batayll/ +And the prince whiche was of a grete corage and trewe herte Toke other +armes of a poure man/ And put hymself in the fronte of the batayll to thende +that he might be slain And so he was/ for the right trewe prince had leuer +dye Than his peple shold be ouercomen/ And so they had the victorye/ Certes +hyt was a noble and fayr thynge to expose hym self to the deth for to deffende +his contrey. But no man wold doo so/ but yf he hopyd to haue a better thynge +therfore/ Therfore the lawe sayth that they lyue in her sowles gloriously +that ben slain in the warre for the comyn wele A knyght ought also to be +mercifull and pyetous For ther is nothynge y't maketh a knyght so renomed +as is whan he sauyth the lyf of them that he may slee/ For to shede and +spylle blood is the condicion of a wylde beste and not the condicion of +a good knyght Therfore we rede that scylla that was Duc of the Romayns +wyth oute had many fayr victoyres agaynst the Romayns wyth Inne that were +contrayre to hym/ In so moche that in the batayll of puylle he slewe .xviii. +thousand men/ And in champanye .lxx. thousand. And after in the cyte he +slewe thre thousand men vnarmed And whan one of his knyghtes that was named +Quyntus catulus sawe this cruelte sayd to hym/ Sesse now and suffre them +to lyue and be mercyfull to them wyth whom we haue ben victorious And wyth +whom we ought to lyue/ For hit is the most hyest and fayr vengeance that +a man may doo/ as to spare them & gyue hem her lyf whome he may slee +Therfore Joab ordeyned whan absalom was slayn/ he sowned a trompette/ that +his peple shold no more renne & slee theyr aduersaryes. For ther were +slayn aboute .xx. thousand of them/ and in lyke wyse dide he whan he faught +ayenst Abner And Abner was vaynquysshid and fledde. For where that he wente +in the chaas he comanded to spare the peple The knyghtes ought to kepe +the peple/ For whan the peple ben in theyr tentes or castellis/ the knyghtes +ought to kepe the wacche/ For this cause the romayns callyd them legyons +And they were made of dyuerce prouynces and of dyuerce nacyons to thentente +to kepe the peple/ And the peple shold entende to theyre werke/ For no +crafty man may bothe entende to his craft & to fighte/ how may a crafty +man entende to hys werke sewrely in tyme of warre but yf he be kept And +right in suche wyse as the knyghtes shold kepe y'e peple in tyme of peas +in lyke wise the peple ought to pourveye for theyr dispensis/ how shold +a plowman be sewre in the felde/ but yf the knyghtes made dayly wacche +to kepe hem/ For lyke as the glorye of a kynge is vpon his knyghtis/ so +hit is necessarye to the knyghtes that the marchantis craftymen and comyn +peple be defended and kepte/ therfore late the knyghtes kepe the peple +in suche wyse that they maye enioye pees and gete and gadre the costis +and expensis of them bothe/ we rede that Athis sayd to dauid whiche was +a knyght/ I make the my kepar and defendar alleway. Thus shold the knightes +haue grete zele that the lawe be kept/ For the mageste ryall ought not +only to be garnysshid wyth armes but also wyth good lawes/ And therfore +shold they laboure that they shold be well kept Turgeus pompeyus reherceth +of a noble knyght named Ligurgyus that had made auncyent lawes the whiche +the peple wold not kepe ne obserue/ For they semed hard for them to kepe +And wold constrayne hym to rapele & sette hem a part whan the noble +knight sawe that He dyde the peple to vnderstande that he had not made +them/ but a god that was named Apollo delphynus. had made them/ And had +comanded hym that he shold do the peple kepe them/ Thise wordes auayled +not/ they wold in no wyse kepe them/ And than he sayd to them that hit +were good that er the said lawes shold be broken that he had gyuen to them +that he shold goo and speke wyth the god Appollo/ For to gete of hym a +dispensacion to breke hem/ And that the peple shold kepe & obserue +them tyll that he retorned agayn/ The peple acorded therto & swore +that they shold kepe them to the tyme he retorned Than the knighte wente +in to grece in exyle & dwellid ther alle his lyf/ And whan he shold +dye he comanded that his body shold be cast in the see/ For as moche as +yf his body shold be born theder/ the people shold wene to be quyt of theyr +oth/ And shold kepe no lenger his lawes that were so good & resonable/ +& so the knight had leuer to forsake his owne centre & to dye so +than to repele his lawes And his lawes were suche/ The first lawe was that +y'e peple shold obeye & serue the princes/ And the princes shold kepe +the peple & do Iustice on the malefactours The second lawe that they +shold be all sobre/ For he wiste well that the labour of cheualrye is most +stronge whan they lyue sobrely/ The thirde was y't noman shold bye ony +thynge for money but they shold change ware for ware & one marchandyse +for an other/ The fourthe was that men shold sette no more by money ner +kepe hit more than they wold donge or fylthe/ The fyfthe he ordeyned for +the comyn wele alle thynge by ordre/ that the prynces myght meue and make +bataylle by her power, to the maistres counceillours he comysid the Iugementis. +And the Annuell rentes/ to the senatours the kepynge of the lawe/ And to +the comyn peple he gaf power to chese suche Iuges as they wold haue/ The +sixte he ordeyned that all thinge shold be departid egally & all thinge +shold be comyn And none richer than other in patry-monye/ The seuenth that +euery man shold ete lyke well in comen openly/ that riches shold not be +cause of luxurye whan they ete secretly/ The eygthe that the yonge peple +shold not haue but o[=n] gowne or garment in the yere/ The nynth that men +shold sette poure children to laboure in the felde/ to thende that they +shold not enploye theyr yongthe in playes and in folye/ but in labour/ +The tenthe that the maydens shold be maryed wythoute dowayre/ In suche +wyfe that no man shold take a wyf for moneye/ The xi. that men shold rather +take a wyf for her good maners and vertues than for her richesses/ The +twelfthe that men shold worshippe the olde and auncyent men for theyr age +and more for theyr wysedom than for her riches this knyght made none of +thyse lawes/ but he first kepte hem. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/127loz.gif" ALT="Lonzenge" height=111 width=200></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/128top.gif" ALT="Rooks" height=526 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk2ch5"></a><i><a href="#cbk2ch5">The fyfthe chapitre of the second +book of the forme and maners of the rooks.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/128T.gif" ALT="T" height=130 width=120 align=LEFT>The rooks whiche +ben vicaires and legats of the kynge ought to be made lyke a knyght vpon +an hors and a mantell and hood furryd with meneuyer holdynge a staf in +his hande/ & for as moche as a kyng may not be in alle places of his +royame/ Therfore the auctorite of hym is gyuen to the rooks/ whiche represent +the kynge/ And for as moche as a royame is grete and large/ and that rebellion +or nouelletes might sourdre and aryse in oon partye or other/ therfore +ther ben two rooks one on the right side and that other on the lifte side +They ought to haue in hem. pyte. Iuftice. humylite. wilfull pouerte. and +liberalite/ Fyrst Iustice for hit is most fayr of the vertues/ For it happeth +oftetyme that the ministris by theyr pryde and orgueyll subuerte Iuftice +and do no ryght/ Wherfore the kynges otherwhyle lose theyr royames with +out theyr culpe or gylte/ For an vntrewe Iuge or officyer maketh hys lord +to be named vnIufte and euyll And contrarye wyse a trewe mynestre of the +lawe and ryghtwys/ causeth the kynge to be reputed Iuste and trewe/ The +Romayns therfore made good lawes/ And wolde that/ that they sholde be Iufte +and trewe/ And they that establisshid them for to gouerne the peple/ wold +in no wyse breke them/ but kepe them for to dye for them/ For the auncyent +and wyse men sayd comynly that it was not good to make and ordeygne that +lawe that is not Iuste Wherof Valerius reherceth that ther was a man that +was named Themistides whiche cam to the counceyllours of athenes and sayd +that he knewe a counceyll whiche was ryght prouffytable for them/ But he +wolde telle hyt but to But to one of them whom that they wold/ And they +asligned to hym a wyse man named Aristides/ And whan he had vnderstand +hym he cam agayn to the other of the counceyll And sayd that the counceyll +of Themystides was well prouffitable/ but hit was not Iuste/ how be hit +y'e may reuolue hit in your mynde/ And the counceyll that he sayd was this/ +that ther were comen two grete shippis fro lacedome and were arryued in +theyr londe. And that hit were good to take them/ And whan the counceyll +herde hym that sayde/ that hit was not Iuste ner right/ they lefte hem +alle in pees And wold not haue adoo with alle/ The vicarye or Iuge of the +kynge ought to be so Iuste/ that he shold employe alle his entente to saue +the comyn wele And yf hit were nede to put his lyf and/ lose hit therfore/ +we haue an ensample of marcus regulus wherof Tullius reherceth in the book +of offices And saynt Augustyn also de ciuitate dei/ how he faught agayn +them of cartage by see in shippis and was vaynquysshid and taken/ Than +hit happend that they of cartage sente hymm in her message to rome for +to haue theyr prisoners there/ for them y'e were taken/ and so to cha[=u]ge +one for an other And made hym swere and promyse to come agayn/ And so he +cam to rome And made proposicion tofore the senate And demanded them of +cartage of the senatours to be cha[=u]ged as afore is sayd And than the +senatours demanded hym what counceyll he gaf Certayn sayd he I co[=u]ceyll +yow that y'e do hit not in no wise For as moche as the peple of rome that +they of cartage holde in prison of youris ben olde men and brusid in the +warre as I am my self/ But they that y'e holde in prison of their peple +is alle the flour of alle their folke/ whiche counceyll they toke/ And +than his frendes wolde haue holde hym and counceyllyd hym to abide there +and not retorne agayn prysoner in to cartage/ but he wold neuer doo so +ner abide/ but wold goo agayn and kepe his oth How well that he knewe that +he went toward his deth For he had leuyr dye than to breke his oth Valeri9 +reherceth in the sixth book of one Emelye duc of the romayns/ that in the +tyme whan he had assieged the phalistes/ The scole maystre of the children +deceyuyd the children of the gentilmen that he drewe hym a lityll and a +lytyll vnto the tentys of the romayns by fayr speche. And sayd to the duc +Emelie/ that by the moyan of the children that he had brought to hym/ he +shold haue the cyte/ For theyr faders were lordes and gouernours. Whan +Emelie had herde hym he sayd thus to hym Thou that art euyll and cruell +And thou that woldest gyue a gyfte of grete felonnye and of mauuastye/ +thou shalt ner hast not founden here Duc ne peple that resembleth the/ +we haue also well lawes to kepe in batayll & warre As in our contres +& other places/ and we wole obserue and kepe them vnto euery man as +they ought to be kept And we ben armed agaynst our enemyes y't wole defende +them And not ayenst them y't can not saue their lyf whan their contre is +taken/ as thise lityll children/ Thou hast vaynquysshid them as moche as +is in the by thy newe deceyuable falsenes and by subtilnes and not by armes/ +but I that am a romayn shall vainquysshe them by craft and strengthe of +armes/ And anon he comanded to take the said scole maister/ And to bynde +his handes behynde hym as a traytour and lede hem to the parentis of the +children And whan the faders & parentis sawe the grete courtosie that +he had don to them They opend the yates and yelded them vnto hym/ we rede +that hanyball had taken a prince of rome whiche vpon his oth and promyse +suffrid hym to gon home/ and to sende hym his raunson/ or he shold come +agayn within a certain tyme And whan he was at home in his place/ he sayde +that he had deceyuyd hym by a false oth And whan the senatours knewe therof/ +they constrayned hym to retorne agayn vnto hanyball/ Amos florus tellyth +that the phisicien of kynge pirrus cam on a nyght to fabrice his aduersarye +And promyfid hym yf he wold gyue hym for his laboure that he wold enpoysone +pirrus his maister/ whan fabricius vnderstode this He dyde to take hym +and bynde hym hande & foote/ and sente hym to his maistre and dyde +do saye to hym word for worde lyke as the physicien had sayd and promysid +hym to doo/ And whan pirrus vnderstode this he was gretly ameruaylled of +the loyalte and trouth of fabrice his enemye/ and sayd certaynly that the +sonne myghte lighther and sonner be enpesshid of his cours/ than fabrice +shold be letted to holde loyalte and trouthe/ yf they than that were not +cristen were so Iuste and trewe and louyd their contrey and their good +renomee/ what shold we now doon than that ben cristen and that cure lawe +is sette alle vpon loue and charyte/ But now a dayes ther is nothynge ellys +in the world but barate Treson deceyte falsenes and trecherye Men kepe +not theyr couenantes promyses. othes. writynges. ne trouthe/ The subgettis +rebelle agayn theyr lorde/ ther is now no lawe kepte. nor fidelite/ ne +oth holden/ the peple murmure and ryse agayn theyr lord and wole not be +subget/ they ought to be pietous in herte/ whiche is auaillable to all +thinge ther is pite in effecte by compassion/ and in worde by remission +and pardon/ by almesse/ for to enclyne hymself to the poure For pite is +nothynge ellis but a right grete will of a debonaire herte for to helpe +alle men/ Valerius reherceth that ther was a Iuge named sangis whiche dampned +a woman that had deseruyd the deth for to haue her heed smyten of or ellis +that she shold dye in prison/ The Geayler that had pite on the woman put +not her anone to deth but put her in the pryson/ And this woman had a doughter +whiche cam for to se and conforte her moder But allway er she entryd into +the pryson the Iayler serchid her that se shold bere no mete ne drynke +to her moder/ but that she shold dye for honger/ Than hit happend after +this that he meruaylled moche why this woman deyd not/ And began to espye +the cause why she lyuyd so longe/ And fonde at laste how her doughter gaf +souke to her moder/ And fedde her with her melke. whan the Iayler aawe +this meruaill/ he wente & told the Iuge/ And whan the Iuge sawe this +grete pite of the doughter to the moder he pardoned her and made her to +be delyuerid oute of her pryson what is that/ that pite ne amolisshith/ +moche peple wene that it is agaynst nature and wondre that the doughter +shold gyue the moder to souke/ hit were agayn nature but the children shold +be kynde to fader and moder/ Seneca sayth that the kynge of bees hath no +prykke to stynge with as other bees haue. And that nature hath take hit +away from hym be cause he shold haue none armes to assaylle them And this +is an example vnto prynces that they shold be of the fame condicion/ Valerius +reherceth in his .v. book of marchus martellus that whan he had taken the +cyte of siracusane. And was sette in the hyest place of the cyte/ he behelde +the grete destruction of the peple and of the cyte/ he wepte and sayde/ +thou oughtest to be sorofull/ for so moche as thou woldest haue no pite +of thy self/ But enioye the for thou art fallen in the hande of a right +debonaire prynce. Also he recounteth whan pompeye had conqueryd the kynge +of Germanye that often tymes had foughten ayenst the romayns And that he +was brought to fore hym bounden/ he was so pietous that he wold not suffre +hym to be longe on his knees to fore hym/ but he receyuyd hym cortoysly +And sette the crowne agayn on his heed and put hym in thestate that he +was to fore/ For he had oppynyon that hit was as worshipfull and fittynge +to a kynge to pardone/ as to punysshe. Also he reherceth of a co[=u]ceyllour +that was named poule that dide do brynge to fore hym a man that was prisonner +And as he knelid to fore hym he toke hym vp fro the ground & made hym +to sytte beside hym for to gyue hym good esperance and hoope And sayd to +the other stondynge by/ in this wyse. yf hit be grete noblesse that we +shewe our self contrarye to our enemyes/ than this fete ought to be alowed +that we shew our self debonair to our caytyfs & prisonners Cesar whan +he herde the deth of cathon whiche was his aduersarye sayde that he had +grete enuye of his glorye. And no thinge of his patrimonye/ and therfore +he lefte to his children frely all his patrimonye Thus taught vyrgyle and +enseygned the gloryus prynces to rewle and gouerne the peple of rome. And +saynt Augustin de ciuitate dei saith thus Thou emperour gouerne the peple +pietously And make peas ouerall/ deporte and forbere thy subgets/ repreue +& correcte the prowde/ for so enseyne And teche the the lawes/ And +hit was wreton vnto Alexander/ that euery prynce ought to be pyetous in +punysshynge/ and redy for to rewarde/ Ther is no thynge that causeth a +prynce to be so belouyd of hys peple/ As whan he speketh to hem swetly/ +and co[=u]ersith with hem symply/ And all this cometh of the roote of pyte/ +we rede of the Emperour Traian that his frendes repreuyd hym of that he +was to moche pryue and familier wyth the comyn peple more than an emperour +ought to be/ And he answerd that he wold be suche an emperour as euery +man desired to haue hym/ Also we rede of Alixander that on a tyme he ladde +his oost forth hastely/ and in that haste he beheld where satte an olde +knight that was sore acolde Whom he dide do arise and sette hym in his +owne sete or siege/ what wondre was hit though y'e knightes desired to +serue suche a lord that louyd better theyr helth than his dignite/ The +rookes ought also to be humble & meke After the holy scripture whiche +saith/ the gretter or in the hier astate that thou arte/ so moche more +oughtest thou be meker & more humble Valerius reherceth in his .vii. +book that ther was an emperour named publius cesar/ That dide do bete doun +his hows whiche was in the middis of y'e market place for as moche as hit +was heier than other houses/ for as moche as he was more glorious in astate +than other/ Therfore wold he haue a lasse hous than other And scipion of +affrique that was so poure of vol[=u]tarie pouerte y't whan he was dede/ +he was buried at y'e dispencis of y'e comyn good/ They shold be so humble +y't they shold leue theyr offices/ and suffre other to take hem whan her +tyme comyth/ & doo honour to other/ for he gouerneth wel y'e royame +y't may gouerne hit whan he will Valeri'9 saith In his thirde book that +fabyan the grete had ben maistre counceyllour of his fader his grauntsire/ +And of his grauntsirs fader & of alle his antecessours And yet dide +he alle his payne and labour/ that his sone shold neuer haue that office +after hym/ but for nothynge that he mystrusted his sone/ For he was noble +and wise and more attemprid than other/ but he wold that the office shold +not all way reste in the familye and hows of the fabyans Also he reherceth +in his seuenth book that they wold make the sayd fabyan emþour/ but +he excused hym and sayd that he was blynde and myght not see for age/ but +that excusacion myght not helpe hym/ Than sayd he to hem/ seke y'e and +gete yow another/ For yf y'e make me your emþour I may not suffre +your maners/ nor y'e may not suffre myn/ Ther was a kynge of so subtyll +engyne That whan men brought hym the crowne/ to fore that he toke hit/ +he remembrid hym a lityll and saide/ O thou crowne that art more noble +than happy For yf a kynge knewe well and parfaytly how that thou art full +of paryls of thoughte and of charge/ yf thou were on the grounde/ he wolde +neuer lyfte ner take the vp/ Remembre the that whan thou art most gloryous/ +than haue some men moste enuye on the/ and whan thou haste moste seignourye +and lordships than shalt thou haue moste care. thought and anguysshes/ +Vaspasian was so humble that whan Nero was slayn alle the peple cryed for +to haue hym emþour/ and many of his frendes cam & prayde hym +that he wold take hit vpon hym/ so at the last he was constrayned to take +hit vpon hym. And sayd to his frendes Hit is better and more to preyse +and alowe for a man to take thempire agaynst his wil/ than for to laboure +to haue hit and to put hym self therin/ Thus ought they to be humble and +meke for to resseyue worship/ Therfore sayth the bible that Ioab the sone +of Saryre that was captayn of the warre of the kynge Dauid/ whan he cam +to take and wynne a Cyte/ He sente to Dauid and desired hym to come to +the warre/ that the victorye shold be gyuen to Dauid/ And not to hym self/ +Also they ought to be ware that they chaunge not ofte tymes her officers/ +Josephus reherceth that the frendes of tyberyus meruaylled moche why he +helde hys offycyers so longe in theyr offices wyth oute changynge/ And +they demanded of hym the cause/ to whom he answerd/ I wold chaunge them +gladly/ yf I wyste that hit shold be good for the peple/ But I sawe on +a tyme a man that was roynyous & full of soores/ And many flyes satte +vpon the soores and souked his blood that hit was meruaylle to see/ wherfore +I smote and chaced them away. And he than said to me why chacest and smytest +away thyse flyes that ben full of my blood/ And now shallt thou late come +other that ben hongrye whiche shall doon to me double payne more than the +other dide/ for the prikke of the hongrye is more poyngnant the half/ than +of y'e fulle And therfore sayde he I leue the officiers in their offices. +for they ben all riche/ and doo not so moch euyl & harme As the newe +shold doo & were poure yf I shold sette hem in her places/ They ought +also to be pacyent in herynge of wordes & in suffrynge payne on her +bodyes/ as to the first One said to alisander that he was not worthy to +regne. specially whan he suffrid that lecherie and delyte to haue seignoire +in hym/ he suffrid hit paciently/ And answerd none otherwyse but that he +wolde corrette hym self. And take better maners and more honeste Also hit +is reherced that Iulius cezar was ballyd wherof he had desplaysir so grete +that he kempt his heeris that laye on the after parte of his heed forward +for to hyde the bare to fore. Than sayd a knyght to him Cezar hit is lighther +And sonner to be made that thou be not ballid/ than that I haue vsid ony +cowardyse in the warre of rome/ or hereafter shall doo ony cowardyse/ he +suffrid hit paciently and sayd not aword/ Another reproched hym by his +lignage And callyd hym fornier/ he answerd that hit is better that noblesse +begynne in me/ than hit shold faylle in me/ Another callid hym tyraunt/ +he answerd yf I were one. thou woldest not saie soo A knight callid on +a tyme scipion of affricque fowle & olde knyght in armes And that he +knewe lityll good And he answerd I was born of my moder a lityll child +and feble and not a man of armes. And yet he was at alle tymes one of the +best and moste worthy in armes that liuyd. Another sayd to vaspasian/ And +a wolf shold sonner change his skyn and heer/ than thou sholdest cha[=u]ge +thy lyf For the lenger thou lyvest the more thou coueytest And he answerd +of thyse wordes we ought to laughe. But we ought to amende our selfe And +punysshe the trespaces. Seneque reherceth that the kynge Antygonus herde +certayn peple speke and saye euyll of hym/ And therwas betwene hem nomore +but a courtyne/ And than he sayde make an ende of your euyll langage leste +the kynge here yow/ for the courtyne heereth yow well<a name="FNanchor54"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_54">[54]</a></sup> +I nowhe. Than as towchynge to the paynes that they ought to suffre paciently +Valerius reherceth that a tyrant dide do tormente Anamaximenes & thretenyd +hym for to cutte of his tonge. To whom he sayd hit is not in thy power +to doo soo/ and forthwyth he bote of his owne tonge/ And shewed hit wyth +his teth and casted hit in the visage of the Tyrant Hit is a grete vertu +in a man that he forgete not to be pacyent in corrections of wronges/ Hit +is better to leue a gylty man vnpunysshyd/ than to punysshe hym in a wrath +or yre Valerius reherceth that archita of tarente that was mayster to plato +sawe that his feldes & lande was destroyed and lost by the necligence +of his seruant To whom he sayd yf I were not angry with the I wold take +vengeance and turmente the/ Lo there y'e may see that he had leuer to leue +to punysshe/ than to pugnysshe more by yre & wrath than by right And +therfore sayth seneque/ doo no thynge that thou oughtest to doo whan y'u +art angry/ For whan thou art angry thou woldest doo alle thynges after +thy playsir/ And yf thou canst not vaynquysshe thyn yre/ than muste thyn +yre ouercome the/ After thys ought they to haue wylfull pouerte/ lyke as +hit was in the auncyent prynces/ For they coueyted more to be riche in +wytte and good maners than in moneye/ And that reherceth Valerius in his +.viii. booke that scipion of Affryque was accused vnto the Senate that +he shold haue grete tresour/ And he answerd certes whan I submysed affryque +in to your poeste/ I helde no thynge to myself that I myght faye this is +myn save only the surname of affryque/ Ner the affryquans haue not founden +in me ner in my broder ony auarice/ ner y't we were so couetouse that we +had ne had gretter enuye to be riche of name than of rychesses/ And therfore +sayth seneque that the kynge Altagone vsid gladly in his hows vessels of +erthe/ And some sayde he dyde hit for couetyse/ But he sayde that hit was +better and more noble thynge to myne in good maners than in vayssell And +whan some men demanded hym why and for what cause he dyde so/ he answerd +I am now kynge of secylle/ and was sone of a potter/ and for as moche as +I doubte fortune. For whan I yssued out of the hous of my fader and moder/ +I was sodaynly made riche/ wherfore I beholde the natiuyte of me and of +my lignage/ whiche is humble & meke/ And alle these thynges cometh +of wilfull pouerte/ for he entended more to the comyn prouffyt than to +his owen/ And of thys pouerte speketh saynt Augustyn in the booke of the +cyte of god That they that entende to the comyn prouffyt. sorowe more that +wilfull pouerte is lost in rome/ than the richesses of rome/ For by the +wilfull pouerte was the renomee of good maners kept entierly/ thus by this +richesse pouerte is not only corrupt in thyse dayes ner the cyte ner the +maners/ but also the thoughtes of the men ben corrupt by thys couetyse +and by felonnye that is worse. than ony other enemye And of the cruelte +of the peple of rome speketh the good man of noble memorye Iohn the monke +late cardynall of rome in the decretall the syxte in the chapitre gens +sancta where he sayth/ that they ben felo[=u]s ayenst god. contrarye to +holy thynges. traytres one to that other. enuyous to her neyghbours. proude +vnto straungers. rebelle and vntrewe vnto theyr souerayns Not suffringe +to them that ben of lower degree than they and nothinge shamfast to demande +thinges discouenable and not to leue tyll they haue that they demande/ +and not plesid but disagreable whan they haue resseyuyd the yeft They haue +their tonges redy for to make grete boost/ and doo lityll/ They ben large +in promysynges/ And smale gyuers/ they ben ryght fals deceyuours/ And ryght +mordent and bitynge detractours/ For whiche thynge hit is a grete sorowe +to see the humylite the pacyence And the good wisedom that was woute to +be in this cyte of rome whiche is chief of alle the world is peruertid +& torned in to maleheurte and thise euylles/ And me thynketh that in +other partyes of crestiante they haue taken ensample of them to doo euyll/ +They may saye that this is after the decretale of seygnourye and disobeysance/ +that sayth That suche thynges that the souerayns doo/ Is lightly and sone +taken in ensample of theyr subgets/ Also thise vicayres shold be large +and liberall/ In so moche that suche peple as serue them ben duly payd +and guerdoned of her labour/ For euery man doth his labour the better and +lightlyer whan he seeth that he shall be well payd and rewarded/ And we +rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian was so large and so liberall/ That +he gaf and promysyd somewhat to euery man/ And whan hys moste pryuy frendes +demanded of hym why he promysid more that he myght gyue/ he answerd for +as moche as hyt apperteyneth not to a prynce that ony man shold departe +sorowfull or tryste fro hym/ Than hit happend on a day that he gaf ner +promysid no thynge to ony man And whan hit was euen auysed hymself/ he +sayd to hys frendes/ O y'e my frendes thys day haue I lost for this day +haue I don no good,' And also we rede of Iulius Cefar that he neuer saide +in alle his lyue to his knyghtes goo oon but all way be sayde come come/ +For I loue allway to be in youre companye/ And he knewe well that hit was +lasse payne & trauayll to the knyghtes whan the prynce is in her companye +that loueth hem & c[=o]forted hem And also we rede of the same Iulius +cesar in the booke of truphes of phylosophers/ that ther was an Auncyent +knyght of his that was in paryll of a caas hangynge to fore the Iuges of +rome so he callyd cefar on a tyme and said to hym to fore all men that +he shold be his aduocate And cesar deliueryd and assigned to hym a right +good aduocate And the knyght sayd to hym O cesar I put no vicaire in my +place whan thou were in parill in y'e batayll of assise/ But I faught for +the. And than he shewed to hym the places of his woundes that he had receyuyd +in the batayll And than cam cesar in his propre persone for to be his aduocate +& to plete his cause for hym/ he wold not haue the name of vnkyndenes/ +but doubted that men shold saye that he were proude And that he wold not +do for them that had seruyd hym They that can not do so moche/ as for to +be belouyd of her knyghtes/ can not loue the knyghtes And this sufficeth +of the rooks. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/143tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=182 width=200></center> + +<hr> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/144banner.gif" ALT="banner dogs" height=112 width=500></h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +<a name="BOOKIII"></a><a href="#cBOOKIII">BOOK III.</a></h2></center> + +<center><img SRC="images/144icon.gif" ALT="icon" height=40 width=35></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/146top.gif" ALT="labourers and werkemen" height=521 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch1"></a><a href="#cbk3ch1"><i>The thirde tractate of the offices +of the comyn peple. The fyrst chapitre is of the office of the labourers +and werkemen</i>.</a></h3> +<img SRC="images/146F.gif" ALT="F" height=132 width=120 align=LEFT>For as moche +as the Noble persone canne not rewle ne gouerne with oute y'e seruyce and +werke of the peple/ than hit behoueth to deuyse the oeuurages and the offices +of the werkemen/ Than I shall begynne fyrst at the fyrst pawne/ that is +in the playe of the chesse/ And signefieth a man of the comyn peple on +fote For they be all named pietous that is as moche to saye as footemen +And than we wyll begynne at the pawne whiche standeth to fore the rooke +on the right side of the kinge for as moche as this pawne apperteyneth +to serue the vicaire or lieutenant of the kynge and other officers vnder +hym of necessaryes of vitayll/ And this maner a peple is figured and ought +to be maad in the forme & shappe of a man holdynge in his ryght hande +a spade or shouell And a rodde in the lifte hand/ The spade or shouell +is for to delue & labour therwith the erthe/ And the rodde is for to +dryue & conduyte wyth all the bestes vnto her pasture also he ought +to haue on his gyrdell/ a crokyd hachet for to cutte of the supfluytees +of the vignes & trees/ And we rede in the bible that the first labourer +that euer was/ was Caym the firste sone of Adam that was so euyll that +he slewe his broder Abel/ for as moche as the smoke of his tythes went +strayt vnto heuen'/ And the smoke & fumee of the tythes of Caym wente +downward vpon the erthe And how well that this cause was trewe/ yet was +ther another cause of enuye that he had vnto his broder/ For whan Adam +their fader maried them for to multyplie y'e erthe of hys lignye/ he wolde +not marye ner Ioyne to gyder the two that were born attones/ but gaf vnto +caym her that was born wyth Abel/ And to Abel her that was born with caym/ +And thus began thenuye that caym had ayenst abel/ For his wyf was fayrer +than cayms wyf And for this cause he slough abel with the chekebone of +a beste/ & at that tyme was neuer no maner of yron blody of mannes +blood/ And abel was y'e first martier in tholde testament/ And this caym +dide many other euyl thinges whiche I leue/ for hit apperteyneth not to +my mater/ But hit behoueth for necessite y't some shold labour the erthe +after y'e synne of adam/ for to fore er adam synned/ the erthe brought +forth fruyt with out labour of handes/ but syn he synned/ hit muste nedes +be labourid with y'e handes of men And for as moche as the erthe is moder +of alle thynges And that we were first formed and toke oure begynnyng of +the erthe/ the same wyse at the laste. she shall be the ende vnto alle +vs and to alle thynges/ And god that formed vs of the erthe hath ordeyned +that by the laboure of men she shold gyue nourysshyng vnto alle that lyueth/ +and first the labourer of y'e erthe ought to knowe his god that formed +and made heuen & erthe of nought And ought to haue loyaulte and trouth +in hymself/ and despise deth for to entende to his laboure And he ought +to gyue thankyngis to hym that made hym And of whom he receyueth all his +goodes temporall/ wherof his lyf is susteyned/ And also he is bounden to +paye the dismes and tythes of alle his thynges And not as Caym dyde. But +as Abell dyde of the beste that he chese allway for to gyue to god & +to plese hym/ For they that grucche and be greuyd in that they rendre and +gyue to god the tienthes of her goodes/ they ought to be aferd and haue +drede that they shall falle in necessite And y't they might be dispoyllyd +or robbed by warre or by tempeste that myght falle or happen in the contrey +And hit is meruayll though hit so happen For that man that is disagreable +vnto god And weneth y't the multiplynge of his goodes temporell cometh +by the vertu of his owne co[=u]ceyll and his wytte/ the whiche is made +by the only ordenance of hym that made alle. And by the same ordenance +is soone taken away fro hym that is disagreable/ and hit is reson that +whan a man haboundeth by fortune in goodes/ And knoweth not god/ by whom +hit cometh/ that to hym come some other fortune by the whiche he may requyre +grace and pardon And to knowe his god/ And we rede of the kynge Dauid that +was first symple & one of the comyn peple/ that whan fortune had enhaunsed +and sette hym in grete astate/ he lefte and forgate his god/ And fyll to +aduoultrye and homicyde and other synnes/ Than anon his owne sone Absalom +assaylled & began to persecute hym And than whan he sawe that fortune +was contrarye to hym/ he began to take agayn his vertuous werkis and requyred +pardoun and so retorned to god agayn. We rede also of the children of ysræl +that were nyghe enfamyned in desert and sore hongry & thrusty that +they prayd & requyred of god for remedy/ Anon he changed his wyll & +sente to hem manna/ & flessh &c./ And whan they were replenesshid +& fatte of the flessh of bestes & of the manna/ they made a calf +of gold and worshippid hit. Whiche was a grete synne & Inyquyte/ For +whan they were hongry they knewe god/ And whan theyre belyes were fylde +& fatted/ they forgid ydoles & were ydolatrers. After this euery +labourer ought to be faythfull & trewe That whan his maystre delyuereth +to hym his lande to be laboured/ that he take no thinge to hymself but +that hym ought to haue & is his/ but laboure truly & take cure +and charge in the name of his maistre/ and do more diligently his maisters +labours than his owen/ for the lyf of y'e most grete & noble men next +god lieth in y'e handes of the labourers/ and thus all craftes & occupacions +ben ordeyned not only to suffise to them only/ but to the comyn/ And so +hit happeth ofte tyme that y'e labourer of the erthe vseth grete and boystous +metes/ and bringeth to his maister more subtile & more deyntous metes/ +And valerius reherceth in his. vi. book that ther was a wife & noble +maistre y't was named Anthoni9 that was accused of a caas of aduoultrye/ +& as the cause henge to fore the Iuges/ his accusers or denonciatours +brought I labourer that closid his land for so moche as they sayde whan +his maistre wente to doo the aduoultrye/ this same seruant bare the lanterne. +wherof Anthonyus was sore abasshyd and doubted that he shold depose agaynst +hym But the labourer that was named papirion sayd to his maister that he +shold denye his cause hardyly vnto the Iuges For for to be tormentid/ his +cause shold neuer be enpeyrid by hym/ ner no thynge shold yssue out of +his mouth wherof he shold be noyed or greuyd And than was the labourer +beten and tormentid and brent in many places of his body But he sayd neuer +thynge wherof his mayster was hurte or noyed/ But the other that accused +his maister were punysshid And papiryon was deliuerid of his paynes free +and franc/ And also telleth valerius that ther was another labourer that +was named penapion/ that seruyd a maister whos name was Themes which was +of meruayllous faith to his maystre For hit befell that certain knyghtes +cam to his maisters hows for to slee hym And anone as papiryon knewe hit/ +he wente in to his maisters chambre And wold not be knowen For he dide +on his maisters gowne and his rynge on his fynger/ And laye on his bedde +And thus put hym self in parill of deth for to respite his maisters lyf/ +But we see now a dayes many fooles that daigne not to vse groos metes of +labourers. And flee the cours clothynge And maners of a seruant Euery wise +man a seruant that truly serueth his maister is free and not bonde/ But +a foole that is ouer proude is bonde/ For the debilite and feblenes of +corage that is broken in conscience by pryde Enuye. or by couetyse is ryght +seruytude/ yet they ought not to doubte to laboure for feere and drede +of deth/ no man ought to loue to moche his lyf/ For hit is a fowll thynge +for a man to renne to the deth for the enemye of his lyf/ And a wyse man +and a stronge man ought not to flee for his lyf/ but to yssue For ther +is no man that lyueth/ but he must nedes dye. And of this speketh claudyan +and sayth that alle thoo thynges that the Ayer goth aboute and enuyronned. +And alle thynge that the erthe laboureth/ Alle thyngys that ben conteyned +wyth in the see Alle thynges that the floodes brynge forth/ Alle thynges +that ben nourysshid and alle the bestes that ben vnder the heuen shall +departe alle from the world/ And alle shall goo at his comandement/ As +well Kynges Prynces and alle that the world enuyronned and gooth aboute/ +Alle shall goo this waye/ Than he ought not to doubte for fere of deth. +For as well shail dye the ryche as the poure/ deth maketh alle thynge lyke +and putteth alle to an ende/ And therof made a noble versifier two versis +whiche folowe Forma. genus. mores. sapi[=e]cia. res. et honores/ Morte +ruant subita sola manent merita/ Wherof the english is Beaulte. lignage. +maners. wysedom. thynges & honoures/ shal ben deffetid by sodeyn deth/ +no thynge shal abide but the merites/ And herof fynde we in Vitas patrum. +that ther was an erle a riche & noble man that had a sone onely/ and +whan this sone was of age to haue knowlech of the lawe/ he herde in a sermone +that was prechid that deth spareth none/ ne riche ne poure/ and as well +dyeth y'e yonge as the olde/ and that the deth ought specially to be doubted +for .iii. causes/ one was/ y't noman knoweth whan he cometh/ and the seconde/ +ner in what state he taketh a man/ And the thirde he wote neuer whither +he shall goo. Therfore eche man shold dispise and flee the world and lyue +well and hold hym toward god And when this yong man herde this thynge/ +he wente oute of his contrey and fledde vnto a wyldernesse vnto an hermytage/ +and whan his fader had loste hym he made grete sorowe/ and dyde do enquere +& seke hym so moche at last he was founden in the hermitage/ and than +his fader cam theder to hym and sayde/ dere sone come from thens/ thou +shalt be after my deth erle and chyef of my lignage/ I shall be lost yf +thou come not out from thens/ And he than that wyste non otherwise to eschewe +the yre of his fader bethought hym and sayde/ dere fader ther is in your +centre and lande a right euyll custome yf hit plese yow to put that away +I shall gladly come out of this place and goo with yow The fader was glad +and had grete Ioy And dema[=u]ded of hym what hit was And yf he wold telle +hym he promysid him to take hit away and hit shold be left and sette aparte. +Than he sayde dere fader ther dyen as well the yong folk in your contrey +as the olde/ do that away I pray yow/ Whan his fader herde that he sayde +Dere sone that may not be ner noman may put that away but god only/ Than +answerd the sone to the fader/ than wylle I serue hym and dwelle here wyth +hym that may do that. And so abode the childe in the hermytgage & lyuyd +there in good werkes After this hit apperteyneth to a labourer to entende +to his laboure and flee ydlenes/ And thou oughtest to knowe that Dauid +preyseth moche in the sawlter the treve labourers and sayth/ Thou shalt +ete the labour of thyn handes and thou art blessid/ and he shall do to +the good And hit behoueth that the labourer entende to his labour on the +werkedayes for to recuyell and gadre to gyder the fruyt of his labour/ +And also he ought to reste on the holy day/ bothe he and his bestes. And +a good labourer ought to norysshe and kepe his bestes/ And this is signefied +by the rodde that he hath. Whiche is for to lede and dryue them to the +pasture/ The fiste pastour that euer was/ was Abel whiche was Iuste and +trewe/ and offryd to god the bestes vnto his sacrefice/ And hym ought he +to folowe in craft & maners But no man that vseth the malice of Caym +may ensue and folowe Abel/ And thus hit apperteyneth to the labourer to +sette and graffe trees and vygnes/ and also to plante and cutte them And +so dyde noe whiche was the first that planted the vygne after y'e deluge +and flood For as Iosephus reherceth in y'e book of naturell thinges Noe +was he that fonde fyrst the vygne/ And he fonde hym bitter and wylde/ And +therfore he toke .iiii. maners of blood/ that is to wete the blood of a +lyon. the blood of a lamb, the blood of a swyne. and the blood of an ape +and medlid them alto geder with the erthe/ And than he cutte the vygne/ +And put this aboute the rootes therof. To thende that the bitternes shold +be put away/ and that hyt shold be swete/ And whan he had dronken of the +fruyt of this vygne/ hit was so good and mighty that he becam so dronke/ +that he dispoylled hym in suche wise y't his pryuy membres might be seen/ +And his yongest sone cham mocqued and skorned hym And whan Noe was awakid +& was sobre & fastinge/ he assemblid his sones and shewid to them +the nature of the vygne and of the wyn/ And told to them the caufe why +y't he had put the blood of the bestes aboute the roote of the vygne and +that they shold knowe well y't otherwhile by y'e strength of the wyn men +be made as hardy as the lyon and yrous And otherwhile they be made symple +& shamefast as a lambe And lecherous as a fwyn/ And curyous and full +of playe as an Ape/ For the Ape is of suche nature that whan he seeth one +do a thynge he enforceth hym to doo the same/ and so doo many whan they +ben dronke/ they will medle them wyth alle officers & matiers that +apperteyne no thynge to them/ And whan they ben fastynge & sobre they +can scarfely accomplisshe theyr owne thynges And therfore valerian reherceth +that of auncyente and in olde tyme women dranke no wyn for as moche as +by dronkenship they myght falle in ony filthe or vilonye And as Ouide sayth/ +that the wyns otherwhyle apparaylle the corages in suche manere that they +ben couenable to alle synnes whiche take away the hertes to doo well/ They +make the poure riche/ as longe as the wyn is in his heed And shortly dronkenshyp +is the begynnynge of alle euyllys/ And corrompith the body/ and destroyed +the fowle and mynusshith the goodes temporels/ And this suffyseth for the +labourer. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/155loz.gif" ALT="lozenge floral" height=113 width=200></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/156top.gif" ALT="mason" height=534 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch2"></a><a href="#cbk3ch2"><i>The seconde chapitre of the +thirde tractate treteth of the forme and maner of the second pawne and +of the maner of smyth</i>.</a></h3> +<img SRC="images/156T.gif" ALT="T" height=129 width=120 align=LEFT>The seconde +pawne y't standeth to fore the knyght on the right side of the kynge hath +the forme and figure of a man as a smyth and that is reson For hit apperteyneth +to y'e knyghtes to haue bridellys sadellys spores and many other thynges +made by the handes of smythes and ought to holde an hamer in his right +hande. And in his lyfte hand a dolabre and he ought to haue on his gyrdell +a trowell For by this is signefied all maner of werkemen/ as goldsmithes. +marchallis, smithes of all forges/ forgers and makers of monoye & all +maner of smythes ben signefyed by<a name="FNanchor55"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_55">[55]</a></sup> +the hamer/ The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer/ And by +the trowell we vnderstande all masons & keruars of stones/ tylers/ +and alle them that make howses castels & tours/ And to alle these crafty +men hit apperteyneth that they be trewe. wise and stronge/ and hit is nede +y't they haue in hemself faith and loyaulte/ For vnto the goldsmythes behoueth +gold & siluer And alle other metallys. yren & steel to other/ And +vnto the carpenters and masons/ ben put to theyr edifices the bodyes and +goodes of the peple/ And also men put in the handes of the maronners body +and goodes of the peple/ And in the garde and sewerte of them men put body +& sowle in the paryls of the see/ and therfore ought they to be trewe/ +vnto whom men commytte suche grete charge and so grete thynges vpon her +fayth and truste. And therfore sayth the philosopher/ he that leseth his +fayth and beleue/ may lose no gretter ne more thynge. And fayth is a fouerayn +good and cometh of the good wyll of the herte and of his mynde And for +no necessite wyll deceyue no man/ And is not corrupt for no mede. Valerius +reherceth that Fabius had receyuyd of hanybal certayn prysoners that he +helde of the romayns for a certayn some of money whiche he promysid to +paye to the sayd hanyball/ And whan he cam vnto the senatours of rome and +desired to haue y'e money lente for hem They answerd that they wold not +paye ner lene And than fabius sente his sone to rome & made hym to +selle his heritage & patrimonye/ and fente the money that he resseyuyd +therof vnto hanibal/ And had leuer & louyd better to be poure in his +contrey of herytage/ than of byleue and fayth/ But in thyfe dayes hit were +grete folye to haue fuche affiance in moche peple but yf they had ben preuyd +afore For oftentymes men truste in them by whom they ben deceyuyd at theyr +nede/ And it is to wete that these crafty men and werkemen ben souerainly +prouffitable vnto the world And wyth oute artificers and werkmen the world +myght not be gouerned/ And knowe thou verily that alle tho thynges that +ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see/ ben made and formed for to do +prouffit vnto the lignage of man/ for man was formed for to haue generacion/ +that the men myght helpe and prouffit eche other And here in ought we to +folowe nature/ For she shewed to vs that we shold do comyn prouffit one +to an other/ And y'e first fondement of Iustice is that no man shold noye +or greue other But that they ought doo the comyn prouffit/ For men saye +in reproche That I see of thyn/ I hope hit shall be myn But who is he in +thyse dayes that entendeth more to the comyn prouffit than to his owne/ +Certaynly none/ But all way a man ought to haue drede and feere of his +owne hows/ whan he seeth his neyghbours hous a fyre And therfore ought +men gladly helpe the comyn prouffit/ for men otherwhile sette not be a +lityll fyre And might quenche hit in the begynnyng/ that afterward makyth +a grete blasyng fyre. And fortune hath of no thinge so grete playsir/ as +for to torne & werke all way/ And nature is so noble a thynge that +were as she is she wyll susteyne and kepe/ but this rewle of nature hath +fayllid longe tyme/ how well that the decree sayth that alle the thynges +that ben ayenst the lawe of nature/ ought to be taken away and put a part +And he sayth to fore in the .viii. distinction that the ryght lawe of nature +differenceth ofte tymes for custome & statutes establisshid/ for by +lawe of nature all thinge ought to be comyn to euery man/ and this lawe +was of old tyme And men wene yet specially y't the troians kept this lawe +And we rede that the multitude of the Troians was one herte and one sowle/ +And verayly we fynde that in tyme passid the philosophres dyde the same/ +And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune & +not propre is most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious +men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & +kepe the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue +my self ben conuersant in a religio'9 hous of white freris at gaunt Which +haue all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/ +in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii. d or .iiii. d to praye for +hym in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his +ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute freris +And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy church wold +neuer suffre hit in religion And acordynge thereto we rede in plato whiche +sayth y't the cyte is well and Iustely gouernid and ordeyned in the whiche +no man maye saye by right, by cuftome. ne by ordenance/ this is myn/ but +I say to the certaynly that syn this custome cam forth to say this is myn/ +And this is thyn/ no man thought to preferre the comyn prouffit so moche +as his owen/ And alle werkemen ought to be wise & well aduysyd so that +they haue none enuye ne none euyll suspecion one to an other/ for god wylle +that our humayne nature be couetous of two thynges/ that is of Religion. +And of wysedom/ but in this caas ben some often tymes deceyued For they +take ofte tymes religion and leue wisedom And they take wysedom and reffuse +religion And none may be vraye and trewe with oute other For hit apperteyneth +not to a wyse man to do ony thynge that he may repente hym of hit/ And +he ought to do no thynge ayenst his wyll/ but to do alle thynge nobly, +meurely. fermely. and honestly And yf he haue enuye vpon ony. hit is folye +For he on whom he hath enuye is more honest and of more hauoir than he +whiche is so enuyous/ For a man may haue none enuye on an other/ but be +cause he is more fortunat and hath more grace than hym self/ For enuye +is a sorowe of corage y't cometh of dysordynance of the prouffit of another +man And knowe thou verily that he that is full of bounte shall neuer haue +enuye of an other/ But thenuyous man seeth and thynketh alleway that euery +man is more noble/ And more fortunat that hymself And sayth alleway to +hymself/ that man wynneth more than I/ and myn neyghebours haue more plente +of bestes/ and her thynges multiplye more than myn/ and therfore thou oughtest +knowe that enuye is the most grettest dedely synne that is/ for she tormenteth +hym that hath her wythin hym/ wyth oute tormentynge or doyng ony harme +to hym/ on whome he hath enuye. And an enuyous man hath no vertue in hymself/ +for he corrumpeth hymself for as moche as he hateth allway the welthe and +vertues of other/ and thus ought they to kepe them that they take none +euyll suspec[=o]n For a man naturally whan his affection hath suspecion +in ony man that he weneth that he doth/ hit semeth to hym verily that it +is doon. And hit is an euyll thynge for a man to haue suspecion on hymfelf/ +For we rede that dionyse of zecyll a tyrant Was so suspecionous that he +had so grete fere and drede For as moche as he was hated of all men/ that +he putte his frendes oute of theyr offices that they had/ And put other +strangers in theyr places for to kepe his body/ and chese suche as were +ryght Cruell and felons/ And for fere and doubte of the barbours/ he made +hys doughters to lerne shaue and kembe/ And whan they were grete. He wold +not they shold vse ony yron to be occupied by them/ but to brenne and senge +his heeris/ and manaced them and durst not truste in them/ And in lyke +wyse they had none affiance in hym And also he dyde do enuyronne the place +where he laye wyth grete diches and brode lyke a castell/ And he entryd +by a drawbrygge whiche closyd after hym/ And hys knyghtes laye wyth oute +wyth his gardes whiche wacchid and kept straytly thys forteresse/ And whan +plato sawe thys Dionyse kynge of cezille thus enuyronned and set aboute +wyth gardes & wacche-men for the cause of his suspecion sayd to hym +openly to fore all men kinge why hast thou don so moche euyll & harme/ +that the behoueth to be kept wyth so moche peple/ And therfore I saye that +hit apperteyneth not to ony man that wylle truly behaue hym self in his +werkis to be suspecyous/ And also they ought to be stronge and seure in +theyr werkes/ And specyally they that ben maysters and maronners on the +see/ for yf they be tumerous and ferdfull they shold make a ferde them +that ben in theyr shippis/ that knowe not the paryls/ And so hit might +happene that by that drede and fere alle men shold leue theyr labour/ And +so they myght be perisshid and despeyred in theyr corages/ For a shippe +is soone perisshid and lost by a lityll tempest/ whan the gouernour faylleth +to gouerne his shippe for drede/ And can gyue no counceyll to other than +it is no meruayll/ thangh they be a ferd that ben in his gouernance/ And +therfore ought be in them strengthe force and corage/ and ought to considere +the peryls that might falle/ And the gouernour specially ought not to doubte/ +And if hit happen that ony paryll falle/ he ought to promyse to the other +good hoope/ And hit apperteyneth well/ that a man of good and hardy corage +be sette in that office/ In suche wyse that he haue ferme and seure mynde +ayenst the paryls that oftetymes happen in the see/ and with this ought +the maroners haue good and ferme creance and beleue in god/ and to be of +good reconforte & of fayr langage vnto them that he gouerneth in suche +paryls/ And this sufficeth to yow as touchynge the labourers. +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/163top.gif" ALT="notaryes aduocats skryueners and drapers" height=534 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch3"></a><a href="#cbk3ch3"><i>The thirde chapitre of the thirde +book treteth of the office of notaryes aduocats skryueners and drapers +or clothmakers</i>.</a></h3> +<img SRC="images/163T.gif" ALT="T" height=129 width=120 align=LEFT>The thirde +pawne whiche is sette to fore the Alphyn on the right side ought to be +figured as a clerk And hit is reson that he shold so be/ For as moche as +amonge y'e comon peple of whom we speke in thys book they plete the differencis +contencions and causes otherwhile the whiche behoueth the Alphins to gyue +sentence and Iuge as Iuges And hit is reson that the Alphin or Iuge haue +his notarye/ by whom y'e processe may be wreton/ And this pawne ought to +be made and figured in this mamere/ he muste be made like a man that holdeth +in his right hand a pair of sheres or forcetis/ and in the lifte hand a +grete knyf and on his gurdell a penuer and an ynkhorn/ and on his eere +a penne to wryte wyth And that ben the Instrumentis & the offices that +ben made and put in writynge autentyque/ and ought to haue passed to fore +the Iuges as libelles writtes condempnacions and sentences/ And that is +signefied by the scriptoire and the penne and on that other part hit appertayneth +to them to cutte cloth. shere. dighte. and dye/ and that is signefied by +the forcettis or sheres/ and the other ought to shaue berdes and kembe +the heeris/ And the other ben coupers. coryers. tawiers. skynners. bouchers +and cordwanners/ and these ben signefyed by the knyf that he holdeth in +his hand and some of thise forsayd crafty men ben named drapers or clothmakers +for so moche as they werke wyth wolle. and the Notayres. skynners. coryours. +and cardewaners werke by skynnes and hydes/ As parchemyn velume. peltrye +and cordewan/ And the Tayllours. cutters of cloth, weuars. fullars. dyers/ +And many other craftes ocupye and vse wulle/ And alle thyse crafty men +& many other that I haue not named/ ought to doo theyr craft and mestyer/ +where as they ben duly ordeyned Curyously and truly/ Also ther ought to +be amonge thyse crafty men amyable companye and trewe/ honest contenance/ +And trouthe in their wordes/ And hit is to wete that the notaries ben right +prouffitable and ought to be good & trewe for the comyn And they ought +to kepe them fro appropriynge to themself that thynge y't apperteyneth +to the comyn And yf they be good to them self/ they ben good to other. +And yf they be euyll for themself/ they ben euyll for other And the processes +that ben made to fore the Iuges ought to ben wreton & passid by them/ +and hit is to wete that by their writynge in the processis may come moche +prouffit And also yf they wryte otherwyse than they ought to doo/ may ensewe +moche harme and domage to the comyn Therfore ought they to take good heede +that they change not ne corrumpe in no wyse the content of the sentence. +For than ben they first forsworn And ben bounden to make amendes to them +that by theyr tricherye they haue endomaged/ And also ought they to rede +visite and to knowe the statutes. ordenances and the lawes of the cytees +of the contre/ where they dwelle and enhabite/ And they ought to considere +yf ther be ony thynge therein conteyned ayenst right and reson/ and yf +they fynde ony thinge contraire/ they ought to admoneste and warne them +that gouerne/ that suche thynges may be chauged into better astate/ For +custome establisshid ayenst good maners and agaynst the fayth/ ought not +to be holden by right. For as hit is sayd in the decree in the chapitre +to fore/ alle ordenance made ayenst ryght ought to be holden for nought +Alas who is now that aduocate or notaire that hath charge to wryte and +kepe sentence that putteth his entente to kepe more the comyn prouffit +or as moche as his owen/ But alle drede of god is put a back/ and they +deceyue the symple men And drawen them to the courtes disordinatly and +constrayned them to swere and make othes not couenable/ And in assemblyng +the peple thus to gyder they make moo traysons in the cytees than they +make good alyances And otherwhile they deceyue their souerayns/ whan they +may doo hit couertly For ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth +rome and Italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque +For they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the +aduocats. men of lawe. And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e +royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how torne they +the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the peple/ how enpouere +they the comynte/ I suppose that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars +attorneys and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely/ for yf they were +nombrid all that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche. comyn +place. cheker. ressayt and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ hit +shold amounte to a grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. +yf hit shold be vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende +to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/ how well they +ought to be of good wyll to gyder/ and admoneste and warne the cytes eche +in his right in suche wise that they myght haue pees and loue one with +an other And tullius saith that frendshippe and good wyll that one ought +to haue ayenst an other for the wele of hym that he loueth/ wyth the semblable +wylle of hym/ ought to be put forth to fore alle other thynges/ And ther +is no thynge so resemblynge and lyke to the bees that maken honye ne so +couenable in prosperite and in aduersite as is loue/ For by loue gladly +the bees holden them to gyder/ And yf ony trespace to that other anone +they renne vpon the malefactour for to punysshe hym/ And verray trewe loue +faylleth neuer for wele ne for euyll/ and the most swete and the most confortynge +thynge is for to haue a frende to whom a man may saye his secrete/ as well +as to hym self/ But verayly amytye and frendship is somtyme founded vpon +som thinge delectable And this amytye cometh of yongthe/ in the whiche +dwelleth a disordinate heete. +<p>And otherwhile amytie is founded vpon honeste/ And this amytie is vertuouse/ +Of the whiche tullius faith y't ther is an amytie vertuous by the whiche +a man ought to do to his frende alle that he requyreth by rayson For for +to do to hym a thynge dishonneste it is ayenst the nature of verray frendshipe +& amytie/ And thus for frendshipe ne for fauour a man ought not to +doo ony thinge vnresonable ayenst the comyn prouffit ner agaynst his fayth +ne ayenst his oth/ for yf alle tho thynges that the frendes desire and +requyre were accomplisshid & doon/ hit shold seme that they shold be +dishoneste coniuracions/ And they myght otherwhile more greue & hurte +than prouffit and ayde/ And herof sayth seneque that amytie is of suche +wylle as the frende wylle/ And to reffuse that ought to be reffusid by +rayson/ And yet he sayth more, that a man ought to alowe and preyse his +frende to fore the peple/ and to correcte and to chastyse hym pryuyly. +For the lawe of amytie is suche For a man ought not to demande ner doo +to be doon to his frende no vyllayns thynge that ought to be kept secrete +And valerian sayth that it is a fowll thynge and an euyll excufacion/ yf +a man conffesse that he hath done ony euyll for his frende ayenst right +and rayson/ And sayth that ther was a good man named Taffile whiche herde +one his frende requyre of hym a thynge dishonnefte whiche he denyed and +wold not doo And than his frende sayth to hym in grete dispyte/ what nede +haue I of thy frendship & amytie whan thou wylt not doo that thynge +that I requyre of the And Taffile answerd to hym/ what nede haue I of the +frendship and of the amytie of the/ yf I shold doo for the thynge dishonefte +And thus loue is founded otherwhile vpon good prouffitable/ and this loue +endureth as longe as he seeth his prouffit And herof men faye a comyn prouerbe +in england/ that loue lasteth as longe as the money endureth/ and whan +the money faylleth than there is no loue/ and varro reherceth in his smmes/ +that y' riche men ben alle louyd by this loue/ for their frendes ben lyke +as y'e huse whiche is aboute the grayn/ and no man may proue his frende +so well as in aduersite/ or whan he is poure/ for the veray trewe frende +faylleth at no nede/ And seneque saith y't some folowe the empour for riches/ +and so doon y'e flies the hony for the swetenes/ and the wolf the karayn +And thise companye folowe the proye/ and not the man And tullius saith +that Tarquyn y'e proude had a neuewe of his suster which was named brutus/ +and this neuewe had banysshid tarquyn out of rome and had sente hym in +exyle/ And than sayd he first that he parceyuyd & knewe his frendes +whiche were trewe & untrewe/ and y't he neuer perceyuyd a fore tyme +whan he was puyssant for to doo their wyll/ and sayd well that the loue +that they had to hym/ endured not but as longe as it was to them prouffitable/ +and therfore ought till the ryche men of the world take hede/ be they Kynges +Prynces or ducs to what peple they doo prouffit & how they may and +ought be louyd of theyr peple/ For cathon sayth in his book/ see to whom +thougyuyst/ and this loue whiche is founded vpon theyr prouffit/ whiche +faylleth and endureth not/ may better be callyd and said marchandyse than +loue/ For yf we repute this loue to our prouffit only/ and nothynge to +the prouffyt of hym that we loue/ It is more marchandyse than loue/ For +he byeth our loue for the prouffit that he doth to vs/ and therfor saith +the versifier thise two versis Tempore felici multi murmerantur amici Cum +fortuna perit nullus amicus erit/ whiche is to saye in English that as +longe as a man is ewrous and fortunat he hath many frendes but whan fortune +torneth and perisshith, ther abideth not to hym one frende/ And of this +loue ben louyd the medowes, feldes, Trees and the bestes for the prouffit +that men take of them/ But the loue of the men ought to be charyte, veray +gracious and pure by good fayth/ And the veray trewe frendes ben knowen +in pure aduersite/ and pers alphons saith in his book of moralite that +ther was a philosophre in arabye that had an onely sone/ of whom he demanded +what frendes he had goten hym in his lyf. And he answerd that he had many +And his fader sayd to hym/ I am an olde man/ And yet coude I neuer fynde +but one frende in alle my lyf/ And I trowe verily that it is no lytyll +thynge for to haue a frende/ and hit is well gretter and more a man to +haue many/ And hit appertayneth and behoueth a man to assaye and preue +his frende er he haue nede And than comanded the philosopher his sone/ +that he shold goo and slee a swyne/ and putte hit in a sack/ and fayne +that hit were a man dede that he had slayn and bere hit to his frendes +for to burye hit secretly/ And whan the sone had don as his fader comanded +to hym and had requyred his frendes one after an other as a fore is sayd/ +They denyed hym/ And answerd to hym that he was a vylayne to requyre & +desire of them thynge that was so peryllous And than he cam agayn to his +fader and sayd to hym how he had requyred alle his frendes/ And that he +had not founden one that wolde helpe hym in his nede And than his fader +said to hym that he shold goo and requyre his frende whiche had but one/ +and requyre hym that he shold helpe hym in his nede And whan he had requyred +hym/ Anone he put oute alle his mayne oute of his hows/ And whan they were +oute of the waye or a slepe he dide do make secretly a pytte in the grounde/ +And whan hyt was redy and wold haue buryed the body/ he fonde hit an hogge +or a swyne and not a man/ And thus thys sone preuyd thys man to be a veray +trewe frende of his fader/ And preuyd that his frendes were fals frendes +of fortune/ And yet reherceth the sayd piers Alphons/ That ther were two +marchantes one of Bandach and that other of Egipte whiche were so Joyned +to gyder by so grete frendshippe that he of Bandach cam on a tyme for to +see hys frende in Egipte/ of whom he was receyuyd ryght honourably And +thys marchant of Egipte had in his hows a fayr yonge mayden whom he shold +haue had in maryage to hymslf/ Of the whiche mayde thys marchant of Bandach +was esrysd wyth her loue so ardantly that he was ryght seeke/ And that +men supposid hym to dye. And than the other dyde doo come the phisicyens +whiche sayd that in hym was none other sekenes sauf passyon of loue/ Than +he axid of the seeke man yf ther wer ony woman in hys hows that he louyd +and made alle the women of his hows to come to fore hym/ And than he chees +her that shold haue ben that others wyf and sayd that he was seek for the +loue of her/ Than hys frende sayd to hym Frende conforte your self/ For +trewly I gyue her to yow to wyf wyth alle the dowayre that is gyuen to +me wyth her/ And had leuer to suffre to be wyth oute wyf than to lese the +body of his frende And than he of Bandach wedded the mayde. And wente wyth +his wyf and wyth his richesse ayen in to his contrey And after this anone +after hit happend that the marcha[=n]t of Egipte be cam so poure by euyll +fortune/ that he was constrayned to feche and begge his brede by the contrey +in so moche that he cam to bandach. And whan he entrid in to the toun hit +was derke nyght that he coude not fynde the hows of his frende/ but wente +and laye this nyght in an olde temple/ And on the morn whan he shold yssue +oute of the temple/ the officers of the toun arestid hym and sayd that +he was an homycide and had slayn a man whiche laye there dede And an[=o]n +he confessid hit wyth a good wylle/ And had leuyr to ben hangid/ than to +dye in that myserable and poure lyf that he suffrid And thus whan he was +brought to Iugement And sentence shold haue ben gyuen ayenst hym as an +homicide/ his frende of bandach cam and sawe hym and anone knewe y't this +was his good frende of Egipte And forthwyth stept in and sayde that he +hymself was culpable of the deth of this man/ and not that other/ and enforced +hym in alle maners for to delyuer and excuse that other/ And than whan +that he that had don the feet and had slayn the man sawe this thynge/ he +considerid in hym sels that these two men were Innocente. of this feet/ +And doubtynge the dyuyn Iugement he cam to fore the Iuge and confessid +alle the feet by ordre/ And whan the Iuge sawe and herd alle this mater/ +and also the causes he considerid the ferme and trewe loue that was betwene +the two frendes And vnderstode the cause why that one wold saue that other/ +and the trouth of the fayte of the homicide And than he pardoned alle the +feet hoolly and entierly/ and after the marchant of bandach brought hym +of egipte wyth hym in to his hous/ and gaf to hym his suster in mariage/ +and departid to hym half his goodes/ And so bothe of hem were riche/ And +thus were they bothe veray faythfull and trewe frendes/ Furthermore Notaires. +men of lawe and crafty men shold and ought to loue eche other And also +ought to be contynent chaste & honeste/ For by theyr craftes they ought +so to be by necessite/ For they conuerse & accompanye them ofte tyme +with women And therfor hit apperteyneth to them to be chaste and honeste +And that they meue not the women ner entyse them to lawhe/ and Iape by +ony disordinate ensignees or tokens/ Titus liuyus reherceth that the philosopher +democreon dyde do put oute his eyen for as moche as he myght not beholde +the women wyth oute flesshely desire/ And how well hit is said before that +he dide hit for other certayn cause yet was this one of the pryncipall +causes/ And Valerian telleth that ther was a yonge man of rome of ryght +excellent beaute/ And how well that he was ryght chaste/ For as moche as +his beaute meuyd many women to desyre hym/ in so moche that he vnderstode +that the parents and frendes of them had suspecion in hym/ he dyde his +visage to be cutte wyth a knyf and lancettis endlonge and ouerthwart for +to deforme his visage/ And had leuer haue a fowle visage and disformed/ +than the beaute of hys visage shold meue other to synne/ And also we rede +that ther was a Nonne a virgyne dyde do put oute bothe her eyen For as +moche as the beaute of her eyen meuyd a kynge to loue her/ whyche eyen +she sente to the kynge in a presente/ And also we rede that plato the ryght +ryche and wyse phylosophre lefte hys owne lande and Contre. And cheese +his mansion and dwellynge in achadomye a town/ whiche was not only destroyed +but also was full of pestelence/ so that by the cure and charge and customance +of sorowe that be there suffrid/ myght eschewe the heetes and occasions +of lecherye/ And many of his disciples dyde in lyke wyse/ Helemand reherceth +that demostenes the philosopher lay ones by a right noble woman for his +disporte/ and playnge with her he demanded of her what he shold gyue to +haue to doo wyth her/ And she answerd to hym/ a thousand pens/ and he sayd +agayn to her I shold repente me to bye hit so dere/ And whan he aduysed +hym that he was so sore chauffid to speke to her for tacc[=o]plissh his +flesshely defire/ he dispoyled hym alle naked and wente and putte hym in +the middes of the snowe And ouide reherceth that this thynge is the leste +that maye helpe and moste greue the louers And therfore saynt Augustyn +reherceth in his book de Ciuitate dei that ther was a ryght noble romayne +named merculian that wan and toke the noble cyte of siracuse And to fore +er he dyde do assaylle hit or befyghte hit/ and er he had do be shedde +ony blood/ he wepte and shedde many teeris to fore the cyte And that was +for the cause that he doubted that his peple shold defoyle and corrumpe +to moche dishonestly the chastyte of the toun And ordeyned vpon payne of +deth that no man shold be so hardy to take and defoylle ony woman by force +what that euer she were/ After this the craftymen ought to vnderstond for +to be trewe/ and to haue trouthe in her mouthes And that theyr dedes folowe +theyr wordes For he that sayth one thynge and doth another/ he condempneth +hymself by his word Also they ought to see well to that they be of one +Acorde in good, by entente, by word, and by dede/ so that they ben not +discordant in no caas/ But euery man haue pure veryte and trouth in hym +self/ For god hym self is pure verite/ And men say comynly that trouthe +seketh none hernes ne corners/ And trouthe is a vertu by the whyche alle +drede and fraude is put away/ Men saye truly whan they saye that they knowe/ +And they that knowe not trouthe/ ought to knowe hit/ And alleway vse trouthe/ +For Saynt Austyn sayth that they that wene to knowe trouthe/ And lyuyth +euyll & viciously It is folye yf he knoweth hit not/ And also he sayth +in an other place that it is better to suffre peyne for trouthe. Than for +to haue a benefete by falsenes or by flaterye. And man that is callyd a +beste resonable and doth not his werkes after reson and trouthe/ Is more +bestyall than ony beste brute/ And knowe y'e that for to come to the trouthe/ +Hit cometh of a raysonable forsight in his mynde/ And lyenge cometh of +an outrageous and contrarye thought in his mynde/ For he that lyeth wetyngly/ +Knoweth well that hit is agaynst the trouthe that he thynketh/ And herof +speketh Saynt Bernard and sayth/ That the mouthe that lyeth destroyeth +the sowle/ And yet sayth Saynt Austyn in an other place For to saye ony +thynge/ And to doo the contrarye. maketh doctryne suspecious/ And knowe +y'e veryly that for to lye is a right perillous thynge to body and sowle +For the lye that the auncyent enemye made Eue & adam to beleue hym/ +made hem for to be dampned wyth alle theyr lignage to the deth pardurable +And made hem to be cast oute of Paradyse terrestre/ For he made them to +beleue that god had not forboden them the fruyt. But only be cause they +shold not knowe that her maister knewe But how well that the deuyll said +thise wordes yet had she double entente to hem bothe For they knewe ann +as they had tasted of the fruyt that they were dampned to the deth pardurable/ +And god knewe it well to fore But they supposid well to haue knowen many +other thynges And to belyke vnto his knowleche and science And therfor +fayth saynt poule in a pistyll/ hit ne apperteyneth to saure or knowe more +than behoueth to saure or knowe/ but to fauoure or knowe by mesure or fobrenes/ +And valerian reherceth that ther was a good woman of siracusane that wold +not lye vnto the kynge of *ecylle whiche was named dyonyse And this kynge +was so full of tyrannye & so cruell that alle the world defired his +deth and cursid hym/ Saauf this woman onely whiche was so olde that she +had seen thre or .iiii. kynges regnynge in the contre/ And euery mornynge +as sone as she was rysen she prayd to god that he wold gyue vnto the tyrant +good lyf and longe And that she myght neuer see his deth/ And when the +kynge dyonise knewe this he sent for her And meruayllid moche herof For +he knewe well that he was fore behated/ And demaunded her/ what cause meuyd +her to pray for hym. And she answerd and said to hym Syre whan I was a +mayde we had a right euyll tyrant to our kynge of whom we coueyted fore +the deth And whan he was ded ther cam after hym a worse/ of whom we coueyted +also the deth/ And whan we were deliueryd of hym/ thou camst to be our +lord whiche arte worste of alle other. And now I doubte yf we haue one +after the he shall be worse than thou art/ And therfore I shall pray for +the And whan dionyse vnderstod that she was so hardy in sayynge the truthe/ +he durste not doo tormente her for shame be cause she was so olde. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/177tri.gif" ALT="floral triangle" height=138 width=200></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/178top.gif" ALT="Marchants or changers" height=530 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch4"></a><i><a href="#cbk3ch4">The fourth chapitre of the thirde +book treteth of the maner of the fourth pawn and of the marchants or changers.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/156T.gif" ALT="T" height=129 width=120>The fourth pawn is sette +to for the kynge And is formed in the fourme of a man holding in his ryght +hand a balance/ And the weyght in the lifte hand/ And to fore hym a table +And at his gurdell a purse fulle of monoye redy for to gyue to them that +requyre hit And by this peple ben signefied the marchans of cloth lynnen +and wollen & of all other marchandises And by the table that is to +for hym is signefied y'e changeurs/ And they that lene money/ And they +that bye & selle by the weyght ben signefyed by the balances and weight +And the customers. tollers/ and resseyuours of rentes & of money ben +signefied by the purse And knowe y'e that alle they that ben signefied +by this peple ought to flee auaryce and couetyse/ And eschewe brekynge +of the dayes of payement/ And ought to holde and kepe theyr promyssis/ +And ought also to rendre & restore y't/ that is gyuen to them to kepe/ +And therfor hit is reson that this peple be sette to for y'e kynge/ for +as moche as they signefie the resseyuours of the tresours royall that ought +all way to be redy to fore y'e kynge/ and to answere for hym to the knightes +and other persones for their wages & souldyes And therfore haue I sayd +that they ought to flee auarice. For auarice is as moche to say as an adourer +or as worshipar of fals ymages/ & herof saith Tullius that auarice +is a couetise to gete y't thing that is aboue necessite/ & it is a +loue disordinate to haue ony thynge And it is one of the werst thyngis +that is And specially to prynces and to them that gouerne the thynges of +the comunete And this vice caufeth a man to do euyll/ And this doynge euyll +is whan hit regneth in olde men And herof saith Seneque That alle wordly +thynges ben mortifyed and appetissid in olde men reserued auaryce only/ +whiche alleway abideth wyth hym and dyeth wyth hym But I vnderstande not +well the cause wherof this cometh ne wherfore hit may be And hit is a fowle +thynge and contrarie to reson That whan a man is at ende of his Iourney +for to lengthe his viage and to ordeyne more vitayll than hym behoueth +And this may well be lykened to the auarycious wolf For the wolf doth neuer +good tyll he be dede And thus it is sayd in the prouerbis of the wisemen/ +that thauaricious man doth no good tyll that he be ded/ And he desireth +no thynge but to lyue longe in this synne For the couetouse man certaynly +is not good for ony thynge For he is euyll to hymself and to the riche +and to the poure. And fynde cause to gayn saye theyr desire/ and herof +reherceth seneque and sayth that Antigonus was a couetous prynce/ & +whan Tinque whiche was his frende requyred of hym a besa[=u]t/ he answerd +to hym that he demanded more than hit apperteyned to hym And than tinque +constrayned by grete necessite axid and requyred of hym a peny/ And he +answerd to hym that hit was no yefte couenable for a kynge and so he was +allway redy to fynde a cause nought to gyue For he myght haue gyuen to +hym a besa[=u]t as a kynge to his frende/ And the peny as to a poure man +And ther is no thynge so lytyll/ but that the humanyte of a kynge may gyue +hit Auarice full of couetyse is a maner of alle vices of luxurye And Josephus +reherceth in the book of auncyent histories/ that ther was in rome a ryght +noble lady named Paulyne/ And was of the most noble of rome/ right honeste +for the noblesse of chastete/ whiche was maryed in the tyme that the women +gloryfied them in theyr chastete vnto a yonge man fayr. noble. and riche +aboue alle other/ and was lyke and semblable to his wyf in alle caasis/ +And this paulyne was belouyd of a knight named emmerancian And was so ardautly +esprysed in her loue that he sente to her many right riche yeftes/ And +made to her many grete promissis/ but he might neuer torne the herte of +her whiche was on her side also colde and harde as marbill But had leuer +to reffuse his yeftes and his promisses. Than to entende to couetise & +to lose her chastete/ and we rede also in the historyes of rome that ther +was a noble lady of rome/ whiche lyuyd a solitarye lyf and was chaste & +honeste/ And had gadrid to gyder a grete some of gold/ And had hid hit +in the erthe in a pytte wyth in her hous/ And whan she was ded/ the bisshop +dyde do burye her in the churche well and honestly/ And anone after this +gold was founden & born to the bisshop/ And the bisshop had to caste +hit in to the pytte wher she was buryed. And .iii. dayes men herd her crye +& make grete noyse/ and saye that she brennyd in grete payne/ and they +herd her ofte tymes thus tormentid in y'e chirche/ the neighbours wente +to the bisshop & told hym therof/ and y'e bisshop gaf hem leue to open +the sepulcre/ and whan they had opend hit/ they fonde all the gold molten +with fyre full of sulphre/ And was poured and put in her mouth/ and they +herd one saye/ thou desiredest this gold by couetyse take hit and drynke +hit/ And than they toke the body out of the tombe And hit was cast oute +in a preuy place Seneque reherceth in the book of the cryes of women that +auarice is foundement of alle vices/ And valerian reherceth that auarice +is a ferdfull garde or kepar of rychessis for he that hath on hym or in +his kepynge moche money or other rychessis/ is allway a ferd to lose hit +or to be robbid or to be slayn therfore/ And he is not ewrous ner happy +that by couetyse geteth hit/ And alle the euyllys of this vice of auarice +had a man of rome named septemulle For he was a frende of one named tarchus +And this septemulle brente so sore and so cruelly in this synne of couetyse/ +that he had no shame to smyte of the hede of his frende by trayson/ For +as moche as one framosian had promysed to hym as moche weyght of pure gold +as the heed weyed And he bare the sayd heed vpon a staf thurgh the cyte +of rome/ and he wyded the brayn out therof and fyld hit full of leed for +to weye the heuyer This was a right horrible and cruell auarice Ptolome +kynge of the Egipciens poursewed auarice in an other manere For whan anthonie +emperour of rome sawe that he was right riche of gold and siluer/ he had +hym in grete hate and tormentid hym right cruelly And whan he shold perishe +be cause of his richessis/ he toke alle his hauoyr and put hit in a shippe +And wente wyth alle in to the hye see to thende for to drowne and perishe +there the shippe and his rychesses be cause Anthonie his enemye shold not +haue hit/ And whan he was there he durst not perisshe hit ner myght not +fynde in his herte to departe from hit/ but cam and brought hit agayn in +to his hows where he resseyuyd the reward of deth therfore. And wyth oute +doubte he was not lord of the richesse but the richesse was lady ouer hym/ +And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe that a man ought to seignorye ouer +the riches/ and not for to serue hit/ and yf thou canst dewly vse thy rychesse +than she is thy chamberyer/ And yf thou can not departe from hit and vse +hit honestly at thy playsir/ knowe verily y't she is thy lady For the richesse +neuer satisfieth the couetouse/ but the more he hath/ the more he desireth/ +And saluste sayth that auarice distourblith fayth poeste honeste and alle +these other good vertues/ And taketh for these vertues pryde. cruelte. +And to forgete god/ And saith that alle thynges be vendable And after this +they ought to be ware that they leue not to moche/ ner make so grete creances +by which they may falle in pouerte/ For saynt Ambrose saith upon tobye. +pouerte hath no lawe/ for to owe hit is a shame/ & to owe and not paye +is a more shame/ yf y'u be poure beware how thou borowest/ and thinke how +thou maist paye & rendre agayn yf y'u be ryche y'u hast none nede to +borowe & axe/ & it is said in the prouerbes y't hit is fraude to +take/ that y'u wilt not ner maist rendre & paye agayn/ and also hit +is said in reproche/ whan I leue I am thy frend/ & whan I axe I am +thy enemye/ as wo saith/ god at the lenynge/ & the deuyll at rendrynge/ +And seneque sayth in his au[*c]torites/ that they y't gladly borowe/ ought +gladly to paye/ and ought to surmonte in corage to loue hem the better +be cause they leue hem & ayde hem in her nede/ For for benefetes & +good tornes doon to a man ought to gyue hym thankinges therfore/ And moche +more ought a man to repaye that Is lente hym in his nede/ But now in these +dayes many men by lenynge of their money haue made of their frendes enemyes/ +And herof speketh Domas the philosopher and sayth that my frende borowed +money of me/ And I haue lost my frende and my money attones/ Ther was a +marchant of Gene & also a chaungeour/ whos name was Albert gauor/ And +this albert was a man of grete trouth and loyaulte/ for on a tyme ther +was a man cam to hym and said & affermed that he had delyueryd in to +his banke .v. honderd floryns of gold to kepe whiche was not trouth for +he lyed/ whyche fyue honderd floryns the said Albert knewe not of/ ner +coude fynde in all hys bookes ony suche money to hym due And this lyar +coude not brynge no wytnessis/ but began to braye. crye and deffame the +said albert And than this Albert callid to hym this marcha[=u]t and sayd/ +Dere frende take here v. honderd florins whyche thou affermest and sayst +that thou hast deliuerid to me And forthwyth tolde hem and toke hem to +hym And lo this good man had leuer to lose his good than his good name +and renome And this other marchant toke these florins that he had wrongfully +receyuyd/ and enployed them in diuerce marchandise in so moche that he +gate and encresid and wan with them .xv. thousand florins And whan he sawe +that he approchid toward his deth/ and that he had no children He establisshid +albert his heyr in alle thingis And sayd that with the .v. honderd florins +that he had receyuyd of albert falsely/ he had goten all y't he had in +the world And thus by dyuyne pourueance he that had be a theef fraudelent/ +was made afterward a trewe procurour and attorney of the sayd albert/ But +now in this dayes ther ben marcha[=u]s that do marchandise with other mens +money whiche is taken to hem to kepe/ And whan they ben requyred to repaye +hit they haue no shame to denye hit appertly/ wherof hit happend that ther +was a marchant whyche had a good & grete name and renome of kepynge +well suche thynges as was delyueryd to hym to kepe/ But whan he sawe place +and tyme/ he reteynyd hyt lyke a theef/ So hyt befelle that a marchant +of withoute forth herd the good reporte & fame of this man/ cam to +hym and deliuerid hym grete tresour to kepe/ And this tresour abode thre +yer in his kepynge. And after this thre yer thys marchant cam & requyred +to haue hys good deliueryd to hym agaym/ And thys man knewe well that he +had no recorde ne wytnes to preue on hym this duete/ Nor he had no obligacion +ne wrytynge of hym therof/ In suche wyse that he denyed alle entyerly/ +And sayd playnly he knewe hym not. And whan thys good man herde and vnderstode +thys. he wente sorowfully and wepynge from hym so ferre and longe that +an old woman mette wyth hym/ And demanded of hym the cause of hys wepynge/ +And he sayd to her/ woman hit apperteyneth no thynge to the Go thy way/ +And she prayd hym that he wold telle her the cause of hys sorowe/ For parauenture +she myght gyue hym counceylle good and prouffytable. And than this man +told to her by ordre the caas of his fortune/ And the old woman that was +wyse & subtyll demanded of hym yf he had in that cyte ony frende whiche +wold be faythfull and trewe to hym And he sayd y'e that he had dyuerce +frendes/ Than said she goo thou to them and saye to them that they do ordeyne +and bye dyuerce cofres & chestis/ And that they do fylle them with +som olde thinges of no value/ and that they fayne And saye that they be +full of gold, siluer & other Iewels and of moche grete tresour/ And +than that they brynge them to this sayd marchant And to saye to hym that +he wold kepe them/ For as moche as they had grete trust and affiance in +hym And also that they haue herd of his grete trouthe and good renome/ +And also they wold goo in to a fer contre And shold be longe er they retorned +agayn And whilis they speke to hym of this mater/ thou shalt come vpon +them and requyre hym that he do deliuere to the/ that thou tokest to hym/ +And I trowe be cause of tho good men that than shall profre to hym the +sayd tresour/ And for the couetise to haue hit/ he shall deliuere to the +thy good agayn/ But beware late hym not knowe in no wyse that they ben +thy frendes ner of thy knowleche This was a grete and good co[=u]ceyll +of a woman And verily hit cometh of nature oftentymes to women to gyue +counceyll shortly and vnauysedly to thynges that ben in doute or perillous +and nedeth hasty remedye/ And as y'e haue herd/ this good man dyde And +dyde after her counceyll And cam vpon them whan they spack of the mater +to the marchant for to deliuere to hym the sayd cofres to kepe whyche his +frendes had fayned and requyred of hym that he had taken to hym to kepe/ +and than an[=o]n the sayd marchant sayd to hym I knowe the now well. For +I haue auysed me that thou art suche a man/ And camst to me suche a tyme/ +And deliuerest to me suche a thynge whiche I haue well kept/ And than callyd +his clerck/ and bad hym goo fecche suche a thynge in suche a place/ and +deliuere hit to that good man For he deliuerid hit to me/ And than the +good man receyuyd his good. And wente his way right Ioyously and gladd/ +And this marchant trycheur and deceyuour was defrauded from his euyll malice/ +And he ne had neyther that one ne that other ony thynge that was of value/ +And therfore hit Is sayd in prouerbe to defraude the beguylar is no fraude/ +And he that doth well foloweth oure lord And seneke faith that charyte +enseygneth and techeth that men shold paye well For good payement is sometyme +good confession/ And this marchant trycheour & deceyuour resembleth +& Is lyke to an hound that bereth a chese in his mouth whan he swymmeth +ouer a watre For whan he is on the watre He seeth the shadowe of the chese +in the watre/ And than he weneth hit be an other chese/ And for couetyse +to haue that/ he openth his mouth to cacche that/ And than the chese that +he bare fallyth doun in to the watre/ And thus he loseth bothe two/ And +in the same wise was seruyd this marchant deceyuour/ For for to haue the +coffres/ whiche he had not seen/ He deliueryd agayn that he wold haue holden +wrongfully & thus by his couetise and propre malice he was deceyuyd/ +And therfore hit apperteyneth to euery good & wyse man to knowe & +considere in hym self how moche he had resseyuyd of other men/ And vpon +what condicion hit was deliuerid to hym And hit is to wete y't this thinge +apperteyneth to resseyuours & to chaungeours And to alle true marchans +and other what som euyr they bee/ and ought to kepe their bookes of resaytes +& of payements of whom & to whom and what tyme & day. and yf +y'e demande what thynge makyth them to forgete suche thynges as ben taken +to them to kepe I answere & saye that hyt Is grete couetyse for to +haue tho thynges to themself and neuer to departe from them/ And it is +all her thought and desire to assemble alle the good that they may gete +For they beleue on none other god/ but on her richessis theyr hertes ben +so obstynat/ and this sufficeth of the marchantes. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/188tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=152 width=200></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/189top.gif" ALT="phisiciens spicers and Apotyquarys" height=537 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch5"></a><i><a href="#cbk3ch5">This fifth chapitre of the thirde +book treteh of phisiciens spicers and Apotyquarys.</a></i></h3> +The paw[=o]n that is sette to fore the quene signefyeth the phisicyen/ +spicer and Apotyquaire/ and is formed in the figure of a man/ And he is +sette in a chayer as a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book/ And +an ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his lyft hand/ And at his gurdell +his Instrumentis of yron and of siluer for to make Incysions and to serche +woundes and hurtes/ and to cutte apostumes/ And by thyse thynges ben knowen +the cyrurgyens/ By the book ben vnderstanden the phisicyens/ and alle gramaryens. +logicyens/ maistres of lawe. of Geometrye. Arismetryque. musique and of +astronomye/ And by the ampole/ ben signefyed the makers of pigmentaries +spicers and apotiquayres/ and they that make confections and confytes and +medecynes made wyth precyous spyces And by the ferremens and Intrumentis +that hangen on the gurdell ben signefied the cyrurgyens & the maistres +And knowe y'e for certain that a maystre & phisicyen ought to knowe +the proporcions of lettres of gramayre/ the monemens the conclusions and +the sophyms of logyque. the gracio'9 speche and vtterance of rethorique/ +the mesures of the houres and dayes/ and of the cours and astronomye/ the +nombre of arsmetryk/ & the Ioyous songes of musyque And of all thyse +tofore named/ the maistres of rethorique ben the chyef maistres in speculatyf/ +And the two laste that ben practisiens and werkers ben callyd phisicyens +and cyrurgyens/ how well they ben sage and curyous in thyse sciences/ And +how well that mannes lyf is otherwhile put in thordonance of the phisicyen +or cyrurgyen/ yf he haue not sagesse and wysedom in hym self of dyuerce +wrytynges and is not expert/ And medlyth hym in the craft of phisique/ +He ought better be callyd a slear of peple than a phisicyen or cyrurgyen. +For he may not be a maystre but yf he be seure and expert in the craft +of phisike that he sle not moo than he cureth and maketh hoole/ And therfore +sayth Auycenne in an Enphormye/ yf thou curest the seke man. And knowest +not the cause/ wherof the maladye ought to be cured/ Hit ought to be sayd +that thou hast cured hym by fortune and happe more than by ony comynge. +And in alle thyse maner of peple/ Ther ought to be meurte of good maners/ +Curtoysie of wordes/ Chastite of the body promysse of helthe/ And as to +them that ben seke contynuell visitacion of them/ And they ought to enquere +the cause of theyr sekenessis and the sygnes and tokens of theyr maladyes/ +As is rehercid in the bookes of the au[ct]ours by ryght grete diligence/ +And specially in the bookes of ypocras galyene and of Auycene And whan +many maysters and phisicyens ben assemblid to fore the pacyent or seke +man/ They ought not there to argue and dispute one agaynst an other/ But +they ought to make good and symple colacion to geder. In suche wyse as +they be not seen in theyr desputynge one agaynst an other/ for to encroche +and gete more glorye of the world to them self/ than to trete the salute +and helthe of the pacyent and seke man/ I meruayll why that whan they fee +and knowe that whan the seke man hath grete nede of helthe wherfore than +they make gretter obiection of contraryousnes for as moche as the lyf of +man is demened and put amonge them but hit is be cause that he is reputed +most sage and wise that argueth and bryngeth in moste subtyltes/ And alle +this maner is amonge doctours of lawe that treteth no thynge of mannes +lyf. But of temporelle thynges/ that he is holden most wyse and best lerned/ +that by his counceyll can beste acorde the contencions and discencions +of men And therfore ought the phisicyens and cyrurgyens leue whan they +be to fore the seke men all discencions and contrariousnes of wordes/ in +suche wyse that hit appere that they studye more for to cure the seke men +than for to despute And therfore is the phisicien duly sette to fore the +quene/ So that it is figured that he ought to haue in hymself chastite +and contynence of body For hit apperteyneth somtyme vnto the phisicien +to visite and cure Quenes duchesses and countesses and alle other ladyes +and see and beholde some secrete sekenessis that falle and come otherwhile +in the secretis of nature And therfore hit apperteyneth to them that they +be chaste and followe honeste and chastite/ and that they be ensample to +other of good contynence/ For valerian reherceth that ypocras was of meruayllous +contynence of his body/ For whan he was in the scoles of Athenes/ he had +by hym a ryght fayr woman whyche was comyn And the yonge scolers and the +Ioly felaws that were students promisyd to the woman a besa[=u]t/ yf she +myght or coude torne the corage of ypocras for to haue to doon wyth her/ +And she cam to hym by nyght and dyde so moche by her craft that she laye +wyth hym in his bedd/ but she coude neuer do so moche y't she myghte corrumpe +his chaste liuynge ne defoule the crowne of his conscience/ and whan the +yonge men knewe that she had ben with hym all the night And coude not chaunge +his contynence/ they began to mocque her/ And to axe and demande of her +the besant that they had gyuen to her. And she answerd That hit was holden +& gaged vpon an ymage/ For as moche as she might not change his contynence +she callyd hym an ymage/ And in semblable wyse reherceth Valerian of Scenocrates +philosopher that ther laye with hym a woman all night And tempted hym disordinatly/ +but that ryght chafte man/ made neuer femblant to her/ Ner he neuer remeuyd +from his ferme purpoos/ In fuche wyfe as fhe departid from hym alle confufid +and fhamed/ Cornelius fcipion that was fent by the romayns for to gouerne +fpayne/ as fone as he entryd in to the caftellis & in to the townes +of that lande He began to take away all the thynges that miht ftyre or +meue his men to lecherye wherfore men fayd that he drof & chaced oute +of the ofte moo than two thoufand bourdellys/ And he that was wyfe knewe +well that delyte of lecherye corrupted and apayred the corages of tho men +that ben abandonned to that fame delyte/ And herof hit is fayd in the fables +of the poetes in the first book of the Truphes of the Philofophers by figure. +That they that entryd in to the fontayne of the firenes or mermaydens/ +were corrumpid and they toke them away with hem/ And alfo y'e ought to +knowe that they ought to entende diligently to the cures of the enfermytees +in cyrugerye/ They ought to make theyr playfters acordynge to the woundes +or fores/ yf the wounde be rounde The enplaftre muft be round/ and yf hyt +be longe/ hyt mufte be longe/ and otherwhile hit mufte be cured by his +contrarye/ lyke as it apperteyneth to phifique/ For the hete is cured by +cold/ and the colde by hete/ and Ioye by forowe/ and fbrowe by Ioye/ and +hit happeth ofte tymes that moche peple be in grete paryll in takynge to +moche Ioye and lefe her membris/ and become half benomen in the fodayn +Ioye/ And Ioye is a replection of thynge that is delectable fprad a brode +in all the membris with right grete gladnes And all men entende and desire +to haue the sayd ryght grete Ioye naturelly/ But they knowe not what may +ensue and come therof And this Ioye cometh otherwhile of vertue of conscience/ +And the wyse man is not wyth out this Ioye And this Ioye is neuer Interrupt +ne in deffaulte at no tyme For hit cometh of nature And fortune may not +take a waye that nature geueth. And merciall saith that Ioyes fugitiues +abide not longe But flee away an[=o]n And valerian reherceth that he that +hath force and strengthe raysonable/ hath hit of verray matier of complection +and that cometh of loue And this Ioye hath as moche power to departe the +sowle fro the body/ as hath the thondre/ wherof hit happend that ther was +a woman named lyna whiche had her husbonde in the warre in the shippis +of the romayns/ And she supposid verily that he was ded/ But hit happend +that he cam agayn home And as he entryd in to his yate/ his wif met wyth +hym sodeynly not warned of his comyng. whiche was so glad and Ioyous/ that +in enbrasynge hym she fyll doun ded Also of an other woman to whom was +reportid by a fals messanger that her sone was ded/ whiche wente home soroufully +to her hows/ And afterward whan her sone cam to her/ As sone as she sawe +hym/ she was so esmoued wyth Ioye y't she deyde to fore hym/ But this is +not so grete meruaylle of women as is of the men/ For the women ben likened +vnto softe waxe or softe ayer and therfor she is callid mulier whyche Is +as moche to saye in latyn as mollys ær. And in english soyfte ayer/ +And it happeth ofte tymes that the nature of them that ben softe and mole/ +taketh sonner Inpression than the nature of men that is rude and stronge/ +Valerye reherceth & sayth that a knyght of rome named Instaulosus that +had newly conquerid and subiuged the yle of Corsika/ And as he sacrefyed +his goddes/ he receyuyd lettres from the senate of rome In whiche were +conteyned dyuerse supplicacyons/ The whiche whan he vnderstood he was so +glad and so enterprysed wyth Ioye/ that he knewe not what to doo And than +a great fumee or smoke yssued out of the fyre In whiche he dispayred and +fyll in to the fyre/ where he was anone ded/ And also it is sayd that Philomenus +lawhed so sore and distemperatly that he deyde alle lawhynge/ And we rede +that ypocras the phisicien fonde remedye for thys Ioye/ For whan he had +longe dwellyd oute of his contreye for to lerne connynge and wysedom/ And +shold retorne vnto his parentis and frendes/ whan he approchid nyghe them/ +He sente a messanger to fore for to telle to them his comynge/ and comanded +hym to saye that he cam/ for they had not longe to fore seen hym/ And y't +they shold attempre them in that Ioye er they shold see hym/ And also we +rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian whan he had conquerd Iherusalem and +abode in y'e contrees by/ he herde y't his fader vaspasian was chosen by +alle the senate for to gouerne the empire of rome/ wherfore he had so right +grete Ioye that sodaynly he loste the strength of all his membres And be +cam all Impotent And whan Iosephus that made the historye of the romayns +ayenst the Iewis/ whiche was a ryght wyse phisicien sawe and knewe the +cause of this sekenes of the sayd Titus/ he enquyred of his folk yf he +had in hate ony man gretly so moche that he myght not here speke of hym +ner well see hym And one of the seruantes of Titus sayd that he had one +persone in hate so moche. That ther was no man in his court so hardy that +durste name hym in his presence/ and than Iosephus assigned a day whan +this man shold come/ and ordeyned a table to sette in y'e sight of Titus/ +and dide hit to be replenysshid plenteuously wyth alle dayntees/ and ordeyned +men to be armed to kepe hym in suche wyse that no man shold hurte hym by +the comandement of Titus/ and ordeyned boutellers. Coques/ and other officers +for to serue hym worshipfully lyke an Emþour/ and whan all this was +redy/ Iosephus brought in this man that tytus hated and sette hym at the +table to fore his eyen and was seruyd of yonge men wyth grete reuerence +ryght cortoisly/ And whan titus behelde his enemye sette to fore hym wyth +so grete honour/ He began to chauffe hym self by grete felonnye And comanded +his men that this man sholde be slayn/ And whan he sawe/ that none wold +obeye hym But that they all way seruyd hym reuerently/ he waxe so ardante/ +and enbrasid wyth so grete yre/ that he that had lost alle the force and +strengthe of his body and was alle Impotent in alle his membres/ Recoured +the helthe agayn and strengthe of his membris/ by the hete that entryd +in to the vaynes and sinewis And Iosephus dide so moche that he was recouerid +and hole/ And that he helde that man no more for his enemye/ but helde +hym for a verray true frende/ And afterward made hym his loyall felawe +and compaignon And the espicers and Apotecayres ought to make truly suche +thynges as Is comanded to them by the physicyens/ And they ought taccomplisshe +theyr billis and charge curyously wyth grete dilygence/ that for none other +cause they shold be ocupied but in makynge medicynes or confections truly. +And that they ought vpon paryll of theyr sowle not to forgete/ by negligence +ne rechelesnes to gyue one medecyne for an other/ In suche wyse that they +be not slears of men/ And that they do putte no false thynges In her spyces +for to empayre or encrecynge the weyght. For yf they so doo they may better +be callyd theuys than espiciers or apotecayris/ And they that ben acustomed +to make oynements they ought to make hyt proprely of true stuf and of good +odoure after the receptes of the auncyent doctours/ And after the forme +that the phisicyens and cyrurgyens deuyse vnto them/ Also they ought to +beware that for none auayle ne gyfte that they myght haue/ that they put +in theyr medicynes no thynge venemous ner doynge hurte or scathe to ony +persone of whom they haue none good ne veray knowlege/ to thende that they +to whom the medicynes shold be gyuen/ torne not to them hurte ne domage/ +ne in destructions of theyr neyghbours/ and also that they that haue mynystrid +tho thyngis to them/ ben not taken for parteners of the blame and of the +synne of them The cyrurgyens ought also to be debonayr. amyable. & +to haue pytye of their pacyents. And also they ought not be hasty to launse +and cutte apostumes and soores/ ne open the heedes/ ner to arrache bones +broken/ but yf the cause be apparant/ For they myght ellys lose theyr good +renome And myght better be callyd bouchers than helars or guarisshors of +woundes and soores And also hit behoueth that alle this maner of peple +foresayd that haue the charge for to make hole and guarisshe alle maner +of maladyes and Infirmitees that they first haue the cure of themself/ +and they ought to purge themself fro alle apostumes and alle vices/ In +suche wyse that they be net and honeste and enformed in alle good maners/ +And that they shewe hem hole and pure & redy for to hele other And +herof sayth Boecius de Consolacione In his first booke that the sterres +that ben hid vnder the clowdes maye gyue no light. And therfore yf ony +man wole beholde clerly the verite. Late hym wythdrawe hym fro the obscurete +and derkenes of the clowdes of ignorance/ for whan the engyne of a man +sheweth in Ioye or in sorowe/ The pensee or thought is enuoluped in obscurete +& vnder the clowdes. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/198tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=126 width=189></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/199top.gif" ALT="tanners hostelers and vitayllers" height=528 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch6"></a><i><a href="#cbk3ch6">The sixthe chapitre of the thirde +book treteth of the sixth pawn/ whiche is lykened to tauerners hostelers +and vitayllers.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/199T.gif" ALT="T" height=127 width=120 align=LEFT>The sixthe +pawn whiche standeth to fore the Alphyn on the lyfte syde is made in thys +forme. For hit is a man that hath the right hande stracched oute as for +to calle men/ And holdeth in his lyfte hande a loof of breed and a cuppe +of wyn/ And on his gurdell hangynge a boudell of keyes/ And this resembleth +the Tauerners. hostelers. and sellars of vitaylle. And thise ought proprely +to be sette to fore the/ Alphyn as to fore a Iuge For ther sourdeth ofte +tymes amonge hem contencion noyse and stryf/ whiche behoueth to be determyned +and trayted by the alphyn/ whiche is Iuge of the kynge/ And hit apperteyneth +to them for to seke and enquyre for good wyns and good vitayll for to gyue +and selle to the byers/ And to them that they herberowe/ And hit apperteyneth +to them well to kepe their herberowes and Innes/ and alle tho thyngis that +they brynge in to their loggynge and for to putte hyt in seure and sauf +warde and kepynge/ And the firste of them Is signefyed by the lyfte hande +in whiche he bereth brede and wyn/ and the seconde is signefied by the +right hande whiche Is stracched oute to calle men/ And the thirde is representid +by the keyes hangynge on y'e gurdell And thyse maner of peple ought teschewethe +synne of glotonye/ For moche peple comen in to theyr howses for to drynke +and to ete for whyche cause they ought resonably to rewle them self and +to refrayne them from to moche mete and drynke/ to thende that they myght +the more honestly delyuere thyngis nedefull vnto the peple that come vnto +them/ And no thynge by oultrage that myght noye the body/ For hit happeth +ofte tymes that ther cometh of glotonye tencyons. stryfs. ryottes. wronges. +and molestacyons/ by whiche men lese other while their handes. theyr eyen. +and other of their membres/ And somtyme ben slayn or hurt vnto the deth/ +As it is wreton In vitas patrum As on a tyme an heremyte wente for to visite +his gossibs/ And the deuyll apperyd to hym on the waye in lykenes of an +other heremyte for to tempte hym/ and saide thou hast lefte thyn heremitage +And goost to visyte thy gossibs/ The behoueth by force to doo one of y'e +thre thynges that I shall saye to the/ thou shalt chese whether thou wylt +be dronke/ or ellys haue to do flessly wyth thy gossib or ellys thou shalt +sle her husbond whiche is thy gossip also/ And the hermyte that thought +for to chese the leste euyll chace for to be dronke/ and whan he cam vnto +them he dranke so moche that he was veray dronke And whan he was dronke +and eschaussed wyth the wyn/ he wold haue a doo wyth hys gossib/ And her +husbonde withstode hym. And than the hermyte slewe hym/ And after that +laye by his gossib and knewe her flessly/ And thus by this synne of dronkenship +he accomplisshid the two other synnes/ By whyche thynge y'e may vnderstande +and knowe y't whan the deuyll wyll take one of the castellis of Ihesu cryst/ +that is to wete the body of a man or of a woman/ he doth as a prynce that +setteth a siege to fore a castell that he wold wynne/ whiche ent[=e]deth +to wynne the gate/ For he knoweth well whan he hath wonne the gate/ he +may sone doo hys wylle wyth the castell. And in lyke wyse doth the deuyll +wyth euery man and woman For whan he hathe wonne the gate/ that is to wete +the gate of y'e mouth by glotonye or by other synne He may doo wyth the +offices of the body alle his wylle as y'e haue herd to fore/ And therfore +ought euery man ete and drynke sobrely in suche wyse as he may lyue. And +not lyue to ete glotonsly & for to drynke dronke. y'e see comunly that +a grete bole is suffisid wyth right a lityll pasture/ And that a wode suffiseth +to many olefauntes And hit behoueth a man to be fedde by the erthe or by +the see/ neuertheles it is no grete thynge to fede the bely/ no thynge +so grete as is the desire of many metes Wherof Quyntylian sayth/ That hit +happeth ofte tymes in grete festes & dyners/ that we be fylde wyth +the sight of the noble and lichorous metis and whan we wolde ete we ben +saciat and fild/ And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe/ hit is better to +fylle the bely than the eye/ And lucan sayth that glotonye is the moder +of alle vices/ and especiall of lecherye/ and also is destroyer of all +goodes And may not haue suffisance of lityll thynge/ A couetous honger +what sekest thou mete and vitayllis on the lande & in the see/ And +thy Ioye is nothynge ellis but to haue playnteuous disshes & well fylde +at thy table lerne how men may demene his lyf with lityll thynge/ And Cathon +sayth in no wyse obeye to glotonye whiche is frende to lecherye/ And the +holy doctour saynt Augustyn sayth/ the wyn eschausseth the bely that falleth +anone to lecherye/ The bely and the membrers engendreurs ben neyghebours +to lecherye/ And thus the vice of glotonye prouoketh lecherye/ wherof cometh +forgetenes of his mynde and destruction of alle quyk and sharp reson And +is cause of distemþance of his wittes/ what synne is fowler than +this synne and more stynkynge ne more domageous For this synne hath taken +away the vertue of the man/ his prowesse languisshed/ his vertue is torned +to diffame/ the strengthe of body and of corage is torned by the/ And therfore +sayth Basille le grant/ late vs take hede how we serue the bely & the +throte by glotonye lyke as we were dombe bestes/ and we studye for to be +lyke vnto belucs of the see/ to whom nature hath gyuen to be alleway enclined +toward the erthe & ther to loke for to serue theyr belyes/ And herof +saith Boecius de consolacione in his fourth book/ that a man that lyuyth +and doth not the condicions of a man/ may neuer be in good condicion/ Than +muste hit nedes be that he be transported in nature of a beste or of a +belue of the see. How well that ryght grete men and women full of meruayllous +sciences and noble counceyll in thise dayes in the world ben kept and nourisshid +in this glotonye of wyns and metes/ and ofte tymes ben ouerseen/ how suppose +y'e/ is hit not right a perillous thinge that a lord or gouernour of the +peple and c[=o]mun wele/ how well that he be wyse/ yf he eschauffe hym +sone so that y'e wyn or other drynke surpryse hym and ouercome his brayn. +his wisedom is loste/ For as Cathon sayth/ Ire enpessheth the corage in +suche as he may not kepe verite and trouthe And anon as he is chauffed/ +lecherye is meuyd in hym in suche wyse that the lecherye maketh hym to +medle in dyuerse villayns dedes/ For than his wyfedom is a slepe and goon/ +And therfore fayth Ouide in his booke De remedio amoris/ yf thou take many +and dyuerce wyns/ they apparylle and enforce the corages to lecherye And +Thobie witnessith in his booke/ that luxurye destroyeth the body/ and mynussheth +richesses/ she loseth the sowle/ she febleth y'e strengthe she blyndeth +the syght/ and maketh the wys hoos & rawe/ Ha A ryght euyll and fowle +synne of dronkenship/ by the perissheth virginite/ whiche is suster of +angellis possedynge alle goodnes and seurte of all Ioyes pardurable/ Noe +was one tyme so chauffed with wyn/ that he discouerd and shewid to his +sones his preuy membres in suche wyse as one of his sones mocqued hym/ +And that other couerd hem/ And loth whiche was a man right chaste. was +so assoted by moche drynkynge of wyn/ that on a montayne he knew his doughters +carnelly/ And had to doo wyth them as they had ben his propre wyues. And +crete reherceth that boece whiche was flour of the men/ tresor of rychesses/ +singuler house of sapience myrour of the world/ Odour of good renome/ and +glorye of his subgettis loste alle thyse thynges by his luxurye We haue +seen that dyuerce that were Ioyned by grete amyte to geder whiles they +were sobre/ that that one wolde put his body in paryll of deth for that +other/ and whan they were eschauffed with wyn & dronke/ they haue ronne +eche vpon other for to fle* hem/ And somme haue ben that haue slayn so +his frende/ Herodes Antipas had not doon saynt Iohn baptist to ben beheded/ +ne had y'e dyner ben full of glotonye and dronkenship/ Balthazar kynge +of babilone had not ben chaced out of his kyngdom ne be slayn yf he had +ben sobre amonge his peple whom tyrus and dares fonde dronken and slewe +hym The hostelers ought to be well bespoken and courtoys of wordes to them +that they receyue in to their loggynge For fayr speche & Ioyous chiere +& debonayr/ cause men to gyue the hostelyer a good name/ And therfore +it is said in a comyn prouerbe/ Courtoyse langage and well saynge is moche +worth and coste lityll/ And in an other place it is said that curtoysie +passeth beaulte/ Also for as moche as many paryls and aduentures may happen +on the wayes and passages to hem that ben herberowed with in their Innes/ +therfore they ought to accompanye them whan they departe and enseigne them +the wayes and telle to them the paryls/ to thende that they may surely +goo theyr viage and Iourney/ And also they ought to kepe their bodies, +their goodes. And the good fame and renomee of their Innes/ we rede that +loth whan he had receyuyd the angels in to his hous right debonairly whiche +he had suppofid had ben mortall men and stra[=u]gers/ to thende that they +shold eskape the disordinate and vnnaturell synne of lecherye of the sodamites/ +by the vertu of good fayth/ he sette a part the naturell loue of a fader/ +and proferd to them his doughters whiche were virgyns/ to thende that they +shld kepe them and defende them fro that vyllayne and horrible synne/ And +knowe y'e for certayn that alle tho thynges that ben taken and delyueryd +to kepe to the hoste or hostesses they ought to be sauf and yelden agayn +wyth out a payringe For the ooste ought to knowe/ who that entryth in to +his hous for to be herberowhed taketh hit for his habitacion for the tyme/ +he hymself and alle suche thynges as he bryngeth wyth hym ben comysed of +ryght in the warde and kepynge of the hoost or hosteler And ought to be +as sauf as they were put in his owen propre hous And also suche hoostis +ought to hold seruantes in their houses whiche shold be trewe and wyth +oute auarice In suche wise that they coueyte not to haue the goodes of +their ghestes And that they take not away the prouender fro theyr horses +whan hyt is gyuen to them/ that by thoccasion therof theyr horsis perisshe +not ne faylle theyr maister whan they haue nede/ and myght falle in the +handes of theyr enemyes/ For than sholde the seruantes because of that +euyll/ wherfore theyr maisters shold see to For wyth oute doubte this thynge +is worse than thefte Hit happend on a tyme in the parties of lomberdye +in the cyte of Iene y't a noble man was logged in an hostelerye wyth moche +compaignye/ And whan they had gyuen prouendour to their horses/ In the +first oure of the nyght, the seruant of the hous cam secretly to fore y'e +horses for to stele away their prouender/ And whan he cam to the lordes +hors/ The hors caught wyth his teth his Arme and helde hit faste that he +myght not escape/ And whan the theef sawe that he was so strongly holden/ +he began to crye for the grete payne that he suffryd and felte/ In suche +wyse that the noble mannes meyne cam with the hooste/ But in no maner/ +ner for ought they coude doo They coude not take the theef out of the horses +mouth vnto the tyme that the neyghbours whiche were noyed wyth the noyse +cam and sawe hit/ And than the theef was knowen and taken and brought to +fore the Iuge And confessid the feet and by sentence diffinytyf was hanged +and lost his lyf/ And in the same wyse was an other that dyde so/ And the +hors smote hym in the visage/ That the prynte of the horse shoo and nayles +abode euer in his visage/ Another was right cruell and villaynous fylle +at tholouse/ Hit happend a Ionge man and his fader wente a pilgremage to +saynt Iames in Galyce And were logged in an hostelrye of an euyll hoost +and full of right grete couetyse/ In so moche that he defired and coueyted +the goodes of the two pilgrimes And here vpon auysed hym and put a cuppe +of siluer secretly in the male that the yonge man bare/ And whan they departed +oute of their loggynge/ he folowed after hem and sayd to fore the peple +of the court that they had stolen and born away his cuppe/ And the yonge +man excused hym selfe and his fader/ And sayde they were Innocent of that +caas/ And than they serchid hem and the cuppe was founden in the male of +the yonge man And forthwyth he was dampned to the deth and hanged as a +theef/ and this feet doon all the goodes that langed to the pilgrym were +deliuerid to the ooft as c[=o]fisqued And than the fader wente for to do +his pilgremage/ and whan he cam agayn he muste nedes come & passe by +the place where his sone henge on the gibet And as he cam he complaygned +to god and to saynt Iames how they might suffre this auenture to come vnto +his sone,' Anone his sone that henge spack to his fader And sayde how that +saynt Iames had kepte hym with out harme And bad his fader goo to the Iuge +and shewe to hym the myracle/ And how he was Innocent of thot fayte/ And +whan this thynge was knowen the sone of the pilgryme was taken down fro +the gibet/ and the cause was brought to fore the Iuge And the hooste was +accused of the trayson/ and he confessid his trespaas/ and sayd he dide +hit for couetyse to haue his good And than the Iuge dampned hym for to +be hanged on the same gibet where as the yonge pilgryme was hanged And +that I haue sayd of the seruantes beynge men/ the same I saye of the women +as chambriers and tapsters For semblable caas fille in spayne at saynt +donne of a chamberier/ that put a cup in lyke wyse in the scrippe of a +pilgryme/ be cause he wold not haue a doo wyth her in the synne of lecherye/ +wherfore he was hanged And his fader & moder that were there with hym +wente and dyde her pilgremage/ And whan they cam agayn they fonde her sone +lyuynge/ And whan they wente and told the Iuge/ whiche Iuge sayd that he +wolde not byleue hit tyll a cok and an henne which rosted on the fyre were +a lyue & the cok crewe. And anon they began wexe a lyue & the cok +crewe and began to crowe and to pasture/ and whan the Iuge sawe this miracle/ +he wente and toke doun the sone/ and made the chamberyer to be taken and +to be hanged/ wherfore I saye that the hoostes ought to hold no tapsters +ne chamberyers/ but yf they were good meure and honeste/ For many harmes +may be falle and come by the disordenat rewle of seruantes. +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/209top.gif" ALT="gardes and kepes of cytees" height=535 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch7"></a><i><a href="#cbk3ch7">The seventh chapitre of the +thirde Tractate treteth of kepars of townes customers and tolle gaderers +&c.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/209T.gif" ALT="T" height=128 width=120>The gardes and kepars +of of cytees ben signefied by the .vii. pawn whiche stondeth in the lyfte +side to fore the knyght/ And is formed in the semblance of a man holdynge +in his right hande grete keyes And in his lifte hande a potte & an +elle for to mesure with And ought to haue on hys gurdell a purse open/ +And by the keyes ben signefyed the kepars of the cytees and townes and +comyn offices/ And by the potte and elle ben signefyed them that haue the +charge to weye and mete & mesure truly And by the purse ben signefyed +them that reseyue the costumes. tolles. scawage. peages/ and duetes of +the cytees & townes And thyse peple ben sette by ryght to fore the +knyght/ And hit behoueth that the gardes and offycers of the townes be +taught And enseygned by the knyghtes/ And that they knowe and enquyre how +y'e cytees or townes ben gouerned/ whiche apperteyneth to be kept and defended +by the knyghtes. And first hit apperteyneth that the kepars of the cyte +be dilygente. besy. clere seeynge and louers of the comyn prouffit & +wele/ as well in the tyme of pees as in the tyme of warre/ They ought allewaye +to goo in the cyte and enquyre of all thynges and ought rapporte to the +gouernours of the cyte suche thynge as they fynde and knowe And suche thynge +as apperteyneth and to the seuerte of the same/ and to den[=o]nce and telle +the defaultes and paryls that ther bee/ And yf hit be in tyme of warre +they ought not to open the yates by nyght to no man/ And suche men as ben +put in this office/ ought to be of good renome. & fame, trewe. and +of good conscience/ In suche maner that they loue them of the Cyte or town/ +And that they put to no man ony blame or vilanye with out cause by enuye. +Couetyse ne by hate/ but they ought to be sory and heuy whan they see that +ony man shold be complayned on for ony cause. For hit happeth ofte tymes +that diuerce officers accuse the good peple fraudulently/ To thende that +they myght haue a thanke & be preysed and to abide stille in theyr +offices And trewly hit is a grete and hye maner of malyse to be in will +to doo euyll and diffame other wyth oute cause to gete glorie to hymself +Also the kepars and officers of cytees ought to be suche that they suffre +no wronges ne vylonyes to fore the Iuges and gouernours of cytees wyth +out cause to be doon to them that ben Innocents/ but they ought to haue +theyr eyen and regarde vnto hym/ that knoweth the hertes and thoughtes +of alle men/ And they ought to drede & doubte hym wyth oute whos grace +theyr wacche and kepynge is nought And that promyseth to them that doubte +hym shall be ewrous & happy/ And by hym ben alle thynges accomplisshid +in good/ Hit is founden in the historyes of rome that Temperour Frederik +the seconde dide do make a gate of marble of meruayllous werke and entayll +in the cyte of capnane vpon the watre that renneth aboute the same/ and +vpon this yate he made an ymage lyke hymself sittynge in his mageste/ and +two Iuges whiche were sette/ one on the right side and that other on the +lifte side. And vpon the sercle aboue the hede of the Iuge on y'e ryght +side was wreton/ Alle they entre seurly that will liue purely/ And vpon +the sercle of the Iuge on the lifte side was wreton/ The vntrewe man ought +to doubte/ to doo thynge that he be put to prison fore/ and on the sercle +aboue thempour was wreton/ I make them live in misery/ that I see lyue +dismesurably/ And therfore hit apperteyneth to a Iuge to shewe to the peple +for to drede and doubte to doo eyull/ And hit apperteyneth to the gardes +and officers to doubte the Iuges and to do trewly their seruyces and offices +And hit apperteyneth to a prynce to menace the traytours and the malefactours +of right greuous paynes. And herof we fynde in the auncyent historyes of +cecylle that the kynge denys had a broder whom he louyd sore well/ But +allway where he wente he made heuy and tryste semblant/ And thus as they +wente bothe to gyder on a tyme in a chare/ ther cam agayn hem two poure +men wyth glad visage but in foule habite/ And y'e kynge anon as he sawe +them/ sprange out of his chare and resseyuyd them worshipfully with grete +reuerence/ wherfore his barons were not only ameruaylled but also angry +in their corages/ notwithstandynge fere and drede letted them to demande +hym the cause/ But they made his broder to demande the cause and to knowe +the certaynte/ And whan he had herde his broder saye to hym the demande/ +and that he was blessyd & also a kynge whiche was ryche and full of +delites & worshipis/ he demanded hym yf he wold assaye & knowe +the grace and beneurte of a kynge And his broder answerd y'e/ And that +he desired and requyred hit of hym/ and than the kinge comanded vnto alle +his fugettis that they shold obeye in alle thynges only vnto his broder +And than whan the oure of dyner cam and alle thynge was redy/ the broder +was sette at the table of the kynge And whan he sawe that he was seruyd +wyth right noble botelliers and other officers. And he herde the sownes +of musicque right melodious The kynge demanded hym than/ yf he supposid +y't he were benerous and blessid. And he answerd I wene well that I am +right well blessid and fortunat/ and that I haue well proued and fele and +am expert therof And than the kynge secretly made to be hanged ouer his +heed a sharp cuttynge swerde hangynge by an hors heer or a silken threde +so small that no man myght see hit where by hit henge/ and whan he sawe +his broder put no more his hand to the table/ ne had no more regarde vnto +his seruantes/ he sayd to hym why ete y'e not/ ar y'e not blessid/ saye +yf y'e fele ony thynge otherwyse than blessid and well/ And he answerde +for as moche as I see this sharp swerde hangynge so subtilly and parillously +ouer my hede I fele well that I am not blessid for I drede that hit shold +falle on my hede/ and than discouerd the kynge vnto hem alle wherfore he +was allway so heuy cherid and triste For where he was/ he thought alleway +on the swerde of the secrete vengeance of god/ whiche he behelde alleway +in his herte/ wherfore he had all way in hymself grete drede And therfore +he worshipid gladly the poure peple wyth glad visage and good conscience +And by this sheweth the kynge well/ that what man that is all way in drede +is not all way mery or blessid. And herof fayth Quyntilian that this drede +surmounteth alle other maleurtees and euyllys/ For it is maleurte of drede +nyght and day/ And it is verite that to hym that Is doubtid of moche peple/ +so muste he doubte moche/ And that lord is lasse than hys seruantes that +dredeth hys seruantes/ And truly hit Is a ryght sure thynge to drede no +thinge but god/ And sumtyme right hardy men ben constrayned to lyue in +drede/ Drede causeth a man to be curyous and besy to kepe the thynges that +ben commysed to hym that they perisshe not/ But to be to moche hardy & +to moche ferdfull/ bothe two ben vices The comyn officers ought to be wise, +discrete. and well aduysed in suche wyse that they take not of y'e peple +ne requyre no more than they ought to haue by reson/ ne that they take +of the sellars ne of the byars no more than the right custom and toll/ +for they bere the name of a c[=o]mun þsone/ and therfore ought they +to shewe them c[=o]mune to all men/ and for as moche as the byars and sellars +haue somtyme moche langage/ they ought to haue with them these vertues/ +that is to wete pacience and good corage with honeste/ for they that ben +despiteus to the c[=o]mun/ ben otherwhile had in vilayns despite/ therfore +beware y't thou haue no despite to the poure mendicants/ yf thou wilt come +and atteyne to thingis fouerayn/ for the Iniurye that is don wyth oute +cause/ torneth to diffame hym that doth hit/ A Iogheler on a tyme beheld +socrates and sayd to hym/ thou hast the eyen of corrumpour of children +& art as a traytre. And whan his disciples herde hym/ they wold auengid +their maister/ But he repreuyd hem by suche sentence saynge/ Suffre my +felaws for I am he and suche one as he saith/ by the sight of my visage/ +But I refrayne and kepe me well from suche thynge/ This same socrates hymself +was chidde and right fowll spoken to of his wyf/ and she Imposid to hym +many grete Iniuries with out nombre/ and she was in a place a boue ouer +his heed And whan she had brawlid I nowh/ she made her watre and pourid +hit on his heed And he answerd to here no thynge agayn/ sauf whan he had +dryed and wypid his heed he said/ he knewe well that after suche wynde +and thonder sholde comen rayn and watre And the philosophres blamed hym +that he coude not gouerne two women/ that was his wyf and his chambrere/ +And shewde hym that one cokke gouerned well .xv. hennes He answerd to them +that he was so vsed and accustomed wyth theyr chydynge that the chydynges +of them ne of estrangers dyde hym no greef ne harme/ gyue thou place to +hym that brawleth or chydeth/ and in suffrynge hym thou shalt be his vaynquysshour/ +And Cathon fayth whan thou lyuyst ryghtfully recche the not of the wordes +of euyll peple/ And therfore it is sayd in a comyn prouerbe/ he that well +doth reccheth not who seeth hit/ & hit is not in our power to lette +men to speke. And prosper sayth that to good men lacketh no goodnes/ ner +to euyll men tencions stryfs and blames And pacience is a ryght noble vertu/ +as a noble versifier sayth That pacience is a ryght noble maner to vaynquysshe. +For he that suffreth ouercometh. And yf thou wylt vaynquysshe and ouercome/ +lerne to suffre/ The peagers ner they that kepe passages ought not to take +other peage ne passage money but suche as the prynce or the lawe haue establisshid/ +so that they be not more robbeurs of moneye than reseyuours of peage and +passage And hit apperteyneth to them to goo out of the paryllo*9 weyes +and doubteuous for to kepe their office and they ought to Requyre theyr +passage of them that owe to paye hit wyth oute noynge and contencion/ And +they ought not to loue the comyn prouffyt so moche/ That they falle in +the hurtynge of theyr conscience/ For that shold be a manere of robberye +And herof sayth ysaye Woo to the that robbest/ For thou thy self shalt +be robbed/ The gardes or porters of the gates of cytees and of the comyn +good ought to be good and honeste. And alle trouthe ought to be in them +and they ought not to take ne withdrawe the goodes of the comyn that they +haue in kepynge/ more than apperteyneth to them for theyr pension or ffee/ +So that they that ben made tresorers and kepars ben not named theuys/ For +who that taketh more than his/ He shall neuer thryue wyth alle/ ner shall +not enioye hit longe/ For of euyll gooten good the thyrde heyr shall neuer +reioyce/ And this suffisith &c. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/216loz.gif" ALT="lozenge" height=112 width=200></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/217top.gif" ALT="players of dyse and messagers and corrours" height=532 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk3ch8"></a><i><a href="#cbk3ch8">This chapitre of the thirder +book treteth of Rybauldis players of dyse and messagers and corrours</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/217T.gif" ALT="T" height=131 width=120>The rybaulders, players +of dyse and of messagers and corrours ought to be sette to fore the rook/ +For hit apperteyneth to the rook whiche is vicayre & lieutenant of +the kynge to haue men couenable for to renne here and there for tenquyre +& espie the place and cytees that myght be contrarye to the kynge/ +And thys pawn that representeth thys peple ought to be formed in this maner/ +he must haue the forme of a man that hath longe heeris and black and holdeth +in his ryght hand a lityll monoye And in his lyfte hande thre Dyse And +aboute hym a corde in stede of a gyrdell/ and ought to haue a boxe full +o lettres And by the first/ whiche is money is vnderstand they that be +fole large & wastours of theyr goodes/ And by the seconde whiche is +the dyse Ben represented the players at dyse/ Rybauldes and butters/ And +by the thyrde whiche is the boxe full of lettres ben representid the messagers. +corrours/ And berars of lettres/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the roock +whiche is vicaire of the kynge whan he seeth to fore hym suche peple as +ben folelarge and wastours. He is bounden to constitute and ordeyne vpon +them tutours and curatours to see that they etc not ne waste in suche maner +theyr goodes ne theyr heritages/ that pouerte constrayne hem not to stele/ +For he that of custome hath had haboundance of moneye and goth and dispendith +hit folily and wasteth hit away/ whan he cometh to pouerte and hath nought/ +he must nedes begge and axe his breed, orellis he must be a theef/ For +suche maner of peple/ yf they haue ben delicyous they wyll not laboure/ +for they haue not lerned hit And yf they be noble and comen of gentilmen/ +they be ashamed to axe and begge/ And thus muste they by force whan they +haue wasted theyr propre goodes yf they wyll lyue they muste stele and +robbe the goodes of other And y'e shall vnderstande that folelarge is a +right euyll vice/ for how well that she dooth good and prouffyt somtyme +to other yet she doth harme and domage to hym that so wasteth. Caffiodore +admonesteth the fole larges to kepe theyr thynges/ that by no necessite +they falle in pouerte/ And that they be not constrayned to begge ne to +stele of other men For he faith that hit is gretter subtilte to kepe well +his owne goodes/ than to fynde strange thynge/ and that it is gretter vertue +to kepe that is goten than to gete and wynne more/ and claudian saith in +like wise in his book that hit is a gretter thynge & better to kepe +that is goten Than to gete more And therfore hit is sayd y't the poure +demandeth and beggeth er he felith/ and also hit is sayd that he y't dispendith +more than he hath/ with oute strook he is smyten to the deth/ Ther was +a noble man named Iohn de ganazath whiche was ryght ryche/ And this man +had but two doughters whom he maryed to two noble men/ And whan he had +maryed them/ he loued so well his sones in lawe their husbondes/ that in +space & succession of tyme/ he departed to them alle his goodes temporell/ +And as longe as he gaf to them they obeyed hym & were right diligent +to plese and serue hym/ so hit befell that on a tyme that he had alle gyuen +in so moche that he had ryght nought/ Than hit happend that they to whom +he had gyuen his goodes/ whiche were wonte to be amyable & obeyssant +to hym as longe as he gaf. Whan tyme cam that he was poure and knewe that +he had not they becam unkynde Disagreable and disobeyssant/ And whan the +fader sawe that he was deceyuyd by his debonayrte and loue of his doughters/ +He desired and couetyed fore teschewe his pouerte/ At laste he wente to +a marchant that he knewe of olde tyme. And requyred hym to lene to hym. +x. thousand pound for to paye and rendre agayn wyth in thre dayes/ And +he lente hit hym/ and whan he had brought hit in to his hows/ Hit happend +that hit was a day of a solempne feste/ on whiche daye he gaf to his doughters +and her hufbonde a right noble dyner/ and after dyner he entrid in to his +chambre secretly wyth them/ And drewe out of a coffre that he had do make +all newe shettynge with iii. lockis/ the menoye that the marchant had lente +hym And poured out vpon a tapyte that his doughtres and theyr hufbondes +myght see hit/ And whan he had shewid hit vnto them he put hit vp agayn +and put hit in to the cheste saynynge that hit had ben all his And whan +they were departed he bare the money home to the marchant that he had borowed +hit of/ And the next day after his doughters and theyre hufbondes Axid +of hym how moche moneye was in the cheste that was shette wyth. iii. lockis/ +And than he fayned and saide that he had therein. xxv. thousand pound/ +whiche he kepte for to make his testament and for to leue to his doughters +and hem/ yf they wolde here hem as well to hym ward as they dyde whan they +were maried/ And than whan they herde that/ they were right Ioyous and +glad And they thoughte and concluded to serue hym honorably as well in +clothynge as in mete and drynke & of alle other thynges necessarye +to hym vnto his ende And after this whan the ende of hym began tapproche/ +he callyd his doughters and her husbondes and sayd to hem in thys mauere/ +y'e shall vnderstande that the moneye that is in the chest shette vnder. +iii. lockes I wylle leue to yow Sanynge I wyll that y'e gyue in my prefence +er I dye whilis I lyue to the frere prechours. C. pound and to the frere +menours. C. pound/ And to the heremytes of saynt Augustyn .I. pound to +thende that whan I am buryed and put in the erthe y'e may demande of them +the keyes of y'e cheste where my tresour is Inne/ whiche keyes they kepe/ +and I haue put on eche keye a bille & writynge In witnessinge of the +thynges abouesayd/ And also y'e shall vnderstande that he dyde do to be +gyuen whilis he laye in his deth bedde to eche churche and recluse and +to poure peple a certayn quantyte of moneye by the handes of his doughters +husbondes/ whiche they dyde gladly. In hope to haue shortly the money that +they supposid had ben in the cheste/ And whan hit cam to the last day/ +that he deyde/ He was born to churche and his exequye don and was buryed +solempnly/ And the eyght daye the seruyse worshipfully accomplisshid/ They +wente for to demande the keyes of the Religious men that they had kept/ +whiche were deliueryd to them/ And than they wente and opend the coffre +where they supposid the money had ben Inne/ And there they fonde no thyng +but a grete clubbe/ And on the the handlynge was wreton/ J Iohn of canazath +make this testament/ that he be slayn wyth this clubbe/ that leuyth his +own prouffit. And gyuyth hit to other/ as who sayth hit is no wysedom for +a man to gyue his good to his children and kepe none for hym self/ And +y'e shall vnderstande that it is grete folye to dispende and waste his +good/ In hope for to recoure hit of other/ be hit of sone or doughter or +ryght nyghe kyn/ For aman ought to kepe in his hande in dispendynge his +owen goodes/ to fore he see that he dyspende other mennys/ And he ought +not to be holden for a good man/ That hath lityll renome and spendeth many +thyngys/ And I trowe that suche persones wold gladly make noueltees as +for to noye and greue feignories and meue warres and tencions agaynst them +that habounde in rychesses and goodes/ And also make extorcyons clamours +& trybulacyons ayenst theyr lordes to thende to waste the goodes of +the peple. lyke as they haue wasted theyris And suche a wastour of goodes +may neuer be good for the comyn prouffit. And y'e shall vnderstande that +after these wastours of goodes we saye that the pleyars of dyse and they +that vse bordellis ben worst of alle other For whan the hete of playnge +at the dyse/ And the couetyse of theyr stynkynge lecherye hath brought +hem to pouerte/ hit foloweth by force that they muste ben theuys and robbeurs +And also dronkenship. glotonye. And alle maner of euyllis folowe them and +myschief/ And they folowe gladly the companyes of knyghtes and of noble +men whan they goon vnto the warre or batayllis And they coueyte not so +moche the victorye as they do the robberie And they do moche harme as they +goo And they brynge lityll gayn or wynnynge/ wherof hit happend on a tyme +that fsaynt bernard rode on an hors aboute in the contrey And mette wyth +an hasardour or dyse-player/ whiche sayd to hym/ thou goddes man wilte +thou playe at dyse wyth me thyn hors ayenst my sowle/ to whom saynt Bernard +answerd/ yf thou wilt oblige thy sowle to me ayenst my hors/ I wolle a +lighte doun & playe wyth the/ and yf thou haue mo poyntes than I on +thre dyse I promyse the thou shalt haue myn hors/ And than he was glad/ +and an[=o]n cafte. iii. dyse/ And on eche dyse was a fyfe/ whiche made. +xviii. poynts And anone he toke the hors by the brydell/ as he that was +fewr that he had wonne/ and said that the hors was his And than saynt Bernard +sayde abyde my sone For ther ben mo poyntes on the dyse than. xviii. And +than he caste the dyse/ In suche wyse that one of the. iii. dyse clefte +a sonder in the myddes/ And on that one parte was fyfe and on that other +an Aas/ And eche of that other was a fyfe/ And than Saynt Bernard sayde +That he had wonne hys sowle for as moche as he had caste on thre dyse. +xix. points/ And than whan thys player sawe and apperceyuyd thys myracle/ +He gaf hys sowle to saynt Bernard and be cam a monke and finysshid his +lyf in good werkes/ The corrours and berars of lettres ought hastely and +spedily do her viage that comanded hem/ with oute taryenge/ For their taryenge +might noye and greue them that sende hem forth/ or ellis them to whom they +ben sent too/ And torne hem to ryght grete domage or villonye/ for whiche +cause euery noble man ought well to take hede to whom he deliuere his lettres +and his mandements/ and otherwhilis suche peple ben Ioghelers & dronkelewe/ +And goon out of their waye for to see abbayes and noble men for to haue +auantage And hit happeth ofte tymes/ that whan suche messagers or currours +ben enpesshid by ony taryenge/ That other currours bere lettres contrarye +to his/ And come to fore hym/ of which thinges ofte tymes cometh many thinges +discouenable of losse of frendes of castellys & of lande & many +other thinges as in the feet of marchandise &c. And otherwhile hit +happeth that a prynce for the faulte of suche messangers lefeth to haue +victorye vpon hys enemyes/ And also ther ben some that whan they come in +a cyte where they haue not ben to fore/ that ben more besy to visyte the +Cyte and the noble men that dwelle theryn/ Than they ben to doo theyr voyage/ +whyche thynge they ought not to doo/ But yf they had specyall charge of +them that sente hem forth so to doo. And also whan they be sente forth +of ony lordes or marchauntes they ought to be well ware/ that they charge +hem not wyth ouer moche mete on morenynges ne with to moche wyn on euenynges/ +wherby her synewis and vaynes myght be greuy/ that they muste for faute +of good rewle tarye But they ought to goo and come hastely for to reporte +to their maistres answers as hit apperteyneth And this suffisen of the +thynges aboue sayd. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/224tri.gif" ALT="floral triangle" height=134 width=171></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/225banner.gif" ALT="banner dogs" height=118 width=600></h2></center> + +<center> +<h2> +<a name="BOOKIV"></a><a href="#cBOOKIV">BOOK IV.</a></h2></center> + +<center><img SRC="images/225icon.gif" ALT="grapes" height=40 width=34></center> + +<hr> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/227top.gif" ALT="chesse board" height=531 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch1"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch1">The fourth tractate & the +last of the progression and draughtes of the forsayd playe of the chesse.</a></i></h3> + +<h3> +<i><a href="#cbk4ch1">The first chapitre of the fourth tractate of the +chesse borde in genere how it is made.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/227Z.gif" ALT="Z" height=127 width=120 align=LEFT>Ze haue deuised aboue +the thinges that apperteyne vnto the formes of the chesse men and of theyr +offices/ that is to wete as well of noble men as of the comyn peple/ than +hit apperteyneth that we shold deuyse shortly how they yssue and goon oute +of the places where they be sette/ And first we ought to speke of the forme +and of the facion of the chequer after that hit representeth and was made +after/ For hyt was made after the forme of the cyte of Babyloyne/ In the +whiche this same playe was founden as hit is sayd afore/ And foure thinges +The first is/ wher y'e shal vnderstande that y'e ought to consydere here +in fore that. lxiiii. poyntes ben sette in the eschequer whiche ben alle +square/ The seconde is wherfore the bordeur aboute his hyher than the squarenes +of the poyntes/ The thirde is wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore +the nobles/ The fourthe wherfore the nobles and the peples ben sette in +their propre places Ther ben as many poyntes in y'e eschequer wyde as full +And y'e shall first vnderftande wherfore that ther ben. lxiiii. poyntes +in the eschequer/ For as the blessid saint Iherome saith/ the cyte of babilone +was right grete and was made alle square/ and in euery quarter was. xvi. +myle by nombre and mesure/ the whiche nombre foure tymes told was. lxiiii. +myles/ After the maner of lombardye they be callid myles/ and in france +leukes/ and in englong they be callid mylis also/ And for to reprefente +the mesure of thys cyte/ In whiche thys playe or game was founden/ The +philosopher that fonde hit first ordeyned a tablier conteynyng .lxiiii. +poynts square/ the which ben comprised wyth in the bordour of the tablier/ +ther ben xxxii. on that on fide &. xxxii. on that other whiche ben +ordeyned for the beaulte of the playe/ and for to mewe the maner & +drawynge of the chesse as hit shall appere in the chapitres folowynge/ +and as to the seconde wherfore y'e bordour of theschequyer is hyher than +the table wyth in. hit is to be vnderftande y't the bordour aboute representeth +the walle of t'e cyte/ whiche is right hyghe/ And therfor made y'e philosopher +the bordour more hyghe than y'e tablier. And as y'e blessid saint Iherome +saith vpon y'e prophesie of ysaye/ that is to wete vpon a montayne of obscurete. +whiche wordes were said of babilone whiche standeth in chaldee and nothinge +of that babilone that stondeth in egipte/ for it is so y't babilone whiche +standeth in chaldee was sette in a right grete playne/ & had so hyghe +walles that by the heyghte of them/ was contynuell derkenes environed & +obscurete/ that none erthely man might beholde and see the ende of y'e +hyghnes of the walle/ And therfore ysaye callid hit y'e montaigne obscure/ +And saint Iherome sayth y't the mesure of the heyght of this walle was +thre thousand paas/ whiche extendeth vnto y'e lengthe of thre myle lombardes/ +hit is to wete that lombarde mylis and english myles ben of one lengthe +And in one of the corners of this cyte was made a toure treangle as a shelde +wherof the heyght extended vnto the lengthe of .vii. thousand paas/ whiche +is .vii. myle english And this tour was callyd the tour of Babell/ The +walles aboute the tour made a woman whos name was semiranus as sayth virgilius/ +As to the thirde wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles +in the felde of the bataylle in one renge First for as moche as they ben +necessarye to alle nobles For the rooke whiche standeth on the ryght syde +and is vicaire of the kynge what may he doo yf the labourer were not sette +to fore hym and labourid to mynystre to hym suche temporell thynges as +be necessary for hym/ And what may the knyght doo yf he ne had to fore +hym the smyth for to forge his armours. sadellis. axis and spores and suche +thynges as apperteyneth to hym/ And what is a knyght worth wyth oute hors +and armes/ certaynly nothynge more than on of the peple or lasse pauenture +And in what maner shold the nobles lyue yf no man made cloth and bought +and solde marchandyse/ And what shulde kynges and quenes and the other +lordes doo yf they had no phisicyens ne cyrurgiens/ than I saye that the +peple ben the glorye of the Crowne And susteyne. the lyf of the nobles +And therfore thou that art a lord or a noble man or knyght/ despise not +the comyn peple for as moche as they ben sette to fore the in y'e pleye +The seconde cause is why the peple ben sette to fore the nobles and haue +the table wyde to fore them/ is be cause they begyn the bataylle/ They +ought to take hede and entende to do theyr offices and theyr craftes/ In +suche wyse that they suffre the noble men to gouerne the cytees and to +counceylle and make ordenances of the peple of the batayll how shold a +labourer a plowman or a craftyman counceylle and make ordenance of suche +thynges as he neuer lerned/ And wote ne knoweth the mater vpon what thynge +the counceylle ought to be taken/ Certes the comyn peple ought not to entende +to none other thynge but for to do their seruyse and the office whiche +is couenable vnto hem/ And hyt apperteyneth not to hem to be of counceyllys +ne at the aduocacions/ ne to menace ne to threte noman/ for ofte tymes +by menaces and by force good counceylle is distroublid/ And where good +counceyll faylleth/ there ofte tymes the cytees ben betrayed and destroyed/ +And Plato sayth That the comyn thynges and the cytees ben blessid whan +they ben gouerned by wyse men/ or whan the gouernours studye in wisedom/ +And so hit apperteyneth to the comyn to lerne to vttre the maters & +the maner of procuracion to fore they be counceyllours/ For hit happeth +oftetymes that he that maketh hym wyser that he vnderstandeth is made more +foole than he is/ And the fourth cause wherfore y't ther ben in the tabler +as many poynts wyde as ben full. hit is to wete for that they what euer +they be that haue peple to gouerne/ ought tenforce to haue cytees & +caftellis & possessions for to sette his peple theryn/ And for to laboure +& doo their ocupacion/ For for to haue the name of a kynge with out +royame is a name voyde/ and honour with oute prouffit/ And alle noblesse +wyth oute good maners/ and with out suche thinges as noblesse may be mayntenyd/ +ought better be callid folye than noblesse. And shamefull pouerte is the +more greuous whan hit cometh by nature of an hyhe and noble burth or hous. +For noman gladly wole repreue a poure man of the comyn peple/ But euery +man hath in despite a noble man that is poure yf he haue not in hym good +maners and vertuous/ by whiche his pouerte is forgoten/ and truly a royame +with oute haboundance of goodes by whiche hit may be gouerned and prospere/ +may better be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theeuys than a royame/ Alas +what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what prosþite/ +In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office contente/ how stood +the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how was renomed the noble royame +of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And spack worship of hit/ how hit +now standeth and in what haboundance I reporte me to them that knowe hit +yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see/ they knowe that laboure +in the royame And sayle on the see I wote well the fame is grete therof +I pray god saue that noble royame And sende good true and politicque counceyllours +to the gouernours of the same &c./ And noblesse of lignage wyth oute +puyssance and might is but vanyte and despite. And hit is so as we haue +sayd to fore that theschequer whiche the philosopher ordeyned represented +and figured the sayd cyte of Babilone And in lyke wyse may hit figure a +royame and signefye alle the world And yf men regarde and take heed vnto +the poyntes vnto the middes of euery quadrante and so to double euery quadrant +to other the myles of this cyte all way doublinge vnto the nombre of .lxiiii. +The nombre of the same shulde surmounte alle the world/ And not only the +world but many worldes by the doublinge of mylis/ whiche doublinge so as +a fore is sayd shuld surmounte alle thynges/ And thus endeth the first +chapitre of the fourth booke. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/232tri.gif" ALT="trangle floral" height=135 width=170></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/233top.gif" ALT="The kynge" height=523 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch2"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch2">The seconde chaitre of the fourth +tractate tretheth of the draught of the kynge/ And how he meuyth hym in +the chequer.</a></i></h3> + +<p><br><img SRC="images/233W.gif" ALT="W" height=128 width=120 align=LEFT>We ought +to knowe that in this world/ the kynges seygnourye and regne eche in his +royame. And in this playe we ought to knowe by the nature of hit how the +kynge meueth hym and yssueth oute of his place/ For y'e shall vnderstande +that he is sette in the fourth quadrante or poynt of theschequer. And whan +he is black/ he standeth in the white/ and the knyght on his ryght side +in white/ And the Alphyn and the rooke in black/ And on the lifte side +the foure holden the places opposite/ And the rayson may be suche/ For +be cause that the knyghtes ben the glorye & the crowne of the kynge,' +They ensiewe in semblable residence/ that they doo whan they ben sette +semblably on the ryght side of the kynge & on the lyfte side of the +quene/ And for as moche as the rook on the ryght syde is vicayre of the +kynge he accompanyeth the quene in semblable siege that the Alphyn doth +whiche is Iuge of the kynge/ And in lyke wyse the lifte rook & the +lyfte Alphyn accompanye the kynge in semblable siege/ In suche wyse as +they ben sette aboute the kynge in bothe sides wyth the Quene in manere +of a crowne/ That they may seurely kepe the royame that reluyseth and shyneth +in the kynge and in the Quene/ In suche wyse as they may conferme and diffende +hym in theyr sieges and in theyr places. And the more hastily renne vpon +his enemyes And for as moche as the Iuge, the knyght/ and the vicaire. +kepe and garnysshe the kynge on that one syde/ They that ben sette on the +other syde kepe the Quene/ And thus kepe they alle the strength and fermete +of the royame/ And semblably otherwhile for to ordeyne the thynges that +apperteyne to the counceyll/ and to the besoygne of the royame/ For yf +eche man shold entende to his owen proper thynges/ And y't they defended +not ner toke hede vnto the thingis y't apperteynen to the kynge to the +comyn and to the royame/ the royalme shold an[=o]n be deuided in parties +And thus myght the Iuge regne/ And the name of the dignyte royall shold +be lost/ And truly for as moche as the kynge holdeth the dignyte aboue +alle other and the seygnourye royall/ therfore hit apperteyneth not that +he absente hym longe/ ne wythdrawe hym ferre by space of tyme from the +maister siege of his royame/ For whan he wele meue hym/ he ought not to +passe at the first draught the nombre of .iii. poynts/ And whan he begynneth +thus to meue from his whyt poynt/ he hath the nature of the rooks of the +right syde and of the lifte syde for to goo black or whithe/ And also he +may goo vnto the white poynt where the gardes of the Cyte ben sette And +in this poynt he hath the nature of a knyght. And thyse two maners of meuynge +apperteyneth otherwhile to the quene/ and for as moche as the kynge and +the quene that ben conioyned to geder by mariage ben one thynge as one +flessh and blood/ therfore may the kynge meue on the lifte side of his +propre poynt also wele as he were sette in the place of the quene whiche +is black/ and whan he goth right in maner of the rook only/ And hit happen +that the aduersarie be not couered in ony poynt in the seconde ligne/ The +kynge may not passe from his black poynt vnto the thirde ligne/ And thus +he sortisith the nature of the rook on the ryght syde and lyfte syde vnto +the place of the knyghtes and for to goo ryght to fore In to the whyte +poynt to fore the marchant/ And the kynge also sortyst the nature of the +knyghtes whan he goth on the ryght syde in two maners/ For he may put hym +in the voyde space to fore the phisicyen/ And in the black space to fore +the tauerner/ And on the other side he goth in to other two places in lyk +wise that is to fore the smyth/ and the notarye/ And thus as in goynge +out first in to .iiii. poynts he sorteth the nature of knyghtes/ and also +the kynge sortiseth the nature of the alphins at his first yssu in to .ii. +places And he may goo on bothe sides vnto the white place voyde/ that one +to fore y'e smith on that on side/ and that other to for the tauerner on +that other side/ All these yssues hath y'e kyng out of his propre place +of his owen vertue whan he begynneth to meue. But whan he is ones meuyd +fro his propre place/ He may not meue but in to one space or poynt/ and +so from one to an other/ And than he sortiseth the nature of the comyn +peple/ and thus by good right he hath in hymfelf the nature of alle/ For +alle the vertue that is in the membres cometh of the heed and all meuyng +of the body/ The begynnynge & lyf comen from the herte/ And all the +dignyte that the subgettes haue by execucion/ and contynuell apparence +of their meuynge & yssue/ The kynge deteyneth hit & is attribued +to hym/ the victorye of the knightes/ the prudence of y'e Iuges/ the auctorite +of the vicaires or legates The c[=o]tynence of the quene/ the c[=o]corde +& vnyte of y'e peple Ben not all thise thinges ascribed vnto the honour +and worship of the kynge Jn his yssue whan he meuyd first The thirde ligne +to fore the peple he neuer excedeth/ Fro in the .iii. nombre alle maner +of states begynne to meue For the trynary nombre conteyneth .iii. parties/ +whiche make a perfect nombre/ For a trynarye nombre hath. i. ii. iii. Whiche +Ioyned to geder maken .vi. Whiche is the first parfyt nombre And signefieth +in this place/ vi. persones named that constitute the þfection of +a royame That is to wete the kynge. the quene. Iuges, knyghtes. the vicaires +or legats/ and the comyn peple And therfor the kynge ought to begynne in +his first meuynge of .iii. poyntes/ that he shewe perfection of lyf as +well in hym self as in other After that the kynge begynneth to meue he +may lede wyth hym the quene/ after the maner of his yssue For why the quene +foloweth vnto two angularye places/ after the maner of the alphyn/ and +to a place indirect in the maner of a rook in to the black poynt to fore +the phisicien/ herin is signefied that the women may not meue neyther make +vowes of pylgremage ner of viage wythoute the wylle of theyr husbondes/ +For yf a woman had a vowed ony thynge/ her husbonde lyuynge/ and agaynsaynge/ +she may not yelde ne accomplisshe her vowe/ yf the husbond wyll goo oughwer. +he may well goo wyth oute her And yf so be that the husbond wyll haue her +wyth hym/ she is bounden to folowe hym/ And by reson For a man is the heed +of a woman/ and not econuerso/ For as to suche thingis as longe to patrymony/ +they ben lyke/ but the man hath power ouer her body/ And so hath not the +woman ouer his And therfore whan the kynge begynneth to meue. the Quene +may folowe/ And not alleway whan she meuyd it is no nede the kynge to meue/ +For why four the first lignes be with in the limytes and space of the royame/ +And vnto the thirde poynt the kynge may meue at his first meuynge out of +his propre place/ And whan he passith the fourth ligne he goeth oute of +his royame. And yf he passe oon poynt late hym beware/ For the persone +of a kynge Is acounted more than a thousand of other/ For whan he exposeth +hym vnto the paryllis of bataylle/ Hit is necessarye that he goo temperatly +and slyly/ For yf he be taken or ded/ or ellis Inclusid and shette vp/ +Alle the strengthes of alle other faylle and alle Is fynysshid and loste/ +And therfore he hath nede to goo and meue wysely/ And also therfore he +may not meue but one poynt after hys fyrst meuynge but where that euer +he goo foreward or bacward or on that one syde or that other or ellis cornerwyse/ +He may neuer approche hys aduersarye the kynge nerrer than in the thirde +poynt/ And therfore the kynges in batayll ought neuer tapproche one nyghe +that other/ And also whan the kynge hath goon so ferre that alle his men +be lost/ than he is sole/ And than he may not endure longe whan he is brought +to y't extremyte/ And also he ought to take hede that he stande not soo +that a knyght or an other saith chek rook/ than the kyng loseth y'e rook/ +That kynge is not well fortunat that leseth hym to whom his Auctoryte delegate +apperteyneth/ who may doo the nedes of the royame yf he be priuyd taken +or dede/ that was prouisour of alle the royame/ he shall bere a sack on +his hede that Is shette in a cyte/ And alle they that were theryn ben taken +in captiuite and shette vp &c. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/238end.gif" ALT="decoration" height=60 width=200></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/239top.gif" ALT="The Quene" height=518 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch3"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch3">The seconde chapiter of the +fourth book of the quene and how she yssueth oute of her place.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/239W.gif" ALT="W" height=128 width=120 align=LEFT>Whan the Quene +whiche is accompanyed vnto the kynge begynneth to meue from her propre +place/ She goth in dowble manere/ that is to wete as an Alphyn whan she +is black/ fhe may goo on the ryght syde & come in to the poynt to fore +the notarye And on the lifte syde in the black poynt and come to fore the +gardees of the cyte And hit is to wete that me sortiseth in her self the +nature in .iii. maners first on the ryght syde to fore the alphyn/ Secondly +on the lifte syde where the knyght is/ And thirdly indirectly vnto the +black poynt to fore the phisicyen And the rayson why. Is for as moche as +she hath in her self by grace/ the auctrorite that the rooks haue by c[=o]myscion/ +For she may gyue & graute many thynges to her subgetts graciously And +thus also ought she to haue parfyt wisedom/ as the alphyns haue whiche +ben Iuges/ as hit sayd aboue in the chapitre of the Quene/ And she hath +not the nature of knyghtes/ And hit is not fittynge ne couenable thynge +for a woman to goo to bataylle for the fragilite and feblenes of her/ And +therfore holdeth she not the waye in her draught as the knyghtes doon/ +And whan she is meuyd ones oute of her place she may not goo but fro oon +poynt to an other and yet cornerly whether hit be foreward or backward +takynge or to be taken/ And here may be axid why the quene goth to the +bataylle wyth the kynge/ certainly it is for the solace of hym/ and ostencion +of loue/ And also the peple desire to haue sucession of the kynge And therfore +the tartaris haue their wyues in to the felde with hem/ yet hit is not +good that men haue theyr wyuys with hem/ but that they abyde in the cytees +or within their owne termes/ For whan they ben oute of theyr cytees and +limytes they ben not sure/ but holden suspecte/ they shold be shamfast +and hold alle men suspect/ For dyna Iacob's doughter as longe as she was +in the hows of her brethern/ she kept her virginite/ But assone as she +wente for to see the strange Regyons. Anone she was corrupt and defowled +of the sone of sichem/ Seneca sayth that the women that haue euyll visages +ben gladly not chaste/ but theyr corage desireth gladly the companye of +men/ And Solynus saith that no bestes femellys desyre to be towched of +theyr males whan they haue conceyuyd/ Exept woman whyche ought to be a +best Raysonable/ And in thys caas she lefeth her rayson/ And Sidrac wythnesseth +the same And therfore in the olde lawe/ the faders hadd dyuerce wyues and +Ancellys to thende whan one was wyth childe/ they myght take another/ They +ought to haue the visage enclyned for teschewe the fight of the men/ that +by the fight they be not meuyd with Incontynence and diffame of other/ +And Ouyde sayth that ther ben some That how well that they eschewe the +dede/ yet haue they grete Joye whan they ben prayed/ And therfore ought +the good women flee the curyositees and places wher they myght falle in +blame and noyse of the peple. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/241tri.gif" ALT="floral triangle" height=113 width=200></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/242top.gif" ALT="Alphyn" height=529 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch4"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch4">The fourth chapitre of the fourth +book Is of the yssuynge of the Alphyn.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/242T.gif" ALT="T" height=130 width=120 align=LEFT>The manere +and nature of the draught of the Alphyn is suche/ that he that is black +in his propre fiege is sette on the right side of the kynge/ And he that +is whyt is sette on the lifte side/ And ben callyd and named black and +white/ But for no cause that they be so in subftance of her propre colour/ +But for the colour of the places in whiche they ben sette/ And alleway +be they black or white/ whan they ben sette in theyr places/ the alphyn +on the ryght syde/ goynge oute of his place to the ryght sydeward comyth +to fore the labourer/ And hit is reson that the Iuge ought to deffende +and kepe the labourers and possessions whiche ben in his Iurisdiction by +alle right and lawe/ And also he may goo on the lyste syde to the wyde +place to fore the phisicien/ For lyke as the phisiciens haue the charge +to hele the Infirmites of a man/ In lyke wyse haue the Iuges charge to +appese alle stryues and contencions and reduce vnto vnyte/ And to punyfshe +and correcte causes crymynels/ The lyste alphyn hath also two wayes fro +his owen place oon toward y'e right syde vnto the black space voyde to +fore the marchant/ For the marchants nede ofte tymes counceylle and ben +in debate of questions whiche muste be determyned by the Iuges/ And that +other yssue is vnto the place to fore the rybauldis/ And that ys be caufe +that ofte tymes amonge them. falle noyses discencions thefte and manslaghter/ +wherfore they ought to be punysshid by the Iuges/ And y'e shall vnderstande +that the alphyn goth alleway corner wyse fro the thirde poynt to the thirde +poynt kepynge all way his owne fiege/ For yf he be black/ he goth all way +black/ And yf he be whyte he goth alleway whyte. the yssue or goynge cornerly +or angularly signefieth cautele or fubtylyte/ whiche Iuges ought to haue/ +The .iii. poyntes betoken .iii. thynges that the Iuge ought to attende/ +A Iuge ought to furder rightfull & trewe causes. secondly he ought +to gyue trewe counceyll/ and thirdly he ought to gyue and Iuge rightfull +sentences after tha legeances/ And neuer to goo fro the ryghtwisnes of +the lawe/ And it is to wete that the Alphyn goth in fix drawhtes alle the +tablier round aboute/ and that he cometh agayn in to his owen place/ And +how be hit that alle rayson and good perfection shold be in a kynge/ yet +ought hit also specially be in them that ben conceyllours of the kynge +and the Quene And the kynge ought not to doo ony thynge doubtouse/ tyll +he haue axid counceyll of his Iuges And of the sages of the royame And +therfore ought the Iuge to be parfaytly wyse and sage as well in science +as in good maners/ And that is signefied whan they meue from thre poynts +in to thre/ For the fixt nombre by whiche they goo alle theschequer/ And +brynge hem agayn in to her propre place in suche wyse that thende of her +moeuynge is conioyned agayn to the begynnynge of the place frowhens they +departed/ And therfore hit is callid a parfayt moeuynge. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/244tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=178 width=200></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/245top.gif" ALT="knyghtes" height=532 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch5"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch5">The fyfth chapitre of the fourth +Tractate Is of the meuynge of the knyghtes.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/245A.gif" ALT="A" height=129 width=120 align=LEFT>After the yssue +of the Alphyns we shall deuyse to yow the yssue & the moeuynge of the +knyghtes/ And we saye that the knyght on the right syde is whyt/ And on +the lifte syde black/ And the yssue and moeuynge of hem bothe is in one +maner whan so is that the knyght on the ryght syde Is whyt/ The lyfte knyght +is black/ The moeuynge of hem is suche/ That the whyte may goo in to the +space of the alphyn/ as hit apperyth of the knyght on the right side that +is whyte. And hath thre yssues fro his proper place/ one on his ryght syde +in the place to fore the labourer/ And hit is well reson that whan the +labourer and husbonde man hath laboured the feldes/ the knyghtes ought +to kepe them/ to thentent that they haue vitailles for them self and their +horses/ The second yssue is that he may meue hym vnto the black space to +fore the notarye or draper. For he is bounden to deffende and kepe them +that make his vestementis & couertours necessarye vnto his body. The +thirde yssue is that he may go on the lifte syde in to the place to fore +y'e marchant whiche is sette to fore the kynge/ the whiche is black/ And +the refon is for as moche as he ought and is holden to deffende the kynge +as well as his owen persone/ whan he passith the first draught/ he may +goo foure wayes/ And whan he is in the myddes of the tabler he may goo +in to .viii. places fondry/ to whiche he may renne And in lyke wise may +the lyste knyght goo whiche is black and goth oute of his place in to white/ +and in that maner goth the knyght fightynge by his myght/ and groweth and +multiplieth in hys poyntis/ And ofte tymes by them the felde Is wonne or +lost/ A knyghts vertue and myght is not knowen but by his fightynge/ and +in his fightynge he doth moche harme for as moche as his myght extendeth +in to fo many poyntis/ they ben in many peryllis in theyr fightynge/ And +whan they escape they haue the honour of the game And thus is hit of euery +man the more vailliant/ the more honoured And he that meketh hym self ofte +tymes shyneth clerest. +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/247top.gif" ALT="Rooks" height=523 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch6"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch6">The sixt chapitre of the fourth +tractate treleth of the yssue of the rooks and of her progression.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/247T.gif" ALT="T" height=127 width=120 align=LEFT>The moeuynge +and yssue of the rooks whiche ben vicairs of the kynge is suche/ that the +ryght rook is black and the lifte rook is whyte/ And whan the chesse ben +sette as well the nobles as the comyn peple first in their propre places/ +The rooks by their propre vertue haue no wey to yssue but yf hyt be made +to them by the nobles or comyn peple/ For they ben enclosed in their propre +sieges/ And the refon why is suche That for as moche as they ben vicaires +lieutenants or comyssioners of the kynge/ Theyr auctoryte is of none effecte +to fore they yssue out/ And that they haue begonne tenhaunce theyr office/ +For as longe as they be within the palais of the kynge/ So longe may they +not vse ne execute theyr commyssion/ But anon as they yssue they may vse +theyr auctorite/ And y'e shall vnderstande that their auctorite is grete/ +for they represente the þsone of the kynge/ and therfore where the +tablier is voyde they may renne alle the tablier/ In lyke wyse as they +goon thurgh the royame/ and they may goo as well white as black as well +on the right side & lifte as foreward and backward/ And as fer may +they renne as they fynde the tablier voyde whether hit be of his aduersaryes +as of his owen felowship/ And whan the rook is in the myddell of the tablier/ +he may goo whiche way he wyll in to foure right lignes on euery side/ and +hit is to wete that he may in no wyse goo cornerwyse/ but allway ryght +forth goynge & comynge as afore is sayd/ wherfore all the subgettis +of the kinge as well good as euyll ought to knowe by their moeuynge that +auctorite of y'e vicaires and comyssioners ought to be verray true rightwis +& Iuste/ and y'e shall vnderstande that they ben stronge and vertuous +in bataylle For the two rooks only may vaynquyfshe a kynge theyr aduersarye +and take hym/ and take from hym his lyf and his royame/ And this was doon +whan chirus kynge of perse And darius kynge of medes slewe baltazar and +toke his royame from hym. Whiche was neuew to euylmoradach vnder whom this +game was founden. +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/249top.gif" ALT="comyn peple" height=533 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch7"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch7">The seuenth chapitre of the +fourth book treteth of the yssue of the comyn peple &c.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/249O.gif" ALT="O" height=124 width=120 align=LEFT>One yffue and +one mouynge apperteyneth vnto alle the peple/ For they may goo fro the +poynt they stande in at the first meuynge vnto the thirde poynt right forth +to fore them/ & whan they haue so don they may afterward meue no more +but fro one poynt ryght forth in to an other/ And they may neuer retorne +backward And thus goynge forth fro poynt to poynt They may gete by vertue +and strengthe/ that thynge that the other noble fynde by dignyte/ And yf +the knyghtes and other nobles helpe hem that they come to the ferthest +lygne to fore them where theyr aduersaryes were sette. They acquyre the +dignyte that the quene hath graunted to her by grace/ For yf ony of them +may +come to thys sayd ligne/ yf he be white as labourer draper phisicyen or +kepar of the cyte ben/ they reteyne suche dignyte as the quene hath/ for +they haue goten hit/ and than retornynge agayn homeward/ they may goo lyke +as it is sayd in the chapitre of the quene And yf ony of the pawns that +is black/ as the smyth the marchant the tauerner and the rybaulde may come +wyth oute domage in to the same vtterist ligne/ he shall gete by his vertu +the dignyte of the black quene And y'e shall vnderftande/ whan thyse comyn +peple meue right forth in her ligne/ and fynde ony noble persone or of +the peple of their aduersaries sette in the poynt at on ony side to fore +hym/ In that corner poynt he may take his aduersarye wherther hit be on +the right side or on the lifte/ And the cause is that the aduersaries ben +suspecyous that the comyn peple lye In a wayte to Robbe her goodes or to +take her persones whan they goo vpward right forth. And therfore he may +take in the right angle to fore hym one of his aduersaries/ As he had espied +his persone/ And in the lifte angle as robber of his goodes/ and whether +hit be goynge foreward or retornynge fro black to whyte or whyte to black/ +the pawn must allway goo in his right ligne/ and all way take in the corner +that he findeth in his waye/ but he may not goo on neyther side tyll he +hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer/ And that he hath taken the +nature of the draughtes of the quene/ And than he is a fiers/ And than +he may goo on alle sides cornerwyse fro poynt to poynt only as the quene +doth fightynge and takynge whom he findeth in his waye/ And whan he is +thus comen to the place where y'e nobles his aduersaries were sette he +shall be named white fiers or black fiers/ after the poynt that he is in/ +and there taketh he the dignyte of the quene &c. And all these thinges +may appere to them that beholden y'e play of the chesse/ and y'e shall +vnderstande that no noble man ought to haue despite of the comyn peple/ +for hit hath ben ofte tymes seen/ that by their vertu & witte/ Diuerce +of them haue comen to right highe & grete astate as poopes bisshoppes +Emþerours and kynges/ As we haue in the historye of Dauid that was +made kynge/ of a shepherd and one of the comyn peple/ and of many other +&c. And in lyke wyse we rede of the contrary/ that many noble men haue +ben brought to myserye by their defaulte As of gyges whiche was right riche +of landes and of richesses And was so proude that he wente and demanded +of the god appollo/ yf ther were ony in the world more riche or more happy +than he was/ and than he herde a voys that yssued out of the fosse or pitte +of the sacrefices/ that a peple named agalaus sophide whiche were poure +of goodes and riche of corage was more acceptable than he whiche was kynge +And thus the god Appollo alowed more the sapience & the seurte of the +poure man and of his lityll mayne/ than he dide the astate and the persone +of giges ne of his ryche mayne/ And hit is more to alowe a lityll thynge +seurly poursiewed than moche good taken in fere and drede And for as moche +as a man of lowe lignage is by his vertue enhaunsed so moche the more he +ought to be glorious and of good renomee/ virgile that was born in lombardye +of y'e nacion of mantua and was of lowe and symple lignage/ yet he was +souerayn in wisedom and science and the moste noble of alle the poetes/ +of whome the renome is and shall be durynge the world/ so hit happend that +an other poete axid and demanded of hym wherfore he setted not the versis +of homere in his book/ And he answerd that he shold be of right grete strength +and force that shold pluck the clubbe out of hercules handes/ And thys +suffyceth the state and draughtis of the comyn peple &c. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/252tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=174 width=192></center> + +<p> +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/253top.gif" ALT="chesse board" height=534 width=600></center> + +<h3> +<a name="bk4ch8"></a><i><a href="#cbk4ch8">The eyght chapitre and the last +of the fourth book of the epilogacion and recapitulation of this book.</a></i></h3> +<img SRC="images/253F.gif" ALT="F" height=132 width=120 align=LEFT>For as moche +as we see and knowe that the memorye of the peple is not retentyf but right +forgetefull whan some here longe talis & historyes whiche they can +not alle reteyne in her mynde or recorde Therfore I haue put in this present +chapitre all y'e thynges abouesayd as shortly as I haue conne/ First this +playe or game was founden in the tyme of euilmerodach kynge of Babilone/ +And exerses the philosopher otherwyse named philometer fonde hit/ And the +cause why/ was for the corre3tion of the kynge lyke as hit apperith in +thre the first chapitres/ for the said kynge was so tyrannous and felon +that he might suffre no correction/ But slewe them and dide do put hem +to deth/ that corre3tid hym/ and had than do put to deth many right wyse +men Than the peple beynge sorowfull and ryght euyll plesid of this euyll +lyf of the kynge prayd and requyred the philosopher/ that he wolde repryse +and telle the kynge of his folye/ And than the philosopher answerd that +he shold be dede yf he so dide/ and the peple sayd to hym/ Certes thou +oughtest sonner wille to dye to thende that thy renome myght come to the +peple/ than the lyf of the kynge shold contynue in euyll for lacke of thy +counceyll/ or by faulte of reprehension of the/ or that thou darst not +doo and shewe/ that thou faist/ And whan the philosopher herd this he promisid +to the peple y't he wold put hym in deuoyr to correcte hym/ and than he +began to thynke in what maner he myght escape the deth and kepe to the +peple his promesse/ And than thus he made in this maner and ordeyned the +schequer of. lxiiii. poynts as Is afore sayd/ And dide doo make the forme +of chequers of gold and siluer In humayne fygure after the facyons and +formes as we haue dyuysid and shiewid to yow to fore in theyr chapitres/ +And ordeyned the moeuynge and thestate after that it is said in the chapitres +of theschesses And whan the philosopher had thus ordeyned the playe or +game/ and that hit plesid alle them that sawe hit/ on a tyme as the philosopher +playd on hit/ the kynge cam and sawe hit and desired to playe at this game/ +And than the phylosopher began tenseigne and teche the kynge the science +of the playe & the draughtes. Saynge to hym fyrst how the kynge ought +to haue in hymself pytie. debonairte and rightwisnes as hit is said to +fore in the chapitre of the kynge And he enseygned to hym the estate of +the queue and what maners she ought to haue And than of the alphyns as +connceyllours and luges of the royame And after the nature of the knyghtes/ +how they ought to be wise. trewe and curtoys and alle the ordre of knyghthode +And than after/ the nature of the vicaires & rooks as hit apperyth +in theyr chappitre And after this how the comyn peple ought to goo eche +in his office/ And how they ought to serue the nobles. And whan the philosopher +had thus taught and enseigned the kynge and his nobles by the maner of +the playe and had rephended hym of his euyll maners/ The kynge demanded +hym vpon payne of deth to telle hym the cause why and wherfore he had made +& founden thys playe and game And what thynge meuyd hym therto/ And +than the philosopher constrayned by fere and drede answerd/ that he had +promysid to the peple whiche had requyred hym that he shold correcte and +reprise the kynge of his euyll vices/ but for as moche as he doubtid the +deth and had seen that the kynge dide do flee the fages & wyse men/ +That were so hardy to blame hym of his vices/ he was in grete anguysshe +& sorowe/ how he myght fynde a maner to correcte & reprehende the +kynge/ And to saue his owen lyf/ and thus he thought longe & studyed +that he fonde thys game or playe/ Whiche he hath do sette forth for to +amende and corre3te the lyf of the kynge and to change his maners/ and +he adioustyd with all that he had founden this game for so moche as the +lordes and nobles habondynge in delyces & richessis/ And enioynge temporell +peas +shold eschewe ydlenes by playnge of this game/ And for to gyue hem cause +to leue her pensisnes and sorowes/ In auysynge & studyynge this game. +And whan the kynge had herd alle thyse causes/ He thought that the philosopher +had founde a good maner of correction/ And than he thanketh hym gretly/ +and thus by thenseygnement and lernynge of the phylosopher he changid his +lyf his maners & alle his euyll condicions And by this maner hit happend +that the kynge that to fore tyme had ben vicyous and disordynate in his +liuyng was made Iuste. and vertuous. debonayre. gracious and and full of +vertues vnto alle peple/ And a man that lyuyth in this world without vertues +liueth not as a man but as a beste<a name="FNanchor56"></a><sup><a href="#Footnote_56">[56]</a></sup>/ +And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the kyng +our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge & tabounde +in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his lordes in such +wyse y't his noble royame of Englond may prospere & habounde in vertues/ +and y't synne may be eschewid iustice kepte/ the royame defended good men +rewarded malefa3tours punysshid & the ydle peple to be put to laboure +that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously In conquerynge +his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray peas and charite may endure in +bothe his royames/ and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise +that euery man eschewe synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge +your good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the +hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble +seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your longe +lyf & welfare/ whiche he preserue And sende yow thaccomplisshement +of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs Amen:/: Fynysshid the last +day of marche the yer of our lord god. a. thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/257tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=120 width=200></center> + +<hr style="width: 35%;"> +<p><a name="Footnote_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor1">[1]</a> Blades' "Life +of Caxton," ii., 12. +<p><a name="Footnote_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor2">[2]</a> Mr. Blades enumerates +only ten, but between the publication of his work in 1863 and the appearance +in 1880 of a more popular one, an eleventh copy turned up. It is described +further on. As both editions of Mr. Blades' book are frequently cited, +it may be stated here that where the reference is to the page only, the +one volume edition of 1880 is meant. +<p><a name="Footnote_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor3">[3]</a> Blades, ii., 12. +<p><a name="Footnote_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor4">[4]</a> Van der Linde, +"Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels," Berlin, 1874, ii., 125. +<p><a name="Footnote_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor5">[5]</a> Blades, ii., 48. +<p><a name="Footnote_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor6">[6]</a> Blades, ii., 97. +<p><a name="Footnote_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor7">[7]</a> Blades, ii., 95. +<p><a name="Footnote_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor8">[8]</a> Dibdin's "Bibliotheca +Spenceriana," iv., 195. +<p><a name="Footnote_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor9">[9]</a> See Prosper Marchand, +"Dict. Hist.," t. i., p. 181. +<p><a name="Footnote_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor10">[10]</a> "Les Bibliothéques +Françoises de La Croix du Maine et de Du Verdier." n. e. Paris, +1782, t. i., p. 493. +<p><a name="Footnote_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor11">[11]</a> Dr. Van der +Linde, "Geschichte," 114. +<p><a name="Footnote_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor12">[12]</a> Cf. Van der +Linde, "Geschichte," and his "Jartausend." +<p><a name="Footnote_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor13">[13]</a> Jaubert, cited +by Van der Linde, "Geschichte," t. i., p. 122. +<p><a name="Footnote_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor14">[14]</a> Blades' "Caxton," +173-175. +<p><a name="Footnote_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor15">[15]</a> Blades, i., +166. +<p><a name="Footnote_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor16">[16]</a> "Geschichte," +i., 29. There is a manuscript copy in the Chetham Library, Manchester, +which he does not name. It came from the Farmer Collection, and is in a +volume containing a number of fifteenth century Latin tracts. See account +of European MSS. in the Chetham Library, Manchester, by James Orchard Halliwell, +F.R.S., Manchester, 1842, p. 15. +<p><a name="Footnote_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor17">[17]</a> "Bulletin du +Bibliophile," 1836-1837, 2ième serie, p. 527. +<p><a name="Footnote_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor18">[18]</a> "Academy," +July 12, 1881. +<p><a name="Footnote_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor19">[19]</a> Blades' "Life +of Caxton," vol. ii., p. 9. +<p><a name="Footnote_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor20">[20]</a> "De regimine +Principum," a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign of Henry IV. +Edited, for the first time, by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., &c. +Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London: J. B. Nichols, 1860, 410. +<p><a name="Footnote_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor21">[21]</a> Warton's "History +of English Poetry," 1871, iii., 44. +<p><a name="Footnote_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor22">[22]</a> The fires of +purgatory are finely and amply illustrated in the story at p. 110, whilst +the power of the saints and the value of pilgrimages would be impressed +upon the hearers by the narrative of the miracles wrought by St. James +of Compostella (p. 136) +<p><a name="Footnote_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor23">[23]</a> "Hist. of Siege +of Troye." +<p><a name="Footnote_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor24">[24]</a> "Works of Polidore +Virgil." London, 1663, p. 95. +<p><a name="Footnote_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor25">[25]</a> Græsse: +Trésor, s.v. Sydrach. See also Warton's "History of English Poetry," +1871, vol. ii., p. 144, Hazlitt's "Handbook of Early English Literature," +p. 43. +<p><a name="Footnote_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor26">[26]</a> Hoeffer: "Nouvelle +Biographie Universelle." +<p><a name="Footnote_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor27">[27]</a> Hoeffer, "Nouvelle +Biographie Générale," xxxiii. 818. +<p><a name="Footnote_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor28">[28]</a> Brunei, "Manuel +du Libraire," s. v. Gesta. +<p><a name="Footnote_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor29">[29]</a> "Gesta Romanorum," +edited by Herrtage. London, 1879, p. vii. +<p><a name="Footnote_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor30">[30]</a> Occleve, "De +Regimine Principum," p. 199. +<p><a name="Footnote_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor31">[31]</a> "Curiosities +of Search Room." London, 1880, p. 32. +<p><a name="Footnote_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor32">[32]</a> "Percy Anecdotes: +Domestic Life," iv. 446. +<p><a name="Footnote_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor33">[33]</a> Dunlop, "History +of Fiction," 1876, p. 259. +<p><a name="Footnote_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor34">[34]</a> "Latin Stories," +edited by Thomas Wright. Percy Society, 1842, p. 222. +<p><a name="Footnote_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor35">[35]</a> See "Gesta +Romanorum," edit, by Herrtage, p. 364. +<p><a name="Footnote_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor36">[36]</a> "On Two Collections +of Mediæval Moralized Tales," by John K. Ingram, LL.D. Dublin, 1882, +p. 137. +<p><a name="Footnote_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor37">[37]</a> Muratori: "Rerum +Italicarum Scriptores," t. i. p. 465. +<p><a name="Footnote_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor38">[38]</a>ight, "Latin +Stories," p. 235. +<p><a name="Footnote_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor39">[39]</a> "Francis of +Assisi," Mrs. Oliphant. London, 1874, p. 87. +<p><a name="Footnote_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor40">[40]</a> "Valerius Maximus," +vi. 2, 3. +<p><a name="Footnote_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor41">[41]</a> It will be +sufficient here to refer for further details to the following works:--"Geschichte +und Literatur des Schachspiels," von Antonius van der Linde, Berlin, 1874, +2 vols.; "Quellenstudien zur Gefchichte des Schachspiels," von Dr. A. v.d.Linde, +Berlin, 1881. +<p><a name="Footnote_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor42">[42]</a> This dedication +is omitted in the second edition. +<p><a name="Footnote_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor43">[43]</a> Second edit. +reads "Thossyce of notaries/ aduocates scriueners and drapers and clothmakers +capitulo iii" +<p><a name="Footnote_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor44">[44]</a> Sec. edit. +reads "The forme of phisiciens leches spycers and appotycaryes" +<p><a name="Footnote_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor45">[45]</a> Sec. edit. +"Of tauerners hostelers & vitaillers" +<p><a name="Footnote_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor46">[46]</a> Sec. edit. +"Of kepers of townes Receyuers of custum and tollenars" +<p><a name="Footnote_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor47">[47]</a> Sec. edit. +"Of messagers currours Rybauldes and players at the dyse" +<p><a name="Footnote_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor48">[48]</a> "democrite" +in the sec. edit. +<p><a name="Footnote_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor49">[49]</a> "beclyppe" +in sec. edit. +<p><a name="Footnote_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor50">[50]</a> "demotene" +in sec. edit. +<p><a name="Footnote_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor51">[51]</a> "demostenes" +in sec. edit. +<p><a name="Footnote_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor52">[52]</a> "blisful" in +the sec. edit.--The reading of the first edition is evidently a misprint. +<p><a name="Footnote_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor53">[53]</a> Sec. edit. +"buneuentayns." +<p><a name="Footnote_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor54">[54]</a> sec. edit, +"y nough." +<p><a name="Footnote_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor55">[55]</a> sec. edit. +"by the martel or hamer." +<p><a name="Footnote_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor56">[56]</a> "And therfore +&c." to the end, is wanting in the second edition, and, instead thereof, +the treatife concludes in the following manner-- +<p>"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith +this litel book redde take therby enfaumple to amende hym. +<p>Explicit per Caxton." +<br> +<hr> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/259banner.gif" ALT="banner people" height=105 width=500></h2></center> + +<h2> +<a name="GLOSSARY"></a><a href="#cGLOSSARY">GLOSSARY</a></h2> +<img SRC="images/259A.gif" ALT="A" height=129 width=120 align=LEFT>Aas; ace. +<br>Aduocacions; Latin <i>advocationis</i>, assembly of advocates, the +bar. +<br>Agaynesaynge; gain-saying. +<br>Alphyns. The alphin, or elephant, was the piece answering to the bishop +<br> in the modern game of chess. +<br>Ameruaylled; astonished. +<br>Ample, ampole; Latin <i>ampulla</i>, vessel for holding liquids. +<br>Ancellys; Latin <i>ancilla</i>, handmaids, concubines. +<br>Appertly; openly. +<br>Appetissid; satisfied, satiated. +<br>Ardautly [ardantly]; ardently. +<br>Arrache; French <i>arracher</i>, to pull, to pluck. +<p>Auenture; adventure. +<br>Axe; ask. +<p>Barate; trouble, suffering. +<br>Beaulte; beauty. +<br>Benerous; French <i>bénir</i>, blessed. +<br>Besaunt; besant, a Byzantine gold coin. +<br>Beneurte; French <i>bonheur</i>, good fortune. +<br>Bole; bull. +<br>Bourdellys; brothels, stews. +<br>Butters; freebooters. +<br>Butyn; French <i>butin</i>, plunder, spoils. +<p>Chamberyer; Chambrere; woman servant, concubine. +<br>Chequer; chefs-board. +<br>Chauffed; French <i>échauffer</i>, to warm. +<br>Compaignon; French <i>compagnon</i>, companion. +<br>Connynge; cunning, knowledge. +<br>Corrompith; French <i>corrompre</i>, to corrupt. +<br>Couenable; French <i>convenable</i>, proper, fit. +<br>Courrours; French <i>coureurs</i>, runners, messengers. +<br>Curatours; guardians, trustees. +<p>Dampned; condemned. +<br>Debonairly; debonairte, French de ban air, in a good manner, with good +<br> will. +<br>Depesshed; French depecher, defpatched. +<br>Deporte; deport. +<br>Devour; French devoir, duty. +<br>Dismes; Latin decimal, tenths, or tithes. +<br>Disobeyfance; disobedience. +<br>Difpendynge; spending. +<br>Distemprance; intemperance. +<br>Dolabre; Latin dolabra, axe, pick-axe. +<br>Doubted; redoubted, of doughty. +<br>Drawhtes; draughts, movements. +<br>Drof; drove. +<br>Dronkelewe; drunkenness. +<br>Dronkenshyp; drunkenness. +<br>Dyse; dice. +<p>Enbrasid; embraced. +<br>Enpessheth; French empécher, to forbid. +<br>Enpoigne; French empoigner, to take in hand. +<br>Enfeygned; French enfeigner, to teach. +<br>Eschauffed; French échauffer, to warm. +<br>Esmoued; French émouvoir, to move. +<br>Espicers; French epicier. +<br>Espryfed; French epris, taken. +<br>Ewrous, in; French heureuse, happy. +<p>Feet; French fait, act, feat. +<br>Ferremens. See Serremens. +<br>Flessly; fleshily. +<br>Folelarge; prodigal, extravagant. +<br>Fumee; French fumee, smoke, vapour. +<br>Garnyfche; garnish, adorn, set off. +<br>Genere; general. +<br>Goddes man; godsman, saint or religious person. +<br>Gossibs; gossyb; gossips, gossip. +<br>Gree; French gré, liking. +<br>Grucche; grudge. +<br>Guarisshors; French guèrir, to cure. +<p>Hauoyr; French avoir, possessions. +<br>Herberowe; harbour. +<br>Historiagraph; historian. +<br>Hoos; hoarse. +<p>Iape; jape, trick. +<p>Jolye, lvii; fine (French joli). +<p>Keruars; carvers. +<p>Langed; belonged. +<br>Latrocynye; Latin latrocinium. +<br>Lecherye; lechery. +<br>Letted; prevented. +<p>Male; mail, trunk. +<br>Maleheurte; French malheur, misfortune, sorrow. +<br>Maronners; mariners. +<br>Martel; hammer. +<br>Meure; French moeurs, manners. +<br>Mordent; biting. +<br>Mortifyed; mortified, deadened. +<br>Mufyque; mufic. +<p>Nonne; nun. +<br>Noye; annoyance. +<p>Oeuurages; French outrages, works. +<br>Oftencion; show. +<br>Olefauntes; elephants. +<br>Oughwer; over. +<br>Oultrage; outrage. +<p>Pardurable; everlasting. +<br>Parfyt; French parfait, perfeft. +<br>Pawon; pawn. +<br>Payringe; "without a pareing," i.e. undiminished. +<br>Peages; peagers; French péage, péager. A local tax on +merchandise in +<br> paflage for the maintenance of roads and bridges. A gatherer +of +<br> the péage. +<br>Pensee; French pensée, thought. +<br>Pourueance; providence. +<br>Rawe; rough. +<br>Renomee; renown. +<br>Roynyous; ruinous. +<br>Rybauldes; ribalds. +<p>Saciat; satiated. +<br>Sawlter; þsalter. +<br>Scawage; scavage, toll or tax. +<br>Semblant; French sembler, to appear, to seem. +<br>Serremens; cerements. +<br>Siege; feat. +<br>Slear; slayer. +<br>Spores; spurs. +<br>Spyncoppis; spiders. +<br>Stracched; stretched. +<br>Supplye; French supplier, to supplicate. +<br>Syfe; fix. +<p>Tacches; gifts, bequests. A. S. tacan, having the double meaning of +<br> giving and taking. +<br>Tapyte; carpet. +<br>Tencyons; temptations. +<br>Trycheur; tricker. +<br>Tryste; sad. +<br>Tutours; tutors, guardians. +<p>Vignours; vine-dresser. +<p>Wetyngly; knowingly. +<p>Yates; gates. +<br>Yre; ire. +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/261tri.gif" ALT="triangle floral" height=123 width=183> +<p> +<hr WIDTH="100%"></center> + +<p><br> +<center> +<h2> +<img SRC="images/262banner.gif" ALT="banner birds" height=102 width=500></h2></center> + +<hr WIDTH="100%"> + +<h2> +<a name="INDEX"></a><a href="#cINDEX">INDEX</a></h2> +<img SRC="images/262A.gif" ALT="A" height=130 width=120 align=LEFT>Abel, +<br>Abner, +<br>Absalom, +<br>Abstrastion, +<br>Abysay, +<br>Accusation, false, +<br>Adam, +<br>Adultery, +<br>Adversity, +<br>Advocates, +<br>Ægidius Romanus. See Colonna. +<br>Agyos, +<br>Albert gauor, +<br>Alchorne library, +<br>Alexander, +<br>Alisander, +<br>Alixanander, +<br>Alphyn, +<br>Altagone, +<br>Ambrose, St., +<br>Amity, +<br>Ammenhaufen, +<br>Ammomtes, +<br>Amos florus, +<br>Amphicrates, +<br>Anastatius, +<br>Anaximenes, +<br>Andrea, Giovanni, +<br>Anger, +<br>Anguissola, +<br>Anna, +<br>Anthonie, +<br>Anthonius, +<br>Anthony, St., +<br>Anthonyus, +<br>Antigonus, +<br>Antonius, +<br>Antygone, +<br>Ape, +<br>Apollo, +<br>Apollodorus, +<br>Apothecaries, +<br>Aquinas, St. Thomas, +<br>Archezille, +<br>Arismetryque, +<br>Arispe, +<br>Aristides, +<br>Aristippus, +<br>Aristotle, +<br>Armour, +<br>Astronomy, +<br>Athenes, +<br>Aubrey, John, +<br>Audley, Lord, +<br>Augustine, St., +<br>Augustus, Cæsar, +<br>Aulus Gellius, +<br>Austyn, Saynt. See Augustine. +<br>Auycene, +<br>Auycenne, +<br>Avarice, +<br>Avicenna, +<br>Axedrez, +<p>Babylon and the Chess-board, +<br>Baldness of Cæsar, +<br>Baltazar, +<br>Bankes, Rev. Edw., +<br>Barbers, women, +<br>Bafille le grant, +<br>Basil, St., +<br>Bearers of letters, +<br>Beauty and chastity. +<br>Bees, +<br>Begging, +<br>Beringen, H. von, +<br>Bernard, W., +<br>Bernard, St., +<br>Biblical allusions, +<br>Bibliography of the Chess-book, +<br>Birds, +<br>Blades, William, +<br>Blindness, philosophical, +<br>Blind, raised letters for, +<br>Boasting, +<br>Bocchus, +<br>Bodleian Library, +<br>Body of Man a castle of Jefus, +<br>Boece, +<br>Boecius, +<br>Boethius, +<br>Boneuentan, +<br>Borrowing, +<br>Boys, R., +<br>Breath, stinking, +<br>Brevio, Giovanni, +<br>Bribery, +<br>Bromyard, John of, +<br>Brudgys. See Bruges. +<br>Bruges, +<br>Brunet, J.C., +<br>Brutus, +<br>Burgundy, Duchess of, +<br>Bull of copper, +<br>Bulls, +<p>Cadrus, duc of athenes, +<br>Cæsolis. See Cessoles. +<br>Cain, +<br>Calderino, Giovanni, +<br>Calengius, +<br>Cambridge Public Library, +<br>Cambyfes, +<br>Cantanus, +<br>Capayre, +<br>Carpenters, +<br>Carthage, +<br>Carvers, +<br>Cassalis. See Cessoles. +<br>Cassiodorus, +<br>Castle of Jesus Christ, +<br>Castulis. See Cessoles. +<br>Casulis. See Cessoles. +<br>Cato, +<br>Cauftons, +<br>Caxton, William, +<br> prologue of Chess-book, epilogue, finished in 1474, his +account of +<br> the translation, printed at Bruges, translated from the +French, +<br> adapts De Vignay's dedications, translates Vegetius, chief +dates of +<br> his life, opinion of lawyers, epilogue to Chefs-book, +editions of +<br> it, representative of a new time for literature, at Ghent +<br>Caym. +<br>Cesar. +<br>Cesolis. See Cessoles. +<br>Cessole. See Cessoles. +<br>Cessoles, Jacques de. +<br>Cessulis. See Cessoles. +<br>Cesulis. See Cessoles. +<br>Cezolis, de. See Cessoles. +<br>Cezoli. See Cessoles. +<br>Cham. +<br>Changers. +<br>Charlemagne. +<br>Chastity. +<br>Chequer. +<br>Chess-book, +<br> copies of first edition described; prices at which it +has sold; where +<br> printed; second edition described; when printed; prices +at which it +<br> has sold; translated from the French; Ferron's version; +version in +<br> French verse; De Vignay's version. +<br>Chess, game of. +<br>-- how the board is made. +<br>-- manner of its invention. +<br>-- moralized. +<br>-- movements of pieces. +<br>Chetham Library. +<br>Child hostages. +<br>Children, ungrateful. +<br>Chivalry. +<br>Cicero. +<br>Cities, guarding. +<br>Clarence, George, Duke of. +<br>Claudian. +<br>Clip. +<br>Cloth cutters. +<br>-- merchants. +<br>-- workers. +<br>Colatyne. +<br>Colonna, Guido. +<br>Common life. +<br>Common people; +<br> not to be despised; not to be at councils; those who have +become +<br> great. +<br>-- profit. +<br>-- weal. +<br>Commonwealth. +<br>Communities. +<br>Community of goods. +<br>Contemplation. +<br>Continence. +<br>Connaxa, Jehan. +<br>Cordwainers. +<br>Cossoles, de. See Cessoles. +<br>Council, women apt in. +<br>Courage. +<br>Courcelles, de. See Cessoles. +<br>Couriers. +<br>Covetousness. +<br>Crafts. +<br>Crete. +<br>Crime and punishment. +<br>Crown apostrophized. +<br>Cruelty. +<br>Cunliffe, H. +<br>-- J. +<br>Cures, accidental and scientific. +<br>Curse. +<br>Cursus. +<br>Curtius Marcus. +<br>Curtius Quintus. +<br>Customary and natural law. +<br>Customers. +<br>Cyrurgyens. +<br>Cyrus. +<p>Dacciesole. See Cessoles. +<br>Damiani, Cardinal, +<br>Damiano, +<br>Damocles, +<br>Damon, +<br>Dares (Darius), +<br>Daughters and their ancestresses, +<br>Daughter, dutiful, +<br>David, +<br>Death, +<br> from joy, +<br>Defence of the people, +<br>Defortes, +<br>Delves, Sir Thomas, +<br>Demetrius Phalerus, +<br>Democrion, +<br>Democritus, +<br>Democritus of Abdera, +<br>Demothenes, +<br>Denys, +<br>De Vignay. See Vignay. +<br>Devonshire, Duke of, +<br>Dialogus creaturarum +<br>Dibdin, T.F., +<br>Dice, +<br> play for a foul, +<br>Didymus, +<br>Diogenes, +<br>Diogenes Lærtius, +<br>Diomedes, +<br>Diomedes, a "theefe of the see," +<br>Dion Cassius, +<br>Dionysius, +<br>Dionyse, +<br>Disobedient children, +<br>Divine right, +<br>Dog and the Shadow, +<br>Drapers, +<br>Draughts of the Chess, +<br>Drunkenness, +<br> danger of, +<br>Duele, +<br>Dunlop, J., +<br>Durand, +<br>Du Verdier, +<br>Dydymus, +<br>Dyers, +<br>Dyna, +<br>Dyonyse, +<p>Ebert, +<br>Ecclesiastes, +<br>Edward I., +<br>Edward IV., +<br>Education of kings, +<br>Education of physician, +<br>Egidius Romanus. See Colonna. +<br>Election, or hereditary succession? +<br>Elephants, +<br>Elimandus, +<br>Emelie, +<br>Emmerancian, +<br>Emyon, +<br>England's good old times, +<br>Enulphus, +<br>Envy, +<br>Ermoaldus, +<br>Ethics, +<br>Eustace, Guillaum, +<br>Eve, +<br>Evilmerodach, +<br>Example, +<p>Fabian, +<br>Fabius, +<br>Fabricius, +<br>Faith, +<br>Faron. See Ferron. +<br>Fear, +<br>Fears of a tyrant, +<br>Feron. See Ferron. +<br>Ferron, Jean, +<br>Fevre, Raoul le, +<br>Fidelity, +<br>Figgins, V., +<br>Florus, +<br>Folly +<br>Fools +<br>Forbes, D. +<br>Forgers +<br>Fornier +<br>Fortune misdoubted +<br>Framosian +<br>Francis of Assisi +<br>Frederick II. +<br>Friend in need +<br>Friends, many and few +<br> and enemies +<br>Friendship +<br>Frugality +<br>Fullers +<p>Gaguin, Robert +<br>Galen +<br>Galeren +<br>Galyene +<br>Game at Chesse +<br>Ganazath, John of +<br>Gaunt +<br>Gauchay, H. de +<br>Gauchy, H. de +<br>Gazée, Angelin +<br>Genoa +<br>Geometry +<br>Gereon, St. +<br>Gesta Romanorum +<br>Ghent, White-friars +<br>Gibbet +<br>Gifts +<br>Gildo +<br>Gilles de Rome. See Colonna. +<br>Gluttony +<br>Godaches +<br>Godebert +<br>Golden Legend +<br>Goldsmiths +<br>Good old times +<br>Goribert +<br>Goribald +<br>Government of wise men +<br>Græsse, J.G.T. +<br>Grammarians +<br>Gregory Nazianzen +<br>Grenville Library +<br>Grymald +<br>Guards of cities +<br>Guests and hosts +<br>Guido +<br>Guilt not to be punished in wrath +<br>Guye +<br>Gyles of Regement of Prynces +<br>Gyges +<p>Hain, Ludovici +<br>Hakam II. +<br>Halliwell, J. O. +<br>Ham +<br>Hanniball +<br>Haroun-al-Rashid +<br>Hate +<br>Hazlitt, W. C. +<br>Health +<br>Helemand. See Helinand. +<br>Helemond. See Helinand. +<br>Helemonde, See Helinand. +<br>Helimond. See Helinand. +<br>Helinand +<br>Helmond. See Helinand. +<br>Heredity, influence of +<br>Hereford, N. de +<br>Hermits +<br>Herodes Antipas +<br>Heredotus +<br>Herrtage, S. J. +<br>Hippocrates +<br>Hoeffer +<br>Holford, J. +<br>Holy Mawle +<br>Holy Scripture +<br>Homer +<br>Honesty +<br>Horse and the thief +<br>Hospitallers +<br>Hosts, duties of +<br>Hound and the cheese +<br>Hunger +<br> and piety +<p>Idols +<br>Iene (Genoa) +<br>Inglis Library +<br>Ingram, Prof. +<br>Inns +<br>Inns, thievish servants +<br>Instaulosus +<br>Intemperance +<p>James of Compostella +<br>Jaubert +<br>Jean II. of France +<br>Jehanne de Borgoigne +<br>Jerome +<br>Joab +<br>John Baptist +<br>John of Ganazath +<br>John the Monke (Giovanni Andrea) +<br>Josephus +<br>Jovinian +<br>Joy, its dangers +<br>Jherome. See Jerome. +<br>Judas Machabeus +<br>Judges' duties +<br> skin +<br>Jugglers +<br>Julius Cæsar +<br>Justice +<p>Keepers of towns +<br>King, estate and duties of +<br> should take council +<br> unpleasantness of the office +<br>Kings, unlettered +<br>Knight, education +<br> estate and duties +<br>Knight's followers +<br>Köpke, Dr. E. +<p>Labourers' office and duties +<br>La Croix du Maine +<br>Langley, John +<br>Large, Alderman Robert +<br>Latrunculi +<br>Laws +<br> like cobwebs +<br>Law courts +<br>Lawyers +<br>Lear and his daughters +<br>Leber, C. +<br>Lechery +<br>Legenda Aurea +<br>Legende Dorée +<br>Lending +<br>Letter-carriers +<br>Liberality +<br>Liber de Moribus Hominum. See Cessoles. +<br>Lineage, high and low +<br>Linde, Dr. A. van +<br>Ligurgyus +<br>Literature +<br>Livy +<br>Logicians +<br>Lot +<br>Love +<br>Love of the commonweal +<br>Love of nature +<br>Lowndes, W. T. +<br>Loyalty +<br>Lucan +<br>Lucretia +<br>Luther +<br>Luxury +<br>Lycurgus +<br>Lydgate +<br>Lying +<br>Lyna +<br>Lylimachus +<p>Macrobius +<br>Madden, Sir F. +<br>Mainwaring, Sir H. +<br>Magnanimity +<br>Malechete +<br>Mansion, Colard, teacher and partner of Caxton +<br>Marchand, Prosper +<br>Mariners +<br>Marshals +<br>Martial +<br>Masons +<br>Meats and Drinks +<br>Medicines +<br>Mennel, Dr. J. +<br>Meon +<br>Merchandise +<br>Merchant, anecdote +<br>Merchant, dishonest +<br>Merchant who valued his good name +<br>Merchants +<br>Merchants of Bandach and Egipte +<br>Merciall +<br>Merculian +<br>Mercy +<br>Messengers +<br>Metalworkers +<br>Meung, Jehan de +<br><i>Mollis Aer</i> +<br>Money, its force +<br>Moneyers +<br>Money-lenders, +<br><i>Mulier</i>, derivation of +<br>Muratori +<br>Music +<p>Natural laws +<br>Nature, rule of +<br>Nero +<br>Nicephorus +<br>Noah +<br>Nobility +<br>Noblemen +<br>Nogaret +<br>Normandie, Duc de +<br>Notaries, office of +<br>Novella +<br>Nun, anecdote of a +<p>Oaths +<br>Oaths of princes +<br>Occleve +<br>Octauian +<br>Oddrale +<br>Office no inheritance +<br>Offices +<br>Officials +<br>Oldbuck, Jonathan +<br>Originality +<br>Osma, Bishop of +<br>Ovid +<p>Palamedes +<br>Papirion +<br>Papirus +<br>Paradise lost +<br>Pardoning a mother for the daughter's sake +<br>Passage money +<br>Patharich +<br>Paul, St. +<br>Paul, the historiagraph +<br>Paulus, Diaconus +<br>Paulyne +<br>Pawn +<br>Pembroke, Earl of +<br>Penapion +<br>Percy Anecdotes +<br>Pers Alphons. See Petrus Alphonsus +<br>Petit, L. M. +<br>Petrus Alphonsus, +<br>Philarde, +<br>Philip Augustus, +<br>Philippe le Bel, +<br>Philippe le Hardi, +<br>Philomenus, +<br>Philostratus, +<br>Philometor, +<br>Phisias. See Pythias. +<br>Physicians, +<br>Physiognomy, +<br>Pigmentaries, +<br>Pilgrimages, +<br>Piron, +<br>Pirre, +<br>Pitman, Isaac, +<br>Pity, +<br>Plaisters, +<br>Plato, +<br>Polygamy, +<br>Polygamy or polyandry? +<br>Pompeye, +<br>Porters of gates, +<br>Porus, +<br>Poverty, +<br>Princes' oaths and promises, +<br>Prisoners, +<br>Prodigality, +<br>Promises, +<br>Proverbs, +<br>Ptolome, +<br>Publius Ceser, +<br>Purgatory, +<br>Pyrrhus, +<br>Pythias, +<p>Quaritch, Bernard, +<br>Quarrels, +<br>Queen, estate and duties, +<br>Quintilian, +<br>Quintus Catullus, +<p>Reason, +<br>Regimine Principum. See Colonna. +<br>Religion, +<br>Religious communities, +<br>Renatus, Vegetius Flavius, +<br>Reyna Vezina, +<br>Ribalds, +<br>Riches, +<br>Rivers, +<br>Robbers, +<br>Robbery, +<br>Romanus, Egidius. See Colonna. +<br>Romans, character of, +<br>Rome, Gilles de. See Colonna. +<br>Rook, +<br>Rook, chess-piece, +<br>Rooks, form and manners, +<p>Sallust, +<br>Scenocrates, +<br>Schoolmaster who betrays the children, +<br>Scipio, +<br>Scott, Sir Walter, +<br>Scriveners, +<br>Scylla, +<br>Secrets, +<br>Semiramis, +<br>Seneca, +<br>Septemulle, +<br>Servants, +<br>Sesselis. See Cessoles. +<br>Shakespeare, +<br>Shamefastness, +<br>Scheible, J., +<br>Ships and shipwrecks, +<br>Sidrac, +<br>Slander, +<br>Sloane, John, +<br>Smith, office and duty of, +<br>Smith, R., +<br>Snuffy Davy, +<br>Sobriety, +<br>Socrates, +<br>Solinus, +<br>Solomon, +<br>Solynus, +<br>Speculum Laicorum, +<br>Spelling reform, +<br>Spencer, Earl, +<br>Spicers, +<br>Stars and clouds, +<br>Stephan, +<br>St. James of Compostella, +<br>Suicide, +<br>Surgeons, +<br>Syrens, Fountain of the, +<br>Symmachus, +<br>Syrians, +<p>Tacitus, +<br>Tailors, +<br>Tarascon, Bertrand de, +<br>Tarchus, +<br>Tarentum, +<br>Tarpeia, +<br>Tarquin, +<br>Tartar women go to the wars, +<br>Tassile, +<br>Taverners, +<br>Tessalis. See Ceffoles. +<br>Tessellis. See Ceffoles. +<br>Themes, +<br>Themistides, +<br>Theodorus Cyrenaicus, +<br>Theodosius, +<br>Theophrastus, +<br>Theryle, +<br>Thessolonia, J. de. See Cessoles. +<br>Thessolonica, J. de. See Cessoles. +<br>Thessolus, J. de. See Cessoles. +<br>Thieves, +<br>Thievish inn servants, +<br>Thobie, +<br>Thorn's Anecdotes and Traditions, +<br>Tiberius, +<br>Timon, +<br>Tinque, +<br>Titus, +<br>Toll-gatherers, +<br>Torture, +<br>Trajan, +<br>Treachery, 60, 61. +<br>Trevisa, John, +<br>Troy, and the invention of Chess, +<br>Troy-book, +<br>Truphes of the Philosophers, +<br>Trustee, dishonest, +<br>Truth, +<br>Tullius. See Cicero. +<br>Turgeius Pompeius, +<br>Tyranny, +<br>Tyrus. See Cyrus. +<p>Valere. See Valerius Maximus. +<br>Valerian, +<br>Valerius Maximus, +<br>Valerye. See Valerius Maximus. +<br>Varro, +<br>Vergil, Polydore, +<br>Vespasian, +<br>Vessels, earthen, +<br>Victory, +<br>Victuallers, +<br>Vignay, Jehan de, +<br>Vine legend, +<br>Virgil, +<br>Virginity, +<br>Visions, +<br>Vitas Patrum +<br>Vow of a woman +<p>Wages should be paid punctually +<br>War +<br>Warton, T. +<br>Warwick, George, Earl of +<br>Weavers +<br>Weft, J. +<br>White Friars at Ghent +<br>Wilbraham, Roger +<br>Wilson, "Snuffy Davy" +<br>Wine +<br>Wine forbidden to women +<br>Wine, origin of +<br>Wisdom +<br>Woollen merchants +<br>Workmen +<br>Workmen, office and duty +<br>Woman +<br> advice +<br> education +<br> vow +<br> and lawyers +<br> dangers abroad +<br> forbidden to drink wine +<br> going to the wars +<br>Women barbers +<br>Wright, T. +<p>Xanthippé +<br>Xenocrates +<br>Xenophon +<br>Xerxes the philosopher +<p>Ylye +<br>Youth and government +<br>Ypocras +<br>Ysaye +<center> +<p><img SRC="images/271loz.gif" ALT="lozenge" height=119 width=200></center> + +<div>*** END OF 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