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diff --git a/old/10672-0.txt b/old/10672-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..55b5034 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/10672-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,7077 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Game and Playe of the Chesse, by Caxton + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Game and Playe of the Chesse + A Verbatim Reprint Of The First Edition, 1474 + +Author: Caxton + +Release Date: January 11, 2004 [EBook #10672] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE *** + + + + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Debra Storr and PG Distributed Proofreaders + + + + +CAXTON'S + +GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE. + +1474. + +A VERBATIM REPRINT OF THE FIRST EDITION. + +WITH AN INTRODUCTION + +BY + +WILLIAM E.A. AXON, M.R.S.L. + +"And ther was founde by clerkes full prudent Of the chesse the play most +glorious." + + +JOHN LYDGATE. + +LONDON: ELLIOT STOCK, +62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C. +1883. + + + +[Transcribers Note: This is a reprint of Caxton's 1474 original. +"Englifh" long s's which look very similar to f's have been transposed +to s's for readability; yogh (looks like a mutated 3) has been rendered +as a 3; thorn, þ, has been left as such and macrons over letters are +given as e.g. [=o]. Otherwise the text has been left as is. + +The original punctutation has been preseved. Virgula suspensiva, shown +here as / was in common use from the thirteenth to the seventeenth +century. Often used for short pauses (such as the cæsura in the middle +of a line of poetry), but sometimes was used as equivalent to the +punctus. "'9" represents a superscripted 9 and is an ancestor to the +modern apostrophe. It usually indicates the omission of a terminal -us. + +A small amount of text in this edition is in Blackletter, which was used +in the Caxton original, and these sections have been marked up as such. + +The book contains many attractive illustrations copied from the Caxton +original and an HTML version exists to give a better representation +of this.] + + + + + +CONTENTS + + +INTRODUCTION. + +Jonathon Oldbuck on the Game of Chess, 1474 +The First Edition: copies in libraries and at sales +Where was it printed? +Caxton's account of the translation +The Second Edition: copies in libraries and at sales +Ferron and De Vignay's "Jeu d'Echecs" +Jacques de Cessoles: "Liber de Moribus hominum" +Sermons on Chess +Ægidius Romanus, his life and his book: "De Regimine Principum" +Occleve's imitation +William Caxton as a translator +Bibliography of the Chess Book: + Colonna + Cessoles + Ferron and De Vignay + Conrad van Ammenhaufen + Mennel + Heinrich von Beringen + Stephan + Caxton + Sloane + The scope and language of the Chess-book + Authors quoted and named + Biblical names and allusions + Xerxes the inventor of Chess! + Sidrac + John the monk + Truphes of the Philosophers + Helinand + Classical allusions + Mediæval allusions and stories + John of Ganazath + St. Bernard + The dishonest trader + The drunken hermit + A violent remedy + Murder of Nero + Theodorus Cyrenaicus + Democritus of Abdera + Socrates disguised + Didymus and raised letters for the blind + Shaksperean etymology + Caxton at Ghent + The history of Chess + The ethical aim of the writer of the Chess-book + + +THE GAME OF THE CHESSE. + +Dedication to the Duke of Clarence + +Prologue to second edition + + + BOOK I. + + This booke conteyneth. iiii. traytees/ The first traytee is of the + Invencion of this playe of the chesse/ and conteyneth. iii. + chapitres. + + The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden. + + The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe. + + The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of. iii. causes why hit was made and + founden. + + + BOOK II. + + The seconde traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and + conteyneth .v. chapitres. + + The first chapitre treteth of the forme of a kynge and of suche + thinges as apperteyn to a kynge. + + The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners. + + The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and + maners. + + The .iiii. chapitre is of the knygth and of his offices. + + The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices. + + + BOOK III. + + The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath + .viii. chapitres. + + The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe. + + The .ii. of smythis and other werkes in yron & metall. + + The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries. + + The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers. + + The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries. + + The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers. + + The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & customers. + + The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours. + + + BOOK IV. + + The .iiii. traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. + chapitres. + + The first is of the eschequer. + + The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge. + + The thirde of the yssue of the quene. + + The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns. + + The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes. + + The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks. + + The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple. + + And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion and of the + recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres. + + +GLOSSARY + +INDEX + + + + +INTRODUCTION + +The readers of the "Antiquary" will remember the anecdote told with so +much effusion by Jonathan Oldbuck. '"Davy Wilson," he said, "commonly +called Snuffy Davy, from his inveterate addiction to black rappee, was +the very prince of scouts for searching blind alleys, cellars, and +stalls, for rare volumes. He had the scent of a slow-hound, sir, and the +snap of a bull-dog. He would detect you an old black-letter ballad among +the leaves of a law-paper, and find an _editio princeps_ under the mask +of a school Corderius. Snuffy Davy bought the 'Game of Chess, 1474,' the +first book ever printed in England, from a stall in Holland for about +two groschen, or two-pence of our money. He sold it to Osborne for +twenty pounds, and as many books as came to twenty pounds more. Osborne +re-sold this inimitable windfall to Dr. Askew for sixty guineas. At Dr. +Askew's sale," continued the old gentleman, kindling as he spoke, "this +inestimable treasure blazed forth in its full value and was purchased by +Royalty itself for one hundred and seventy pounds! Could a copy now +occur, Lord only knows," he ejaculated with a deep sigh and lifted-up +hands, "Lord only knows what would be its ransom; and yet it was +originally secured, by skill and research, for the easy equivalent of +two-pence sterling."' + +Sir Walter Scott in a footnote adds:--"This bibliomaniacal anecdote is +literally true; and David Wilson, the author need not tell his brethren +of the Roxburghe and Bannatyne Clubs, was a real personage." Mr. Blades, +whose iconoclastic temper is not moved to mercy even by this good story, +says that although it "looks like a true bibliographical anecdote," its +appearance is deceptive, and that "not a single statement is founded +on fact."[1] + +Jonathan Oldbuck did not venture to estimate the sum that would ransom a +copy of the "Game of Chesse," and the world of the bibliomania has moved +even since his days, so that prices which seemed fabulous, and were +recounted with a sort of awe-struck wonder, have been surpassed in these +latter days, and the chances of any successor of "Snuffy Davy" buying a +Caxton for two groschen have been greatly reduced. + +According to Mr. William Blades, our latest and best authority on the +subject, there are but ten copies known of the first edition of the +"Chesse" book.[2] There is a perfect copy in the King's Library in the +British Museum. This is what ought to be Snuffy Davy's copy. A previous +owner--R. Boys--has noted that it cost him 3_s_. The copy in the +Grenville Library has the table and last leaf supplied in facsimile. The +copy in the Public Library at Cambridge is defective to the extent of +five leaves. The Bodleian copy wants the last leaf. The Duke of +Devonshire's copy formerly belonged to Roger Wilbraham, and the first +and eighth leaves are supplied in facsimile. The exemplar belonging to +the Earl of Pembroke is perfect, "but on weak and stained paper." Earl +Spencer's copy is perfect, clean, and unusually large. Mr. H. Cunliffe's +copy came from the Alchorne and Inglis Libraries, and wants the first +two printed leaves, two near the end, and the last two. Mr. J. Holford's +copy is perfect and in its original binding. It was once in the library +of Sir Henry Mainwaring of Peover Hall, as his bookplate shows. On a +fly-leaf is written, "Ex dono Thomæ Delves, Baronett 1682." The copy +belonging to the Rev. Edward Bankes is imperfect, and wants the +dedicatory leaf and is slightly wormed. + +The book, when complete, consists of eight quaternions or eight leaves +folded together and one quinternion or section of five sheets folded +together, making in all seventy-four leaves, of which the first and last +are blank. The only type used throughout is that styled No. 1 by Mr. +Blades. The lines are not spaced out; the longest measure five inches; a +full page has thirty-one lines. Without title-page, signatures, +numerals, or catch-words. The volume, as already mentioned, begins with +a blank leaf, and on the second recto is Caxton's prologue, space being +left for a two-line initial, without director. The text begins with a +dedication:--"(T)o the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince +George duc of Clarence Erl of Warwyk and of Salisburye/ grete +chamberlayn of Englond & leutenant of Ireland oldest broder of kynge +Edward by the grace of god kynge of England and of France/ your most +humble servant william Caxton amonge other of your servantes sendes unto +yow peas. helthe. Joye and victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe +puyssant and." The text ends on the seventy-third recto, thus:--"And +sende yow thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Joyous and vertuous +desirs Amen:/: Fynysshid the lastday of Marche the yer of our lord god. +a. thousand foure honderd and LXXIIII. *. *. *. *." The seventy-fourth +leaf is blank. + +It is unnecessary to say that this book seldom comes into the market. +The recorded sales are very few. In 1682 R. Smith sold a perfect copy +for 13s. 2d. In 1773 J. West's copy was bought by George III. for.£32 +0s. 6d. Alchorne's imperfect copy was bought by Inglis for £54 12s., and +at the sale of his books found a purchaser in Lord Audley for £31 10s., +and was again transferred, in 1855, to the possession of Mr. J. Cunliffe +for £60 l0s. 0d.[3] Mr. J. Holford's copy was bought at the Mainwaring +sale for £101. + +The last copy offered for sale was described in one of Mr. Bernard +Quaritch's catalogues issued in 1872, and the account given by that +veteran bibliopole is well worth reproduction. + +CAXTON'S GAME AND PLAY OF CHESS MORALIZED, (translated 1474) FIRST +EDITION, folio, 65 LEAVES (of the 72), bound in old ruffia gilt, £400. + + [Blackletter: Fynyshid the last day of Marche the yer of our Lord God, + a thousand foure hondred and lxxiiii....] + +An extremely large, though somewhat imperfect copy of + +THE FIRST BOOK PRINTED IN ENGLAND, from Caxton's press. + +Mr. Blades quotes 9 copies (4 perfect, 5 imperfect), the present is the +10th known copy, and is TALLER than even the Grenville--hitherto the +tallest known copy; my copy measures 11-1/8 inch in height by 8 in +width, whilst the Grenville copy (also imperfect) is only 11 +inches high. + + +COLLATION of _my copy_: + +[Blackletter: This Booke conteyneth iiii traytees] 1 _leaf_. +[Blackletter: This first chapiter of the first tractate] 1 _leaf_. +[Blackletter: The trouthe for to do Justice right wysly,] + etc. to the end 62 _leaves_. + _The last leaf with the date:_ +[Blackletter: In conquerynge his rightful inheritance,] + _ending:_ [Blackletter: fynyshed], _etc._ 1474 1 _leaf_. + ------------- + 65 leaves. + +My copy wants therefore 7 leaves, the two blank ones being out of +question. The imperfections include the first leaf, and two leaves in +the second chapitre of the fourth tractate, the end is all right. I +should be glad to hear of any IMPERFECT COPY of this work, which would +supply me with what I want. In the mean time this precious relic of the +Infancy of Printing in England can be feen by BUYERS of Rare books. + +_See_ Dibdin's Bibl. Spenc. IV. p. 189. + +No copy of this edition has been sold for years; in 1813, Alchorne's +copy, wanting first two leaves, the last two leaves and two leaves in +the second chapter of the fourth tractate, fetched at Evans', £54. +12_s_. The value of this class of books has much risen since then, and +may now be considered, as ten times greater. + +In comparing the first edition of "Caxton's Game of Chess" with the +second, one perceives many variations in the spelling. I confider the +_first edition_ to be the more interesting, for a variety of reasons: + +1. It is the first book printed in England. +2. It is the _Editio princeps_ of the English version. +3. It shows the Art of Printing in its crudest form. +4. It has a Post-script not in the second edition. + +Both editions run on together to the passage on the last page of the +second edition: + +[Blackletter: +And a mon that lyvyth in thys world without vertues lyveth not +as a man but as a beste.] + +The first edition ends thus: + +[Blackletter: And therefore my right redoubted Lord I pray almighty god +to save the Kyng our soverain lord to gyve him grace to yssue as a Kynge +tabounde in all vertues/ to be assisted with all other his lordes in +such wyse yn his noble royame of England may prospere/ habounde in +vertues and yn synne may be eschewid justice kepte/ the royame defended +good men rewarded malefactours punyshid the ydle peple to be put to +laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously. + +In conquerynge his rightfull inheritaunce / that verraypeas and charitie +may endure in both his royames and that marchandise may have his cours +in suche wise that every man eschewe synne/ and encrese in vertuous +occupacions / Praynge your good grace to resseyve this lityll and symple +book made under the hope and shadow of your noble protection by hym that +is your most humble servant in gree and thanke. And I shall praye +almighty god for your long lyf & welfare / which he preserve And sende +now thaccomplishment of your hye noble joyous and vertuous +desirs Amen:|: + +Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god a. thousand +four hondred and lxxiiii. *.:.:.*.] + +The second edition ends thus: + +[Blackletter: Thenne late every man of what condycion he be that redyth +or herith this litel book redde. take therby ensaumple to amend hym. +Explicit per Caxton.] + +This copy came from the library of Mr. L.M. Petit.[4] + +It will be noticed that Mr. Quaritch calls the _editio princeps_ of +Caxton's "Game and Play of the Chesse" the first book printed in +England. This was the general opinion of bibliographers before the +investigations of Mr. Blades. Dibdin, although he seems to have had some +doubt, pronounced in favour of that view. Yet it is clearly erroneous. +The only materials for judgment are those afforded by the colophon and +the prologue to the second edition, with the silent but eloquent +testimony of typography. Caxton ends the first edition with the +words:--"Fynysshid the last day of Marche the yer of our lord god a +thousand four hondred and LXXIIII." The word "fynysshid," as Mr. Blades +observes, "has doubtless the same signification here as in the epilogue +to the second book of Caxton's translation of the Histories of Troy, +'Begonne in Brugis, contynued in Gaunt and finysshed in Coleyn,' which +evidently refers to the translation only. The date, 1475-6, has been +affixed, because in the Low Countries at that time the year commenced on +Easter-day; this in 1474 fell on April 10th, thus giving, as the day of +the conclusion of the translation, 31 March 1475, the same year being +the earliest possible period of its appearance as a printed book." Then +there is Caxton's own racy account of the circumstances under which the +book first appeared:-- + +"And emong alle other good werkys It is a werke of ryght special +recomendacion to enforme and to late vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto +them that be not lernyd ne can not dyscerne wysedom fro folye Th[=e]ne +emonge whom there was an excellent doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of +fraunce of the ordre of thospytal of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which +entended the same and hath made a book of the chesse moralysed whiche at +suche tyme as I was resident in brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam +into my handes/ whiche whan I had redde and ouerseen/ me semed ful +necessarye for to be had in englisshe/ And in eschewyng of ydlenes And +to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen it/ ne [=v]nderstonde frenssh +ne latyn J delybered in my self to translate it in to our maternal +tonge/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd translacion/ J dyde doo sette +in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ Whiche anone were depesshed and +solde wherfore by cause thys sayd book is ful of holsom wysedom and +requysyte vnto euery astate and degree/ J haue purposed to enprynte it/ +shewyng therin the figures of suche persons as longen to the playe." + +It is clear from this that both the translation and printing belong to +the period of Caxton's residence in Bruges. From the use of the +instrumental form "dyde doo sette en enprynte" it might be thought that +Caxton employed the services of some printer, but although commonly so +employed, there are instances which will not bear this interpretation of +its intention.[5] He either employed a printer or made some partnerfhip +with one, and there are various indications that confirm Mr. Blades' +theory that the book came from the press of Colard Mansion. + +The second edition is undoubtedly the work of our first English printer. +"Explicit per Caxton" is the unambiguous statement of the colophon. It +is a much more advanced specimen of typography than the first edition. +It has signatures, of which _a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i,_ are +quaternions, _k_ and _l_ are terternions, making in all eighty-four +leaves, of which the first is blank. There is no title-page, and the +type used is that which Mr. Blades reckons as No. 2*. The lines are +spaced out to an even length. There are twenty-nine lines to a full +page, and the full line measures 4-7/8 inches. The prologue begins on _a +ij_., and the table of chapters begins on the next page. The text begins +on the recto of _a iii_. The text ends on the recto of _l_ 6, the last +page being blank. There are sixteen woodcuts in the volume, which are +used twenty-four times. There has been some diversity of opinion as to +the year in which this "Game of the Chesse" came from the press of +Caxton. The book is not dated. Dibdin thought it one of the printer's +earliest efforts. Figgins regarded it as the earliest issue of the +Westminster press, and further believed that it was printed from cut +metal types. This is not the view of Mr. Blades, who says: "An +examination of the work, however, with a typographical eye does not +afford a single evidence of very early workmanship. All Caxton's early +books were uneven in the length of their lines--this is quite even. Not +one of the early works had any signatures--this is signed throughout. +These two features alone are quite sufficient to fix its date of +impression at least as late as 1480, when Caxton first began the use of +signatures; but when we find that every known copy of this edition of +the 'Chess-Book' presents a thicker and more worn appearance than any +one copy of any other book, there is good reason for supposing that this +may have followed the 'Tulli' of 1481, and have been the last book for +which Type No. 2* was used."[6] + + +Mr. Blades describes nine known copies, so that even fewer exemplars +remain of the second edition than of its predecessor. The copy in the +King's Library in the British Museum is imperfect, wanting several +leaves, and is mended in many places. The copy in the Pepysian +Collection at Cambridge wants one-half of the last leaf. Trinity +College, Cambridge, has a perfect copy, "but a bad impression." The +Bodleian copy is defective in not having the last leaf. St. John's +College, Oxford, has a copy, from which one-half of _d iii_. has been +torn away. The Imperial Library at Vienna has an imperfect copy. The +Duke of Devonshire's copy is perfect, but it is "a poor impression, and +slightly stained." The Earl of Pembroke's copy is very imperfect. Earl +Spencer's is only slightly imperfect. The prices fetched by the second +edition have a sufficiently wide range. In 1698, at Dr. Bernard's sale, +a copy fold for 1s. 6d. Farmer's copy in 1798 fetched £4 4s. Ratcliffe's +copy was bought at his sale for £16 by Willett; and when his books came +to the hammer in 1813, it was purchased by the Duke of Devonshire for +£173 5s.[7] It is interesting to know that the copy of the second +edition in the Bibliotheca Spenceriana formerly belonged to Laurence +Sterne, who bought it for a few shillings at York![8] + +In the present reprint, the text followed is that of the first edition, +transcribed from the copy in the British Museum; but the variations, +alterations, and additions made in the second issue are all recorded in +footnotes. The reader has, therefore, before him the work in all its +fulness. The same reasons that have led to the adoption of this course +have also decided the publisher to include facsimiles of the curious +woodcuts which appeared in the second edition. These, although +necessarily reductions in size, reproduce the quaint vigour of the +originals. + +Caxton, we have seen, translated the "Game of the Chesse" from the +French. There were in effect two, if not three, from which he may have +taken his version. One of these is by Jean Faron, Perron, or Feron (as +the name is variously spelled), a monk of the order of St. Dominic, of +whom the notices are exceedingly scanty.[9] La Croix du Maine styles him +"de l'Ordre des Frères Prescheurs ou Jacobins du Paris." La Monnaye says +that the translation was made from the Latin of Cessoles, and was begun +in the year 1347. It has not been printed.[10] The translation is +considered a literal version of the Latin of Cessoles. + +The prologue of Perron's version is as follows:--"Chy ensuit le geu des +Eschas moralisé, ouquel a plusiers exemples bien à noter. A noblehomme, +Bertrand de Tarascon, frere Jehan Perron, de l'ordre des Freres +precheurs de Paris, son petil et humble chappelain soy tout. Le Sainte +Escripture dit que Dieux a fait a chascun commandement de pourchassier à +tous nos prochains leur sauvement. Or est-il ainsi que nos prochains ne +sont pas tout un, ains sont de diverses condicions, estas et manieres, +sy comme il appert. Car les uns sont nobles; les aultres non: les +aultres sont de cler engin; les aultres, non: les aultres sont enclins a +devocion; les aultres, non. Et pour ce, affin que le commandement de +Dieu soit mis à execution bien convenablement, il convient avoir +plusiers voyes et baillier à chascun ce qui lui est plus convenable; et +ainsi pourroit il le commandement de Dieu accomplir; .... Pour tant je, +vostre petit chappelain, à vostre requeste, que je tieng pour +commendement, vous ai volu translata de latin en français le Gieu des +Eschas moralisé, que fist l'un de nos freres, appelé frere Jaques de +Cossoles, maistre en divinité, si que vous l'entendés plus legierrement; +et à exemple des nobles hystoires qui y sont notteés, veuillés +maintenir, quant à vous, honnestement, et quant aux autres justement.... +Or prenés done ce petit present, comencié le 4'e jour de May, l'an +1347."[11] + +That Caxton made use of Perron's version is clear. Thus Mr. Blades +mentions the description of Evilmerodach as "un homme joly sans justice" +as peculiar to Ferron, whose version he regards as the basis of the +first and third chapters of Caxton's work. + +Dr. Van der Linde mentions a number of MSS.; in some the date is given +as 1357, and in one as 1317. This version remains unprinted, but there +are MSS. of it in the Bibliotheque Nationale, at Aosta, Cambrai, at +Brussels, in the British Museum, Chartres, at Bern, and at Stockholm.[12] + +Dr. Van der Linde also describes a MS. on parchment of the fifteenth +century, forming part of the national library at Paris, which contains +the Game of Chess in verse. + + "Mès si d'esbat te prent tallant, + Pren ton esbat déuement; + Mès si à jouer vieulx attendre, + Un noble jou te faulte attendre, + C'est des echecs qui est licite + Et à touz bien les gens incite." + +The author has concealed his name with an ingenuity that has so far +defied penetration. + + "Nommez mon nom et mon surnom, + Je ey escript tout environ, + A vingt et dous lettres sans plus, + Sera trouvé cy au dessus + En enscript, et sans plus ne moins." + +On this it is only necesiary to quote the remarks of a French +critic:--"Ou ne nous dit pas si c'est dans la suite même de la phrase, +ou seulement en acrosticke, que se trouvent les vingt-deux lettres de +ces nom mystérieux. Nous ne saurions former aucun nom avec les initiales +des trente vers qui précèdent ceux que nous venons de citer; et le +merite de l'ouvrage ne nous encourage pas à faire des longues recherches +pour découvrir un nom que l'auteur a pris plaisir à nous cacher."[13] + +The bulk of Caxton's work is undoubtedly from the French translation of +Jehan de Vignay, whose dedication to Prince John of France has simply +been transformed into a similar address to the Duke of Clarence. He +styles De Vignay "an excellent doctor of the order of the Hospital of +St. John's of Jerusalem." This is the only authority we have for +supposing De Vignay to be connected with that order. He styles himself +"hospitaller de l'ordre de haut pas," which was situated in the Faubourg +St. Jacques of Paris. It is curious that two members of the same +order--for Ferron was also a Jacobin--should independently have occupied +themselves with the same work. The version by De Vignay was probably the +later of the two, and it was also the most popular, for whilst Ferron's +is still unprinted, that of De Vignay has been frequently re-issued from +the press. The work is dedicated to Jean de France, Duc de Normandie, +who became king in 1350. It will be seen from this that these two French +versions were practically contemporaneous. + +The prologue to the book is as follows:--"A Tres noble & excellent +prince Jehan de france duc de normendie & auisne filz de philipe par le +grace de dieu Roy de france. Frere Jehan de vignay vostre petit +Religieux entre les autres de vostre seignorie/ paix sante Joie & +victoire sur vos ennemis. Treschier & redoubte seign'r/ pour ce que Jay +entendu et scay que vous veez & ouez volentiers choses proffitables & +honestes et qui tendent alinformacion de bonne meur ay Je mis vn petit +liuret de latin en francois le quel mest venuz a la main nouuellement/ +ou quel plussieurs auctoritez et dis de docteurs & de philosophes & de +poetes & des anciens sages/ sont Racontez & sont appliquiez a la +moralite des nobles hommes et des gens de peuple selon le gieu des +eschez le quel liure Tres puissant et tres redoubte seigneur jay fait ou +nom & soubz vmbre de vous pour laquelle chose treschr seign'r Je vous +suppli & requier de bonne voulente de cuer que il vo daigne plaire a +receuvoir ce liure en gre aussi bien que de vn greign'r maistre de moy/ +car la tres bonne voulente que Jay de mielx faire se je pouoie me doit +estre reputee pour le fait/ Et po'r plus clerement proceder en ceste +ouure/ Jay ordene que les chappitres du liure soient escrips & mis au +commencement afin de veoir plus plainement la matiere de quoy le dit +liure pole."[14] + +It will be seen that this is the foundation of Caxton's dedication of +the Chess-book to the Earl of Warwick. The "Golden Legend," printed by +Caxton in 1484, was in effect a translation from "La Legende Dorée," +made before the year 1380 by Jehan de Vignay, who in his prologue +mentions that he had previously translated into French "Le miroir des +hystoires du monde," at the request of "Ma dame Jehanne de Borgoigne, +royne de France."[15] This preface Caxton, as usual, adopted with some +changes of name and other alterations, amongst which is a reference to +"the book of the chesse" as one of his works. The "Legenda Aurea" of +Jacobus de Voragine is, of course, the original source of De Vignay's +"Legende Dorée," and Caxton's "Golden Legend." + +Ferron and de Vignay were avowedly translators. Their original was +Jacques de Cessoles. The name of this author has been tortured into so +many fantastic forms that one may almost despair of recovering the +original. Cæsolis, Cassalis, Castulis, Casulis, Cesolis, Cessole, +Cessulis, Cesulis, Cezoli, de Cezolis, de Cossoles, de Courcelles, +Sesselis, Tessalis, Tessellis, de Thessolus, de Thessolonia, and de +Thessolonica are different manners of spelling his surname, and the two +last are certainly masterpieces of transformation. Prosper Marchand has +amused himself by collecting some vain speculations of previous writers +as to the age, country, and personality of Jacques de Cessoles. Some +counted him a Lombard, some an Italian, whilst others again boldly +asserted that he was a Greek! + +He lived towards the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the +fourteenth century, and having joined the Dominican order, was a "Maître +en Théologie" of that brotherhood at Reims. Various works are attributed +to him, and his learning and piety had many eulogists. + +It is more than probable that his name would have been much less widely +known but for the happy accident that turned his attention to the game +of chess. It was a popular diversion, and in the moralizing spirit of +the age he saw in it an allegory of the various components of the +commonwealth. The men who were merely killing time were perhaps +flattered at the thought that they were at the same time learning the +modes of statecraft. Then, as now, the teachers of morality felt that a +song might reach him who a sermon flies, and they did not scruple to use +in the pulpit whatever aids came handy. The popular stories, wise saws, +and modern instances, were common enough on the lips of the preachers, +and such collections as the "Gesta Romanorum show what a pitch of +ingenuity in unnatural interpretation they had reached. An appropriate +instance is furnished by it in the following quaint fashion of +moralizing the chess play:-- + + "Antonius was a wys emp_er_our regnyng in the cite of Rome, the which + vsid moche to pley with houndis; and aftir þat pley, all þe day + aftir he wolde vse þe chesse. So yn a day, as he pleide at þe + chesse, & byheld the kyng fette yn the pley, som tyme hy and som tyme + lowe, among aufyns and pownys, he thought þ_er_with þ_a_t hit + wold be so with hi_m_, for he shuld dey, and be hid vndir erth. And + þ_er_fore he devided his Reame in thre p_ar_ties; and he yaf oo + part to þe kyng of Ier_usa_l_e_m; þe secunde p_ar_t vnto + þe lordis of his Reame or his empire; and the thrid p_ar_tie vnto + the pore people; & yede him self vnto the holy londe, and ther he + endid his lyf in peas. + + MORALITE. + + Seth now, good sirs; this emp_er_our, þat lovith so wele play, may + be called eche worldly man þat occupieth him in vanytes of the + world; but he moste take kepe of the pley of the chesse, as did the + emp_er_oure. the chekir or þe chesse hath viij. poyntes in eche + p_ar_tie. In eu_er_y pley beth viij. kyndes of men, s_cil_. + man, woman, wedewer, wedowis, lewid men, clerk_es_, riche men, and + pou_er_e men. at this pley pleieth vj. men. the first man, þat + goth afore, hath not but oo poynt, but whenne he goth aside, he + takith anoþ_er_; so by a pou_er_e man; he hath not, but when he + comyth to þe deth with pacience, þen shall he be a kyng in + heuen, w_i_t_h_ þe kyng of pore men. But if he grucche ayenst his + neighbour of his stat, and be a thef, and ravissh þat wher he may, + þen he is ytake, and put in to the p_re_son of helle. The secund, + f_cil_. alphyn, renneth iij. poyntes both vpward and douneward; [he] + betokenyth wise men, the whiche by deceyuable eloquence & takyng of + money deceyueth, & so he is made oonly. The iij. _scil._ þe kny3t, + hath iij. poyntes, & goth þ_er_with; [he] betokenyth gentilmen + þat rennyth aboute, & ravisshith, and ioyeth for her kynrede, & + for habundaunce of richesse. The fourth, s_cil._ þe rook, he + holdith length & brede, and takith vp what so is in his way; he + betokenyth okerers and false m_er_chaunt3, þat rennyth aboute ouer + all, for wynnyng & lucre, & rechith not how thei geten, so that thei + haue hit. The fifthe is þe quene, that goth fro blak to blak, or + fro white to white, and is yset befide þe kyng, and is ytake fro + the kyng. This quene bytokenyth virgyns and damesels, þat goth fro + chastite to synne, and beth ytake by the devill, for glovis or such + man_e_r yiftis. The vj. is to whom all owe to obey and mynystre; and + he goth forth, and bakward ayen, & in either side, & takith ouer all; + so sone discendith in to þe world, and ascendith to god by + praiers; But when he takith [no] kepe of god, and hath no meyne, + þan is hit to þe man chekmate. And þ_er_fore let vs not + charge of oure estatis, no more þan is w_i_t_h_ þe men, when + þei be put vp in þe poket; then hit is no charge who be above + or who be byneth; and so by the Spirit of loulynesse we may come to + þe ioy of heven. And þat graunt vs, _qui viuit_ &c." + +It is not, therefore, surprising to learn that Jacques de Cessoles found +texts for sundry sermons on the game that formed so favourite a +diversion of clergy and laity. The favour with which these discourses +were received no doubt gratified the worthy Dominican father. At the +request of some of those who heard them he began to write down the +substance of his sermons. The result was the "Liber de moribus Hominum +et officiis Nobilium ac Popularium super ludo scachorum," which +immediately attained great popularity. This is shown by the bibliography +of Dr. A. Van der Linde in a striking manner, for he has described two +hundred codices to be found in the various public libraries of +Europe.[16] + +The difficulties in the way of forming any clear conception as to the +life and personality of Cessoles, Ferron, and De Vignay are well shown +in an article by M.C. Leber.[17] Dr. Ernst Köpke, who has reexamined the +evidences as to Cessoles, holds that he was a Lombard.[18] + +The chief source from which Cessoles took his material was the treatise +"De Regimine Principum" of Egidius Romanus. + +He was of the great Neapolitan family of the Colonna, and his Christian +name appears to have been Guido, but his designations have undergone +some curious transformations. Born at Rome, 22nd Sept., 1216, Guido +Colonna went at an early age to Paris, where, from the name of his +birthplace, he became known as Ægidius Romanus, with the French form of +Gilles de Rome. He was an ardent and enthusiastic disciple of St. Thomas +Aquinas, and his familiarity with that great doctor of the Church led +him to desire admission to the Dominican order, but a difficulty +intervened from the circumstance that he had already contracted ties +which bound him to the order of St. Augustine. To this untoward accident +may probably be attributed no little of the extension of the +philosophical doctrine of Aquinas; for Colonna, unable or unwilling to +be relieved of the vows that bound him to the Augustinians, preached +eagerly amongst them the Thomist speculations of his friend and master. +In the controversy with the Franciscans, those whom he had indoctrinated +were valuable allies to the Thomists, for their aid, coming from an +independent organization, appeared to carry the weight of impartiality, +and to be unassailable on the plea of partisan interest. In the year +1287 there was a general convocation of the order of St. Augustine at +Florence, and at this assembly it was decreed that the doctors of the +order should teach in conformity with the decisions arrived at by +Colonna. To him is largely due the success of the Thomist scheme, of +which he was an able, persistent, and vigorous exponent. Many tracts by +him remain in print and MS. on these subjects. The fame he had thus +acquired gained him the name of _doctor fundamentarius_ and _doctor +fundatissimus_. His lectures at Paris attracted to him the attention of +Philippe le Hardi, who thought him a fitting person to be entrusted with +the education of his son, who was afterwards known to hiftory as +Philippe le Bel. It was whilst occupied with this royal youth that the +thought of composing or compiling--and the terms were in practice +interchangeable in those days--occurred, and the result was the treatise +"De regimine Principum libri iii." Philippe le Hardi, if not an educated +man himself--and there are doubts as to whether he could write his own +name--was laudably anxious that his heir should have the best +instruction that could be obtained. It cannot well be claimed that the +able, handsome, and unscrupulous Philippe was any great credit to his +preceptor. The despotic and perfidious character of the king probably +owed more to the influence of Nogaret and other defenders of the "right +divine of kings to govern wrong," than to the soberer precepts of +Colonna. That Philippe had some tincture of literary feeling may be +inferred from his employment of Jehan de Meung to translate the military +treatise of Vegetius Flavius Renatus, a compilation of the second +century of the present era, which was so popular in the middle ages that +it was translated by Caxton into English. Still better evidence is the +translation made for the king by the same poet of Boethius, whose +stoical philosophy must have had a special appropriateness for those +times of political storm and stress, when the fickleness of fortune must +have been a matter of only too common repute. Guido Colonna was elected +by his admiring brethren the general of the order in 1292, and took up +his residence at Bourges, its metropolitan seat. + +In this honourable office he continued his literary labours, and to this +period are assigned the greater part of his numerous works. He died at +Avignon in 1316. His body was translated to Paris, where his effigy in +black marble, with his epitaph, remained until the French +revolution.[19] It would be superfluous to enumerate his philosophical +writings, for they would have no interest in the present day. His +commentary on Aristotle "De Anima," it may be observed, was dedicated to +Edward I. His name is now chiefly remembered because his work on the +rule of princes formed the basis of the treatise in which Jacques de +Cessoles moralized the fashionable game of the chess. + +One interesting instance of the popularity of Colonna's work is the +translation of it made into English verse by Thomas Occleve.[20] He +wrote it in 1411 or 1412, and its object was to obtain the payment of an +annuity from the exchequer which had been granted to him, but the +payment of which was very irregular. The book was dedicated to the +Prince of Wales. After mentioning his purpose to translate from the +(apocryphal) letter of Aristotle to Alexander and "Gyles of Regement of +Prynces," he proceeds:-- + + "There is a booke, Jacob de Cessoles, + Of the ordre of Prechours, made, a worthy man, + + That the Chesse moralisede clepede is, + In whiche I purpose eke to labour ywis + And here and there, as that my litelle witte + Afforthe may, I thynke translate it. + + And al be it that in that place square + Of the lystes, I meane the eschekere, + A man may learn to be wise and ware; + I that have avanturede many a yere, + My witte therein is but litelle the nere, + Save that somewhat I know a Kynges draught, + Of other draughts lernede have I naught."--(p. 77.) + +"In those days," says Warton, "ecclesiastics and schoolmen presumed to +dictate to kings and to give rules for administering states, drawn from +the narrow circle of speculation, and conceived amid the pedantries of a +cloister. It was probably recommended to Occleve's notice by having been +translated into English by John Trevisa, a celebrated translator about +the year 1390.[21] + +Having thus traced the stream back to its fountain, we return to Caxton. +The story of his life has been told by Mr. Blades, and only the most +essential facts of his busy and useful career need be recapitulated +here. He was born in the Weald of Kent, and it has been conjectured that +the manor of Caustons, near Hadlow, was the original home of the family. +He was apprenticed to Alderman Robert Large, a mercer, who was +afterwards Lord Mayor. The entry in the books of the Mercers' Company +leads to the inference that Caxton was born about 1422. Probably on the +death of Large, in 1441, Caxton went abroad, for he tells us that in +1471 he had been resident outside England for thirty years. About 1462 +or 1463 he was Governor of the English Nation or Merchant Adventurers at +Bruges. This was a position of great influence, and it is thought to +have enabled the loyal mercer to give good service to Edward IV., who +was an exile in 1470. Caxton's marriage was not much later than 1469, +and it is conjectured that this led him to enter the service of the +Duchess of Burgundy. She had literary tastes, and at her request he +translated the "Recuyell des Histoires de Troyes" of Raoul Le Fevre. It +was the demand for copies of this that exhausted Caxton's calligraphic +patience, and led to his employment of a printer. The incident may have +been casual, but it led to great results. It has been said that he +learned the printers' art at Cologne, but Mr. Blades supposes that he +entered its mystery at Bruges under Colard Mansion, with whom he appears +to have had some partnership. Probably towards the end of 1476 Caxton +returned to England. He had the favour of Edward IV. and of his sister, +Duchess of Burgundy, and the friendship of the King's brother-in-law, +Earl Rivers. Ninety-nine distinct productions issued from Caxton's +press, he was printer, publisher, translator, and something of author as +well. He set in good earnest about the work that is still going on--of +making the best accessible literature widely and commonly known. This +useful career was only ended by his death. The exact date is not known, +but it was probably late in 1491. He left a married daughter. Caxton was +a good business man. He was also a sincere lover of literature, and he +was at his favourite work of translation only a few hours before the +final summons came. + +The quality of Caxton as a translator is not a matter of much doubt. It +may be that the archaic forms give an additional flavour to his style, +since they present few difficulties to the modern reader, and yet sound +like echoes from the earlier periods of the language. Generally he is +content to follow his author with almost plodding fidelity, but +occasionally he makes additions which are eminently characteristic. His +author having remarked:--"Il nest an Jour Duy nulle chose qui tant +grieue Rome ne ytalie com~e fait le college Des notaires publiques Car +ilz ne sont mie en accort ensemble"--Caxton improves the passage thus:-- + + "For ther is no thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and + Italye as doth the college of notaries and aduocates publicque. For + they ben not of oon a corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the + aduocats. men of law. And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of + y'e royame as well in the spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how + torne they the lawe and statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the + peple/ how enpouere they the comynte/ I suppose that in alle + Cristendom ar not so many pletars attorneys and men of the lawe as + ben in englond onely/ for yf they were nombrid all that lange to the + courtes of the channcery kinges benche. comyn place. cheker. ressayt + and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ hit shold amounte to a + grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of whome. yf hit shold be + vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they entende to theyr + synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/" + +Another addition is the brief passage in the first chapter of the fourth +tract in which the "good old times" are lamented and contrasted with the +decadence of the then present--now the four centuries past. + + "Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what + prosþite/ In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office + contente/ how stood the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how + was renomed the noble royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And + spack worship of hit/ how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I + reporte me to them that knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the + royame or on the see/ they knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle + on the see I wote well the same is grete therof I pray god saue that + noble royame And sende good true and politicque counceyllours to the + gouernours of the same &c./" + +The concluding paragraph of the book is also due to Caxton. + + "And therfore my ryght redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the + kyng our souerain lord & to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge & + tabounde in all vertues/ & to be assisted with all other his lordes + in such wyse y't his noble royame of Englond may prospere & habounde + in vertues/ and y't synne may be eschewid iuftice kepte/ the royame + defended good men rewarded malefactours punysshid & the ydle peple to + be put to laboure that he wyth the nobles of the royame may regne + gloriously In conquerynge his rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray + peas and charite may endure in bothe his royames/ and that + marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that euery man eschewe + synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge your good grace + to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the hope and + shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most humble + seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for your + longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preferue And sende yow + thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs + Amen:/: Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a. + thousand foure honderd and lxxiiii" + +This was struck out in the second edition, and the following briefer +farewell substituted:-- + + "Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith + this litel book redde take therby ensaumple to amend hym. + + Explicit per Caxton." + +The alteration may perhaps be received as an evidence of our first +English printer's fastidiousness as an author. + +The bibliography of the editions, translations, and imitations of +Cessoles is long and intricate. Details of MSS. have not been thought +necessary. They have been amply described by Dr. Van der Linde. The +treatise on the rule of princes of Colonna has been taken as furnishing +the matter which Jacques de Cessoles afterwards re-arranged under the +attractive form of a description of the game of chess. The editions of +the Latin text are followed by particulars of the translations into +French, English, Spanish, Italian, and other languages. Each title has +appended the name of the bibliographer on whose authority it is given. + +These are as follows:-- + +_Hain._--Repertorium Bibliographicum ... opera Ludovici Hain. Stuttgart, +1826. + +_Ebert._--A General Bibliographical Dictionary, from the German of +Frederic Adolphus Ebert. Oxford, 1837. 4 vols. + +_Græsse._--Trésor de Livres rares et précieux: par Jean George Théodore +Græsse. Dresde, 1859-67. 6 vols. + +_Brunet._--Manuel du Libraire par Jacques-Charles Brunei. Paris, 1860. + +_Linde._--Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels von Antonius van der +Linde. Berlin, 1874. + +Das erste Jartausend der Schachlitteratur (850-1880) zusammengestellt +von Dr. A.v.d. Linde. Berlin, 1881. + +Dr. van der Linde's work is so complete that, for the most part, it has +been thought sufficient to give his name, even when older authorities +have been consulted. + + +COLONNA. + +(See _antè_, p. xxviii.) + +Ægidius Romanus de regimine principum L. III. s. l. 1473. Folio. + +This Ebert and Græsse conjecture to have been printed by G. Zainer. +They describe it as the first edition of a work frequently reprinted, +and say that the last edition appeared at Lugd. Batav. in 1643, and had +on the title-page the name of St. Thomas Aquinas as author. Hain +mentions editions at Rome--Stephanum Plannck, 1482, folio; +Venetiis, 1498. + + * * * * * + +(_French translation._) + +Miroir exemplaire, selon la compilation du Gilles de Rome du regime et +gouvernement des rois etc. (by Henri de Gauchy or de Gauchay) et avec +est compris le secret de Aristote appellé le secret des secrets, et les +noms des rois de France com bien de temps ils out regné. Paris, +1517. Folio. + +(_Græsse._) + +This was printed by Guillaum Eustace: "On les v=et au palais au Tiers +pillier Et a la me neufue nostre dame a lenseigne de Lagnus dei" +(_Brunef_). Ebert mentions a French translation as having been printed +at Paris, in 1497; but Brunet, in the article on Aristotle, gives a +somewhat minute account of the book, to show that it is not that +of Colonna. + + * * * * * + +(_Spanish translation._) + +Regimi[=e]to de los principes sechs y ordenado par Don fray Gil de Roma de +la orden de s[=a]t Augustin. E fizolo trasladar de latín en rom[=a]ce do +Bernardo obispo de osma etc. Suilla--a espenses de Mæstre Conrado +aleman. & Melchior gurrizo, mercadores de libros, fue impresso per +Meynardo Ungut alememo: & Stanislas Polono compañeros. Acabaron se a +veynte dias del mes de octubre Año del señor de Mill & quarto cientos & +nouenta & quarto [1494] folio. + +(_Hain, Brunet, Græffe_.) + +Ebert notes that there was an edition under the name of Th. Aquino at +Madrid, 1625, 4to. + +(_Catalan translation_.) + +Regiment des Princeps. Barcelona per Mestre Nicolau Spindaler +emprentador. 1480. Folio. + +(_Græffe_.) + +Regiment del Princeps. Barcelona per Johan +Luchner. 1498. Fol. + +(_Brunei, Græffe_.) + +(_Italian translation_.) + +Ebert mentions an Italian version by Val. Averoni. Firenze, 1577, 8vo. + +(_Græffe_.) + +(_English translation_.) + +De regimine Principum, a poem by Thomas Occleve, written in the reign of +Henry IV. Edited for the first time by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., +F.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London, J.B. Nichols. +1860. 4to. + +(See _antè_, p. xxxii., for notice of another Early English version.) + + + + +CESSOLES. + +(See _antè_, p. xxiv.) + +Incipit solati[=u] ludi schacor. Scilicz regiminis ac morum nominu= et +officium viror' nobili[=u] quor' si quis formas menti impresserit bellum +ipsum et ludi virtutem cordi faciliter poterit optinere. (E)Go frater +iacobus de thessolonia multor' fratru= &c. Ends: Explicit folaci[=u] ludi +schacor'. Folio. 40 leaves. + +There is neither date, place, nor printer's name given; but it is +considered to have been the work of Nic. Ketelær and Ger. de Leempt, at +Utrecht (Ultrajectus), about 1473. + +(_Linde, Græsse_.) + +Incipit libellus de ludo Scaccorum, et de dictis factisque nobilium +virorum, philosophorum et antiquorum. Explicit tabula super ludum +Scacchorum. Deo gratias. 4to. 29 leaves. Sign. A--H. + +This is in black letter, and has neither date nor place. + +(_Linde_.) + +Incipit libelles de ludo Schaccorum.... Explicit doctrina vel morum +informatio, accepta de modo et ordine Ludi Schaccorum. 4to. + +(_Linde_.) + +Incipit liber quem composuit frater. Jacobus' de cessolis ordinis +fratr[=u] predicatorum qui intitulatur liber de moribus hominum et +officiis nobilium super ludo scacorum. Impressum Mediolani ad impensas +Paulini de suardis Anno a natali christiano. MCCCCLXXviiij. die xxiij. +Mensis augusti. Folio. 24 leaves. + +(_Linde, Græsse_.) + +Jacobi de Cessolis Ord. Præd. Informatio morum, excerpta ex modo et +ratione ludi Scacchorum; sive de moribus hominum officiisque nobilium et +super eo commentarius. Mediolani. 1497. Folio. + +(_Linde, Græsse_.) + +Tractatus de Scachis mistice interpretatus de moribus per singulos +homin[=u] status. 4to. Anno 1505. + +On leaf 31b:-- + + "Ad lectorum + Qum paucis rigidos possis compescere mons + Accipe: quod offert hiberna ex arce Johannes + Scacherii munus: sapiens Philometer et illud + Tradidit. ut regis babilonis crimina mergat + Hunc tibi si soties capiet te lectio frequens + Noveris et iuste que ius moderamina vite." + +No place or date, but supposed to be printed at Vienna, by Joh. +Winterburg. + +(_Linde, Græsse_.) + +Jacobus de Cessoles. Von Prof. Dr. Ernft Köpke, Mittheilungen, aus den +Handschriften der Ritter. Akademie zu Brandenburg. Brandenburg a.d. +Havel, 1879, 4to. + +(_Linde_, "Jartausend.") + +(_French translation_.) + +Les jeu des Echez moralisé, nouvellement imprimé à Paris (ends). Cy +finist le livre des Echez et l'Ordre de Chevalerie, translaté de latin +en françois, imprimé nouvellement à Paris; et fut achevé le vendredy, +VI'e jour de septembre, l'an MVC et IIII, pour Anthoine Verart, libraire +juré en l'université de Paris, demourant à Paris, à l'imaige Sainct +Jehan l'evangeliste, devant la rue neufve Nostre Dame, &c. Folio, +102 leaves. + +(_Linde._) + +"On trouve an f. LX un autre traité de Morale et an f. lxxxij celui de +_Melibee et de Prudence_. Il y a à la bibl. imp. un exempl. de cette éd. +tiré sur vélin et orné de 4 Miniatures." + +(_Græsse._) + +Le Jeu de Echets moralisé ... Cy finist le liure des eschecz et lordre +de cheualerie, translattée de latin en françoys imprimé à Paris: et fut +acheué le xiiii iour de nouembre mil cinq cent et cinq. Par Michel le +noir libraire ... demourant deuant Saint Denys de la chartre à limaige +nostre dame. 90 leaves. + +(_Linde._) + +On trouve à la fin du _Livre de l'ordre de chevalerie_ le même Dialogue +entre Melibée et Prudence sous le titre: _Ung petit traictie a +lenseignement et au prouffit de tous princes barons & aultres que le +vouldront entendre & garder lequel fut fonde & extrait d'une fiction +trouvee en escript_. Ce qui a induit _Du Verdier_ (vol. i. p. 556) en +erreur de croire que cette traduction, publiée en 1505, diffère de +celle de 1504. + +(_Græsse._) + +{_Italian translation_.} + +Libro di Giuocho di Scacchi intitulato de costumi degli huomin et degli +officii de nobili. 4to. + +"Ohne Angabe des Druckortes und des Jahres. Ausser dem +Titelblattbildchen bringt das Buch dreizehn Abbildungen, welche die von +Cessoles auf dem Schachbrett statuirten Würden und Gewerke darstellen." + +(_Linde_) + +Libro di givocho di scacchi intitulato de costumi degl huomini & degli +offitii de nobili. (Fol. 2a:) In comincia un tractato gentile & utile +della uirtu del giuocho degli scachi cioe intitulato de costumi +deglhuomini & degli ufitii denobili: composto pel Reu[=e]redo Mæstro +Jacopo dacciesole dellordine de fratri predicatori. Fol. 67b: Impresso +in Fir[=e]ze per Mæstro Antonio Miscomini Anno M.CCCCLXXXXIII. Adi primo +di Marzo 8vo. + +(_Linde_.) + +"Cette ed. bien incorrecte quant an texte (comme les reimpressions: f. +l. 1534, in 8vo. [56 ff.] I 1. 206, Gallarini) est recherchée pour ses +belles gravures en bois, don't une partie a été copiée par Dibdin, Aedes +Althorp, vol. ii. p. 5-13. II y a une nouvelle édition: _Mil. tipogr. di +Giulio Terrario_, 1829, gr. in 8°, avec des copies de ces mêmes figures +et des corrections du texte d'après des de Florence. On a tiré de cette +dernière édition 24 exempl. _in carte distinte_, 1 sur peau velin +d'Augsbourg et 1 _in capretti di Roma_." + +(_Græsse_.) + +Opera nvova nella quale se insigna il vero regimento delli huomini & +delle do[=n]e di qualunqu grado, stato, e condition esser si voglia:, +Composta per lo Reuerendissimo Padre Frate Giacobo da Cesole del ordine +di predicatori sopra il giuoco delli Scacchi, Intitulata Costvme delli +hvomini, & vfficii delli nobeli, nuouamente Stampata. M.D. XXXIIII. +Stampata in Vineggia per Fransesco di Alessandro Bin doni & Mapheo +Pasini compagni: Nelli anni del Signore, 1534. del mese di Zenaro 8vo. +56 leaves. + +(_Linde_.) + +Volgarizzamento del libro de' costumi e degli officii de' nobili sopra +il giuoco degli scacchi di frate Jacopo da Cessole tratto nuovamente da +un codice Magliabechiano. Milano, 1829. Dalla tipografia del dottore +Giulio Ferrario Contrado del Bocchetto al No. 2465 8vo. Pp. xx and 162, +and 1 leaf. + +(_Linde_.) + +_Catalan translation_. + +This does not appear to have been printed. There is a codex in the +Vatican and another at Barcelona. They are described by Linde. See ante, +p. xxviii. + +_Spanish translation_. + +Dechado de la vida humana. moralmento Sacado del juego del Axedrez. +tradizado agora de nuevo per el licenciado Reyna Vezino della Villa de +Aranda de duero. En este año M.D.XLIX. 4to. 56 leaves. + +Printed at Valladolid by Francifque Fernandes de Cordoue. + +(_Linde_.) + +_German translation_. + +Ich bruder Jacob von Caffalis prediger ordens, bin überwunder worden von +der bruder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das buch menschlicher sitten +vnd d'ampt der edeln. Folio. 40 leaves. + +Without place or year, but printed before the year 1480. + +(_Linde_.) + +I (Ch) bruder Jacob von Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden +vo(n) der brüder gebet wegen vn(d) der weltlichen studenten vn(d) andern +edlen leut die mich haben horen predigen das spil das do heysset +schachzabel. Das ich davon gemacht hab ditz buch. vn(d) hab das pracht +zenutz menschlichs geschlechts. Vn(d) hab es geheissen das buch +menschlicher sitten vnnd der ampt der edlen ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich +das buch menschlicher sitten vnd der ampt der edeln I.4.7.7. Folio. +40 leaves. + +This is believed to have been printed with the type of G. Zainer at +Augftmrg. + +(_Linde_) + +(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger ordens bin vberwunden worden +von der brüder gebet ... (Ends.) Hie endet sich das Buch menschlicher +sitten vnd der ampt der edlen. Gedruckt zu Augsburg in der +Kayserliche(n)stat anno dni MCCCC LXXX IIJ. am osterabe(n)t geent. +Folio. 36 leaves. + +(_Linde_.) + +Dis buchlein weiset die aufzlegung des schachzabel spils, Vnd +menschlicher fitten, Auch von den ampten der edeln. (Leaf Aiia) + +(I)ch bruder Jacob vo(n) Cassalis prediger orde(n)s ... (Leaf 39b) +Getruckt vnd volendet von henrico knoblochzern in der hochgelobten stat +Strassburg vff Sant Egidius tag In dem LXXX iij Jor. &c. Folio. +39 leaves. + +(_Linde_.) + +Jacobus de Cessolis, de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac +popularium; oder, Das Schachwerk des Cessolis, von den Sitten der +Menschen und den Pflichten der Vornehmen und Niedern. Von Heydebrand v. +d. Lafa. (Schachzeitung, 1870.) + +(_Linde._) + +(_German rhyming version of Conrad von Ammenhausen_.) + +Ueber das Schachzabelbuch Konrads von Ammenhausen und die Zofinger +Handsschrift desselben, von Wilhelm Wackernagel (Beitrage zur Geschichte +und Literatur vorzuglich aus den Archiven und Bibliotheken des Kanton +Aargau. Herausgegeben von Dr. Heinrich Kurz ... und Placid Weissenbach. +Erster Band. Aarau 1846.) + +Dr. van der Linde gives particulars of various MSS. of this rhyming +version of Cessolis. + +(_German rhyming version of Dr. Jacob Mennel_.) + +Schachzabel. (Ends.) Getruckt vund vollendet in der loblichen statt +Costentz vo Hanfen schäffeler. Vf zinftag vor sant Vits tag Anno M. cccc +vn vii iar. 4to 13 leaves. Sig. a ii--c ii. + +In the prologue Jacob Mennel, doctor, claims the paternity of this +rhyming treatise, but he is supposed to have taken much of his +material--ready made--from Ammenhausen. + +Schachtzabel Spiel. D Esz Ritterlich[=e] kunst lich[=e] Schachtzabel Spiels +vnderweygung, erclärung, vn(d) verstant, wo here das kommen, were das am +ersten erfunden, vund ausz was vrsach es erdacht sey, Auch wie man das +künstlich lernen ziehen vn(d) spielen solle, sampt etlich[=e] kunstlich[=e] +geteylten spielen &c. [Illustration: hand] Zu dem Schachtzieher. + + "Dein Augen scherpff, nicht uberseh + Dem wyderteyl, sleiszlich nach speh, + Wie fich gebürt, im Feld und Heer, + Dein volck das schich an zu der weer, + Vnd orden das recht an dem streyt, + Ders überlicht, gern vnden leyt." + +Getruckt zu Oppenheym. 4to. + +This second edition was issued by Jacob Köbel, who printed about 1520. + +(_Linde._) + +Des Altenn Ritterlichenn spils des Schachzabels, grüntlich bedeutung +vund klarer bericht, dasselbig künstlich zuziehenn vund spilen. Mit ein +newenn zusatz ettlicher besonderen Meisterstück, nach der Current, +welfchen art, vn(d) von Hutten, deszgleichen ettlichener besondern +Regeln des Schachziehens, vormals nie auszgangen. Franckfurt, 1536. 4to. + +(_Linde._) + +Vnderweifzung, erklärung, vund auszlegung desz Ritterlichenn, +kunstlichenn spielfz des Schachzabels, durch den Hochgelartenn Doctor +Jacob Mennel... auff dem heiligen Reichsztag zu Kostentz, Anno &c. 1507 +in Rheimen gedicht, vund desselbinn spiels Vrsprung vn(d) wesenn, Auch +wie man das auff das aller kurtzest zu ziehenn vund spilen begreissen +mag, offenbart. Frankfurt, 1536, 4to. + +This is given on the authority of Massmann by Dr. van der Linde. + +Das Schachzabelspiel. Des alten ritterlichen Spiels des Schachzabels' +gründlich Bedeutung... Frankf. 1536. [Reprint.] + +Dr. van der Linde does not speak well of this reprint which appeared +in:--Schaltjahr, welches ist der teutsch Kalendar, durch J. Scheible. +Dritter Band. Stuttgart, 1847. + +(_German rhyming version of Heinrich von Beringen._) + +There is a third rhyming version of the Chessbook by Heinrich von +Beringer, of which a MS., dated 1438, is in the Stuttgart library. +(_Linde._) + +(_Low German rhyming translation by Stephan._) + +Van dogheden vnde van guden zeden fecht dyt boek wol dat valen ouer left +de wert ok des schackspeles klock. (Lubeck, about 1489.) Small 4to. or +large 8vo. + + "Hir gheyt vth ghemaket to dude + Dat schackspil der eddelen lude + Des bokes dichter het stephan." + +(_Linde._) + +(_Dutch Translation._) + +(D)It is die tafel van desen boeck datmen hiet dat scæcspel (Fol. 2'a) +(H)Ier beghint ee suuerlyc boec vanden tytuerdryf edelre heren ende +vrouwen. als vande scæc spul. dær nochtant een ygherlyck mensche van +wat stæt dat hi si. vele scoenre en(de) saliger leren wt neme(n) mach. +næ welcken hi syn leuen sal regieren tot profyt ende salicheyt synre +sielen (Fol. 67'b), ghebruyken Amen In iær ons heren dusent vierhondert +ende neghentseuentich. opten anderden dach van october, soe is dit +ghenoechlycke boeck voleynt en(de) Ghemæct ter goude in hollant. by my +gherært leeu. Lof heb god Folio. + +(_Linde._) + +Tractat van den Tydverdryf der Edele Heeren ende Vrouwen, genoemt dat +scækspel, verciert met veele schoone historien (Ends:) Int iær ons +heren M.CCCC.LXXXIII. opten veertienden dach van februario: so is dat +ghenoecklike bock volmæckt te Delff in hollant. 4to. + +(_Linde._) + +Hier beghint een suyuerlijck boeck vande(n) tytuerdrijf edelre heere(n) +ende vrouwen, als vanden scæck spel, dær nochtans een ieghelijck +me(n)sche va wat stæt dz by sy, vele scoonre en(de) saligher +leerighe(n) wt nemen mach, næ welcken hy sijn leuen sal regeren tot +profijt ende salicheyt synre sielen. (Ends.) Gheprint tot Louen in de +Borchstrate in den Lupært by my Anthonis Maria Bergaigne ghesworen +boecprinter. Int iær ons Heren. M.CCCCC. ende LI. den VI. dach van +Augustus. 8vo. 120 leaves. + +(_Linde_.) + +(_Scandinavian rhyming translation_.) + +De ludo Scacchorum seu de moribus hominum et officiis nobilium ac +popularium. Poema suecanum vetustum. e codice manuscripto biblioth. Reg. +Universitatis Havn. nunc primum editum. quod consensu ampl. ord. phil. +Lund. p.p. Ernestus Rietz et Augustus Ludovicus Sjöberg, scanus in +Academia Carolina die vi Decembris MDCCCXLVIII. Lundæ, Typis +Berlingianis. MDCCCXLVIII. 8vo. + +Fourteen dissertations, of which there is a set in the Jena Library. + +There is a MS. of this Scandinavian poetical version of Cessolis dated +1492, and another dated 1492 in the Kopenhagen University Library. + +(_Linde_.) + +(_English translation._) + +The Game and Playe of the Chesse. folio. E. P. + +The Game and Playe of the Chesse. Explicit per Caxton. folio. + +The Game at Chesse, a metaphorical Discourse shewing the present Estate +of this Kingdome. London. 1643, 4to. + +This title is given by Lowndes, but examination only would show whether +it is in any way an imitation of Caxton. + +The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. [Facsimile reprint of the +second edition, with remarks by Vincent Figgins.] London: J. R. Smith, +1855. folio. + +The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. Reproduced in facsimile from a +copy in the British Museum. With a few remarks on Caxton's Typographical +Productions. By Vincent Figgins. London: John Russell Smith. 1860. + +The Game of the Chesse by William Caxton. A facsimile reproduction of +the first work printed in England, from the copy in the British Museum. +London: Trübner and Co. 1862. fol. + +Caxton and the Spelling Reform. [Signed] Isaac Pitman, Bath, 10th March, +1877. 4to. Pp. 4. + +This contains an extract from the "Game of the Chess" in four +columns:--i. Caxton's spelling. 2. The supposed pronunciation of the +same represented by the Phonetic alphabet. 3. Modern spelling. 4. +Phonetic spelling. + +The Game of the Chesse: a moral treatise on the duties of life. The +First Book Printed in England, by William Caxton in the year 1474. +Reprinted in Phonetic spelling, with a preface and contents in Caxton's +orthography, and a fac-simile page of the original work. Second edition. +London, F. Pitman. Bath, Isaac Pitman, James Davies. 1872 [1879]. + +The printing of this book began in 1872, when the title-page and earlier +sheets were worked, but it was not finished until May, 1879. This is the +second time that Mr. Pitman has printed the Chess-book in his reformed +orthography. The first issue was in 1855. Although the title-page +repeats the old belief that "The Game of Chess" was the first book +printed in England, and gives the date of 1474, it is really a reprint +of the second edition of Caxton. + +(_Sloane's version_.) + +The Buke of the Chesse. Auchinleck Press. 1818. 4to. + +This is printed from a MS. which is believed to have been written about +the beginning of the sixteenth century. The work is in verse, and ends: +"Heir endis y'e buke of y'e Chess, Script per manu Jhois Sloane." Only +forty copies were reprinted by Sir Alexander Boswell at the +Auchinleck Press. + +(_Linde. Lowndes_.) + +The "Game and Play of the Chess" is an interesting specimen of mediæval +English literature. It is so near our own time that the language +prefents few difficulties, in spite of its many Gallicisms, and yet it +is so remote as to seem like the echo of an unknown world. The +distinctly dogmatic portions of the book are but few, and their paucity +is indeed a matter of some surprise, since it is in effect a detailed +treatise on practical ethics, and is, in part if not wholly, +systematized from the discourses of one distinguished preacher, who had +borrowed much of his matter from another eminent ecclesiastic. The +author aims not at the enforcement of doctrine, but at the guidance of +life, though he no doubt assumes that his hearers are all faithful and +orthodox sons of the Church.[22] + +The ideal of the commonwealth of the middle ages finds an interesting +expression. The sharp lines of demarcation between class and class are +stated with the frankness that comes of a belief that the then existing +social fabric was the only one possible in the best of worlds. There is +no doubt in the author's mind as to the rightful position of king and +baron, of bishp and merchant. The "rights of man" had not been invented, +apparently, and the maxim that the king reigns but does not govern, +would have perplexed the souls of Cessoles and his translators. They had +no more doubt as to the divine right of the monarch, than the Thibetan +has of the divine right of the grand lama. The Buddhist thinks he has +secured the continuous re-appearance of supernatural wisdom in human +form, and the regular transmission of political ability in the same +family was the ideal for which the devotees of mediæval despotism had to +hope. Nothing could be further from the aspirations of our author than a +race of mere palace kings seeking enjoyment only in self-indulgence. The +king was to be the ruler and leader of his people. The relation and +interdependence of the several classes is emphatically proclaimed, and +the claims of duty are urged upon each. + +The book enables us to gauge the literary culture of the thirteenth, +fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. Poor as it may now seem, it +belonged, in those days, to the "literature of power," and had great +influence. The form is one which lent itself readily to poetic and +historic illustration, and indeed demanded such treatment. The authors +and translators were chiefly learned and distinguifhed ecclesiastics. +Caxton, the representative of the new time when literature was to be the +common heritage, was filled to overflowing with the best literature then +accessible. A writer of the present century, probably borrowing his +sentiment, has defined originality to be undetected imitation. Such +refinements were unknown to Cessoles and his contemporaries. A writer +took whatever suited his purpose from any and every source that was open +to him. A quotation was always as good as an original sentiment, and +sometimes much better. Why should a man take the trouble of laboriously +inventing fresh phrases about usury or uncleanness when there were the +very words of St. Augustine or St. Basil ready to hand? Why seek modern +instances when the great storehouse of anecdotes of Valerius Maximus was +ready to be rifled? Very frequently the author is given, mostly it may +be imagined from a sense of the value of the authority of the names thus +cited. Whatever the intention of the writer, the effect is to show us +what were the authors known, studied, and quoted in the middle ages. + +The authors named are:--Saint Ambrose (2 references), Anastasius (1), +Avicenna (2), Saint Augustine (9), Saint Basil (1), Saint Bernard (2), +Boethius (3), Cassiodorus (1), Cato (5), Cicero (6), Claudian (2), +"Crete" (1), Diomedes (1), Florus (1), Galen (1), Helinand (4), +Hippocrates (4), Homer (1), Saint Jerome (3), John the Monk (1), +Josephus (4), Livy (2), Lucan (1), Macrobius (1), Martial (1), Ovid (6), +Paulus Diaconus (1), Petrus Alphonsus (2), Plato (4), Quintilian (3), +Sallust (1), Seneca (15), Sidrac (1), Solinus (1), Symmachus (1), +Theophrastus (1), "Truphes of the Philosophers" (2), Turgeius Pompeius +(1), Valerius Maximus (23), Valerian (7), Varro (1), Virgil (2), "Vitas +Patrum" (2). + +It will be seen that the great classical writers are but poorly +represented, and the main dependence has been upon the later essayists, +and chiefly upon Valerius Maximus, who has pointed many of the morals +enforced in this book. It may, perhaps, be doubted if the writer had +more to work from than Valerius, Seneca, and St. Augustine, with +occasional quotations such as memory would supply from other sources. +The verification of all these quotations would not repay the labour it +would involve; but in most cases where the experiment has been tried, +the result has been fairly creditable to the old author. + +The biblical allusions may be taken as typical. There are references to +the "bible," "holy scripture," "Ecclesiastes," and "Canticles." There +also occur the names of Adam, Eve, Abel, Cain, Noah, Ham, Lot, David, +Abner, Joab, Abishai, Solomon, Isaiah, Evilmerodach, Belshazzar, Darius, +Cyrus, Tobias, John the Baptist, and Paul. The citations are not all +literally exact. Solomon had not a very good opinion of his fellow-men; +but the comprehensive estimate of the number of fools with which he is +credited on p. 3 is not to be found in the writings canonically +attributed to him. The quotation from the Canticles on p. 25 may be +compared with the translation in the Wicliffite verfion made by Nicholas +de Hereford, A. D. 1380. This passage is rendered: "His left hond is +vndur myn heed; and his ri3t hond shal biclippe me" ("Song of Solomon," +ii. 6). Clip is still current in Lancashire, in the sense of embrace. + +The extract from St. Paul, with which the prologue to the second edition +opens, is no doubt intended for the following passage: "All Scripture is +given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for +reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness" (2 Tim. +iii. 16). + +In the reference to the Athenians (p. 16), we seem to hear an echo of +the words: "For all the Athenians and strangers that were there spent +their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to hear some new thing +" (Acts xvii. 21). + +The most curious reference to a biblical personage is that relating to +Evilmerodach (p. 10). Cessoles seems to have been the first to associate +the name of the son of Nebuchadnezzar with the invention of the game of +chess. The biblical references to Evilmerodach are few; they throw no +light on the reason of his selection by the mediæval scribe for a bad +pre-eminence of parricide. The epithet of _joli_ applied to the king has +an odd effect, followed as it is by the narrative of his most unfilial +conduct. Dr. Van der Linde shows how widely the legend spread. Lydgate +evidently hesitates between the divided authority of Guido--that is, +Colonna, the author of the Troy book--and Cessoles, whom he quotes +through Jacobus de Vitriaco.[23] + +Amongst the authors not identified are "Crete" (p. 133), and Diomedes +(p. 10). The account of the origin of chess attributed to the last is +amplified a little further on. The legend that Palamedes invented a game +of this kind at the siege of Troy is emphatically rejected by our +author, who pins his fame on Xerxes, a Greek philosopher! This became +the received opinion, as may be gathered from the unhesitating language +of Polydore Vergil in a passage which is thus rendered by John +Langley:--"The chesse were invented the year of the world 3635, by a +certain Wise man called Xerxes, to declare to a Tyrant, that Majesty or +Authority without strength, assistance & help of his subjects, was +casual feeble & subject to many calamities of fortune; his intent was to +break the fierce cruelty of his heart, by fear of such dangers as might +come to passe in the life of man." [24] + +The curious treatise which contains the supposed conversations of King +Bocchus and the philosopher Sidrac (p. 171) was a favourite science book +of the middle ages. It is probably of oriental origin, but there are +editions in Latin, French, German, Flemish, Dutch, Italian, and English. +By way of question and answer very decided statements are made on a wide +variety of topics of which the author was profoundly ignorant. The +particular part referred to by Cessoles is chap, cclxxxi: "Pourquoy +sacostent les hommes charnellement aux femmes grosses et les bestes ne +le font pas?"[25] John the Monk (p. 70) is the noted canonist Giovanni +Andrea, who died at the plague of Bologna in 1347. His learning gained +him such titles as _rabbi doctorum_ and _normaque morum_. His +commentaries on the decretals were frequently reprinted. He gave the +name of "Novellæ" to this work after the name of his mother and +daughter. His code of morality contained no prohibition of literary +theft, for his additions to the "Speculum Juris" of Durand are said to +have been taken bodily from Oddrale. In the same magnificent manner he +appropriated the treatise "De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio" of Anguissola. +His daughter Novella was a learned woman, and became the wife of +Giovanni Calderino, a jurist of Bologna. Their son, Gaspard Calderino, +wrote a commentary on the decretals. Father, daughter, son-in-law, and +grandson appear to have all been experts in the canon law.[26] + +The reference to the "first book of the Truphes of the Philosophers by +figure" does not convey a very definite idea as to the particular work +intended. It must have been somewhat miscellaneous in character, for one +extract describes the fountain of the syrens (p. 122), and the other is +an anecdote, which though told here of Julius Cæsar (p. 71), is really +the story of the soldier who had fought at Actium with Augustus Cæsar. +It occurs also in the "Gesta Romanorum," where the emperor is +named Agyos. + +"Helmond" (p. 33, &c.) is intended for Helinand, who died some time +after 1229. After a brilliant period at the court of Philip Augustus, +where he is represented as reciting his heroic verses before the king +and his surrounding, he became a monk of the Cistercian Abbey of +Froidmont. One of his surviving poems deals with the melancholy subject +of death. The "Flores Helinandi" are said to have been popular as well +as his "Chronique." He is also the reputed author of some sermons, and +of the life of St. Gereon, published by the Bollandists, and of other +works still inedited. He is sometimes confounded with another French +monk of the same name, who lived in the eleventh century, and was an +inmate of the monastery at Persigne in Maine. This second Helinand was +the author of commentaries or glosses on the Apocalypse and Exodus.[27] +The first-named has been credited with the authorship of "Gesta +Romanorum." The grounds for this are very slight. "On a longtemps ignoré +le nom de l'auteur de cette compilation, mais un passage du 68^e +dialogue du livre intitulé 'Dialogus creaturarum' nous le révele par ces +mots: _Elimandus in gestis romanorum_."[28] But, as Sir F. Madden and +Mr. Herrtage have pointed out, the name of "Gesta Romanorum" was given +to any book treating of Roman affairs. A French translation of Livy, by +Robert Gaguin, has been catalogued as a version of the "Gesta." The +reference cited by Brunet is to the Chroniques of Helinand.[29] + +Many of the stories and anecdotes are the commonplaces of ancient +history, such as the friendship of Damon and Pythias, the sword of +Damocles, the chastity of Scipio, the magnanimity of Alexander, the +fable of the Dog and the Shadow, &c. Others current in the middle ages +had great popularity, and even in our own days occasionally renew their +youth. The story of John of Ganazath (p. 48) is to be found in Occleve's +translation of Colonna. Mr. Thomas Wright remarks: "This story, under +different forms, was a very common one in the middle ages. One version +will be found in my 'Latin Stories,' p. 28. It will hardly be necessary +to remark that the story of King Lear and his daughters is another +version."[30] + +The story appears also in some modern compilations. In one instance it +is given as the will of Jehan Connaxa, of Antwerp, about 1530.[31] The +incident is given in the following form in the popular collection known +as the "Percy Anecdotes":[32]-- + +"An eminent trader at Lyons, who had acquired an easy fortune, had two +handsome daughters, between whom, on their marriage, he divided all his +property, on condition that he should pass the summer with one and the +winter with the other. Before the end of the first year, he found +sufficient grounds to conclude that he was not a very acceptable guest +to either; of this, however, he took no notice, but hired a handsome +lodging, in which he resided a few weeks; he then applied to a friend, +and told him the truth of the matter, desiring the gift of two hundred +livres, and the loan of fifty thousand, in ready money, for a few hours. +His friend very readily complied with his request; and the next day the +old gentleman made a very splendid entertainment, to which his daughters +and their husbands were invited. Just as dinner was over, his friend +came in a great hurry; told him of an unexpected demand upon him, and +desired to know whether he could lend him fifty thousand livres. The old +man told him, without any emotion, that twice as much was at his +service, if he wanted it; and going into the next room, brought him the +money. After this, he was not suffered to stay any longer in lodgings; +his daughters were jealous if he stayed a day more in one house than the +other; and after three or four years spent with them, he died; when, +upon examining his cabinet, inftead of livres, there was found a note +containing these words: 'He who has suffered by his virtues, has a right +to avail himself of the vices of those by whom he has been injured; and +a father ought never to be so fond of his children as to forget what is +due to himself.'" + +Amongst other versions of the story is a novelle by Giovanni Brevio, +published as part of his "Rime" in 1545. Piron's comedy of "Les Fils +Ingrats," also known as "L'Ecole des Pères," appeared in 1728. "The +story," adds Dunlop, "is also told in the 'Pieuses Recreations d'Angelin +Gazée,' and is told in the 'Colloquia Mensalia' of Luther, among other +examples to deter fathers from dividing their property during life among +their children--a practice to which they are in general little +addicted."[33] + +There is yet another verfion of the story in John of Bromyard's "Summa +Predicantium." After describing the discovery of the club it says, "in +quo Anglice scriptum erat"-- + + "Wyht fuyle a betel be he smetyn, + That al the werld hyt mote wyten, + That gyfht his sone al his thing, + And goht hym self a beggyn." + +Mr. Wright gives another version, and adds that he is inclined to think +that the story and verses had some connection with "a superstition not +yet forgotten, which is thus told by Aubrey in his 'Remains of Gentilism'" +(Thorn's "Anecdotes and Traditions," p. 84)--"The Holy Mawle, which +they fancy was hung behind the church door, which when the father was +seaventie, the sonne might fetch to knock his father in the head, as +effete and of no more use."[34] + +Herodotus has attributed the same unfilial conduct to some Indian +tribes. + +The incident of St. Bernard playing at dice for a soul (p. 151), is in +the "Gesta Romanorum." The anecdote how a son induced his father to +become a monk (p. 81) which is quoted from the "Vitas Patrum" is also in +the "Gesta Romanorum," and has so much of the Buddhist flavour as to +give rise to the suspicion that it comes from an Oriental source.[35] +The story of two merchants quoted from Petrus Alphonsus is also in the +"Gesta Romanorum." It is the foundation of Lydgate's "Two Friends," and +is beyond doubt an Eastern importation. In a MS. of the "Speculum +Laicorum," described by Prof. Ingram, the writer has transformed one of +the merchants into an Englishman.[36] + +The story quoted from "Paul, the historiagraph of the Lombards" (p. 46), +is also given in the "Gesta Romanorum." Mr. Herrtage says it is +"evidently founded on the classical legend of Tarpeia." The narrative in +the chess-book is taken from Paulus Diaconus.[37] + +The stratagem by which deposited money was recovered from a dishonest +trustee (p. 114) is told by Petrus Alphonsus, and is also in the "Gesta +Romanorum." + +The story of the danger of drunkenness (p. 129) was a favourite with our +forefathers. It is given by John of Bromyard, and is the subject of a +fabliau which is given by Meon.[38] + +The somewhat violent remedy recorded as having been adopted by +Demosthenes (p. 103) will remind some readers of a passage in the life +of St. Francis of Assisi. "He had given up," says Mrs. Oliphant, +"without hesitation, as would appear, all the indefinite sweetness of +youthful hopes. But, nevertheless, he was still young, still a man, with +human instincts and wishes, the tenderest nature, and an imagination +full of all the warmth and grace of his age and his country. It does not +appear that he ever put into words the musings which caught him +unawares--the relics of old dreams or soft recollections which now and +then would steal into his heart. But one night suddenly he rose from the +earthen floor which was his bed, and rushed out into the night in an +access of rage and passion and despair. A certain brother who was +praying in his cell, peering, wondering, through his little window, saw +him heap together seven masses of snow in the clear moonlight. 'Here is +thy wife,' he said to himself; 'these four are thy sons and daughters, +the other two are thy servant and thy handmaid; and for all these thou +art bound to provide. Make haste, then, and provide clothing for them, +lest they perish with cold. But if the care of so many trouble thee, be +thou careful to serve our Lord alone.' Bonaventura, who tells the story, +goes on, with the true spirit of a monkish historian, to state how, 'the +tempter being vanquished, departed, and the holy man returned victorious +to his cell.' The piteous human yearning that is underneath this wild +tale, the sudden access of self-pity and anger, mixed with a strange +attempt, not less piteous than the longing, at self-consolation--all the +struggle and conflict of emotion which stilled themselves, at least for +a moment, by that sudden plunge into the snow, and wild, violent, bodily +exertion, are either lost upon the teller of the tale, or perhaps he +fears to do his master injustice by revealing any consciousness of the +possibility of such thoughts. But it is a very remarkable peculiarity of +Francis's history, that whereas every saint in the Calendar, from Antony +downwards, is sometimes troubled with visions of voluptuous delight, +only Francis, in his pure dreams, is tempted by the modest joys of wife +and children--the most legitimate and tenderest love."[39] + +The reader must not expect any historical exactitude or critical spirit +from our author. For his purpose a narrative was just as useful whether +true or false, but it probably never occurred to him to question the +exact truth of any statement that he found written in a book. The murder +of Seneca (p. 9) is certainly not the least of the many crimes which +stain the memory of Nero, but the circumstances of his death are not +exactly described by the mediæval scribe. Whether the philosopher and +former tutor was implicated in the conspiracy of Piso may be doubted, +but some ambiguous phrases he had used were reported to the Emþeror, +whose messenger demanded an explanation of their meaning. The reply of +Seneca was either unsatisfactory or the tyrant had decided to be rid of +his former guide. As in more recent times in Japan the condemned man was +expected to be his own executioner, and Seneca opened his veins and +allowed the life to ooze from them with a stoicism that was certainly +heroic if not untainted by theatrical display. The character of Seneca +will ever remain one of the puzzles of history, for the grave moralist +was accessory to the murder of Agrippina, and not unsuspected of +licentiousness, and of the accumulation of an enormous fortune of three +hundred million sestertii by injustice and fraud. The statements of Dion +Cassius as to the misdeeds of the philosopher must be weighed against +the absence of any condemnation of his proceedings in the pages +of Tacitus. + +The Theodore Cerem named on p. 12, is Theodorus Cyrenaicus, who was +probably a native of Cyrene, and a disciple of Aristippus. He was +banished from the (supposed) place of his birth, and was shielded at +Athens by Demetrius Phalerus, whose exile he is assumed to have shared. +Whilst in the service of Egypt he was sent as an ambassador to +Lysimachus, whom he offended by the directness and plainness of his +speech. The offended monarch threatened him with crucifixion, and he +replied in a phrase which became famous, "Threaten thus your courtiers, +for it matters not to me whether I rot on the ground or in the air."[40] +The king's threat was not executed, as Theodorus was afterwards at +Corinth, and is believed to have died at Cyrene. That he was condemned +to drink hemlock is a statement cited from Amphicrates by Diogenes +Lærtius (_Aristippus_, xv.). The anecdote of his colloquy with +Lysimachus would easily be perverted into a belief that he had been put +to death for the freedom with which he exercised his biting wit. + +The Democreon mentioned at pp. 12 and 16 is Democritus of Abdera, of +whom the anecdote is told. He was a man whose knowledge and wisdom won +even the respect of Timon, the universal scoffer. The tradition that he +deprived himself of sight with a view to philosophic abstraction is +mentioned by Cicero, Aulus Gellius, and others, but it is hardly +necessary to account for a too uncommon calamity by a supposition so +remarkable. + +The transformations of some of the names are peculiar. At p. 12 we read +of Defortes. The philosopher disguised under this strange name appears +to be Socrates. The story is told in the Apology of Socrates attributed +to Xenophon. The person to whom the saying was addressed was not +Xanthippe, but was a disciple named Apollodorus, whose understanding was +not equal to his admiration. + +The statement that Didymus voluntarily blinded himself is made both by +Jerome (_Ep_. 68) and in the Ecclesiastical History of Socrates (iv. +29). Didymus was born 309 or 314, and became blind at the age of four, +as the result of disease. He learned the alphabet by wooden letters, and +by application and force of character became learned in all the learning +of his time. Is this a real anticipation of the use of raised letters +for the blind? What would be the use of a knowledge of the alphabet so +acquired in obtaining that skill in geometry, rhetoric, arithmetic, and +music for which he was famous? He owed to Athanasius his position as +head of the Catechetical School of Alexandria. + +The readers of "Cymbeline" will remember the passage in the concluding +scene:-- + + "The piece of tender air, thy virtuous daughter, + Which we call _mollis ær_; and _mollis ær_ + We term it _mulier_; which mulier, I divine, + Is this most constant wife: who even now, + Answering the letter of the oracle, + Unknown to you unsought, were clipp'd about + With this most tender air." + +This quaint piece of etymology will be found at p. 123 of the present +volume. + +There is an interesting personal reference in the following passage +which has not, it is believed, been pointed out:-- + +"And also hit is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune & +not propre is most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious +men as monkes freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe +the wilfull pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my +self ben conuersant in a religious hous of white freris at gaunt Which +haue all thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/ +in so moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii.d or iiii.d to praye for +hym in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his +ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute +freris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy +church wold neuer suffre hit in religion." + +This description by the busy merchant of the "best life" might serve to +point anew the distinction between the real and the ideal, and perhaps +not to the advantage of the latter. + +Nothing has yet been said as to the place of this book in the history of +chess, and, indeed, it must be confessed that it has very little +practical bearing on the game. The learned dreams by which the chess of +to-day was connected with the _latrunculi_ and with the amusement said +to have been invented by Palamedes, have been dissipated by the cool air +of modern criticism. The student of the history of chess may now follow +its fortunes under the safe guidance of Dr. van der Linde, who rejects +unhesitatingly the claim made for it, and admitted even by Forbes, of an +antiquity of 5,000 years.[41] The game of chess, which, whilst remaining +an amusement, has acquired the dignity of a science, is one that Europe +owes to India, where it was probably invented not earlier than five +centuries before Christ; the triumphant progress of Islam aided in the +extension of this oriental pastime. It was known at the courts of +Nicephorus at Conftantinople and his contemporary Haroun-al-Rashid at +Bagdad. One would like to add that Charlemagne also was acquainted with +it, but there is no good evidence for that legend. It was known in Spain +in the tenth century, since the library of the learned caliph Hakam II. +of Cordova contained some Arabic MSS. on the game. By the middle of the +eleventh century it was common in the western world. In 1061 a +Florentine bishop is said to have been ordered by Cardinal Damiani to +expiate the offence of playing chess in public by three recitations of +the Psalter, by washing the feet of twelve poor persons, and by giving +them liberal alms. The gradual developments of the game in Europe are +illustrated in detail by Dr. van der Linde. Chess in its prefent form is +comparatively modern, and refults from the enlargement of the powers of +the Queen (originally the Vizier or minister) and of the Bishop +(formerly the Alfil or Elephant). The greater powers of these pieces +came into play between 1450 and 1500, but the period of transition was +prolonged to a much later date in some cafes, and the Portuguese Damiano +may be regarded as the founder of the modern school. The player of +to-day on consulting the elementary directions given in this book (p. +159, _et seq_.), will see how greatly the present play exceeds in +complexity and scientific interest the moves that excited the enthusiasm +of Jacobus de Cessoles, and led him to the composition of the book of +the chess which has had such long and widespread popularity. + +Incidentally his book is a monument in the history of chess, but it was +never intended to make its primary object that of teaching the game. The +author's aim was almost exclusively ethical. It was to win men to a +sober life and to the due performance of individual and social duties, +that the preacher exhausted his stores of learning, and invoked alike +the reproofs of the fathers of the Church, the history and legend of +chroniclers, pagan and Christian, and the words of prophets and poets. +As a memorial of the literature and learning of the middle ages, it must +always possess a permanent value. From it we may learn, and always with +interest, what was the literary taste and social ideal of the +thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. There is, doubtless, +ample room for dissatisfaction with that ideal, but it is not without +some bright aspects. Possibly there are modern realms that are not any +happier now than they would be if governed in strict accordance with the +rules laid down by the earnest author of the game and play of the chess. + + * * * * * + +It only remains for the editor to thank the friends who have interested +themselves in his work. Mr. J.E. Bailey, F.S.A., has shown his usual +scholarly courtesy and liberality in the communication of books and +references. To Mr. R.C. Christie, the Chancellor of the Diocese of +Manchester, a similar acknowledgment is due. Mr. C.W. Sutton, and Mr. +W.R. Credland, of the Manchester Free Library, on this, as on many other +occasions, have not only given the editor many facilities for his work, +but some suggestions by which he trusts he has profited. The index is +chiefly the work of the editor's eldest daughter. + + + + + +[DEDICATION.] + +[42] To the right noble/ right excellent & vertuous prince George duc of +Clarence Erle of warwyck and of salifburye/ grete chamberlayn of Englond +& leutenant of Irelond oldest broder of kynge Edward by the grace of god +kynge of England and of france/ your most humble servant william Caxton +amonge other of your seruantes sendes unto yow peas. helthe. Joye and +victorye upon your Enemyes/ Right highe puyssant and redoubted prynce/. +For as moche as I haue understand and knowe/ that y'e are enclined unto +the comyn wele of the kynge our sayd saueryn lord. his nobles lordes and +comyn peple of his noble royame of Englond/ and that y'e sawe gladly the +Inhabitants of y'e same enformed in good. vertuous. prouffitable and +honeste maners. In whiche your noble persone wyth guydyng of your hows +haboundeth/ gyuyng light and ensample unto all other/ Therfore I haue +put me in deuour to translate a lityll book late comen in to myn handes +out of frensh in to englisshe/ In which I fynde thauctorites. dictees. +and stories of auncient Doctours philosophes poetes and of other wyse +men whiche been recounted & applied unto the moralite of the publique +wele as well of the nobles as of the comyn peple after the game and +playe of the chesse/ whiche booke right puyssant and redoubtid lord I +haue made in the name and under the shadewe of your noble protection/ +not presumyng to correcte or enpoigne ony thynge ayenst your noblesse/. +For god be thankyd your excellent renome shyneth as well in strange +regions as with in the royame of england gloriously unto your honour and +lande/ which god multeplye and encrece But to thentent that other of +what estate or degre he or they stande in may see in this sayd lityll +book/ yf they gouerned themself as they ought to doo/ wherfor my right +dere redoubted lord I requyre & supplye your good grace not to desdaygne +to resseyue this lityll sayd book in gree and thanke/ as well of me your +humble and unknowen seruant as of a better and gretter man than I am/. +For the right good wylle that I haue had to make this lityll werk in the +best wyse I can/ ought to be reputed for the fayte and dede/ And for +more clerely to procede in this sayd book I haue ordeyned that the +chapitres ben sette in the begynnynge to thende that y'e may see more +playnly the mater wherof the book treteth &c. + + + + +[PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.] + + +The holy appostle and doctour of the peple saynt Poule sayth in his +epystle. Alle that is wryten is wryten unto our doctryne and for our +lernyng. Wherfore many noble clerkes haue endeuoyred them to wryte and +compyle many notable werkys and historyes to the ende that it myght come +to the knowlege and vnderstondyng of suche as ben ygnoraunt. Of which +the nombre is infenyte/ And accordyng to the same saith Salamon. that +the nombre of foles. is infenyte/ And emong alle other good werkys. It +is a werke of ryght special recomendacion to enforme and to late +vnderstonde wysedom and vertue vnto them that be not lernyd ne can not +dyscerne wysedom fro folye. Th[=e]ne emonge whom there was an excellent +doctour of dyuynyte in the royame of fraunce of the ordre of thospytal +of Saynt Johns of Jherusalem which entended the fame and hath made a +book of the chesse moralysed. which at suche tyme as J was resident in +brudgys in the counte of Flaundres cam in to my handes/ which whan J had +redde and ouerseen/ ne semed ful necessarye for to be had in englisshe/ +And in eschewyng of ydlenes And to thende that s[=o]me which haue not seen +it/ ne understonde frenssh ne latyn I delybered in my self to translate +it in to our maternal tongue/ And whan I so had achyeued the sayd +translacion/ I dyde doo sette in enprynte a certeyn nombre of theym/ +Whiche anone were depesshed and folde. wherfore by cause thys sayd book +is ful of holsom wysedom and requysyte unto every astate and degree/ J +haue purposed to enprynte it/ shewyng therin the figures of suche +persons as longen to the playe. Jn whom al astates and degrees ben +comprysed/ besechyng al them that this litel werke shal see/ here/ or +rede to have me for excused for the rude & symple makyng and reducyn in +to our englisshe/ And where as is defaute to correcte and amende/ and in +so doyng they shal deserve meryte and thanke/ and I shal pray for them/ +that god of his grete mercy shal rewarde them in his everlastyng blisse +in heven/ to the whiche he brynge us/ that wyth his precious blood +redemed us Amen + + + + +[TABLE.] + + +This booke conteyneth .iiii. traytees/ + +The first traytee is of the Invencion of this playe of the chesse,/ and +conteyneth .iii. chapitres + +The first chapitre is under what kynge this play was founden + +The .ii. chapitre/ who fonde this playe + +The .iii. chapitre/ treteth of .iii. causes why hit was made and founden + +The second traytee treteth of the chesse men/ and conteyneth .v. +chapitres + +The first chapitre treteth of the form of a kynge and of suche thinges +as apperteyn to a kynge + +The .ii. chapitre treteth of y'e quene & her forme & maners + +The .iii. chapitre of the forme of the alphins and her offices and +maners + +The .iiii. chapitre is of the knyght and of his offices + +The .v. is of the rooks and of their maners and offices + +The thirde traytee is of the offices of the comyn peple And hath .viii. +chapitres + +The first chapitre is of the labourers & tilinge of the erthe + +The .ii. of fmythis and other werkes in yron & metall + +[43] The .iii. is of drapers and makers of cloth & notaries + +The .iiii. is of marchantes and chaungers + +[44] The .v. is of phisicyens and cirugiens and apotecaries + +[45] The .vi. is of tauerners and hostelers + +[46] The .vii. is of y'e gardes of the citees & tollers & cuftomers + +[47] The .viii. is of ribauldes disepleyars and currours The .iiii. +traytee is of the meuyng and yssue of them And hath .viii. chapitres + +The first is of the eschequer + +The seconde of the yssue and progression of the kynge + +The thirde of the yssue of the quene + +The fourth is of the yssue of the alphyns + +The fifth is of the yssue of the knyghtes + +The sixty chapitre of the yssue of the rooks + +The seuenth is of the meuynge & yssue of the comyn peple + +And the eyght and laste chapitre is of the epilegacion. + +And of the recapitulacion of all these forsaid chapitres. + + + + + +BOOK I. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_This first chapiter of the first tractate sheweth under what kynge the +play of the chesse was founden and maad.:._ + + +Amonge all the euyll condicions and signes that may be in a man the +first and y'e grettest is whan he feereth not/ ne dredeth to displese +and make wroth god by synne/ and the peple by lyuyng disordynatly/ whan +he reccheth not/ ner taketh hede unto them that repreue hym and his +vices/ but fleeth them/ In suche wyse as dide the emperour Nero/ whiche +dide do slee his maister seneque For as moche as he might not suffre to +be repreuid and taught of hym In lyke wyse was somtyme a kynge in +babiloine that was named Evilmerodach a Jolye man with oute Justice and +so cruell that he dyde do hewe his faders body in thre honderd pieces/ +And gaf hit to ete and deuour to thre honderd birdes that men calle +wultres And was of suche condicion as was Nero/ And right well resemblid +and was lyke unto his fader Nabogodonosor/ whiche on a tyme wold do flee +alle the sage and wyse men of babylonye/ For as moche as they coude not +telle hym his dreme that he had dremed on a nyght and had forgoten hit +lyke as it is wreton in the bible in the book of danyell/ Under this +kynge than Evilmerodach was this game and playe of the chesse founden/ +Trewe it is that some men wene/ that this playe was founden in the tyme +of the bataylles & siege of troye But that is not soo For this playe cam +to the playes of the caldees as dyomedes the greek sayth and reherceth +That amonge the philosophrs was the most renomed playe amonge all other +playes/ And after that/ cam this playe in the tyme of Alixandre the +grete in to Egipte And so unto alle the parties toward the south/ And +the cause wherfore thys playe was so renomed shall be sayd in the +thirde chapitre. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_This second chapitre of the first tra3tate sheweth who fonde first the +playe of the chesse._ + + +Thys playe fonde a phylosopher of Thoryent whiche was named in Caldee +Exerses or in greke philometor/ which is as moche to saye in english as +he that loveth Justice and mesure/ And this philosopher was renomed +gretly amonge the grekes and them of Athenes whiche were good clerkys +and philosophers also renomed of theyr connynge. This philosopher was so +Juste and trewe that he had leuyr dye/ than to lyue longe and be a fals +flaterer wyth the sayd kynge. For whan he behelde the foull and synfull +lyf of the kynge/ And that no man durst blame hym. For by his grete +cruelte he putte them alle to deth that displesid hym/ he put hym self +in paryll of deth/ And louyd and chees rather to dye than lenger to +lyue: The euyll lyf and diffamed of a kynge is the lyf of a cruell +beste/ And ought not longe to be susteyned/ For he destroyeth hym that +displesith hym/ And therfore reherceth valerius/ that ther was a wise +man named theodore cerem whom his kynge dyde do hange on the crosse for +as moche as he repreuyd hym of his euyll & fowll lyf And all way as he +was in the torment he said to y'e kynge/ upon thy counceyllours & them +that ben cladd in thy clothynge & robes were more reson that this +torment shold come/ For as moche as they dar not saye to the The trouthe +for to do Justice right wysly/ of my self I make no force whether I dye +on the lande or on the water or otherwyse &c as who sayth he recched not +to dye for Justice/ In lyke wyse as democreon the philosophre put out +his owen eyen be cause he wold not see that no good myght come to the +euyll and vicyous peple wyth out right And also defortes the philosophre +as he went toward his deth/ his wyf that folowed after hym saide that he +was dampned to deth wrongfully/ than he answerd and sayd to her/ holde +thy peas and be styll/ hit is better and more merytorye to dye by a +wronge and unrightfull Jugement/ than that I had deseruyd to dye. + + + + +[Illustration.] + +_The thirde chapitre of the first tractate treteth wherfore the playe +was founden and maad._ + + +The causes wherfore this playe was founden ben thre/ the first was for +to correcte and repreue the kynge .For whan this kynge Evilmerodach sawe +this playe And the barons knyghtes and gentillmen of his court playe +wyth the philosopher/ he meruaylled gretly of the beaulte and nouelte of +the playe/ And desired to playe agaynst y'e philosopher/ The philosopher +answerd and sayd to hym that hit myght not be doon. But yf he first +lerned the playe/ The kynge said hit was reson and that he wold put him +to the payne to lerne hit Than the philosopher began to teche hym and to +shewe hym the maner of the table of the chesse borde and the chesse +meyne/ And also the maners and condicions of a kynge of the nobles and +of the comun peple and of theyr offices and how they shold be touchid +and drawen. And how he shold amende hymself & become vertuous And whan +this kynge herde that he repreuyd hym/ He demanded hym upon payne of +deth to tell hym wherfore he had founden and made this playe/ And he +answerd my ryght dere lord and kynge/ the grettest and most thinge that +I desire is that thou haue in thy self a gloryous and vertuous lyf And +that may I not see/ but yf thou be endoctrined and well manerd and that +had/ so mayst thou be belouyd of thy peple Thus than I desire y't thou +haue other gouernement than thou hast had/ And that thou haue upon thy +self first seygnorye and maistrye suche as thou hast upon other by force +and not by right Certaynly hit is not ryght that a man be mayster ouer +other and comandour/ whan he can not rewle ner may rewle himself and +that his vertues domyne aboue his vices/. For seygnourye by force and +wylle may not longe endure/ Than thus may thou see oon of the causes why +and wherfore I haue founden and maad thys playe/ whyche is for to +correcte and repent the of thy tyrannye and vicyous lyuynge/ .For alle +kynges specyally ought to here her corrygeours or correctours and her +corrections to hold and kepe in mynde/ In lyke wyse as Valerius +reherceth that the kynge Alixandre had a noble and renomed knyght that +sayd in repreuynge of Alixandre that he was to moche couetous and in +especyall of the honours of the world/ And sayd to hym yf the goddes had +maad thy body as greet as is thy herte Alle the world coude not holde +the/. For thou holdest in thy right hand alle the Oryent/ And in thy +lyfte hande the occident/ syn than hit is so/ or thou art a god or a man +or nought/ yf thou be god doo than well and good to the peple as god +doth/ And take not from them that they ought to haue and is theyres. yf +thou be a man/ thinke that thou shalt dye/ And than thou shalt doo noon +euyll/ yf thou be nought forgete thy self/ ther is no thynge so stronge +and ferme/ but that somtyme a feble thinge casteth doun and ouerthrowe +hit How well that the lyon be the strengest beste/ yet somtyme a lityll +birde eteth hym/ The seconde cause wherfore this playe was founden and +maad/ was for to kepe hym from ydlenesse/ whereof senecque saith unto +lucylle ydlenes wyth oute ony ocupacion is sepulture of a man lyuyng/ +and varro saith in his sentences that in lyke wise as men goo not for to +goo/ the same wyse the lyf is not gyuen for to lyue but for to doo well +and good/ And therfore secondly the philosopher fonde this playe for to +kepe the peple from ydlenes/. For there is moche peple. Whan so is that +they be fortunat in worldly goodes that they drawe them to ease and +ydlenes wherof cometh ofte tymes many euyllys and grete synnes And by +this ydlenes the herte is quenchid wherof cometh desperacion/ The thirde +cause is that euery man naturelly desireth to knowe and to here +noueltees and tydynges. For this cause they of atthenes studyed as we +rede/ and for as the corporall or bodyly fight enpessheth and letteth +otherwhyle the knowleche of subtyll thinges/ therfore we rede that [48] +democrion the phylosopher put oute his owen eyen/ for as moche as he +myght haue the better entendement and understondynge/ Many haue ben made +blynde that were grete clerkis in lyke wyse as was dydymus bisshop of +Alixandrye/ that how well that he sawe not yet he was so grete a clerk/ +that gregore nazan & saynt Ierome that were clerkes and maystres to +other/ came for to be his scolers & lerned of hym And saynt Anthonie The +grete heremyte cam for to see hym on a tyme/ and amonge all other +thynges/ he demanded hym yf he were not gretly displesid that he was +blynde and sawe not. And he answerd that he was gretly abasshid for that +he supposid not that he was not displesid in that he had lost his sight/ +And saynt Anthonye answerd to hym I meruayle moche that hit displesith +the that thou hast lost that thynge whiche is comyn betwene the and +bestes. And thou knowest well that thou hast not loste that thynge that +is comyn bitwene the and the angellis And for thise causes forsayd the +philosopher entended to put away alle pensisnes and thoughtes/ and to +thinke only on this playe as shall be said & appere in this book after. + + + + +BOOK II. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seconde tractate/ the first chapiter treteth of the forme of a +kynge of his maners and of his estate_. + + +The kynge must be thus maad. For he must sitte in a chayer clothed in +purpure/ crowned on his heed in his ryght hand a ceptre and in the lyfte +hande an apple of gold/. For he is the most grettest and hyest in +dignyte aboue alle other and most worthy. And that is signefyed by the +corone/. For the glorye of the peple is the dignite of the kynge/ And +aboue all other the kynge ought to be replenysshid with vertues and of +grace/ and thys signefieth the purpure. For in lyke wyse as the robes of +purpure maketh fayr & enbelysshith the body/ the same wise vertues +maketh the sowle/ he ought alleway thenke on the gouernement of the +Royame and who hath thadmynystracion of Justice/ And thys shuld be by +hym self pryncipally. This signefieth the appell of gold that he holdeth +in his lyfte honde/ And for as moche as hit apperteyneth unto hym to +punysshe the rebelles hath he y'e sceptre in his right hand And for as +moche as mysericorde and trouthe conserue and kepe the kynge in his +trone/ Therfore ought a kynge to be mercyfull and debonayr For whan a +kynge or prynce desired or will be belouyd of his peple late hym be +gouerned by debonarite And valerius saith that debonairte percyth the +hertes of straungers and amolisshith and maketh softe the hertes of his +enemyes/ wherof he reherceth that philostratus that was due of athenes +had a doughter/ whom a man louyd so ardantly/ that on a tyme as he sawe +her wyth her moder/ sodaynly he cam and kyssed her/ wherof the moder was +so angry and soroufull that she wente and requyred of her lord the duc/ +that his heed myght be smyten of/ The prynce answerd to her and sayde/ +yf we shold slee them that loue us/ what shall we doo to our enemyes +that hate us/ Certaynly this was thanswer of a noble & debonair prynce +That suffred that villonye don to his doughter and to hymself yet more +This prince had also a frende that was named Arispe that sayd on a tyme +as moche villonye unto the prynce as ony man miht saye And that might +not suffise hym/ but he scracchid hym in the visage/ The prynce suffryd +hym paciently in suche wyse as thowh he had doon to hym no vilonye but +curtoysye And whan his sones wold haue auengid this vilonye/ he comanded +them that they shold not be so hardy so to do The next day folowyng +arispe remembrid of the right grete vilonye that he had don to his +frende and lord wythoute cause. He fyll in dispayr and wold haue slayn +hym self/ whan the duc knewe and understode that/ he cam to hym and sayd +ne doubte the nothynge And swore to hym by his fayth/ that also well he +was and shold be his frende fro than forthon as euery he had ben to fore +yf he wold And thus he respited hym of his deth by his debonairte. And +in lyke wyse rede we of the kynge pirre to whom was reported that they +of tarente had said grete vilonye of hym. For whiche cause he maad alle +them to come to fore hym And demanded of them yf they had so sayd. Than +oon of them answerd and sayd/ yf the wyn and the candellys had not +fayllyd/ thys langage had ben but a Iape/ In regarde of that we had +thought to haue doon/ Than the kynge began to lawhe/ for they had +confessid that suche langage as was sayd and spoken was by dronkenship/ +And for this cause of debonairte the peple of tarante toke for a custome +that the dronken men shold be puuysshyd/ And the sobre men preyfed. The +kynge than thus ought to loue humylyte and hate falsite after the holy +scripture that speketh of euery man generally/ For the kynge in his +royame representeth god/ And god is verite/ And therfore hym ought to +saye no thynge but yf hit were veritable and stable. Valerius reherceth +that Alixandre wyth alle his ooste rood for to destroye a cyte whyche +was named lapsare/ whan than a phylosophre whiche had to name Anaximenes +which had ben to fore maistre & gouernour of Alixandre herd and +understood of his comyng Cam agayn Alixandre for to desire and requyre +of hym. And whan he sawe Alixandre he supposid to haue axid his +requefte/ Alixandre brake his demande to fore and swore to hym to fore +he axid ony thynge by his goddes. That suche thynge as he axid or +requyryd of hym/ he wold in no wyse doon/ Than the philosopher requyred +hym to destroye the cyte/ whan Alixandre understood his desire/ and the +oth that he had maad/ he suffrid the cyte to stande and not to be +destroyed For he had leuer doo his wyll than to be periured and forsworn +and doo agaynst his oth/ Quyntilian saith that no grete man ne lord +shold not swere/ but where as is grete nede/ And that the symple parole +or worde of a prynce ought to be more stable than the oth of a +marcha[=u]t/ Alas how kepe the prynces their promisses in thise dayes/ +not only her promises but their othes her fealis and wrytynges & signes +of their propre handes/ alle faylleth god amende hit &c. A kynge also +ought to hate alle cruelte/ For we rede that neuer yet dyed ony pietous +persone of euyll deth ne cruell persone of good deth Therfore recounteth +valerius that ther was a man named theryle a werke-man in metall/ that +made a boole of coppre and a lityll wyket on the side/ wherby men myght +put in them that shuld be brent therin/ And hit was maad in suche +manere/ that they that shold be put and enclosid therin shold crye +nothinge lyke to the wys of a man but of an oxe. And this made he be +cause men shold haue the lasse pite of them. Whan he had made this hole +of copper/ he presented hit unto a kynge which was callyd philarde that +was so cruell a tyrant that he delited in no thinge but in cruelte And +he told hym the condicion of the bole/ Whan philarde herde and +understode this/ he alowed and preysed moche the werke/ And after sayde +to hym/ thou that art more cruell than I am/ thou shalt assaye & prove +first thy þsente and yeft/ And so made hym to goo in to the boole and +dye an euyll deth/ Therfore faith Ouide ther is no thinge more +raisonable than that a man dye of suche deth as he purchaseth unto other +Also the kynge ought souerainly kepe Iustice/ who maketh or kepeth a +royame with oute Iustice/ of verray force ther muste be grete robberye +and thefte Therfor reherceth saint Augustyn in a book which is intituled +the cyte of god/ that there was a theef of the see named diomedes that +was a grete rouar and dide so moche harme that the complaintes cam to +fore Alixander whiche dide hym to be taken & brought to fore hym/ and he +demanded hym wherfore he was so noyous & cruell in the see And he +answerd to hym agayn/ for as moche as thou art oon a lande in the world/ +so am I another in y'e see/ but for as moche as the euyll y't I doo is +in oon galeye or tweyne therfore I am callyd a theef/ but for as moche +as thou dost in many shippis and with grete puyssance and power/ +therfore art thou callyd an emperour/ but yf fortune were for me in +suche wyse/ I wold be come a good man and better than I now am/ but +thou/ the more richer and fortunat that thou art/ the more worse art +thou/ Alixander sayd to hym I shall change thy fortune in suche wyse as +thou ne saye/ that thou shalt doo hit by pouerte/ but for euyll and +mauaiste/ And so he made hym ryche/ And thys was he that afterward was a +good prynce and a good Iusticyer/ The kynge ought to be soueraynly +chaste/ And this signefyeth a quene that is only on his ryght syde For +hit is to be beleuyd and credible that whan the kynge is a good man +Iuste. trewe & of good maners and condicions/ that his children shall +folowe gladly the same/ for a good sone & a trewe ought not to forsake & +goo fro y'e good condicions of his fader. For certes hit is agaynst god +and nature in partie whan a man taketh other than his propre wyf/ And +that see we by birdes/ of whom the male and female haue to gyder the +charge in kepynge and norisshinge of their yonge fowlis and birdis/. For +some maner of fowlis kepen them to theyr femeles only/ As hit appereth +by storkes dowues and turtils/ But tho fowles that norisshith not their +birdes haue many wyues and femelles/ As the cock that no thynge +norisshith his chekens/ And therfore amonge alle the bestes that been/ +Man and woman putteth most theyr entente and haue moste cure & charge in +norisshyng of their children/ And therfore doon they agaynst nature in +partye whan they leue theyr wyues for other women/ Of this chastete +reherceth valerius an example and faith that ther was a man of rome +which was named scipio affrican. For as moche as he had conquerd +affricque how well that he was of rome born. Whan he was of .xxxiiii. +yer of age he conquerd cartage And toke moche peple in Ostage/ Amonge +whom he was presented wyth a right fair mayde for his solas and playsir +whiche was assurid and handfast unto a noble yong gentillman of cartage +whiche was named Indiuicible/ And anon as this gentill scipio knewe that +Notwythstandyng that he was a prynce noble & lusty Dyde do calle anon +the parents and kynnesmen of them And deliuerid to them their doughter +wyth oute doyng of ony vilonye to her/ and y'e rænsom or gold that they +had ordeyned for their doughter/ gaf hit euery dele In dowaire to her +And the yong man that was her husbonde sawe the fraunchise and gentilnes +of hym/ torned hymself and the hertes of the noble peple unto the loue & +alliance of the romayns/ And this suffiseth as towchynge the kynge &c. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seconde chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the +forme and maners of the Quene._ + + +Thus ought the Quene be maad/ she ought to be a fair lady sittynge in a +chayer and crowned wyth a corone on her heed and cladd wyth a cloth of +gold & a mantyll aboue furrid wyth ermynes And she shold sytte on the +lyfte syde of the kinge for the amplections and enbrasynge of her +husbonde/ lyke as it is sayd in scripture in the canticles/ her lyfte +arme shall be under my heed And her ryght arme fhall[49] be clyppe and +enbrace me/ In that she is sette on his lyfte syde is by grace gyuen to +the kynge by nature and of ryght. For better is to haue a kynge by +succession than by election/ For oftentymes the electours and chosers +can not ne wyll not accorde/ And so is the election left/ And otherwhyle +they chese not the beste and most able and conuenyent/ but hym that they +best loue/ or is for them most proffytable/ But whan the kynge is by +lignage and by trewe succession/ he is taught enseygned and nourrishid +in his yongth in alle good & vertuous tacches and maners of hys fader/ +And also the prynces of the royame dar not so hardily mene warre agaynst +a kynge hauynge a sone for to regne after hym And so a Quene ought to be +chaste. wyse. of honest peple/ well manerd and not curyous in +nourisshynge of her children/ her wyfedom ought not only tappere in feet +and werkes but also in spekynge that is to wete that she be secrete and +telle not suche thynges as ought to be holden secrete/ Wherfore it is a +comyn prouerbe that women can kepe no counceyle And accordyng therto +Macrobe reherceth in the book of the dremes of Scipio. That ther was a +child of rome that was named papirus that on a tyme went with his fader +whiche was a senatour into the chambre where as they helde their +counceyll And that tyme they spak of suche maters as was comanded and +agreed shold be kept secrete upon payn of their heedes And so departed +And whan he was comen home from the senatoire and fro the counceyll with +his fader/ his moder demanded of hym what was the counceyll and wherof +they spack and had taryed so longe there And the childe answerd to her +and sayd he durst not telle ner saye hit for so moche as hit was +defended upon payn of deth Than was the moder more desirous to knowe +than she was to fore/ And began to flatere hym one tyme And afterward to +menace hym that he shold saye and telle to her what hit was And whan the +childe sawe that he might haue no reste of his moder in no wife He made +her first promise that she shold kepe hit secrete And to telle hit to +none of the world/ And that doon/ he fayned a lesing or a lye and sayd +to her/ that the senatours had in counceyll a grete question and +difference whiche was this/ whether hit were better and more for the +comyn wele of rome/ that a man shold have two wyuys/ or a wyf to haue +two husbondes/ And whan she had understonde this/ he defended her that +she shold telle hit to none other body And after this she wente to her +gossyb and told to her this counceyll secretly/ And she told to an +other/ And thus euery wyf tolde hit to other in secrete And thus hit +happend anone after that alle the wyues of rome cam to the senatorye +where the senatours were assemblid/ And cryed wyth an hye voys/ that +they had leuer/ and also hit were better for the comyn wele that a wyf +shold haue two husbondes than a man two wyues/ The senatours heerynge +this. were gretly abasshid and wist not what to saye/ ner how to +answere/ tyll at laste that the child papire reherced to them all the +caas and feet how hit was happend And whan the senatours herd & +understood the mater they were gretly abasshid/ and comended gretly y'e +Ingenye & wytte of the child that so wisely contriued the lye rather +than he wolde discouere their co[=u]ceyll/ And forthwith made hym a +senatour/ and establisshid & ordeyned fro than forthon that no childe in +ony wise sholl entre in to y'e counceyll hous amonge them with their +faders exept papirus/ whome they wold y't he shold alwey be among them/ +also a quene ought to be chaste/ for as she is aboue all other in astate +& reuer[=e]ce so shold she be ensample to all other in her liuyng +honestly/ wherof Ierome reherceth agaynst Ionynyan/ that ther was a +gentilman of rome named duele/ and this man was he y't first fond y'e +maner to fight on y'e water/ and had first victorie/ this duele had to +his wif one of the best women & so chaste/ that euery woman might take +ensample of her/ And at y't tyme the synne of the flesshe was the +grettest synne y't ony might doo agaynst nature/ And this sayd good +woman was named ylye/ and so it happend that this duele becam so olde +that he stowped & quaqued for age And on a tyme one of his aduersaries +repreuyd & reprochid hym sayng that he had a stynkynge breth/ And +forthwyth he wente home to his wyf alle angry and abasshid and axid her +why and wherfore she had not told his defaulte to hym that he myght haue +founden remedye to haue ben purgid therof/ And she answerd that as for +as moche as she supposid that euery man had that same faute as well as +he. For she kyst neuer ony mannes mouth but her husbondes/ O moche was +this woman to be preysed & haue a singuler lawde wenynge that this +defaulte had not ben only in her husbonde/ wherfore she suffrid hit +paciently in suche wyse that her husbonde knewe his defaute sonner by +other than by her/ Also we rede that ther was a wedowe named anna/ +whiche had a frende that counceyllid her to marye/ For she was yong fayr +and riche/ to whom she answerd that she wold not so doo in no wise For +yf I shold haue an husbond as I haue had and that he were as good as he +was/ I shold euer ben a ferd to lose hym/ lyke as I lost that other/ And +than shold I lyue all wey in fere & drede/ whiche I wyll not And yf hit +happend me to haue awors/ what shold hyt prouffite me to haue an euyll +husbond after a good. And so she concluded that she wold kepe her +chastete. Saynt Austyn reherceth in the book de Civitate dei that in +rome was a noble lady gentill of maners & of hyghe kynrede named +lucrecia/ And had an husbonde named colatyne/ whiche desired on a tyme +the Emþours sone named Torquyne thorguyllous or the proude and he was +callid sixte for to come dyne and sporte hym in his castell or manoir +And whan he was entrid amonge many noble ladyes he sawe lucrecia/ And +whan this Emþours sone had seen & aduertised her deportes. her +contenance. her manere. and her beaulte/ he was all rauysshid and +esprised wyth her loue forthwyth And espyed a tyme whan her husbonde +collatyn wente unto the ooste of themþour/ and camm to the place where +as lucresse was with her felawship/ whom she receyuyd honorably/ and +whan tyme came to goo to bedde and slepe she made redy a bedde ryally +for hym as hit apperteyned to the emperours sone And this sixtus espyed +where lucresia laye. And whan he supposyd & knewe that euery body was in +his first sleep/ he cam to the bedde of lucresse and that oon hand sette +on her breste and in that other hand a naked swerd/ and sayd to her/ +lucresse holde thy pees and crye not/ For I am sixte tarquynus sone/ for +yf y'u speke ony worde thou shalt be dede/ And for fere she held her +pees/ Than he began to praye and promise many thinges And after he +menaced & thretenyd her that she shold enclyne to hym to do his wyll/ +And whan he sawe he coude ner might haue his entent he sayd to her yf +thou do not my wyll/ I shall slee the and o[=o]n of thy seruantes and +shall leye hym all ded by thy syde And than I shall saye that I haue +slayn yow for your rybawdrye/ And lucresse that than doubted more the +shame of the world than the deth consentid to hym/ And anone after as +the Emþours sone was departid/ the ladye sente l*res to her husbond her +fader her brethern & to her frendes/ and to a man callid brute +conceyllour & neuewe to tarquyn/ And sayd to them/ that yesterday sixte +the emp*ours sone cam in to myn hous as an enemye in likenes of a +frende/ & hath oppressid me And knowe y'u colatyn that he hath +dishonorid thy bedde And how well y't he hath fowled & dishonored my +body/ yet myn herte is not/ wherfore I beseche the of pardon foryfnes & +absolucion of the trespas but not of the payne/ and he y't hath doon +this synne to me hit shall ben to his meschance yf y'e doo your deuoir/ +And be cause no woman take ensample of lucresse and lyue after the +trespaas/ but that she in lyke wyse take ensample also of the payne And +forthwyth wyth a swerd that she helde under her gowen or robe/ she roof +her self unto the herte And deyde forthwyth to fore them/ And than brute +the counseillr And her husbond collatyn and alle her other frendes swore +by the blood of lucresse that they wold neuer reste vnto the tyme that +they had put out of rome tarquyn and and alle his lignee/ And that neuer +after none of them shold come to dignite/ And alle this was doon. For +they bare the dede corps thurgh the cyte and meuyd the peple in suche +wyse/ that tarquyn was put in exyle And fixte his sone was slayn/ A +Quene ought to be well manerd & amonge alle she ought to be tumerous and +shamefast/ For whan a woman hath loste shamefastnes/ she may ner can not +well be chaast/ Wherfore saith symachus that they that ben not shamefast +haue no conscience of luxurye/ And saynt Ambrose saith that oon of the +best parements and maketh a woman most fayr in her persone/ is to be +shamefast/ Senecque reherceth that ther was oon named Archezille whiche +was so shamefast That she put in a pelow of fethers a certain some of +money/ and put hit vnder y'e heed of a pour frende of heeris/ whiche +dissimyled his pouerte and wold not ner durst not be a knowen of his +pouerte For for shame she durst not gyue hit openly/ but had leuer that +he shold fynde hit/ than that she had gyuen hit hym/ Wherfore otherwhile +men shold gyue & helpe her frendes so secretly That they knowe not whens +hit come/ For whan we kepe hit secret and make no boost therof/ our +deedes and werkes shall plese god and them also/ A Quene ought to be +chosen whan she shall be wedded of the most honest kynrede and peple/ +For oftentymes the doughters folowen the tacches and maners of them that +they ben discended from/ Wherof Valerius maximus sayth that ther was one +that wold marye/ whiche cam to a philosopher and axid counceyll what wif +he might best take He answerd that he shold take her that thou knowe +certaynly that her moder and her grauntdame haue ben chaast and well +condicioned/ For suche moder/ suche doughter comunely/ Alfo a quene +ought to teche her childern to ben contynent and kepe chastite entyerly/ +as hit is wreton in ecclesiastes/ yf thou haue sones enseigne and teche +them/ And yf thou haue doughters kepe well them in chastite/ For +helemonde reherceth that euery kynge & prynce ought to be a clerke for +to comande to other to studye and rede the lawe of our lord god/ And +therfore wrote themperour to the kynge of france that he shold doo lerne +hys children sones the seuen sciences lyberall/ And saide amonge other +thynges that a kynge not lettryd resembleth an asse coroned/ Themperour +Octauian maad his sones to be taught and lerne to swyme. to sprynge and +lepe. to Iufte. to playe wyth the axe and swerde/ And alle maner thynge +that apperteyneth to a knyght/ And his doughters he made hem to lerne. +to sewe. to spynne. to laboure as well in wolle as in lynnen cloth/ And +alle other werkis longynge to women And whan his frendes demanded +wherfore he dyde so/ he answerd how well that he was lord & syre of alle +the world/ yet wyste he not what shold befalle of his children and +whether they shold falle or come to pouerte or noo/ and therfore yf they +conne a good crafte they maye alleway lyue honestly/ The Quene ought to +kepe her doughters in alle chastyte/ For we rede of many maydens that +for theyr virginite haue ben made quenes/ For poule the historiagraph of +the lombardes reherceth y't ther was a duchesse named remonde whiche had +.iii. sones & two doughters And hit happend that the kynge of hongrye +cantanus assaylled a castell where she behelde her enemyes And amonge +all other she sawe the kynge that he was a well faryng and goodly man/ +Anone she was esprised and taken wyth his loue/ And that so sore/ that +forthwith she sent to hym that she wold deliuere ouer the castell to hym +yf he wold take her to his wyf and wedde her And he agreed therto/ and +sware that he wold haue her to his wyf on that condicion/ whan than the +kynge was in the castell/ his peple toke men and women and alle that +they fonde/ her sones fledde from her/ of whom one was named Ermoaldus +and was yongest/ and after was duc of boneuentan/ And syn kynge of the +lumbardis. And the two susters toke chikens And put hem vnder her armes +next the flessh and bytwene her pappes/ that of the heete & chaffyng the +flessh of the chikens stanke. And whan so was that they of hongrye wold +haue enforcid & defowled hem anone they felte the stenche and fledde +away and so lefte hem sayng/ fy how these lombardes stynke/ and so they +kept their virginite/ wherfore that one of them afterward was Quene of +france And that other Quene of Aleman/ And hit happend than that the +kynge Catanus toke acordynge to his promyse the duchesse/ and laye with +her one night for to saue his oth And on the morn he made her comune +unto alle the hongres/ And the thirde day after he dyde doo put a staf +of tre fro the nether part of her/ thurgh her body vnto her throte or +mouthe/ for be cause of the lust of her flessh she betrayed her cyte and +sayd suche husbond/ suche wyf &c And this sufficeth of the Quene. + + + + + +_The thirde chapitre of the seconde tractate treteth of the alphyns her +offices and maners._ + + +The Alphyns ought to be made and formed in manere of Iuges syttynge in a +chayer wyth a book open to fore their eyen/ And that is be cause that +some causes ben crymynell/ And some ben cyuyle as aboute possessyons and +other temporell thynges and trespaces/ And therfore ought to be two +Iuges in the royame/ one in the black for the first cause/ And that +other in whyte as for the seconde/ Theyr office is for to counceyll the +kynge/ And to make by his comandements good lawes And to enforme alle +the royame in good and vertuous maners/ And to Iuge and gyue sentence +well and truly after the caas is had/ And to counceyll well and Iustely +alle them that are counceyll of hem/ wyth oute hauynge of ony eye opene +to ony persone/ And to estudye diligently in suche wyse and to ordeygne +alle that/ that ought to be kept be obseruyd be faste and stable/ So +that they be not founde corrupt for yeft for favour ne for lignage ne +for enuye variable And as touchynge the first poynt Seneque sayth in the +book of benefetes that the poure Dyogenes was more stronge than +Alixandre/ For Alixandre coude not gyue fo moche as Diogenes +wold reffuse. + +Marcus cursus a romayn of grete renome sayth thus. That whan he had +besiegid & assayllyd them of amente And boneuentans whiche herde that he +was poure/ they toke a grete masse and wegghe of gold and ended hit to +hym prayng hym that he wold resseyue hyt and leue his assault and siege/ +And whan they cam with the present to hym they fonde hym sittynge on the +erthe and ete his mete oute of platers and disshes of tree and of wode +and dyde than her message/ to whom he answerd and sayde that they shold +goo hoome and saye to them that sente hem that marcus cursus loueth +better to be lord and wynne richesses than richesses shold wynne hym/ +For by bataylle he shall not be ouercome and vaynquysshid Nor be gold ne +siluer he shal not be corrupt ne corompid Often tymes that thynge taketh +an euyll ende that is vntrewe for gold and siluer/ And that a man is +subgett vnto money may not be lord therof/ helimond reherceth that [50] +demoncene demanded of aristodone how moche he had wonne for pletynge of +a cause for his clyent/ And he answerd a marck of gold. [51] Demoscenes +answerd to hym agayn that he had wonne as moche for to hold his pees and +speke not Thus the tonges of aduocates and men of lawe ben þyllous and +domegeable/yet they must be had yf thou wylt wynne thy cause for wyth +money and yeft thou shall wynne And oftetymes they selle as welle theyr +scilence/ as theyr vtterance/ Valerius reherceth that the senatours of +rome toke counceyll to geder of two persones that one was poure/ And +that other riche and couetous/ whiche of hem bothe were moft apte for to +sende to gouerne and Iuge the contre of spayne/ and scipion of affricque +sayd that none of them bothe were good ner prouffitable to be sente +theder/ For that one hath no thynge And to that other may nothynge +suffise And despised in his saynge alle pouerte and auerice in a Iuge/ +For a couetous man hath nede of an halfpeny For he is seruant & bonde +vnto money/ and not lord therof. But pouerte of herte & of wylle ought +to be gretly alowed in a Iuge Therfore we rede that as longe as the +romayns louyd pouerte they were lordes of all the world For many ther +were that exposed alle their goodes for the comyn wele and for that was +most prouffitable for the comynaulte that they were so poure that whan +they were dede they were buryed & brought to erthe with the comyn good/ +And theyr doughters were maryed by the comandement of the senatours/ But +syn that they despised pouerte/ And begonne to gadre rychesses/ And haue +maad grete bataylles/ they haue vsed many synnes And so the comyn wele +perysshid/ For there is no synne but that it regneth there/ Ther is none +that is so [52] synfull as he that hath alle the world in despyte/ For +he is in pees that dredeth no man/ And he is ryche that coueyteth no +thynge/ Valere reherceth that he is not ryche that moche hath/ But he is +ryche that hath lytyll and coueyteth no thynge/ Than thus late the Iuges +take hede that they enclyne not for loue or for hate in ony Iugement/ +For theophrast saith that alle loue is blynde ther loue is/ ther can not +ryght Iugement by guyen/ For alle loue is blynde And therfore loue is +none euyn Iuge For ofte tymes loue Iugeth a fowll & lothly woman to be +fayr And so reherceth quynte curse in his first book that the grete +Godaches sayth the same to Alixandre men may saye in this caas that +nature is euyll For euery man is lasse auysed and worse in is owne feet +and cause than in an other mans/ And therfore the Iuges ought to kepe +hem well from yre in Iugement/ Tullius sayth that an angry & yrous +þsone weneth that for to doo euyll/ is good counceyll/ and socrates +saith y't .ii. thinges ben contraryous to co[=u]ceyll/ and they ben +haftynes & wrath/ and Galeren sayth in Alexandrye/ yf yre or wrath +ouercome the whan thou sholdest gyue Iugement/ weye all thinge in y'e +balance so that thy Iugement be not enclyned by loue ne by yeste/ ne +fauour of persone torne not thy corage. Helemond reherceth that Cambyses +kynge of perse whiche was a rightwys kynge had an vnrightwys Iuge/ +whiche for enuye and euyll will had dampned a man wrongfully and agaynst +right/ wherfore he dide hym to be flain all quyk/ and made the chayer or +fiege of Iugement to be couerid wyth his skyn/ And made his sone Iuge +and to sitte in the chayer on the skyn of his fader/ to thende that the +sone shold Iuge rightwysly/ And abhorre the Iugement & payne of his +fader/ Iuges ought to punysshe the defaultes egally And fullfille the +lawe that they ordeyne/ Caton sayth accomplisshe and do the lawe in +suche wyse as thou hast ordeyned and gyuen. Valerius reherceth that +calengius a consull had a sone whiche was taken in adwultrye. And +therfore after the lawe at that tyme he was dampned to lose bothe his +eyen The fader wold y't the lawe shold be acc[=o]plisshid in his sone +with out fauour/ but all the cyte was meuyd herewyth And wold not suffre +hit/ but in the ende his fader was vaynquysshid by theyr prayers/ And +ordeyned that his sone shold lese oon eye whiche was put oute And he +hymself lost an other eye/ And thus was the lawe obserued and kept/ And +the prayer of the peple was accomplisshid We rede y't ther was a +counceyllour of rome that had gyen counceill to make a statute/ that who +some euer that entrid in to the senatoire/ & a swerd gyrt aboute hym +shold be ded/ Than hit happend on a tyme that he cam from with out and +entrid in to the senatoyre & his swerd gyrt aboute hym/ wherof he took +n[=o]n heede/ and [=o]n of the senatours told hym of hit/ and whan he +knewe hit & remembrid the statute/ he drewe oute his swerd & slewe +hymself to fore them/ rather to dye than to breke the lawe/ for whos +deth all the senatours made grete sorowe/ but alas we fynde not many in +thise dayes that soo doo/ but they doo lyke as anastasius saith that the +lawes of some ben lyke vnto the nettis of spyncoppis that take no grete +bestes & fowles but lete goo & flee thurgh. But they take flyes & +gnattes & suche smale thynges/ In lyke wise the lawes now a dayes ben +not executed but vpon the poure peple/ the grete and riche breke hit & +goo thurgh with all And for this cause sourden bataylles & discordes/ +and make y'e grete & riche men to take by force and strengthe +lordshippis & seignouries vpon the smale & poure peple/ And this doon +they specially that ben gentill of lignage & poure of goodes And causeth +them to robbe and reue And yet constrayned them by force to serue them +And this is no meruayll/ for they that drede not to angre god/ ner to +breke the lawe and to false hit/ Falle often tymes by force in moche +cursednes and wikkidnes/ but whan the grete peple doo acordinge to the +lawe/ and punysh the tr[=a]nsgressours sharply The comyn peple abstayne and +withdrawe hem fro dooyng of euyll/ and chastiseth hem self by theyr +example/ And the Iuges ought to entende for to studie/ for y't yf +smythes the carp[=e]ntiers y'e vignours and other craftymen saye that it is +most necessarye to studye for the comyn prouffit And gloryfye them in +their connyng and saye that they ben prouffitable Than shold the Iuges +studie and contemplaire moche more than they in that/ that shold be for +the comyn wele/ wherfore sayth seneke beleue me that they seme that they +do no thynge they doo more than they that laboure For they doo +spirytuell and also corporall werkis/ and therfore amonge Artificers +ther is no plesant reste/ But that reson of the Iuges hath maad and +ordeyned hit/ And therfore angelius in libro actiui atticatorum de +socrate sayth That socrates was on a tyme so pensyf that in an hole +naturell daye/ He helde one estate that he ne meuyd mouth ne eye ne +foote ne hand but was as he had ben ded rauyshyd. And whan one demanded +hym wherfore he was fo pensyf/ he answerd in alle worldly thynges and +labours of the fame And helde hym bourgoys and cytezeyn of the world And +valerius reherceth that carnardes a knyght was so age wye and laborous +in pensifnes of the comyn wele/ that whan he was sette at table for to +ete/ he forgate to put his hande vnto the mete to fede hymself. And +therfore his wys y't was named mellye whom he had taken more to haue her +companye & felawship than for ony other thynge/ Fedde hym to thende that +he shold not dye for honger in his pensifnes/ Dydymus sayd to +Alix-andrie we ben not deynseyns in the world but stra[=u]gers/ ner we +ben not born in the world for to dwell and abyde allway therein/ but for +to goo and passe thurgh hit/ we haue doon noon euy dede/ but that it is +worthy to be punysshid and we to suffre payne therfore And than we may +goon with opon face and good conscience And so may we goo lightly and +appertly the way that we hope and purpose to goo This suffiseth as for +the Alphyns. + + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The fourth chapitre of the seconde book treteth of the ordre of +cheualerye and knyghthode and of her offices and maners._ + + +The knyght ought to be made alle armed upon an hors in suche wyse that +he haue an helme on his heed and a spere in his ryght hande/ and coueryd +wyth his sheld/ a swerde and a mace on his lyft syde/ Cladd wyth an +hawberk and plates to fore his breste/ legge harnoys on his legges/ +Spores on his heelis on his handes his gauntelettes/ his hors well +broken and taught and apte to bataylle and couerid with his armes/ whan +the knyghtes ben maad they ben bayned or bathed/ that is the signe that +they shold lede a newe lyf and newe maners/ also they wake alle the +nyght in prayers and orysons vnto god that he wylle gyue hem grace that +they may gete that thynge that they may not gete by nature/ The kynge or +prynce gyrdeth a boute them a swerde in signe/ that they shold abyde and +kepe hym of whom they take theyr dispenses and dignyte. Also a knyght +ought to be wise, liberall, trewe, stronge and full of mercy and pite +and kepar of the peple and of the lawe/ And ryght as cheualrye passeth +other in vertu in dignite in honour and in reu[=e]rece/ right so ought he +to surmounte alle other in vertu/ For honour is no thing ellis but to do +reuer[=e]ce to an other þsone for y'e good & vertuo'9 disposicion y't is +in hym/ A noble knyght ought to be wyse and preuyd to fore he be made +knyght/ hit behoued hym that he had longe tyme vsid the warre and armes/ +that he may be expert and wyse for to gouerne the other For syn that a +knyght is capitayn of a batayll The lyf of them that shall be vnder hym +lyeth in his hand And therfore behoueth hym to be wyse and well aduysed/ +for some tyme arte craft and engyue is more worth than strengthe or +hardynes of a man that is not proued in Armes/ For otherwhyle hit +happeth that whan the prynce of the batayll affieth and trusteth in his +hardynes and strength And wole not vse wysedom and engyne for to renne +vpon his enemyes/ he is vaynquysshid and his peple slayn/ Therfore saith +the philosopher that no man shold chese yong peple to be captayns & +gouernours For as moche as ther is no certainte in her wysedom. +Alexandra of macedone vaynquysshid and conquerid Egypte Iude Caldee +Affricque/ and Affirye vnto the marches of bragmans more by the +counceyll of olde men than by the strength of the yong men/ we rede in +the historye of rome y't ther was a knyght whiche had to name malechete +that was so wyse and trewe that whan the Emþour Theodosius was dede/ he +made mortall warre ayenst his broder germain whiche was named Gildo or +Guye For as moche as this said guye wold be lorde of affricque with oute +leue and wyll of the senatours. And this sayd guye had slayn the two +sones of his broder malechete/ And dide moche torment vnto the cristen +peple And afore that he shold come in to the felde ayenst his broder +Emyon/ he wente in to an yle of capayre And ladde with hym alle the +cristen men that had ben sente theder in Exyle And made hem alle to +praye wyth hym by the space of thre dayes & thre nyghtis/ For he had +grete truste in the prayers of good folk/ & specially that noman myght +counceyll ne helpe but god/ and .iii. dayes to fore he shold fight saynt +Ambrofe whiche was ded a lityl to fore apperid to hym/ and shewde hym by +reuelacion the tyme & our that he shold haue victorie/ and for as moche +as he had ben .iii. dayes and .iii nyghtes in his prayers & that he was +assewrid for to haue victorie/ He faught with .v. thousand men ayenst +his broder y't had in his companye .xxiiii. thousand men And by goddes +helpe he had victorie And whan the barbaryns y't were comen to helpe +guion fawe y'e disconfiture they fledde away/ and guion fledd also in to +affricque by shiipp/ and whan he was ther arryued he was sone after +stranglid/ These .ii. knyghtes of whom I speke were two bredern +germayns/ whiche were sent to affricque for to defende the comyn weele/ +In likewise Iudas machabe'9 Ionathas & symon his bredern put hem self in +the mercy and garde of our lord god And agayn the enemyes of the lawe of +god with lityll peple in regard of the multitude that were agayn them/ +and had also victorye/ The knights ought to ben trewe to theyr princes/ +for he that is not trewe leseth y'e name of a knight Vnto a prince +trouth is the grettest precious stone whan it is medlid with Iuftice/ +Paule the historiagraph of the lombardes reherceth that ther was a +knight named enulphus and was of the cyte of papye that was so trewe to +his kynge named patharich/ that he put hym in parill of deth for hym/ +For hit happend that Grymald Due of [53] buuentayns of whom we haue +touched to fore in the chapitre of the Quene/ Dyde do flee Godebert +whiche was kynge of the lombardes by the hande of Goribert duc of +Tauryn/ whiche was discended of the crowne of lombardis And this grimald +was maad kynge of lombardis in his place/ and after this put & +bannysshid out of the contrey this patharych whiche was broder vnto the +kynge Godebert/ that for fere and drede fledd in to hongrye/ And than +this knyght Enulphus dide so moche that he gate the peas agayn of his +lord patharich agaynft the kynge grymalde/ and that he had licence to +come out of hongrye where he was all wey in paryll. and so he cam and +cryed hym mercy And the kynge grymalde gaf hym leue to dwelle and to +lyue honestly in his contree/ allway forseen that he toke not vpon hym +and named hymself kynge/ how well he was kynge by right This doon a +litill while after/ the kynge that beleuyd euyll tonges/ thought in +hymself how he myght brynge this patharich vnto the deth And alle this +knewe well the knyght enulphus/ whiche cam the same nyght with his +squyer for to visite his lord And made his squyer to vnclothe hym & to +lye in the bedde of his lord And made his lord to ryse and clothe hym +wyth the clothis of his squyer/ And in this wyse brought hym oute/ +brawlynge and betynge hym as his seruant by them that were assigned to +kepe the hows of patharik y't he shold not escape Whiche supposid that +hit had ben his squyer that he entretid so outragiously/ & so he brought +hym to his hous whiche Ioyned with the walles of the toun/ And at +mydnyght whan alle men were asleepe/ he lete a doun his maistre by a +corde/ whiche toke an hors oute of the pasture And fled vnto the cyte of +Aast and ther cam to the kynge of fraunce/ And whan hit cam vnto the +morn. Hit was founden that Arnolphus and his squyer had deceyvyd the +kynge and the wacchemen/ whom the kyng comanded shold be brought to fore +hym And demanded of them the maner how he was escaped And they told hym +the trouthe/ Than the kynge demanded his counceyll of what deth they had +deseruyd to dye that had so doon and wrought agayn the wylle of hym/ +Some sayde that they shold ben honged/ and some sayd they shold ben +slayn And other sayd that they shold be beheedid. Than sayd the kynge by +that lord that made me/ they ben not worthy to dye/ but for to haue +moche worship and honour/ For they haue ben trewe to theyr lord/ +wherfore the kynge gaf hem a grete lawde and honour for their feet And +after hit happend that the propre squyer and seruant of godeberd slewe +the traytre Goribalde that by trayson had slayn his lord at a feste of +seynt Iohn in his Cyte of Tauryn wherof he was lord and duc/ Thus ought +the knyghtes to love to gyder/ And eche to put his lyf in aventure for +other/ For so ben they the strenger And the more doubted/ Lyke as were +the noble knyghtes Ioab and Abysay that fought agaynst the syryens and +Amonytes/ And were so trewe that oon to that other that they +vaynquysshid theyr enemies And were so Ioyned to gyder that yf the +siryens were strenger than that one of them/ that other helpe hym/ we +rede that damon and phisias were so ryght parfyt frendes to gyder that +whan Dionisius whiche was kynge of cecylle had Iuged one to deth for his +trespaas in the cyte of syracusane whom he wold haue executed/ he +desired grace and leue to goo in to hys contre for to dispose and +ordonne his testament/ And his felawe pleggid hym and was sewrte for hym +vpon his heed that he shold come agayn. Wherof they that sawe & herd +this/ helde hym for a fool and blamed hym/ And he said all way that he +repentid hym nothynge at all/ For he knewe well the trouth of his felawe +And whan the day cam and the oure that execusion shold be doon/ his +felawe cam and presented hymself to fore the Iuge/ And dischargid his +felawe that was plegge for hym/ wherof the kynge was gretly abasshid And +for the grete trouthe that was founden in hym He pardonyd hym and prayd +hem bothe that they wold resseyue hym as their grete frende and felawe/ +Lo here the vertues of loue that a man ought nought to doubte the deth +for his frende/ Lo what it is to doo for a frende/ And to lede a lyf +debonayr And to be wyth out cruelte/ to loue and not to hate/ whiche +causeth to doo good ayenst euyll And to torne payne into benefete and to +quenche cruelte Anthonyus sayth that Julius Cesar/ lefte not lightly +frenshippe and Amytye/ But whan he had hit he reteyned hit faste and +maynteyned hit alleway/ Scipion of Affricque sayth that ther is no +thynge so stronge/ as for to mayntene loue vnto the deth The loue of +concupiscence and of lecherye is sone dissoluyd and broken/ But the +verray true loue of the comyn wele and prouffit now a dayes is selde +founden/ where shall thou fynde a man in thyse dayes that wyll expose +hymself for the worshippe and honour of his frende/ or for the comyn +wele/ selde or neuer shall he be founden/ Also the knyghtes shold be +large & liberall For whan a knyght hath regarde vnto his singuler +prouffit by his couetyse/ he dispoylleth his peple For whan the +souldyours see that they putte hem in paryll. And theyr mayster wyll not +paye hem theyr wages liberally/ but entendeth to his owne propre gayn +and proussryt/ than whan the Enemyes come they torne sone her backes and +flee oftentymes/ And thus hit happeth by hym that entendeth more to gete +money than victorye that his auaryce is ofte tymes cause of his +confusion Than late euery knyght take heede to be liberall in suche wyse +that he wene not ne suppose that his scarcete be to hym a grete wynnynge +or gayn/ And for thys cause he be the lasse louyd of his peple/ And that +his aduersarye wythdrawe to hym them by large gyuynge/ For oftetyme +bataylle is auaunced more for getynge of siluer. Than by the force and +strengthe of men/ For men see alle daye that suche thynges as may not be +achieuyd by force of nature/ ben goten and achieuyd by force of money/ +And for so moche hit behoueth to see well to that whan the tyme of the +bataylle cometh/ that he borowe not ne make no tayllage/ For noman may +be ryche that leuyth his owne/ hopyng to gete and take of other/ Than +all waye all her gayn and wynnynge ought to be comyn amonge them exept +theyr Armes. For in lyke wyse as the victorie is comune/ so shold the +dispoyll and botye be comune vnto them And therfore Dauid that gentyll +knyght in the fyrst book of kynges in the last chapitre made a lawe/ +that he that abode behynde by maladye or sekenes in the tentes shold +haue as moche parte of the butyn as he that had be in the bataylle/ And +for the loue of thys lawe he was made afterward kynge of Isræll/ +Alexander of Macedone cam on a tyme lyke a symple knyght vnto the court +of Porus kynge of Inde for to espye thestate of the kynge and of the +knyghtes of the court/ And the kynge resseyuyd hym ryght worshipfully/ +And demanded of hym many thynges of Alexander and of his constance and +strengthe/ nothynge wenynge that he had ben Alexander But antygone one +of his knyghtis and after he had hym to dyner And whan they had feruyd +Alexander in vayssell of gold and siluer with dyuerce metes &c. After +that he had eten suche as plesid hym he voyded the mete and toke the +vayssell and helde hit to hymself and put hit in his bosom or sleuys/ +wherof he was accusid vnto the kynge After dyner than the kynge callid +hym and demanded hym wherfore he had taken his vayssell And he answerd/ +Syre kynge my lord I pray the to vnderstande and take heede thy self and +also thy knyghtes/ I haue herd moche of thy grete hyenes And y't thou +art more myghty and puyssant in cheualrye & in dispensis than is +Alexander/ and therfore I am come to the a pour knyght whiche am named +Antygone for to serue the/ Than hit is the custome in the Courte of +Alexandre/ that what thynge a knyght is seruyd wyth all is alle his/ +mete and vayssell and cuppe And therfore I had supposid that this +custome had ben kept in thy court for thou art richer than he/ whan the +knyghtes herd this/ an[=o]n they lefte porus/ and wente for to serue +alixandre/ and thus he drewe to hym y'e hertes of them by yeftes/ whiche +afterward slewe Porus that was kynge of Inde/ And they made Alexandra +kynge therof Therfore remembre knyght alleway that wyth a closid and +shette purse shalt thou neuer haue victorye. Ouyde sayth that he that +taketh yeftes/ he is glad therwyth/ For they wynne wyth yeftes the +hertes of the goddes and of men For yf Iupiter were angrid/ wyth yestes +he wold be plesid/ The knyghtes ought to be stronge not only of body but +also in corage. Ther ben many stronge and grete of body/ that ben faynt +and feble in the herte/ he is stronge that may not be vaynquysshid and +ouercomen/ how well that he suffryth moche otherwhile/ And so we beleue +that they that be not ouer grete ne ouer lityll ben most corageous & +beste in batayll. We rede that cadrus duc of athenes shold haue a +batayll agayn them of polipe/ And he was warned and had a reuelacion of +the goddes/ that they shold haue the victorie of whom the prynce shold +be slayn in the batayll/ And the prince whiche was of a grete corage and +trewe herte Toke other armes of a poure man/ And put hymself in the +fronte of the batayll to thende that he might be slain And so he was/ +for the right trewe prince had leuer dye Than his peple shold be +ouercomen/ And so they had the victorye/ Certes hyt was a noble and fayr +thynge to expose hym self to the deth for to deffende his contrey. But +no man wold doo so/ but yf he hopyd to haue a better thynge therfore/ +Therfore the lawe sayth that they lyue in her sowles gloriously that ben +slain in the warre for the comyn wele A knyght ought also to be +mercifull and pyetous For ther is nothynge y't maketh a knyght so +renomed as is whan he sauyth the lyf of them that he may slee/ For to +shede and spylle blood is the condicion of a wylde beste and not the +condicion of a good knyght Therfore we rede that scylla that was Duc of +the Romayns wyth oute had many fayr victoyres agaynst the Romayns wyth +Inne that were contrayre to hym/ In so moche that in the batayll of +puylle he slewe .xviii. thousand men/ And in champanye .lxx. thousand. +And after in the cyte he slewe thre thousand men vnarmed And whan one of +his knyghtes that was named Quyntus catulus sawe this cruelte sayd to +hym/ Sesse now and suffre them to lyue and be mercyfull to them wyth +whom we haue ben victorious And wyth whom we ought to lyue/ For hit is +the most hyest and fayr vengeance that a man may doo/ as to spare them & +gyue hem her lyf whome he may slee Therfore Joab ordeyned whan absalom +was slayn/ he sowned a trompette/ that his peple shold no more renne & +slee theyr aduersaryes. For ther were slayn aboute .xx. thousand of +them/ and in lyke wyse dide he whan he faught ayenst Abner And Abner was +vaynquysshid and fledde. For where that he wente in the chaas he +comanded to spare the peple The knyghtes ought to kepe the peple/ For +whan the peple ben in theyr tentes or castellis/ the knyghtes ought to +kepe the wacche/ For this cause the romayns callyd them legyons And they +were made of dyuerce prouynces and of dyuerce nacyons to thentente to +kepe the peple/ And the peple shold entende to theyre werke/ For no +crafty man may bothe entende to his craft & to fighte/ how may a crafty +man entende to hys werke sewrely in tyme of warre but yf he be kept And +right in suche wyse as the knyghtes shold kepe y'e peple in tyme of peas +in lyke wise the peple ought to pourveye for theyr dispensis/ how shold +a plowman be sewre in the felde/ but yf the knyghtes made dayly wacche +to kepe hem/ For lyke as the glorye of a kynge is vpon his knyghtis/ so +hit is necessarye to the knyghtes that the marchantis craftymen and +comyn peple be defended and kepte/ therfore late the knyghtes kepe the +peple in suche wyse that they maye enioye pees and gete and gadre the +costis and expensis of them bothe/ we rede that Athis sayd to dauid +whiche was a knyght/ I make the my kepar and defendar alleway. Thus +shold the knightes haue grete zele that the lawe be kept/ For the +mageste ryall ought not only to be garnysshid wyth armes but also wyth +good lawes/ And therfore shold they laboure that they shold be well kept +Turgeus pompeyus reherceth of a noble knyght named Ligurgyus that had +made auncyent lawes the whiche the peple wold not kepe ne obserue/ For +they semed hard for them to kepe And wold constrayne hym to rapele & +sette hem a part whan the noble knight sawe that He dyde the peple to +vnderstande that he had not made them/ but a god that was named Apollo +delphynus. had made them/ And had comanded hym that he shold do the +peple kepe them/ Thise wordes auayled not/ they wold in no wyse kepe +them/ And than he sayd to them that hit were good that er the said lawes +shold be broken that he had gyuen to them that he shold goo and speke +wyth the god Appollo/ For to gete of hym a dispensacion to breke hem/ +And that the peple shold kepe & obserue them tyll that he retorned +agayn/ The peple acorded therto & swore that they shold kepe them to the +tyme he retorned Than the knighte wente in to grece in exyle & dwellid +ther alle his lyf/ And whan he shold dye he comanded that his body shold +be cast in the see/ For as moche as yf his body shold be born theder/ +the people shold wene to be quyt of theyr oth/ And shold kepe no lenger +his lawes that were so good & resonable/ & so the knight had leuer to +forsake his owne centre & to dye so than to repele his lawes And his +lawes were suche/ The first lawe was that y'e peple shold obeye & serue +the princes/ And the princes shold kepe the peple & do Iustice on the +malefactours The second lawe that they shold be all sobre/ For he wiste +well that the labour of cheualrye is most stronge whan they lyue +sobrely/ The thirde was y't noman shold bye ony thynge for money but +they shold change ware for ware & one marchandyse for an other/ The +fourthe was that men shold sette no more by money ner kepe hit more than +they wold donge or fylthe/ The fyfthe he ordeyned for the comyn wele +alle thynge by ordre/ that the prynces myght meue and make bataylle by +her power, to the maistres counceillours he comysid the Iugementis. And +the Annuell rentes/ to the senatours the kepynge of the lawe/ And to the +comyn peple he gaf power to chese suche Iuges as they wold haue/ The +sixte he ordeyned that all thinge shold be departid egally & all thinge +shold be comyn And none richer than other in patry-monye/ The seuenth +that euery man shold ete lyke well in comen openly/ that riches shold +not be cause of luxurye whan they ete secretly/ The eygthe that the +yonge peple shold not haue but o[=n] gowne or garment in the yere/ The +nynth that men shold sette poure children to laboure in the felde/ to +thende that they shold not enploye theyr yongthe in playes and in folye/ +but in labour/ The tenthe that the maydens shold be maryed wythoute +dowayre/ In suche wyfe that no man shold take a wyf for moneye/ The xi. +that men shold rather take a wyf for her good maners and vertues than +for her richesses/ The twelfthe that men shold worshippe the olde and +auncyent men for theyr age and more for theyr wysedom than for her +riches this knyght made none of thyse lawes/ but he first kepte hem. + + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The fyfthe chapitre of the second book of the forme +and maners of the rooks._ + + +The rooks whiche ben vicaires and legats of the kynge ought to be made +lyke a knyght vpon an hors and a mantell and hood furryd with meneuyer +holdynge a staf in his hande/ & for as moche as a kyng may not be in +alle places of his royame/ Therfore the auctorite of hym is gyuen to the +rooks/ whiche represent the kynge/ And for as moche as a royame is grete +and large/ and that rebellion or nouelletes might sourdre and aryse in +oon partye or other/ therfore ther ben two rooks one on the right side +and that other on the lifte side They ought to haue in hem. pyte. +Iuftice. humylite. wilfull pouerte. and liberalite/ Fyrst Iustice for +hit is most fayr of the vertues/ For it happeth oftetyme that the +ministris by theyr pryde and orgueyll subuerte Iuftice and do no ryght/ +Wherfore the kynges otherwhyle lose theyr royames with out theyr culpe +or gylte/ For an vntrewe Iuge or officyer maketh hys lord to be named +vnIufte and euyll And contrarye wyse a trewe mynestre of the lawe and +ryghtwys/ causeth the kynge to be reputed Iuste and trewe/ The Romayns +therfore made good lawes/ And wolde that/ that they sholde be Iufte and +trewe/ And they that establisshid them for to gouerne the peple/ wold in +no wyse breke them/ but kepe them for to dye for them/ For the auncyent +and wyse men sayd comynly that it was not good to make and ordeygne that +lawe that is not Iuste Wherof Valerius reherceth that ther was a man +that was named Themistides whiche cam to the counceyllours of athenes +and sayd that he knewe a counceyll whiche was ryght prouffytable for +them/ But he wolde telle hyt but to But to one of them whom that they +wold/ And they asligned to hym a wyse man named Aristides/ And whan he +had vnderstand hym he cam agayn to the other of the counceyll And sayd +that the counceyll of Themystides was well prouffitable/ but hit was not +Iuste/ how be hit y'e may reuolue hit in your mynde/ And the counceyll +that he sayd was this/ that ther were comen two grete shippis fro +lacedome and were arryued in theyr londe. And that hit were good to take +them/ And whan the counceyll herde hym that sayde/ that hit was not +Iuste ner right/ they lefte hem alle in pees And wold not haue adoo with +alle/ The vicarye or Iuge of the kynge ought to be so Iuste/ that he +shold employe alle his entente to saue the comyn wele And yf hit were +nede to put his lyf and/ lose hit therfore/ we haue an ensample of +marcus regulus wherof Tullius reherceth in the book of offices And saynt +Augustyn also de ciuitate dei/ how he faught agayn them of cartage by +see in shippis and was vaynquysshid and taken/ Than hit happend that +they of cartage sente hymm in her message to rome for to haue theyr +prisoners there/ for them y'e were taken/ and so to cha[=u]ge one for an +other And made hym swere and promyse to come agayn/ And so he cam to +rome And made proposicion tofore the senate And demanded them of cartage +of the senatours to be cha[=u]ged as afore is sayd And than the senatours +demanded hym what counceyll he gaf Certayn sayd he I co[=u]ceyll yow that +y'e do hit not in no wise For as moche as the peple of rome that they of +cartage holde in prison of youris ben olde men and brusid in the warre +as I am my self/ But they that y'e holde in prison of their peple is alle +the flour of alle their folke/ whiche counceyll they toke/ And than his +frendes wolde haue holde hym and counceyllyd hym to abide there and not +retorne agayn prysoner in to cartage/ but he wold neuer doo so ner +abide/ but wold goo agayn and kepe his oth How well that he knewe that +he went toward his deth For he had leuyr dye than to breke his oth +Valeri9 reherceth in the sixth book of one Emelye duc of the romayns/ +that in the tyme whan he had assieged the phalistes/ The scole maystre +of the children deceyuyd the children of the gentilmen that he drewe hym +a lityll and a lytyll vnto the tentys of the romayns by fayr speche. And +sayd to the duc Emelie/ that by the moyan of the children that he had +brought to hym/ he shold haue the cyte/ For theyr faders were lordes and +gouernours. Whan Emelie had herde hym he sayd thus to hym Thou that art +euyll and cruell And thou that woldest gyue a gyfte of grete felonnye +and of mauuastye/ thou shalt ner hast not founden here Duc ne peple that +resembleth the/ we haue also well lawes to kepe in batayll & warre As in +our contres & other places/ and we wole obserue and kepe them vnto euery +man as they ought to be kept And we ben armed agaynst our enemyes y't +wole defende them And not ayenst them y't can not saue their lyf whan +their contre is taken/ as thise lityll children/ Thou hast vaynquysshid +them as moche as is in the by thy newe deceyuable falsenes and by +subtilnes and not by armes/ but I that am a romayn shall vainquysshe +them by craft and strengthe of armes/ And anon he comanded to take the +said scole maister/ And to bynde his handes behynde hym as a traytour +and lede hem to the parentis of the children And whan the faders & +parentis sawe the grete courtosie that he had don to them They opend the +yates and yelded them vnto hym/ we rede that hanyball had taken a prince +of rome whiche vpon his oth and promyse suffrid hym to gon home/ and to +sende hym his raunson/ or he shold come agayn within a certain tyme And +whan he was at home in his place/ he sayde that he had deceyuyd hym by a +false oth And whan the senatours knewe therof/ they constrayned hym to +retorne agayn vnto hanyball/ Amos florus tellyth that the phisicien of +kynge pirrus cam on a nyght to fabrice his aduersarye And promyfid hym +yf he wold gyue hym for his laboure that he wold enpoysone pirrus his +maister/ whan fabricius vnderstode this He dyde to take hym and bynde +hym hande & foote/ and sente hym to his maistre and dyde do saye to hym +word for worde lyke as the physicien had sayd and promysid hym to doo/ +And whan pirrus vnderstode this he was gretly ameruaylled of the loyalte +and trouth of fabrice his enemye/ and sayd certaynly that the sonne +myghte lighther and sonner be enpesshid of his cours/ than fabrice shold +be letted to holde loyalte and trouthe/ yf they than that were not +cristen were so Iuste and trewe and louyd their contrey and their good +renomee/ what shold we now doon than that ben cristen and that cure lawe +is sette alle vpon loue and charyte/ But now a dayes ther is nothynge +ellys in the world but barate Treson deceyte falsenes and trecherye Men +kepe not theyr couenantes promyses. othes. writynges. ne trouthe/ The +subgettis rebelle agayn theyr lorde/ ther is now no lawe kepte. nor +fidelite/ ne oth holden/ the peple murmure and ryse agayn theyr lord and +wole not be subget/ they ought to be pietous in herte/ whiche is +auaillable to all thinge ther is pite in effecte by compassion/ and in +worde by remission and pardon/ by almesse/ for to enclyne hymself to the +poure For pite is nothynge ellis but a right grete will of a debonaire +herte for to helpe alle men/ Valerius reherceth that ther was a Iuge +named sangis whiche dampned a woman that had deseruyd the deth for to +haue her heed smyten of or ellis that she shold dye in prison/ The +Geayler that had pite on the woman put not her anone to deth but put her +in the pryson/ And this woman had a doughter whiche cam for to se and +conforte her moder But allway er she entryd into the pryson the Iayler +serchid her that se shold bere no mete ne drynke to her moder/ but that +she shold dye for honger/ Than hit happend after this that he meruaylled +moche why this woman deyd not/ And began to espye the cause why she +lyuyd so longe/ And fonde at laste how her doughter gaf souke to her +moder/ And fedde her with her melke. whan the Iayler aawe this meruaill/ +he wente & told the Iuge/ And whan the Iuge sawe this grete pite of the +doughter to the moder he pardoned her and made her to be delyuerid oute +of her pryson what is that/ that pite ne amolisshith/ moche peple wene +that it is agaynst nature and wondre that the doughter shold gyue the +moder to souke/ hit were agayn nature but the children shold be kynde to +fader and moder/ Seneca sayth that the kynge of bees hath no prykke to +stynge with as other bees haue. And that nature hath take hit away from +hym be cause he shold haue none armes to assaylle them And this is an +example vnto prynces that they shold be of the fame condicion/ Valerius +reherceth in his .v. book of marchus martellus that whan he had taken +the cyte of siracusane. And was sette in the hyest place of the cyte/ he +behelde the grete destruction of the peple and of the cyte/ he wepte and +sayde/ thou oughtest to be sorofull/ for so moche as thou woldest haue +no pite of thy self/ But enioye the for thou art fallen in the hande of +a right debonaire prynce. Also he recounteth whan pompeye had conqueryd +the kynge of Germanye that often tymes had foughten ayenst the romayns +And that he was brought to fore hym bounden/ he was so pietous that he +wold not suffre hym to be longe on his knees to fore hym/ but he +receyuyd hym cortoysly And sette the crowne agayn on his heed and put +hym in thestate that he was to fore/ For he had oppynyon that hit was as +worshipfull and fittynge to a kynge to pardone/ as to punysshe. Also he +reherceth of a co[=u]ceyllour that was named poule that dide do brynge to +fore hym a man that was prisonner And as he knelid to fore hym he toke +hym vp fro the ground & made hym to sytte beside hym for to gyue hym +good esperance and hoope And sayd to the other stondynge by/ in this +wyse. yf hit be grete noblesse that we shewe our self contrarye to our +enemyes/ than this fete ought to be alowed that we shew our self +debonair to our caytyfs & prisonners Cesar whan he herde the deth of +cathon whiche was his aduersarye sayde that he had grete enuye of his +glorye. And no thinge of his patrimonye/ and therfore he lefte to his +children frely all his patrimonye Thus taught vyrgyle and enseygned the +gloryus prynces to rewle and gouerne the peple of rome. And saynt +Augustin de ciuitate dei saith thus Thou emperour gouerne the peple +pietously And make peas ouerall/ deporte and forbere thy subgets/ +repreue & correcte the prowde/ for so enseyne And teche the the lawes/ +And hit was wreton vnto Alexander/ that euery prynce ought to be pyetous +in punysshynge/ and redy for to rewarde/ Ther is no thynge that causeth +a prynce to be so belouyd of hys peple/ As whan he speketh to hem +swetly/ and co[=u]ersith with hem symply/ And all this cometh of the roote +of pyte/ we rede of the Emperour Traian that his frendes repreuyd hym of +that he was to moche pryue and familier wyth the comyn peple more than +an emperour ought to be/ And he answerd that he wold be suche an +emperour as euery man desired to haue hym/ Also we rede of Alixander +that on a tyme he ladde his oost forth hastely/ and in that haste he +beheld where satte an olde knight that was sore acolde Whom he dide do +arise and sette hym in his owne sete or siege/ what wondre was hit +though y'e knightes desired to serue suche a lord that louyd better +theyr helth than his dignite/ The rookes ought also to be humble & meke +After the holy scripture whiche saith/ the gretter or in the hier astate +that thou arte/ so moche more oughtest thou be meker & more humble +Valerius reherceth in his .vii. book that ther was an emperour named +publius cesar/ That dide do bete doun his hows whiche was in the middis +of y'e market place for as moche as hit was heier than other houses/ for +as moche as he was more glorious in astate than other/ Therfore wold he +haue a lasse hous than other And scipion of affrique that was so poure +of vol[=u]tarie pouerte y't whan he was dede/ he was buried at y'e +dispencis of y'e comyn good/ They shold be so humble y't they shold leue +theyr offices/ and suffre other to take hem whan her tyme comyth/ & doo +honour to other/ for he gouerneth wel y'e royame y't may gouerne hit +whan he will Valeri'9 saith In his thirde book that fabyan the grete had +ben maistre counceyllour of his fader his grauntsire/ And of his +grauntsirs fader & of alle his antecessours And yet dide he alle his +payne and labour/ that his sone shold neuer haue that office after hym/ +but for nothynge that he mystrusted his sone/ For he was noble and wise +and more attemprid than other/ but he wold that the office shold not all +way reste in the familye and hows of the fabyans Also he reherceth in +his seuenth book that they wold make the sayd fabyan emþour/ but he +excused hym and sayd that he was blynde and myght not see for age/ but +that excusacion myght not helpe hym/ Than sayd he to hem/ seke y'e and +gete yow another/ For yf y'e make me your emþour I may not suffre your +maners/ nor y'e may not suffre myn/ Ther was a kynge of so subtyll engyne +That whan men brought hym the crowne/ to fore that he toke hit/ he +remembrid hym a lityll and saide/ O thou crowne that art more noble than +happy For yf a kynge knewe well and parfaytly how that thou art full of +paryls of thoughte and of charge/ yf thou were on the grounde/ he wolde +neuer lyfte ner take the vp/ Remembre the that whan thou art most +gloryous/ than haue some men moste enuye on the/ and whan thou haste +moste seignourye and lordships than shalt thou haue moste care. thought +and anguysshes/ Vaspasian was so humble that whan Nero was slayn alle +the peple cryed for to haue hym emþour/ and many of his frendes cam & +prayde hym that he wold take hit vpon hym/ so at the last he was +constrayned to take hit vpon hym. And sayd to his frendes Hit is better +and more to preyse and alowe for a man to take thempire agaynst his wil/ +than for to laboure to haue hit and to put hym self therin/ Thus ought +they to be humble and meke for to resseyue worship/ Therfore sayth the +bible that Ioab the sone of Saryre that was captayn of the warre of the +kynge Dauid/ whan he cam to take and wynne a Cyte/ He sente to Dauid and +desired hym to come to the warre/ that the victorye shold be gyuen to +Dauid/ And not to hym self/ Also they ought to be ware that they chaunge +not ofte tymes her officers/ Josephus reherceth that the frendes of +tyberyus meruaylled moche why he helde hys offycyers so longe in theyr +offices wyth oute changynge/ And they demanded of hym the cause/ to whom +he answerd/ I wold chaunge them gladly/ yf I wyste that hit shold be +good for the peple/ But I sawe on a tyme a man that was roynyous & full +of soores/ And many flyes satte vpon the soores and souked his blood +that hit was meruaylle to see/ wherfore I smote and chaced them away. +And he than said to me why chacest and smytest away thyse flyes that ben +full of my blood/ And now shallt thou late come other that ben hongrye +whiche shall doon to me double payne more than the other dide/ for the +prikke of the hongrye is more poyngnant the half/ than of y'e fulle And +therfore sayde he I leue the officiers in their offices. for they ben +all riche/ and doo not so moch euyl & harme As the newe shold doo & were +poure yf I shold sette hem in her places/ They ought also to be pacyent +in herynge of wordes & in suffrynge payne on her bodyes/ as to the first +One said to alisander that he was not worthy to regne. specially whan he +suffrid that lecherie and delyte to haue seignoire in hym/ he suffrid +hit paciently/ And answerd none otherwyse but that he wolde corrette hym +self. And take better maners and more honeste Also hit is reherced that +Iulius cezar was ballyd wherof he had desplaysir so grete that he kempt +his heeris that laye on the after parte of his heed forward for to hyde +the bare to fore. Than sayd a knyght to him Cezar hit is lighther And +sonner to be made that thou be not ballid/ than that I haue vsid ony +cowardyse in the warre of rome/ or hereafter shall doo ony cowardyse/ he +suffrid hit paciently and sayd not aword/ Another reproched hym by his +lignage And callyd hym fornier/ he answerd that hit is better that +noblesse begynne in me/ than hit shold faylle in me/ Another callid hym +tyraunt/ he answerd yf I were one. thou woldest not saie soo A knight +callid on a tyme scipion of affricque fowle & olde knyght in armes And +that he knewe lityll good And he answerd I was born of my moder a lityll +child and feble and not a man of armes. And yet he was at alle tymes one +of the best and moste worthy in armes that liuyd. Another sayd to +vaspasian/ And a wolf shold sonner change his skyn and heer/ than thou +sholdest cha[=u]ge thy lyf For the lenger thou lyvest the more thou +coueytest And he answerd of thyse wordes we ought to laughe. But we +ought to amende our selfe And punysshe the trespaces. Seneque reherceth +that the kynge Antygonus herde certayn peple speke and saye euyll of +hym/ And therwas betwene hem nomore but a courtyne/ And than he sayde +make an ende of your euyll langage leste the kynge here yow/ for the +courtyne heereth yow well[54] I nowhe. Than as towchynge to the paynes +that they ought to suffre paciently Valerius reherceth that a tyrant +dide do tormente Anamaximenes & thretenyd hym for to cutte of his tonge. +To whom he sayd hit is not in thy power to doo soo/ and forthwyth he +bote of his owne tonge/ And shewed hit wyth his teth and casted hit in +the visage of the Tyrant Hit is a grete vertu in a man that he forgete +not to be pacyent in corrections of wronges/ Hit is better to leue a +gylty man vnpunysshyd/ than to punysshe hym in a wrath or yre Valerius +reherceth that archita of tarente that was mayster to plato sawe that +his feldes & lande was destroyed and lost by the necligence of his +seruant To whom he sayd yf I were not angry with the I wold take +vengeance and turmente the/ Lo there y'e may see that he had leuer to +leue to punysshe/ than to pugnysshe more by yre & wrath than by right +And therfore sayth seneque/ doo no thynge that thou oughtest to doo whan +y'u art angry/ For whan thou art angry thou woldest doo alle thynges +after thy playsir/ And yf thou canst not vaynquysshe thyn yre/ than +muste thyn yre ouercome the/ After thys ought they to haue wylfull +pouerte/ lyke as hit was in the auncyent prynces/ For they coueyted more +to be riche in wytte and good maners than in moneye/ And that reherceth +Valerius in his .viii. booke that scipion of Affryque was accused vnto +the Senate that he shold haue grete tresour/ And he answerd certes whan +I submysed affryque in to your poeste/ I helde no thynge to myself that +I myght faye this is myn save only the surname of affryque/ Ner the +affryquans haue not founden in me ner in my broder ony auarice/ ner y't +we were so couetouse that we had ne had gretter enuye to be riche of +name than of rychesses/ And therfore sayth seneque that the kynge +Altagone vsid gladly in his hows vessels of erthe/ And some sayde he +dyde hit for couetyse/ But he sayde that hit was better and more noble +thynge to myne in good maners than in vayssell And whan some men +demanded hym why and for what cause he dyde so/ he answerd I am now +kynge of secylle/ and was sone of a potter/ and for as moche as I doubte +fortune. For whan I yssued out of the hous of my fader and moder/ I was +sodaynly made riche/ wherfore I beholde the natiuyte of me and of my +lignage/ whiche is humble & meke/ And alle these thynges cometh of +wilfull pouerte/ for he entended more to the comyn prouffyt than to his +owen/ And of thys pouerte speketh saynt Augustyn in the booke of the +cyte of god That they that entende to the comyn prouffyt. sorowe more +that wilfull pouerte is lost in rome/ than the richesses of rome/ For by +the wilfull pouerte was the renomee of good maners kept entierly/ thus +by this richesse pouerte is not only corrupt in thyse dayes ner the cyte +ner the maners/ but also the thoughtes of the men ben corrupt by thys +couetyse and by felonnye that is worse. than ony other enemye And of the +cruelte of the peple of rome speketh the good man of noble memorye Iohn +the monke late cardynall of rome in the decretall the syxte in the +chapitre gens sancta where he sayth/ that they ben felo[=u]s ayenst god. +contrarye to holy thynges. traytres one to that other. enuyous to her +neyghbours. proude vnto straungers. rebelle and vntrewe vnto theyr +souerayns Not suffringe to them that ben of lower degree than they and +nothinge shamfast to demande thinges discouenable and not to leue tyll +they haue that they demande/ and not plesid but disagreable whan they +haue resseyuyd the yeft They haue their tonges redy for to make grete +boost/ and doo lityll/ They ben large in promysynges/ And smale gyuers/ +they ben ryght fals deceyuours/ And ryght mordent and bitynge +detractours/ For whiche thynge hit is a grete sorowe to see the humylite +the pacyence And the good wisedom that was woute to be in this cyte of +rome whiche is chief of alle the world is peruertid & torned in to +maleheurte and thise euylles/ And me thynketh that in other partyes of +crestiante they haue taken ensample of them to doo euyll/ They may saye +that this is after the decretale of seygnourye and disobeysance/ that +sayth That suche thynges that the souerayns doo/ Is lightly and sone +taken in ensample of theyr subgets/ Also thise vicayres shold be large +and liberall/ In so moche that suche peple as serue them ben duly payd +and guerdoned of her labour/ For euery man doth his labour the better +and lightlyer whan he seeth that he shall be well payd and rewarded/ And +we rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian was so large and so liberall/ +That he gaf and promysyd somewhat to euery man/ And whan hys moste pryuy +frendes demanded of hym why he promysid more that he myght gyue/ he +answerd for as moche as hyt apperteyneth not to a prynce that ony man +shold departe sorowfull or tryste fro hym/ Than hit happend on a day +that he gaf ner promysid no thynge to ony man And whan hit was euen +auysed hymself/ he sayd to hys frendes/ O y'e my frendes thys day haue I +lost for this day haue I don no good,' And also we rede of Iulius Cefar +that he neuer saide in alle his lyue to his knyghtes goo oon but all way +be sayde come come/ For I loue allway to be in youre companye/ And he +knewe well that hit was lasse payne & trauayll to the knyghtes whan the +prynce is in her companye that loueth hem & c[=o]forted hem And also we +rede of the same Iulius cesar in the booke of truphes of phylosophers/ +that ther was an Auncyent knyght of his that was in paryll of a caas +hangynge to fore the Iuges of rome so he callyd cefar on a tyme and said +to hym to fore all men that he shold be his aduocate And cesar deliueryd +and assigned to hym a right good aduocate And the knyght sayd to hym O +cesar I put no vicaire in my place whan thou were in parill in y'e +batayll of assise/ But I faught for the. And than he shewed to hym the +places of his woundes that he had receyuyd in the batayll And than cam +cesar in his propre persone for to be his aduocate & to plete his cause +for hym/ he wold not haue the name of vnkyndenes/ but doubted that men +shold saye that he were proude And that he wold not do for them that had +seruyd hym They that can not do so moche/ as for to be belouyd of her +knyghtes/ can not loue the knyghtes And this sufficeth of the rooks. + + + + + +BOOK III. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The thirde tractate of the offices of the comyn peple. The fyrst +chapitre is of the office of the labourers and werkemen_. + + +For as moche as the Noble persone canne not rewle ne gouerne with oute +y'e seruyce and werke of the peple/ than hit behoueth to deuyse the +oeuurages and the offices of the werkemen/ Than I shall begynne fyrst at +the fyrst pawne/ that is in the playe of the chesse/ And signefieth a +man of the comyn peple on fote For they be all named pietous that is as +moche to saye as footemen And than we wyll begynne at the pawne whiche +standeth to fore the rooke on the right side of the kinge for as moche +as this pawne apperteyneth to serue the vicaire or lieutenant of the +kynge and other officers vnder hym of necessaryes of vitayll/ And this +maner a peple is figured and ought to be maad in the forme & shappe of a +man holdynge in his ryght hande a spade or shouell And a rodde in the +lifte hand/ The spade or shouell is for to delue & labour therwith the +erthe/ And the rodde is for to dryue & conduyte wyth all the bestes vnto +her pasture also he ought to haue on his gyrdell/ a crokyd hachet for to +cutte of the supfluytees of the vignes & trees/ And we rede in the +bible that the first labourer that euer was/ was Caym the firste sone of +Adam that was so euyll that he slewe his broder Abel/ for as moche as +the smoke of his tythes went strayt vnto heuen'/ And the smoke & fumee +of the tythes of Caym wente downward vpon the erthe And how well that +this cause was trewe/ yet was ther another cause of enuye that he had +vnto his broder/ For whan Adam their fader maried them for to multyplie +y'e erthe of hys lignye/ he wolde not marye ner Ioyne to gyder the two +that were born attones/ but gaf vnto caym her that was born wyth Abel/ +And to Abel her that was born with caym/ And thus began thenuye that +caym had ayenst abel/ For his wyf was fayrer than cayms wyf And for this +cause he slough abel with the chekebone of a beste/ & at that tyme was +neuer no maner of yron blody of mannes blood/ And abel was y'e first +martier in tholde testament/ And this caym dide many other euyl thinges +whiche I leue/ for hit apperteyneth not to my mater/ But hit behoueth +for necessite y't some shold labour the erthe after y'e synne of adam/ +for to fore er adam synned/ the erthe brought forth fruyt with out +labour of handes/ but syn he synned/ hit muste nedes be labourid with +y'e handes of men And for as moche as the erthe is moder of alle thynges +And that we were first formed and toke oure begynnyng of the erthe/ the +same wyse at the laste. she shall be the ende vnto alle vs and to alle +thynges/ And god that formed vs of the erthe hath ordeyned that by the +laboure of men she shold gyue nourysshyng vnto alle that lyueth/ and +first the labourer of y'e erthe ought to knowe his god that formed and +made heuen & erthe of nought And ought to haue loyaulte and trouth in +hymself/ and despise deth for to entende to his laboure And he ought to +gyue thankyngis to hym that made hym And of whom he receyueth all his +goodes temporall/ wherof his lyf is susteyned/ And also he is bounden to +paye the dismes and tythes of alle his thynges And not as Caym dyde. But +as Abell dyde of the beste that he chese allway for to gyue to god & to +plese hym/ For they that grucche and be greuyd in that they rendre and +gyue to god the tienthes of her goodes/ they ought to be aferd and haue +drede that they shall falle in necessite And y't they might be +dispoyllyd or robbed by warre or by tempeste that myght falle or happen +in the contrey And hit is meruayll though hit so happen For that man +that is disagreable vnto god And weneth y't the multiplynge of his +goodes temporell cometh by the vertu of his owne co[=u]ceyll and his +wytte/ the whiche is made by the only ordenance of hym that made alle. +And by the same ordenance is soone taken away fro hym that is +disagreable/ and hit is reson that whan a man haboundeth by fortune in +goodes/ And knoweth not god/ by whom hit cometh/ that to hym come some +other fortune by the whiche he may requyre grace and pardon And to knowe +his god/ And we rede of the kynge Dauid that was first symple & one of +the comyn peple/ that whan fortune had enhaunsed and sette hym in grete +astate/ he lefte and forgate his god/ And fyll to aduoultrye and +homicyde and other synnes/ Than anon his owne sone Absalom assaylled & +began to persecute hym And than whan he sawe that fortune was contrarye +to hym/ he began to take agayn his vertuous werkis and requyred pardoun +and so retorned to god agayn. We rede also of the children of ysræl +that were nyghe enfamyned in desert and sore hongry & thrusty that they +prayd & requyred of god for remedy/ Anon he changed his wyll & sente to +hem manna/ & flessh &c./ And whan they were replenesshid & fatte of the +flessh of bestes & of the manna/ they made a calf of gold and worshippid +hit. Whiche was a grete synne & Inyquyte/ For whan they were hongry they +knewe god/ And whan theyre belyes were fylde & fatted/ they forgid +ydoles & were ydolatrers. After this euery labourer ought to be +faythfull & trewe That whan his maystre delyuereth to hym his lande to +be laboured/ that he take no thinge to hymself but that hym ought to +haue & is his/ but laboure truly & take cure and charge in the name of +his maistre/ and do more diligently his maisters labours than his owen/ +for the lyf of y'e most grete & noble men next god lieth in y'e handes +of the labourers/ and thus all craftes & occupacions ben ordeyned not +only to suffise to them only/ but to the comyn/ And so hit happeth ofte +tyme that y'e labourer of the erthe vseth grete and boystous metes/ and +bringeth to his maister more subtile & more deyntous metes/ And valerius +reherceth in his. vi. book that ther was a wife & noble maistre y't was +named Anthoni9 that was accused of a caas of aduoultrye/ & as the cause +henge to fore the Iuges/ his accusers or denonciatours brought I +labourer that closid his land for so moche as they sayde whan his +maistre wente to doo the aduoultrye/ this same seruant bare the +lanterne. wherof Anthonyus was sore abasshyd and doubted that he shold +depose agaynst hym But the labourer that was named papirion sayd to his +maister that he shold denye his cause hardyly vnto the Iuges For for to +be tormentid/ his cause shold neuer be enpeyrid by hym/ ner no thynge +shold yssue out of his mouth wherof he shold be noyed or greuyd And than +was the labourer beten and tormentid and brent in many places of his +body But he sayd neuer thynge wherof his mayster was hurte or noyed/ But +the other that accused his maister were punysshid And papiryon was +deliuerid of his paynes free and franc/ And also telleth valerius that +ther was another labourer that was named penapion/ that seruyd a maister +whos name was Themes which was of meruayllous faith to his maystre For +hit befell that certain knyghtes cam to his maisters hows for to slee +hym And anone as papiryon knewe hit/ he wente in to his maisters chambre +And wold not be knowen For he dide on his maisters gowne and his rynge +on his fynger/ And laye on his bedde And thus put hym self in parill of +deth for to respite his maisters lyf/ But we see now a dayes many fooles +that daigne not to vse groos metes of labourers. And flee the cours +clothynge And maners of a seruant Euery wise man a seruant that truly +serueth his maister is free and not bonde/ But a foole that is ouer +proude is bonde/ For the debilite and feblenes of corage that is broken +in conscience by pryde Enuye. or by couetyse is ryght seruytude/ yet +they ought not to doubte to laboure for feere and drede of deth/ no man +ought to loue to moche his lyf/ For hit is a fowll thynge for a man to +renne to the deth for the enemye of his lyf/ And a wyse man and a +stronge man ought not to flee for his lyf/ but to yssue For ther is no +man that lyueth/ but he must nedes dye. And of this speketh claudyan and +sayth that alle thoo thynges that the Ayer goth aboute and enuyronned. +And alle thynge that the erthe laboureth/ Alle thyngys that ben +conteyned wyth in the see Alle thynges that the floodes brynge forth/ +Alle thynges that ben nourysshid and alle the bestes that ben vnder the +heuen shall departe alle from the world/ And alle shall goo at his +comandement/ As well Kynges Prynces and alle that the world enuyronned +and gooth aboute/ Alle shall goo this waye/ Than he ought not to doubte +for fere of deth. For as well shail dye the ryche as the poure/ deth +maketh alle thynge lyke and putteth alle to an ende/ And therof made a +noble versifier two versis whiche folowe Forma. genus. mores. +sapi[=e]cia. res. et honores/ Morte ruant subita sola manent merita/ +Wherof the english is Beaulte. lignage. maners. wysedom. thynges & +honoures/ shal ben deffetid by sodeyn deth/ no thynge shal abide but the +merites/ And herof fynde we in Vitas patrum. that ther was an erle a +riche & noble man that had a sone onely/ and whan this sone was of age +to haue knowlech of the lawe/ he herde in a sermone that was prechid +that deth spareth none/ ne riche ne poure/ and as well dyeth y'e yonge +as the olde/ and that the deth ought specially to be doubted for .iii. +causes/ one was/ y't noman knoweth whan he cometh/ and the seconde/ ner +in what state he taketh a man/ And the thirde he wote neuer whither he +shall goo. Therfore eche man shold dispise and flee the world and lyue +well and hold hym toward god And when this yong man herde this thynge/ +he wente oute of his contrey and fledde vnto a wyldernesse vnto an +hermytage/ and whan his fader had loste hym he made grete sorowe/ and +dyde do enquere & seke hym so moche at last he was founden in the +hermitage/ and than his fader cam theder to hym and sayde/ dere sone +come from thens/ thou shalt be after my deth erle and chyef of my +lignage/ I shall be lost yf thou come not out from thens/ And he than +that wyste non otherwise to eschewe the yre of his fader bethought hym +and sayde/ dere fader ther is in your centre and lande a right euyll +custome yf hit plese yow to put that away I shall gladly come out of +this place and goo with yow The fader was glad and had grete Ioy And +dema[=u]ded of hym what hit was And yf he wold telle hym he promysid him +to take hit away and hit shold be left and sette aparte. Than he sayde +dere fader ther dyen as well the yong folk in your contrey as the olde/ +do that away I pray yow/ Whan his fader herde that he sayde Dere sone +that may not be ner noman may put that away but god only/ Than answerd +the sone to the fader/ than wylle I serue hym and dwelle here wyth hym +that may do that. And so abode the childe in the hermytgage & lyuyd +there in good werkes After this hit apperteyneth to a labourer to +entende to his laboure and flee ydlenes/ And thou oughtest to knowe that +Dauid preyseth moche in the sawlter the treve labourers and sayth/ Thou +shalt ete the labour of thyn handes and thou art blessid/ and he shall +do to the good And hit behoueth that the labourer entende to his labour +on the werkedayes for to recuyell and gadre to gyder the fruyt of his +labour/ And also he ought to reste on the holy day/ bothe he and his +bestes. And a good labourer ought to norysshe and kepe his bestes/ And +this is signefied by the rodde that he hath. Whiche is for to lede and +dryue them to the pasture/ The fiste pastour that euer was/ was Abel +whiche was Iuste and trewe/ and offryd to god the bestes vnto his +sacrefice/ And hym ought he to folowe in craft & maners But no man that +vseth the malice of Caym may ensue and folowe Abel/ And thus hit +apperteyneth to the labourer to sette and graffe trees and vygnes/ and +also to plante and cutte them And so dyde noe whiche was the first that +planted the vygne after y'e deluge and flood For as Iosephus reherceth +in y'e book of naturell thinges Noe was he that fonde fyrst the vygne/ +And he fonde hym bitter and wylde/ And therfore he toke .iiii. maners of +blood/ that is to wete the blood of a lyon. the blood of a lamb, the +blood of a swyne. and the blood of an ape and medlid them alto geder +with the erthe/ And than he cutte the vygne/ And put this aboute the +rootes therof. To thende that the bitternes shold be put away/ and that +hyt shold be swete/ And whan he had dronken of the fruyt of this vygne/ +hit was so good and mighty that he becam so dronke/ that he dispoylled +hym in suche wise y't his pryuy membres might be seen/ And his yongest +sone cham mocqued and skorned hym And whan Noe was awakid & was sobre & +fastinge/ he assemblid his sones and shewid to them the nature of the +vygne and of the wyn/ And told to them the caufe why y't he had put the +blood of the bestes aboute the roote of the vygne and that they shold +knowe well y't otherwhile by y'e strength of the wyn men be made as +hardy as the lyon and yrous And otherwhile they be made symple & +shamefast as a lambe And lecherous as a fwyn/ And curyous and full of +playe as an Ape/ For the Ape is of suche nature that whan he seeth one +do a thynge he enforceth hym to doo the same/ and so doo many whan they +ben dronke/ they will medle them wyth alle officers & matiers that +apperteyne no thynge to them/ And whan they ben fastynge & sobre they +can scarfely accomplisshe theyr owne thynges And therfore valerian +reherceth that of auncyente and in olde tyme women dranke no wyn for as +moche as by dronkenship they myght falle in ony filthe or vilonye And as +Ouide sayth/ that the wyns otherwhyle apparaylle the corages in suche +manere that they ben couenable to alle synnes whiche take away the +hertes to doo well/ They make the poure riche/ as longe as the wyn is in +his heed And shortly dronkenshyp is the begynnynge of alle euyllys/ And +corrompith the body/ and destroyed the fowle and mynusshith the goodes +temporels/ And this suffyseth for the labourer. + + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seconde chapitre of the thirde tractate treteth of the forme and +maner of the second pawne and of the maner of smyth_. + + +The seconde pawne y't standeth to fore the knyght on the right side of +the kynge hath the forme and figure of a man as a smyth and that is +reson For hit apperteyneth to y'e knyghtes to haue bridellys sadellys +spores and many other thynges made by the handes of smythes and ought to +holde an hamer in his right hande. And in his lyfte hand a dolabre and +he ought to haue on his gyrdell a trowell For by this is signefied all +maner of werkemen/ as goldsmithes. marchallis, smithes of all forges/ +forgers and makers of monoye & all maner of smythes ben signefyed by +[55] the hamer/ The carpenters ben signefyed by the dolabre or squyer/ +And by the trowell we vnderstande all masons & keruars of stones/ +tylers/ and alle them that make howses castels & tours/ And to alle +these crafty men hit apperteyneth that they be trewe. wise and stronge/ +and hit is nede y't they haue in hemself faith and loyaulte/ For vnto +the goldsmythes behoueth gold & siluer And alle other metallys. yren & +steel to other/ And vnto the carpenters and masons/ ben put to theyr +edifices the bodyes and goodes of the peple/ And also men put in the +handes of the maronners body and goodes of the peple/ And in the garde +and sewerte of them men put body & sowle in the paryls of the see/ and +therfore ought they to be trewe/ vnto whom men commytte suche grete +charge and so grete thynges vpon her fayth and truste. And therfore +sayth the philosopher/ he that leseth his fayth and beleue/ may lose no +gretter ne more thynge. And fayth is a fouerayn good and cometh of the +good wyll of the herte and of his mynde And for no necessite wyll +deceyue no man/ And is not corrupt for no mede. Valerius reherceth that +Fabius had receyuyd of hanybal certayn prysoners that he helde of the +romayns for a certayn some of money whiche he promysid to paye to the +sayd hanyball/ And whan he cam vnto the senatours of rome and desired to +haue y'e money lente for hem They answerd that they wold not paye ner +lene And than fabius sente his sone to rome & made hym to selle his +heritage & patrimonye/ and fente the money that he resseyuyd therof vnto +hanibal/ And had leuer & louyd better to be poure in his contrey of +herytage/ than of byleue and fayth/ But in thyfe dayes hit were grete +folye to haue fuche affiance in moche peple but yf they had ben preuyd +afore For oftentymes men truste in them by whom they ben deceyuyd at +theyr nede/ And it is to wete that these crafty men and werkemen ben +souerainly prouffitable vnto the world And wyth oute artificers and +werkmen the world myght not be gouerned/ And knowe thou verily that alle +tho thynges that ben engendrid on the erthe and on the see/ ben made and +formed for to do prouffit vnto the lignage of man/ for man was formed +for to haue generacion/ that the men myght helpe and prouffit eche other +And here in ought we to folowe nature/ For she shewed to vs that we +shold do comyn prouffit one to an other/ And y'e first fondement of +Iustice is that no man shold noye or greue other But that they ought doo +the comyn prouffit/ For men saye in reproche That I see of thyn/ I hope +hit shall be myn But who is he in thyse dayes that entendeth more to the +comyn prouffit than to his owne/ Certaynly none/ But all way a man ought +to haue drede and feere of his owne hows/ whan he seeth his neyghbours +hous a fyre And therfore ought men gladly helpe the comyn prouffit/ for +men otherwhile sette not be a lityll fyre And might quenche hit in the +begynnyng/ that afterward makyth a grete blasyng fyre. And fortune hath +of no thinge so grete playsir/ as for to torne & werke all way/ And +nature is so noble a thynge that were as she is she wyll susteyne and +kepe/ but this rewle of nature hath fayllid longe tyme/ how well that +the decree sayth that alle the thynges that ben ayenst the lawe of +nature/ ought to be taken away and put a part And he sayth to fore in +the .viii. distinction that the ryght lawe of nature differenceth ofte +tymes for custome & statutes establisshid/ for by lawe of nature all +thinge ought to be comyn to euery man/ and this lawe was of old tyme And +men wene yet specially y't the troians kept this lawe And we rede that +the multitude of the Troians was one herte and one sowle/ And verayly we +fynde that in tyme passid the philosophres dyde the same/ And also hit +is to be supposyd that suche as haue theyr goodes comune & not propre is +most acceptable to god/ For ellys wold not thise religious men as monkes +freris chanons obseruantes & all other auowe hem & kepe the wilfull +pouerte that they ben professid too/ For in trouth I haue my self ben +conuersant in a religio'9 hous of white freris at gaunt Which haue all +thynge in comyn amonge them/ and not one richer than an other/ in so +moche that yf a man gaf to a frere .iii. d or .iiii. d to praye for hym +in his masse/ as sone as the masse is doon he deliuerith hit to his +ouerest or procuratour in whyche hows ben many vertuous and deuoute +freris And yf that lyf were not the beste and the most holiest/ holy +church wold neuer suffre hit in religion And acordynge thereto we rede +in plato whiche sayth y't the cyte is well and Iustely gouernid and +ordeyned in the whiche no man maye saye by right, by cuftome. ne by +ordenance/ this is myn/ but I say to the certaynly that syn this custome +cam forth to say this is myn/ And this is thyn/ no man thought to +preferre the comyn prouffit so moche as his owen/ And alle werkemen +ought to be wise & well aduysyd so that they haue none enuye ne none +euyll suspecion one to an other/ for god wylle that our humayne nature +be couetous of two thynges/ that is of Religion. And of wysedom/ but in +this caas ben some often tymes deceyued For they take ofte tymes +religion and leue wisedom And they take wysedom and reffuse religion And +none may be vraye and trewe with oute other For hit apperteyneth not to +a wyse man to do ony thynge that he may repente hym of hit/ And he ought +to do no thynge ayenst his wyll/ but to do alle thynge nobly, meurely. +fermely. and honestly And yf he haue enuye vpon ony. hit is folye For he +on whom he hath enuye is more honest and of more hauoir than he whiche +is so enuyous/ For a man may haue none enuye on an other/ but be cause +he is more fortunat and hath more grace than hym self/ For enuye is a +sorowe of corage y't cometh of dysordynance of the prouffit of another +man And knowe thou verily that he that is full of bounte shall neuer +haue enuye of an other/ But thenuyous man seeth and thynketh alleway +that euery man is more noble/ And more fortunat that hymself And sayth +alleway to hymself/ that man wynneth more than I/ and myn neyghebours +haue more plente of bestes/ and her thynges multiplye more than myn/ and +therfore thou oughtest knowe that enuye is the most grettest dedely +synne that is/ for she tormenteth hym that hath her wythin hym/ wyth +oute tormentynge or doyng ony harme to hym/ on whome he hath enuye. And +an enuyous man hath no vertue in hymself/ for he corrumpeth hymself for +as moche as he hateth allway the welthe and vertues of other/ and thus +ought they to kepe them that they take none euyll suspec[=o]n For a man +naturally whan his affection hath suspecion in ony man that he weneth +that he doth/ hit semeth to hym verily that it is doon. And hit is an +euyll thynge for a man to haue suspecion on hymfelf/ For we rede that +dionyse of zecyll a tyrant Was so suspecionous that he had so grete fere +and drede For as moche as he was hated of all men/ that he putte his +frendes oute of theyr offices that they had/ And put other strangers in +theyr places for to kepe his body/ and chese suche as were ryght Cruell +and felons/ And for fere and doubte of the barbours/ he made hys +doughters to lerne shaue and kembe/ And whan they were grete. He wold +not they shold vse ony yron to be occupied by them/ but to brenne and +senge his heeris/ and manaced them and durst not truste in them/ And in +lyke wyse they had none affiance in hym And also he dyde do enuyronne +the place where he laye wyth grete diches and brode lyke a castell/ And +he entryd by a drawbrygge whiche closyd after hym/ And hys knyghtes laye +wyth oute wyth his gardes whiche wacchid and kept straytly thys +forteresse/ And whan plato sawe thys Dionyse kynge of cezille thus +enuyronned and set aboute wyth gardes & wacche-men for the cause of his +suspecion sayd to hym openly to fore all men kinge why hast thou don so +moche euyll & harme/ that the behoueth to be kept wyth so moche peple/ +And therfore I saye that hit apperteyneth not to ony man that wylle +truly behaue hym self in his werkis to be suspecyous/ And also they +ought to be stronge and seure in theyr werkes/ And specyally they that +ben maysters and maronners on the see/ for yf they be tumerous and +ferdfull they shold make a ferde them that ben in theyr shippis/ that +knowe not the paryls/ And so hit might happene that by that drede and +fere alle men shold leue theyr labour/ And so they myght be perisshid +and despeyred in theyr corages/ For a shippe is soone perisshid and lost +by a lityll tempest/ whan the gouernour faylleth to gouerne his shippe +for drede/ And can gyue no counceyll to other than it is no meruayll/ +thangh they be a ferd that ben in his gouernance/ And therfore ought be +in them strengthe force and corage/ and ought to considere the peryls +that might falle/ And the gouernour specially ought not to doubte/ And +if hit happen that ony paryll falle/ he ought to promyse to the other +good hoope/ And hit apperteyneth well/ that a man of good and hardy +corage be sette in that office/ In suche wyse that he haue ferme and +seure mynde ayenst the paryls that oftetymes happen in the see/ and with +this ought the maroners haue good and ferme creance and beleue in god/ +and to be of good reconforte & of fayr langage vnto them that he +gouerneth in suche paryls/ And this sufficeth to yow as touchynge the +labourers. + + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The thirde chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the office of +notaryes aduocats skryueners and drapers or clothmakers_. + + +The thirde pawne whiche is sette to fore the Alphyn on the right side +ought to be figured as a clerk And hit is reson that he shold so be/ For +as moche as amonge y'e comon peple of whom we speke in thys book they +plete the differencis contencions and causes otherwhile the whiche +behoueth the Alphins to gyue sentence and Iuge as Iuges And hit is reson +that the Alphin or Iuge haue his notarye/ by whom y'e processe may be +wreton/ And this pawne ought to be made and figured in this mamere/ he +muste be made like a man that holdeth in his right hand a pair of sheres +or forcetis/ and in the lifte hand a grete knyf and on his gurdell a +penuer and an ynkhorn/ and on his eere a penne to wryte wyth And that +ben the Instrumentis & the offices that ben made and put in writynge +autentyque/ and ought to haue passed to fore the Iuges as libelles +writtes condempnacions and sentences/ And that is signefied by the +scriptoire and the penne and on that other part hit appertayneth to them +to cutte cloth. shere. dighte. and dye/ and that is signefied by the +forcettis or sheres/ and the other ought to shaue berdes and kembe the +heeris/ And the other ben coupers. coryers. tawiers. skynners. bouchers +and cordwanners/ and these ben signefyed by the knyf that he holdeth in +his hand and some of thise forsayd crafty men ben named drapers or +clothmakers for so moche as they werke wyth wolle. and the Notayres. +skynners. coryours. and cardewaners werke by skynnes and hydes/ As +parchemyn velume. peltrye and cordewan/ And the Tayllours. cutters of +cloth, weuars. fullars. dyers/ And many other craftes ocupye and vse +wulle/ And alle thyse crafty men & many other that I haue not named/ +ought to doo theyr craft and mestyer/ where as they ben duly ordeyned +Curyously and truly/ Also ther ought to be amonge thyse crafty men +amyable companye and trewe/ honest contenance/ And trouthe in their +wordes/ And hit is to wete that the notaries ben right prouffitable and +ought to be good & trewe for the comyn And they ought to kepe them fro +appropriynge to themself that thynge y't apperteyneth to the comyn And +yf they be good to them self/ they ben good to other. And yf they be +euyll for themself/ they ben euyll for other And the processes that ben +made to fore the Iuges ought to ben wreton & passid by them/ and hit is +to wete that by their writynge in the processis may come moche prouffit +And also yf they wryte otherwyse than they ought to doo/ may ensewe +moche harme and domage to the comyn Therfore ought they to take good +heede that they change not ne corrumpe in no wyse the content of the +sentence. For than ben they first forsworn And ben bounden to make +amendes to them that by theyr tricherye they haue endomaged/ And also +ought they to rede visite and to knowe the statutes. ordenances and the +lawes of the cytees of the contre/ where they dwelle and enhabite/ And +they ought to considere yf ther be ony thynge therein conteyned ayenst +right and reson/ and yf they fynde ony thinge contraire/ they ought to +admoneste and warne them that gouerne/ that suche thynges may be chauged +into better astate/ For custome establisshid ayenst good maners and +agaynst the fayth/ ought not to be holden by right. For as hit is sayd +in the decree in the chapitre to fore/ alle ordenance made ayenst ryght +ought to be holden for nought Alas who is now that aduocate or notaire +that hath charge to wryte and kepe sentence that putteth his entente to +kepe more the comyn prouffit or as moche as his owen/ But alle drede of +god is put a back/ and they deceyue the symple men And drawen them to +the courtes disordinatly and constrayned them to swere and make othes +not couenable/ And in assemblyng the peple thus to gyder they make moo +traysons in the cytees than they make good alyances And otherwhile they +deceyue their souerayns/ whan they may doo hit couertly For ther is no +thynge at this day that so moche greueth rome and Italye as doth the +college of notaries and aduocates publicque For they ben not of oon a +corde/ Alas and in Engeland what hurte doon the aduocats. men of lawe. +And attorneyes of court to the comyn peple of y'e royame as well in the +spirituell lawe as in the temporall/ how torne they the lawe and +statutes at their pleasir/ how ete they the peple/ how enpouere they the +comynte/ I suppose that in alle Cristendom ar not so many pletars +attorneys and men of the lawe as ben in englond onely/ for yf they were +nombrid all that lange to the courtes of the channcery kinges benche. +comyn place. cheker. ressayt and helle And the bagge berars of the same/ +hit shold amounte to a grete multitude And how alle thyse lyue & of +whome. yf hit shold be vttrid & told/ hit shold not be beleuyd. For they +entende to theyr synguler wele and prouffyt and not to the comyn/ how +well they ought to be of good wyll to gyder/ and admoneste and warne the +cytes eche in his right in suche wise that they myght haue pees and loue +one with an other And tullius saith that frendshippe and good wyll that +one ought to haue ayenst an other for the wele of hym that he loueth/ +wyth the semblable wylle of hym/ ought to be put forth to fore alle +other thynges/ And ther is no thynge so resemblynge and lyke to the bees +that maken honye ne so couenable in prosperite and in aduersite as is +loue/ For by loue gladly the bees holden them to gyder/ And yf ony +trespace to that other anone they renne vpon the malefactour for to +punysshe hym/ And verray trewe loue faylleth neuer for wele ne for +euyll/ and the most swete and the most confortynge thynge is for to haue +a frende to whom a man may saye his secrete/ as well as to hym self/ But +verayly amytye and frendship is somtyme founded vpon som thinge +delectable And this amytye cometh of yongthe/ in the whiche dwelleth a +disordinate heete. + +And otherwhile amytie is founded vpon honeste/ And this amytie is +vertuouse/ Of the whiche tullius faith y't ther is an amytie vertuous by +the whiche a man ought to do to his frende alle that he requyreth by +rayson For for to do to hym a thynge dishonneste it is ayenst the nature +of verray frendshipe & amytie/ And thus for frendshipe ne for fauour a +man ought not to doo ony thinge vnresonable ayenst the comyn prouffit +ner agaynst his fayth ne ayenst his oth/ for yf alle tho thynges that +the frendes desire and requyre were accomplisshid & doon/ hit shold seme +that they shold be dishoneste coniuracions/ And they myght otherwhile +more greue & hurte than prouffit and ayde/ And herof sayth seneque that +amytie is of suche wylle as the frende wylle/ And to reffuse that ought +to be reffusid by rayson/ And yet he sayth more, that a man ought to +alowe and preyse his frende to fore the peple/ and to correcte and to +chastyse hym pryuyly. For the lawe of amytie is suche For a man ought +not to demande ner doo to be doon to his frende no vyllayns thynge that +ought to be kept secrete And valerian sayth that it is a fowll thynge +and an euyll excufacion/ yf a man conffesse that he hath done ony euyll +for his frende ayenst right and rayson/ And sayth that ther was a good +man named Taffile whiche herde one his frende requyre of hym a thynge +dishonnefte whiche he denyed and wold not doo And than his frende sayth +to hym in grete dispyte/ what nede haue I of thy frendship & amytie whan +thou wylt not doo that thynge that I requyre of the And Taffile answerd +to hym/ what nede haue I of the frendship and of the amytie of the/ yf I +shold doo for the thynge dishonefte And thus loue is founded otherwhile +vpon good prouffitable/ and this loue endureth as longe as he seeth his +prouffit And herof men faye a comyn prouerbe in england/ that loue +lasteth as longe as the money endureth/ and whan the money faylleth than +there is no loue/ and varro reherceth in his smmes/ that y' riche men +ben alle louyd by this loue/ for their frendes ben lyke as y'e huse +whiche is aboute the grayn/ and no man may proue his frende so well as +in aduersite/ or whan he is poure/ for the veray trewe frende faylleth +at no nede/ And seneque saith y't some folowe the empour for riches/ and +so doon y'e flies the hony for the swetenes/ and the wolf the karayn And +thise companye folowe the proye/ and not the man And tullius saith that +Tarquyn y'e proude had a neuewe of his suster which was named brutus/ and +this neuewe had banysshid tarquyn out of rome and had sente hym in +exyle/ And than sayd he first that he parceyuyd & knewe his frendes +whiche were trewe & untrewe/ and y't he neuer perceyuyd a fore tyme whan +he was puyssant for to doo their wyll/ and sayd well that the loue that +they had to hym/ endured not but as longe as it was to them +prouffitable/ and therfore ought till the ryche men of the world take +hede/ be they Kynges Prynces or ducs to what peple they doo prouffit & +how they may and ought be louyd of theyr peple/ For cathon sayth in his +book/ see to whom thougyuyst/ and this loue whiche is founded vpon theyr +prouffit/ whiche faylleth and endureth not/ may better be callyd and +said marchandyse than loue/ For yf we repute this loue to our prouffit +only/ and nothynge to the prouffyt of hym that we loue/ It is more +marchandyse than loue/ For he byeth our loue for the prouffit that he +doth to vs/ and therfor saith the versifier thise two versis Tempore +felici multi murmerantur amici Cum fortuna perit nullus amicus erit/ +whiche is to saye in English that as longe as a man is ewrous and +fortunat he hath many frendes but whan fortune torneth and perisshith, +ther abideth not to hym one frende/ And of this loue ben louyd the +medowes, feldes, Trees and the bestes for the prouffit that men take of +them/ But the loue of the men ought to be charyte, veray gracious and +pure by good fayth/ And the veray trewe frendes ben knowen in pure +aduersite/ and pers alphons saith in his book of moralite that ther was +a philosophre in arabye that had an onely sone/ of whom he demanded what +frendes he had goten hym in his lyf. And he answerd that he had many And +his fader sayd to hym/ I am an olde man/ And yet coude I neuer fynde but +one frende in alle my lyf/ And I trowe verily that it is no lytyll +thynge for to haue a frende/ and hit is well gretter and more a man to +haue many/ And hit appertayneth and behoueth a man to assaye and preue +his frende er he haue nede And than comanded the philosopher his sone/ +that he shold goo and slee a swyne/ and putte hit in a sack/ and fayne +that hit were a man dede that he had slayn and bere hit to his frendes +for to burye hit secretly/ And whan the sone had don as his fader +comanded to hym and had requyred his frendes one after an other as a +fore is sayd/ They denyed hym/ And answerd to hym that he was a vylayne +to requyre & desire of them thynge that was so peryllous And than he cam +agayn to his fader and sayd to hym how he had requyred alle his frendes/ +And that he had not founden one that wolde helpe hym in his nede And +than his fader said to hym that he shold goo and requyre his frende +whiche had but one/ and requyre hym that he shold helpe hym in his nede +And whan he had requyred hym/ Anone he put oute alle his mayne oute of +his hows/ And whan they were oute of the waye or a slepe he dide do make +secretly a pytte in the grounde/ And whan hyt was redy and wold haue +buryed the body/ he fonde hit an hogge or a swyne and not a man/ And +thus thys sone preuyd thys man to be a veray trewe frende of his fader/ +And preuyd that his frendes were fals frendes of fortune/ And yet +reherceth the sayd piers Alphons/ That ther were two marchantes one of +Bandach and that other of Egipte whiche were so Joyned to gyder by so +grete frendshippe that he of Bandach cam on a tyme for to see hys frende +in Egipte/ of whom he was receyuyd ryght honourably And thys marchant of +Egipte had in his hows a fayr yonge mayden whom he shold haue had in +maryage to hymslf/ Of the whiche mayde thys marchant of Bandach was +esrysd wyth her loue so ardantly that he was ryght seeke/ And that men +supposid hym to dye. And than the other dyde doo come the phisicyens +whiche sayd that in hym was none other sekenes sauf passyon of loue/ +Than he axid of the seeke man yf ther wer ony woman in hys hows that he +louyd and made alle the women of his hows to come to fore hym/ And than +he chees her that shold haue ben that others wyf and sayd that he was +seek for the loue of her/ Than hys frende sayd to hym Frende conforte +your self/ For trewly I gyue her to yow to wyf wyth alle the dowayre +that is gyuen to me wyth her/ And had leuer to suffre to be wyth oute +wyf than to lese the body of his frende And than he of Bandach wedded +the mayde. And wente wyth his wyf and wyth his richesse ayen in to his +contrey And after this anone after hit happend that the marcha[=n]t of +Egipte be cam so poure by euyll fortune/ that he was constrayned to +feche and begge his brede by the contrey in so moche that he cam to +bandach. And whan he entrid in to the toun hit was derke nyght that he +coude not fynde the hows of his frende/ but wente and laye this nyght in +an olde temple/ And on the morn whan he shold yssue oute of the temple/ +the officers of the toun arestid hym and sayd that he was an homycide +and had slayn a man whiche laye there dede And an[=o]n he confessid hit +wyth a good wylle/ And had leuyr to ben hangid/ than to dye in that +myserable and poure lyf that he suffrid And thus whan he was brought to +Iugement And sentence shold haue ben gyuen ayenst hym as an homicide/ +his frende of bandach cam and sawe hym and anone knewe y't this was his +good frende of Egipte And forthwyth stept in and sayde that he hymself +was culpable of the deth of this man/ and not that other/ and enforced +hym in alle maners for to delyuer and excuse that other/ And than whan +that he that had don the feet and had slayn the man sawe this thynge/ he +considerid in hym sels that these two men were Innocente. of this feet/ +And doubtynge the dyuyn Iugement he cam to fore the Iuge and confessid +alle the feet by ordre/ And whan the Iuge sawe and herd alle this mater/ +and also the causes he considerid the ferme and trewe loue that was +betwene the two frendes And vnderstode the cause why that one wold saue +that other/ and the trouth of the fayte of the homicide And than he +pardoned alle the feet hoolly and entierly/ and after the marchant of +bandach brought hym of egipte wyth hym in to his hous/ and gaf to hym +his suster in mariage/ and departid to hym half his goodes/ And so bothe +of hem were riche/ And thus were they bothe veray faythfull and trewe +frendes/ Furthermore Notaires. men of lawe and crafty men shold and +ought to loue eche other And also ought to be contynent chaste & +honeste/ For by theyr craftes they ought so to be by necessite/ For they +conuerse & accompanye them ofte tyme with women And therfor hit +apperteyneth to them to be chaste and honeste And that they meue not the +women ner entyse them to lawhe/ and Iape by ony disordinate ensignees or +tokens/ Titus liuyus reherceth that the philosopher democreon dyde do +put oute his eyen for as moche as he myght not beholde the women wyth +oute flesshely desire/ And how well hit is said before that he dide hit +for other certayn cause yet was this one of the pryncipall causes/ And +Valerian telleth that ther was a yonge man of rome of ryght excellent +beaute/ And how well that he was ryght chaste/ For as moche as his +beaute meuyd many women to desyre hym/ in so moche that he vnderstode +that the parents and frendes of them had suspecion in hym/ he dyde his +visage to be cutte wyth a knyf and lancettis endlonge and ouerthwart for +to deforme his visage/ And had leuer haue a fowle visage and disformed/ +than the beaute of hys visage shold meue other to synne/ And also we +rede that ther was a Nonne a virgyne dyde do put oute bothe her eyen For +as moche as the beaute of her eyen meuyd a kynge to loue her/ whyche +eyen she sente to the kynge in a presente/ And also we rede that plato +the ryght ryche and wyse phylosophre lefte hys owne lande and Contre. +And cheese his mansion and dwellynge in achadomye a town/ whiche was not +only destroyed but also was full of pestelence/ so that by the cure and +charge and customance of sorowe that be there suffrid/ myght eschewe the +heetes and occasions of lecherye/ And many of his disciples dyde in lyke +wyse/ Helemand reherceth that demostenes the philosopher lay ones by a +right noble woman for his disporte/ and playnge with her he demanded of +her what he shold gyue to haue to doo wyth her/ And she answerd to hym/ +a thousand pens/ and he sayd agayn to her I shold repente me to bye hit +so dere/ And whan he aduysed hym that he was so sore chauffid to speke +to her for tacc[=o]plissh his flesshely defire/ he dispoyled hym alle +naked and wente and putte hym in the middes of the snowe And ouide +reherceth that this thynge is the leste that maye helpe and moste greue +the louers And therfore saynt Augustyn reherceth in his book de Ciuitate +dei that ther was a ryght noble romayne named merculian that wan and +toke the noble cyte of siracuse And to fore er he dyde do assaylle hit +or befyghte hit/ and er he had do be shedde ony blood/ he wepte and +shedde many teeris to fore the cyte And that was for the cause that he +doubted that his peple shold defoyle and corrumpe to moche dishonestly +the chastyte of the toun And ordeyned vpon payne of deth that no man +shold be so hardy to take and defoylle ony woman by force what that euer +she were/ After this the craftymen ought to vnderstond for to be trewe/ +and to haue trouthe in her mouthes And that theyr dedes folowe theyr +wordes For he that sayth one thynge and doth another/ he condempneth +hymself by his word Also they ought to see well to that they be of one +Acorde in good, by entente, by word, and by dede/ so that they ben not +discordant in no caas/ But euery man haue pure veryte and trouth in hym +self/ For god hym self is pure verite/ And men say comynly that trouthe +seketh none hernes ne corners/ And trouthe is a vertu by the whyche alle +drede and fraude is put away/ Men saye truly whan they saye that they +knowe/ And they that knowe not trouthe/ ought to knowe hit/ And alleway +vse trouthe/ For Saynt Austyn sayth that they that wene to knowe +trouthe/ And lyuyth euyll & viciously It is folye yf he knoweth hit not/ +And also he sayth in an other place that it is better to suffre peyne +for trouthe. Than for to haue a benefete by falsenes or by flaterye. And +man that is callyd a beste resonable and doth not his werkes after reson +and trouthe/ Is more bestyall than ony beste brute/ And knowe y'e that +for to come to the trouthe/ Hit cometh of a raysonable forsight in his +mynde/ And lyenge cometh of an outrageous and contrarye thought in his +mynde/ For he that lyeth wetyngly/ Knoweth well that hit is agaynst the +trouthe that he thynketh/ And herof speketh Saynt Bernard and sayth/ +That the mouthe that lyeth destroyeth the sowle/ And yet sayth Saynt +Austyn in an other place For to saye ony thynge/ And to doo the +contrarye. maketh doctryne suspecious/ And knowe y'e veryly that for to +lye is a right perillous thynge to body and sowle For the lye that the +auncyent enemye made Eue & adam to beleue hym/ made hem for to be +dampned wyth alle theyr lignage to the deth pardurable And made hem to +be cast oute of Paradyse terrestre/ For he made them to beleue that god +had not forboden them the fruyt. But only be cause they shold not knowe +that her maister knewe But how well that the deuyll said thise wordes +yet had she double entente to hem bothe For they knewe ann as they had +tasted of the fruyt that they were dampned to the deth pardurable/ And +god knewe it well to fore But they supposid well to haue knowen many +other thynges And to belyke vnto his knowleche and science And therfor +fayth saynt poule in a pistyll/ hit ne apperteyneth to saure or knowe +more than behoueth to saure or knowe/ but to fauoure or knowe by mesure +or fobrenes/ And valerian reherceth that ther was a good woman of +siracusane that wold not lye vnto the kynge of *ecylle whiche was named +dyonyse And this kynge was so full of tyrannye & so cruell that alle the +world defired his deth and cursid hym/ Saauf this woman onely whiche was +so olde that she had seen thre or .iiii. kynges regnynge in the contre/ +And euery mornynge as sone as she was rysen she prayd to god that he +wold gyue vnto the tyrant good lyf and longe And that she myght neuer +see his deth/ And when the kynge dyonise knewe this he sent for her And +meruayllid moche herof For he knewe well that he was fore behated/ And +demaunded her/ what cause meuyd her to pray for hym. And she answerd and +said to hym Syre whan I was a mayde we had a right euyll tyrant to our +kynge of whom we coueyted fore the deth And whan he was ded ther cam +after hym a worse/ of whom we coueyted also the deth/ And whan we were +deliueryd of hym/ thou camst to be our lord whiche arte worste of alle +other. And now I doubte yf we haue one after the he shall be worse than +thou art/ And therfore I shall pray for the And whan dionyse vnderstod +that she was so hardy in sayynge the truthe/ he durste not doo tormente +her for shame be cause she was so olde. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The fourth chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the maner of the +fourth pawn and of the marchants or changers._ + + +The fourth pawn is sette to for the kynge And is formed in the fourme of +a man holding in his ryght hand a balance/ And the weyght in the lifte +hand/ And to fore hym a table And at his gurdell a purse fulle of monoye +redy for to gyue to them that requyre hit And by this peple ben +signefied the marchans of cloth lynnen and wollen & of all other +marchandises And by the table that is to for hym is signefied y'e +changeurs/ And they that lene money/ And they that bye & selle by the +weyght ben signefyed by the balances and weight And the customers. +tollers/ and resseyuours of rentes & of money ben signefied by the purse +And knowe y'e that alle they that ben signefied by this peple ought to +flee auaryce and couetyse/ And eschewe brekynge of the dayes of +payement/ And ought to holde and kepe theyr promyssis/ And ought also to +rendre & restore y't/ that is gyuen to them to kepe/ And therfor hit is +reson that this peple be sette to for y'e kynge/ for as moche as they +signefie the resseyuours of the tresours royall that ought all way to be +redy to fore y'e kynge/ and to answere for hym to the knightes and other +persones for their wages & souldyes And therfore haue I sayd that they +ought to flee auarice. For auarice is as moche to say as an adourer or +as worshipar of fals ymages/ & herof saith Tullius that auarice is a +couetise to gete y't thing that is aboue necessite/ & it is a loue +disordinate to haue ony thynge And it is one of the werst thyngis that +is And specially to prynces and to them that gouerne the thynges of the +comunete And this vice caufeth a man to do euyll/ And this doynge euyll +is whan hit regneth in olde men And herof saith Seneque That alle wordly +thynges ben mortifyed and appetissid in olde men reserued auaryce only/ +whiche alleway abideth wyth hym and dyeth wyth hym But I vnderstande not +well the cause wherof this cometh ne wherfore hit may be And hit is a +fowle thynge and contrarie to reson That whan a man is at ende of his +Iourney for to lengthe his viage and to ordeyne more vitayll than hym +behoueth And this may well be lykened to the auarycious wolf For the +wolf doth neuer good tyll he be dede And thus it is sayd in the +prouerbis of the wisemen/ that thauaricious man doth no good tyll that +he be ded/ And he desireth no thynge but to lyue longe in this synne For +the couetouse man certaynly is not good for ony thynge For he is euyll +to hymself and to the riche and to the poure. And fynde cause to gayn +saye theyr desire/ and herof reherceth seneque and sayth that Antigonus +was a couetous prynce/ & whan Tinque whiche was his frende requyred of +hym a besa[=u]t/ he answerd to hym that he demanded more than hit +apperteyned to hym And than tinque constrayned by grete necessite axid +and requyred of hym a peny/ And he answerd to hym that hit was no yefte +couenable for a kynge and so he was allway redy to fynde a cause nought +to gyue For he myght haue gyuen to hym a besa[=u]t as a kynge to his +frende/ And the peny as to a poure man And ther is no thynge so lytyll/ +but that the humanyte of a kynge may gyue hit Auarice full of couetyse +is a maner of alle vices of luxurye And Josephus reherceth in the book +of auncyent histories/ that ther was in rome a ryght noble lady named +Paulyne/ And was of the most noble of rome/ right honeste for the +noblesse of chastete/ whiche was maryed in the tyme that the women +gloryfied them in theyr chastete vnto a yonge man fayr. noble. and riche +aboue alle other/ and was lyke and semblable to his wyf in alle caasis/ +And this paulyne was belouyd of a knight named emmerancian And was so +ardautly esprysed in her loue that he sente to her many right riche +yeftes/ And made to her many grete promissis/ but he might neuer torne +the herte of her whiche was on her side also colde and harde as marbill +But had leuer to reffuse his yeftes and his promisses. Than to entende +to couetise & to lose her chastete/ and we rede also in the historyes of +rome that ther was a noble lady of rome/ whiche lyuyd a solitarye lyf +and was chaste & honeste/ And had gadrid to gyder a grete some of gold/ +And had hid hit in the erthe in a pytte wyth in her hous/ And whan she +was ded/ the bisshop dyde do burye her in the churche well and honestly/ +And anone after this gold was founden & born to the bisshop/ And the +bisshop had to caste hit in to the pytte wher she was buryed. And .iii. +dayes men herd her crye & make grete noyse/ and saye that she brennyd in +grete payne/ and they herd her ofte tymes thus tormentid in y'e chirche/ +the neighbours wente to the bisshop & told hym therof/ and y'e bisshop +gaf hem leue to open the sepulcre/ and whan they had opend hit/ they +fonde all the gold molten with fyre full of sulphre/ And was poured and +put in her mouth/ and they herd one saye/ thou desiredest this gold by +couetyse take hit and drynke hit/ And than they toke the body out of the +tombe And hit was cast oute in a preuy place Seneque reherceth in the +book of the cryes of women that auarice is foundement of alle vices/ And +valerian reherceth that auarice is a ferdfull garde or kepar of +rychessis for he that hath on hym or in his kepynge moche money or other +rychessis/ is allway a ferd to lose hit or to be robbid or to be slayn +therfore/ And he is not ewrous ner happy that by couetyse geteth hit/ +And alle the euyllys of this vice of auarice had a man of rome named +septemulle For he was a frende of one named tarchus And this septemulle +brente so sore and so cruelly in this synne of couetyse/ that he had no +shame to smyte of the hede of his frende by trayson/ For as moche as one +framosian had promysed to hym as moche weyght of pure gold as the heed +weyed And he bare the sayd heed vpon a staf thurgh the cyte of rome/ and +he wyded the brayn out therof and fyld hit full of leed for to weye the +heuyer This was a right horrible and cruell auarice Ptolome kynge of the +Egipciens poursewed auarice in an other manere For whan anthonie +emperour of rome sawe that he was right riche of gold and siluer/ he had +hym in grete hate and tormentid hym right cruelly And whan he shold +perishe be cause of his richessis/ he toke alle his hauoyr and put hit +in a shippe And wente wyth alle in to the hye see to thende for to +drowne and perishe there the shippe and his rychesses be cause Anthonie +his enemye shold not haue hit/ And whan he was there he durst not +perisshe hit ner myght not fynde in his herte to departe from hit/ but +cam and brought hit agayn in to his hows where he resseyuyd the reward +of deth therfore. And wyth oute doubte he was not lord of the richesse +but the richesse was lady ouer hym/ And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe +that a man ought to seignorye ouer the riches/ and not for to serue hit/ +and yf thou canst dewly vse thy rychesse than she is thy chamberyer/ And +yf thou can not departe from hit and vse hit honestly at thy playsir/ +knowe verily y't she is thy lady For the richesse neuer satisfieth the +couetouse/ but the more he hath/ the more he desireth/ And saluste sayth +that auarice distourblith fayth poeste honeste and alle these other good +vertues/ And taketh for these vertues pryde. cruelte. And to forgete +god/ And saith that alle thynges be vendable And after this they ought +to be ware that they leue not to moche/ ner make so grete creances by +which they may falle in pouerte/ For saynt Ambrose saith upon tobye. +pouerte hath no lawe/ for to owe hit is a shame/ & to owe and not paye +is a more shame/ yf y'u be poure beware how thou borowest/ and thinke +how thou maist paye & rendre agayn yf y'u be ryche y'u hast none nede to +borowe & axe/ & it is said in the prouerbes y't hit is fraude to take/ +that y'u wilt not ner maist rendre & paye agayn/ and also hit is said in +reproche/ whan I leue I am thy frend/ & whan I axe I am thy enemye/ as +wo saith/ god at the lenynge/ & the deuyll at rendrynge/ And seneque +sayth in his au[*c]torites/ that they y't gladly borowe/ ought gladly to +paye/ and ought to surmonte in corage to loue hem the better be cause +they leue hem & ayde hem in her nede/ For for benefetes & good tornes +doon to a man ought to gyue hym thankinges therfore/ And moche more +ought a man to repaye that Is lente hym in his nede/ But now in these +dayes many men by lenynge of their money haue made of their frendes +enemyes/ And herof speketh Domas the philosopher and sayth that my +frende borowed money of me/ And I haue lost my frende and my money +attones/ Ther was a marchant of Gene & also a chaungeour/ whos name was +Albert gauor/ And this albert was a man of grete trouth and loyaulte/ +for on a tyme ther was a man cam to hym and said & affermed that he had +delyueryd in to his banke .v. honderd floryns of gold to kepe whiche was +not trouth for he lyed/ whyche fyue honderd floryns the said Albert +knewe not of/ ner coude fynde in all hys bookes ony suche money to hym +due And this lyar coude not brynge no wytnessis/ but began to braye. +crye and deffame the said albert And than this Albert callid to hym this +marcha[=u]t and sayd/ Dere frende take here v. honderd florins whyche +thou affermest and sayst that thou hast deliuerid to me And forthwyth +tolde hem and toke hem to hym And lo this good man had leuer to lose his +good than his good name and renome And this other marchant toke these +florins that he had wrongfully receyuyd/ and enployed them in diuerce +marchandise in so moche that he gate and encresid and wan with them .xv. +thousand florins And whan he sawe that he approchid toward his deth/ and +that he had no children He establisshid albert his heyr in alle thingis +And sayd that with the .v. honderd florins that he had receyuyd of +albert falsely/ he had goten all y't he had in the world And thus by +dyuyne pourueance he that had be a theef fraudelent/ was made afterward +a trewe procurour and attorney of the sayd albert/ But now in this dayes +ther ben marcha[=u]s that do marchandise with other mens money whiche is +taken to hem to kepe/ And whan they ben requyred to repaye hit they haue +no shame to denye hit appertly/ wherof hit happend that ther was a +marchant whyche had a good & grete name and renome of kepynge well suche +thynges as was delyueryd to hym to kepe/ But whan he sawe place and +tyme/ he reteynyd hyt lyke a theef/ So hyt befelle that a marchant of +withoute forth herd the good reporte & fame of this man/ cam to hym and +deliuerid hym grete tresour to kepe/ And this tresour abode thre yer in +his kepynge. And after this thre yer thys marchant cam & requyred to +haue hys good deliueryd to hym agaym/ And thys man knewe well that he +had no recorde ne wytnes to preue on hym this duete/ Nor he had no +obligacion ne wrytynge of hym therof/ In suche wyse that he denyed alle +entyerly/ And sayd playnly he knewe hym not. And whan thys good man +herde and vnderstode thys. he wente sorowfully and wepynge from hym so +ferre and longe that an old woman mette wyth hym/ And demanded of hym +the cause of hys wepynge/ And he sayd to her/ woman hit apperteyneth no +thynge to the Go thy way/ And she prayd hym that he wold telle her the +cause of hys sorowe/ For parauenture she myght gyue hym counceylle good +and prouffytable. And than this man told to her by ordre the caas of his +fortune/ And the old woman that was wyse & subtyll demanded of hym yf he +had in that cyte ony frende whiche wold be faythfull and trewe to hym +And he sayd y'e that he had dyuerce frendes/ Than said she goo thou to +them and saye to them that they do ordeyne and bye dyuerce cofres & +chestis/ And that they do fylle them with som olde thinges of no value/ +and that they fayne And saye that they be full of gold, siluer & other +Iewels and of moche grete tresour/ And than that they brynge them to +this sayd marchant And to saye to hym that he wold kepe them/ For as +moche as they had grete trust and affiance in hym And also that they +haue herd of his grete trouthe and good renome/ And also they wold goo +in to a fer contre And shold be longe er they retorned agayn And whilis +they speke to hym of this mater/ thou shalt come vpon them and requyre +hym that he do deliuere to the/ that thou tokest to hym/ And I trowe be +cause of tho good men that than shall profre to hym the sayd tresour/ +And for the couetise to haue hit/ he shall deliuere to the thy good +agayn/ But beware late hym not knowe in no wyse that they ben thy +frendes ner of thy knowleche This was a grete and good co[=u]ceyll of a +woman And verily hit cometh of nature oftentymes to women to gyue +counceyll shortly and vnauysedly to thynges that ben in doute or +perillous and nedeth hasty remedye/ And as y'e haue herd/ this good man +dyde And dyde after her counceyll And cam vpon them whan they spack of +the mater to the marchant for to deliuere to hym the sayd cofres to kepe +whyche his frendes had fayned and requyred of hym that he had taken to +hym to kepe/ and than an[=o]n the sayd marchant sayd to hym I knowe the +now well. For I haue auysed me that thou art suche a man/ And camst to +me suche a tyme/ And deliuerest to me suche a thynge whiche I haue well +kept/ And than callyd his clerck/ and bad hym goo fecche suche a thynge +in suche a place/ and deliuere hit to that good man For he deliuerid hit +to me/ And than the good man receyuyd his good. And wente his way right +Ioyously and gladd/ And this marchant trycheur and deceyuour was +defrauded from his euyll malice/ And he ne had neyther that one ne that +other ony thynge that was of value/ And therfore hit Is sayd in prouerbe +to defraude the beguylar is no fraude/ And he that doth well foloweth +oure lord And seneke faith that charyte enseygneth and techeth that men +shold paye well For good payement is sometyme good confession/ And this +marchant trycheour & deceyuour resembleth & Is lyke to an hound that +bereth a chese in his mouth whan he swymmeth ouer a watre For whan he is +on the watre He seeth the shadowe of the chese in the watre/ And than he +weneth hit be an other chese/ And for couetyse to haue that/ he openth +his mouth to cacche that/ And than the chese that he bare fallyth doun +in to the watre/ And thus he loseth bothe two/ And in the same wise was +seruyd this marchant deceyuour/ For for to haue the coffres/ whiche he +had not seen/ He deliueryd agayn that he wold haue holden wrongfully & +thus by his couetise and propre malice he was deceyuyd/ And therfore hit +apperteyneth to euery good & wyse man to knowe & considere in hym self +how moche he had resseyuyd of other men/ And vpon what condicion hit was +deliuerid to hym And hit is to wete y't this thinge apperteyneth to +resseyuours & to chaungeours And to alle true marchans and other what +som euyr they bee/ and ought to kepe their bookes of resaytes & of +payements of whom & to whom and what tyme & day. and yf y'e demande what +thynge makyth them to forgete suche thynges as ben taken to them to kepe +I answere & saye that hyt Is grete couetyse for to haue tho thynges to +themself and neuer to departe from them/ And it is all her thought and +desire to assemble alle the good that they may gete For they beleue on +none other god/ but on her richessis theyr hertes ben so obstynat/ and +this sufficeth of the marchantes. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_This fifth chapitre of the thirde book treteh of phisiciens spicers and +Apotyquarys._ + + +The paw[=o]n that is sette to fore the quene signefyeth the phisicyen/ +spicer and Apotyquaire/ and is formed in the figure of a man/ And he is +sette in a chayer as a maystre and holdeth in his right hand a book/ And +an ample or a boxe wyth oynementis in his lyft hand/ And at his gurdell +his Instrumentis of yron and of siluer for to make Incysions and to +serche woundes and hurtes/ and to cutte apostumes/ And by thyse thynges +ben knowen the cyrurgyens/ By the book ben vnderstanden the phisicyens/ +and alle gramaryens. logicyens/ maistres of lawe. of Geometrye. +Arismetryque. musique and of astronomye/ And by the ampole/ ben +signefyed the makers of pigmentaries spicers and apotiquayres/ and they +that make confections and confytes and medecynes made wyth precyous +spyces And by the ferremens and Intrumentis that hangen on the gurdell +ben signefied the cyrurgyens & the maistres And knowe y'e for certain +that a maystre & phisicyen ought to knowe the proporcions of lettres of +gramayre/ the monemens the conclusions and the sophyms of logyque. the +gracio'9 speche and vtterance of rethorique/ the mesures of the houres +and dayes/ and of the cours and astronomye/ the nombre of arsmetryk/ & +the Ioyous songes of musyque And of all thyse tofore named/ the maistres +of rethorique ben the chyef maistres in speculatyf/ And the two laste +that ben practisiens and werkers ben callyd phisicyens and cyrurgyens/ +how well they ben sage and curyous in thyse sciences/ And how well that +mannes lyf is otherwhile put in thordonance of the phisicyen or +cyrurgyen/ yf he haue not sagesse and wysedom in hym self of dyuerce +wrytynges and is not expert/ And medlyth hym in the craft of phisique/ +He ought better be callyd a slear of peple than a phisicyen or +cyrurgyen. For he may not be a maystre but yf he be seure and expert in +the craft of phisike that he sle not moo than he cureth and maketh +hoole/ And therfore sayth Auycenne in an Enphormye/ yf thou curest the +seke man. And knowest not the cause/ wherof the maladye ought to be +cured/ Hit ought to be sayd that thou hast cured hym by fortune and +happe more than by ony comynge. And in alle thyse maner of peple/ Ther +ought to be meurte of good maners/ Curtoysie of wordes/ Chastite of the +body promysse of helthe/ And as to them that ben seke contynuell +visitacion of them/ And they ought to enquere the cause of theyr +sekenessis and the sygnes and tokens of theyr maladyes/ As is rehercid +in the bookes of the au[ct]ours by ryght grete diligence/ And specially +in the bookes of ypocras galyene and of Auycene And whan many maysters +and phisicyens ben assemblid to fore the pacyent or seke man/ They ought +not there to argue and dispute one agaynst an other/ But they ought to +make good and symple colacion to geder. In suche wyse as they be not +seen in theyr desputynge one agaynst an other/ for to encroche and gete +more glorye of the world to them self/ than to trete the salute and +helthe of the pacyent and seke man/ I meruayll why that whan they fee +and knowe that whan the seke man hath grete nede of helthe wherfore than +they make gretter obiection of contraryousnes for as moche as the lyf +of man is demened and put amonge them but hit is be cause that he is +reputed most sage and wise that argueth and bryngeth in moste subtyltes/ +And alle this maner is amonge doctours of lawe that treteth no thynge of +mannes lyf. But of temporelle thynges/ that he is holden most wyse and +best lerned/ that by his counceyll can beste acorde the contencions and +discencions of men And therfore ought the phisicyens and cyrurgyens leue +whan they be to fore the seke men all discencions and contrariousnes of +wordes/ in suche wyse that hit appere that they studye more for to cure +the seke men than for to despute And therfore is the phisicien duly +sette to fore the quene/ So that it is figured that he ought to haue in +hymself chastite and contynence of body For hit apperteyneth somtyme +vnto the phisicien to visite and cure Quenes duchesses and countesses +and alle other ladyes and see and beholde some secrete sekenessis that +falle and come otherwhile in the secretis of nature And therfore hit +apperteyneth to them that they be chaste and followe honeste and +chastite/ and that they be ensample to other of good contynence/ For +valerian reherceth that ypocras was of meruayllous contynence of his +body/ For whan he was in the scoles of Athenes/ he had by hym a ryght +fayr woman whyche was comyn And the yonge scolers and the Ioly felaws +that were students promisyd to the woman a besa[=u]t/ yf she myght or +coude torne the corage of ypocras for to haue to doon wyth her/ And she +cam to hym by nyght and dyde so moche by her craft that she laye wyth +hym in his bedd/ but she coude neuer do so moche y't she myghte corrumpe +his chaste liuynge ne defoule the crowne of his conscience/ and whan the +yonge men knewe that she had ben with hym all the night And coude not +chaunge his contynence/ they began to mocque her/ And to axe and demande +of her the besant that they had gyuen to her. And she answerd That hit +was holden & gaged vpon an ymage/ For as moche as she might not change +his contynence she callyd hym an ymage/ And in semblable wyse reherceth +Valerian of Scenocrates philosopher that ther laye with hym a woman all +night And tempted hym disordinatly/ but that ryght chafte man/ made +neuer femblant to her/ Ner he neuer remeuyd from his ferme purpoos/ In +fuche wyfe as fhe departid from hym alle confufid and fhamed/ Cornelius +fcipion that was fent by the romayns for to gouerne fpayne/ as fone as +he entryd in to the caftellis & in to the townes of that lande He began +to take away all the thynges that miht ftyre or meue his men to lecherye +wherfore men fayd that he drof & chaced oute of the ofte moo than two +thoufand bourdellys/ And he that was wyfe knewe well that delyte of +lecherye corrupted and apayred the corages of tho men that ben +abandonned to that fame delyte/ And herof hit is fayd in the fables of +the poetes in the first book of the Truphes of the Philofophers by +figure. That they that entryd in to the fontayne of the firenes or +mermaydens/ were corrumpid and they toke them away with hem/ And alfo y'e +ought to knowe that they ought to entende diligently to the cures of the +enfermytees in cyrugerye/ They ought to make theyr playfters acordynge +to the woundes or fores/ yf the wounde be rounde The enplaftre muft be +round/ and yf hyt be longe/ hyt mufte be longe/ and otherwhile hit mufte +be cured by his contrarye/ lyke as it apperteyneth to phifique/ For the +hete is cured by cold/ and the colde by hete/ and Ioye by forowe/ and +fbrowe by Ioye/ and hit happeth ofte tymes that moche peple be in grete +paryll in takynge to moche Ioye and lefe her membris/ and become half +benomen in the fodayn Ioye/ And Ioye is a replection of thynge that is +delectable fprad a brode in all the membris with right grete gladnes And +all men entende and desire to haue the sayd ryght grete Ioye naturelly/ +But they knowe not what may ensue and come therof And this Ioye cometh +otherwhile of vertue of conscience/ And the wyse man is not wyth out +this Ioye And this Ioye is neuer Interrupt ne in deffaulte at no tyme +For hit cometh of nature And fortune may not take a waye that nature +geueth. And merciall saith that Ioyes fugitiues abide not longe But flee +away an[=o]n And valerian reherceth that he that hath force and +strengthe raysonable/ hath hit of verray matier of complection and that +cometh of loue And this Ioye hath as moche power to departe the sowle +fro the body/ as hath the thondre/ wherof hit happend that ther was a +woman named lyna whiche had her husbonde in the warre in the shippis of +the romayns/ And she supposid verily that he was ded/ But hit happend +that he cam agayn home And as he entryd in to his yate/ his wif met wyth +hym sodeynly not warned of his comyng. whiche was so glad and Ioyous/ +that in enbrasynge hym she fyll doun ded Also of an other woman to whom +was reportid by a fals messanger that her sone was ded/ whiche wente +home soroufully to her hows/ And afterward whan her sone cam to her/ As +sone as she sawe hym/ she was so esmoued wyth Ioye y't she deyde to fore +hym/ But this is not so grete meruaylle of women as is of the men/ For +the women ben likened vnto softe waxe or softe ayer and therfor she is +callid mulier whyche Is as moche to saye in latyn as mollys ær. And in +english soyfte ayer/ And it happeth ofte tymes that the nature of them +that ben softe and mole/ taketh sonner Inpression than the nature of men +that is rude and stronge/ Valerye reherceth & sayth that a knyght of +rome named Instaulosus that had newly conquerid and subiuged the yle of +Corsika/ And as he sacrefyed his goddes/ he receyuyd lettres from the +senate of rome In whiche were conteyned dyuerse supplicacyons/ The +whiche whan he vnderstood he was so glad and so enterprysed wyth Ioye/ +that he knewe not what to doo And than a great fumee or smoke yssued out +of the fyre In whiche he dispayred and fyll in to the fyre/ where he was +anone ded/ And also it is sayd that Philomenus lawhed so sore and +distemperatly that he deyde alle lawhynge/ And we rede that ypocras the +phisicien fonde remedye for thys Ioye/ For whan he had longe dwellyd +oute of his contreye for to lerne connynge and wysedom/ And shold +retorne vnto his parentis and frendes/ whan he approchid nyghe them/ He +sente a messanger to fore for to telle to them his comynge/ and comanded +hym to saye that he cam/ for they had not longe to fore seen hym/ And +y't they shold attempre them in that Ioye er they shold see hym/ And +also we rede that Titus the sone of vaspasian whan he had conquerd +Iherusalem and abode in y'e contrees by/ he herde y't his fader +vaspasian was chosen by alle the senate for to gouerne the empire of +rome/ wherfore he had so right grete Ioye that sodaynly he loste the +strength of all his membres And be cam all Impotent And whan Iosephus +that made the historye of the romayns ayenst the Iewis/ whiche was a +ryght wyse phisicien sawe and knewe the cause of this sekenes of the +sayd Titus/ he enquyred of his folk yf he had in hate ony man gretly so +moche that he myght not here speke of hym ner well see hym And one of +the seruantes of Titus sayd that he had one persone in hate so moche. +That ther was no man in his court so hardy that durste name hym in his +presence/ and than Iosephus assigned a day whan this man shold come/ and +ordeyned a table to sette in y'e sight of Titus/ and dide hit to be +replenysshid plenteuously wyth alle dayntees/ and ordeyned men to be +armed to kepe hym in suche wyse that no man shold hurte hym by the +comandement of Titus/ and ordeyned boutellers. Coques/ and other +officers for to serue hym worshipfully lyke an Emþour/ and whan all this +was redy/ Iosephus brought in this man that tytus hated and sette hym at +the table to fore his eyen and was seruyd of yonge men wyth grete +reuerence ryght cortoisly/ And whan titus behelde his enemye sette to +fore hym wyth so grete honour/ He began to chauffe hym self by grete +felonnye And comanded his men that this man sholde be slayn/ And whan he +sawe/ that none wold obeye hym But that they all way seruyd hym +reuerently/ he waxe so ardante/ and enbrasid wyth so grete yre/ that he +that had lost alle the force and strengthe of his body and was alle +Impotent in alle his membres/ Recoured the helthe agayn and strengthe of +his membris/ by the hete that entryd in to the vaynes and sinewis And +Iosephus dide so moche that he was recouerid and hole/ And that he helde +that man no more for his enemye/ but helde hym for a verray true frende/ +And afterward made hym his loyall felawe and compaignon And the espicers +and Apotecayres ought to make truly suche thynges as Is comanded to them +by the physicyens/ And they ought taccomplisshe theyr billis and charge +curyously wyth grete dilygence/ that for none other cause they shold be +ocupied but in makynge medicynes or confections truly. And that they +ought vpon paryll of theyr sowle not to forgete/ by negligence ne +rechelesnes to gyue one medecyne for an other/ In suche wyse that they +be not slears of men/ And that they do putte no false thynges In her +spyces for to empayre or encrecynge the weyght. For yf they so doo they +may better be callyd theuys than espiciers or apotecayris/ And they that +ben acustomed to make oynements they ought to make hyt proprely of true +stuf and of good odoure after the receptes of the auncyent doctours/ And +after the forme that the phisicyens and cyrurgyens deuyse vnto them/ +Also they ought to beware that for none auayle ne gyfte that they myght +haue/ that they put in theyr medicynes no thynge venemous ner doynge +hurte or scathe to ony persone of whom they haue none good ne veray +knowlege/ to thende that they to whom the medicynes shold be gyuen/ +torne not to them hurte ne domage/ ne in destructions of theyr +neyghbours/ and also that they that haue mynystrid tho thyngis to them/ +ben not taken for parteners of the blame and of the synne of them The +cyrurgyens ought also to be debonayr. amyable. & to haue pytye of their +pacyents. And also they ought not be hasty to launse and cutte apostumes +and soores/ ne open the heedes/ ner to arrache bones broken/ but yf the +cause be apparant/ For they myght ellys lose theyr good renome And myght +better be callyd bouchers than helars or guarisshors of woundes and +soores And also hit behoueth that alle this maner of peple foresayd that +haue the charge for to make hole and guarisshe alle maner of maladyes +and Infirmitees that they first haue the cure of themself/ and they +ought to purge themself fro alle apostumes and alle vices/ In suche wyse +that they be net and honeste and enformed in alle good maners/ And that +they shewe hem hole and pure & redy for to hele other And herof sayth +Boecius de Consolacione In his first booke that the sterres that ben hid +vnder the clowdes maye gyue no light. And therfore yf ony man wole +beholde clerly the verite. Late hym wythdrawe hym fro the obscurete and +derkenes of the clowdes of ignorance/ for whan the engyne of a man +sheweth in Ioye or in sorowe/ The pensee or thought is enuoluped in +obscurete & vnder the clowdes. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The sixthe chapitre of the thirde book treteth of the sixth pawn/ +whiche is lykened to tauerners hostelers and vitayllers._ + + +The sixthe pawn whiche standeth to fore the Alphyn on the lyfte syde is +made in thys forme. For hit is a man that hath the right hande stracched +oute as for to calle men/ And holdeth in his lyfte hande a loof of breed +and a cuppe of wyn/ And on his gurdell hangynge a boudell of keyes/ And +this resembleth the Tauerners. hostelers. and sellars of vitaylle. And +thise ought proprely to be sette to fore the/ Alphyn as to fore a Iuge +For ther sourdeth ofte tymes amonge hem contencion noyse and stryf/ +whiche behoueth to be determyned and trayted by the alphyn/ whiche is +Iuge of the kynge/ And hit apperteyneth to them for to seke and enquyre +for good wyns and good vitayll for to gyue and selle to the byers/ And +to them that they herberowe/ And hit apperteyneth to them well to kepe +their herberowes and Innes/ and alle tho thyngis that they brynge in to +their loggynge and for to putte hyt in seure and sauf warde and kepynge/ +And the firste of them Is signefyed by the lyfte hande in whiche he +bereth brede and wyn/ and the seconde is signefied by the right hande +whiche Is stracched oute to calle men/ And the thirde is representid by +the keyes hangynge on y'e gurdell And thyse maner of peple ought +teschewethe synne of glotonye/ For moche peple comen in to theyr howses +for to drynke and to ete for whyche cause they ought resonably to rewle +them self and to refrayne them from to moche mete and drynke/ to thende +that they myght the more honestly delyuere thyngis nedefull vnto the +peple that come vnto them/ And no thynge by oultrage that myght noye the +body/ For hit happeth ofte tymes that ther cometh of glotonye tencyons. +stryfs. ryottes. wronges. and molestacyons/ by whiche men lese other +while their handes. theyr eyen. and other of their membres/ And somtyme +ben slayn or hurt vnto the deth/ As it is wreton In vitas patrum As on a +tyme an heremyte wente for to visite his gossibs/ And the deuyll apperyd +to hym on the waye in lykenes of an other heremyte for to tempte hym/ +and saide thou hast lefte thyn heremitage And goost to visyte thy +gossibs/ The behoueth by force to doo one of y'e thre thynges that I +shall saye to the/ thou shalt chese whether thou wylt be dronke/ or +ellys haue to do flessly wyth thy gossib or ellys thou shalt sle her +husbond whiche is thy gossip also/ And the hermyte that thought for to +chese the leste euyll chace for to be dronke/ and whan he cam vnto them +he dranke so moche that he was veray dronke And whan he was dronke and +eschaussed wyth the wyn/ he wold haue a doo wyth hys gossib/ And her +husbonde withstode hym. And than the hermyte slewe hym/ And after that +laye by his gossib and knewe her flessly/ And thus by this synne of +dronkenship he accomplisshid the two other synnes/ By whyche thynge y'e +may vnderstande and knowe y't whan the deuyll wyll take one of the +castellis of Ihesu cryst/ that is to wete the body of a man or of a +woman/ he doth as a prynce that setteth a siege to fore a castell that +he wold wynne/ whiche ent[=e]deth to wynne the gate/ For he knoweth well +whan he hath wonne the gate/ he may sone doo hys wylle wyth the castell. +And in lyke wyse doth the deuyll wyth euery man and woman For whan he +hathe wonne the gate/ that is to wete the gate of y'e mouth by glotonye +or by other synne He may doo wyth the offices of the body alle his wylle +as y'e haue herd to fore/ And therfore ought euery man ete and drynke +sobrely in suche wyse as he may lyue. And not lyue to ete glotonsly & +for to drynke dronke. y'e see comunly that a grete bole is suffisid wyth +right a lityll pasture/ And that a wode suffiseth to many olefauntes And +hit behoueth a man to be fedde by the erthe or by the see/ neuertheles +it is no grete thynge to fede the bely/ no thynge so grete as is the +desire of many metes Wherof Quyntylian sayth/ That hit happeth ofte +tymes in grete festes & dyners/ that we be fylde wyth the sight of the +noble and lichorous metis and whan we wolde ete we ben saciat and fild/ +And therfore hit is sayd in prouerbe/ hit is better to fylle the bely +than the eye/ And lucan sayth that glotonye is the moder of alle vices/ +and especiall of lecherye/ and also is destroyer of all goodes And may +not haue suffisance of lityll thynge/ A couetous honger what sekest thou +mete and vitayllis on the lande & in the see/ And thy Ioye is nothynge +ellis but to haue playnteuous disshes & well fylde at thy table lerne +how men may demene his lyf with lityll thynge/ And Cathon sayth in no +wyse obeye to glotonye whiche is frende to lecherye/ And the holy +doctour saynt Augustyn sayth/ the wyn eschausseth the bely that falleth +anone to lecherye/ The bely and the membrers engendreurs ben neyghebours +to lecherye/ And thus the vice of glotonye prouoketh lecherye/ wherof +cometh forgetenes of his mynde and destruction of alle quyk and sharp +reson And is cause of distemþance of his wittes/ what synne is fowler +than this synne and more stynkynge ne more domageous For this synne hath +taken away the vertue of the man/ his prowesse languisshed/ his vertue +is torned to diffame/ the strengthe of body and of corage is torned by +the/ And therfore sayth Basille le grant/ late vs take hede how we serue +the bely & the throte by glotonye lyke as we were dombe bestes/ and we +studye for to be lyke vnto belucs of the see/ to whom nature hath gyuen +to be alleway enclined toward the erthe & ther to loke for to serue +theyr belyes/ And herof saith Boecius de consolacione in his fourth +book/ that a man that lyuyth and doth not the condicions of a man/ may +neuer be in good condicion/ Than muste hit nedes be that he be +transported in nature of a beste or of a belue of the see. How well that +ryght grete men and women full of meruayllous sciences and noble +counceyll in thise dayes in the world ben kept and nourisshid in this +glotonye of wyns and metes/ and ofte tymes ben ouerseen/ how suppose y'e/ +is hit not right a perillous thinge that a lord or gouernour of the +peple and c[=o]mun wele/ how well that he be wyse/ yf he eschauffe hym +sone so that y'e wyn or other drynke surpryse hym and ouercome his +brayn. his wisedom is loste/ For as Cathon sayth/ Ire enpessheth the +corage in suche as he may not kepe verite and trouthe And anon as he is +chauffed/ lecherye is meuyd in hym in suche wyse that the lecherye +maketh hym to medle in dyuerse villayns dedes/ For than his wyfedom is a +slepe and goon/ And therfore fayth Ouide in his booke De remedio amoris/ +yf thou take many and dyuerce wyns/ they apparylle and enforce the +corages to lecherye And Thobie witnessith in his booke/ that luxurye +destroyeth the body/ and mynussheth richesses/ she loseth the sowle/ she +febleth y'e strengthe she blyndeth the syght/ and maketh the wys hoos & +rawe/ Ha A ryght euyll and fowle synne of dronkenship/ by the perissheth +virginite/ whiche is suster of angellis possedynge alle goodnes and +seurte of all Ioyes pardurable/ Noe was one tyme so chauffed with wyn/ +that he discouerd and shewid to his sones his preuy membres in suche +wyse as one of his sones mocqued hym/ And that other couerd hem/ And +loth whiche was a man right chaste. was so assoted by moche drynkynge of +wyn/ that on a montayne he knew his doughters carnelly/ And had to doo +wyth them as they had ben his propre wyues. And crete reherceth that +boece whiche was flour of the men/ tresor of rychesses/ singuler house +of sapience myrour of the world/ Odour of good renome/ and glorye of his +subgettis loste alle thyse thynges by his luxurye We haue seen that +dyuerce that were Ioyned by grete amyte to geder whiles they were sobre/ +that that one wolde put his body in paryll of deth for that other/ and +whan they were eschauffed with wyn & dronke/ they haue ronne eche vpon +other for to fle* hem/ And somme haue ben that haue slayn so his frende/ +Herodes Antipas had not doon saynt Iohn baptist to ben beheded/ ne had +y'e dyner ben full of glotonye and dronkenship/ Balthazar kynge of +babilone had not ben chaced out of his kyngdom ne be slayn yf he had ben +sobre amonge his peple whom tyrus and dares fonde dronken and slewe hym +The hostelers ought to be well bespoken and courtoys of wordes to them +that they receyue in to their loggynge For fayr speche & Ioyous chiere & +debonayr/ cause men to gyue the hostelyer a good name/ And therfore it +is said in a comyn prouerbe/ Courtoyse langage and well saynge is moche +worth and coste lityll/ And in an other place it is said that curtoysie +passeth beaulte/ Also for as moche as many paryls and aduentures may +happen on the wayes and passages to hem that ben herberowed with in +their Innes/ therfore they ought to accompanye them whan they departe +and enseigne them the wayes and telle to them the paryls/ to thende that +they may surely goo theyr viage and Iourney/ And also they ought to kepe +their bodies, their goodes. And the good fame and renomee of their +Innes/ we rede that loth whan he had receyuyd the angels in to his hous +right debonairly whiche he had suppofid had ben mortall men and +stra[=u]gers/ to thende that they shold eskape the disordinate and +vnnaturell synne of lecherye of the sodamites/ by the vertu of good +fayth/ he sette a part the naturell loue of a fader/ and proferd to them +his doughters whiche were virgyns/ to thende that they shld kepe them +and defende them fro that vyllayne and horrible synne/ And knowe y'e for +certayn that alle tho thynges that ben taken and delyueryd to kepe to +the hoste or hostesses they ought to be sauf and yelden agayn wyth out a +payringe For the ooste ought to knowe/ who that entryth in to his hous +for to be herberowhed taketh hit for his habitacion for the tyme/ he +hymself and alle suche thynges as he bryngeth wyth hym ben comysed of +ryght in the warde and kepynge of the hoost or hosteler And ought to be +as sauf as they were put in his owen propre hous And also suche hoostis +ought to hold seruantes in their houses whiche shold be trewe and wyth +oute auarice In suche wise that they coueyte not to haue the goodes of +their ghestes And that they take not away the prouender fro theyr horses +whan hyt is gyuen to them/ that by thoccasion therof theyr horsis +perisshe not ne faylle theyr maister whan they haue nede/ and myght +falle in the handes of theyr enemyes/ For than sholde the seruantes +because of that euyll/ wherfore theyr maisters shold see to For wyth +oute doubte this thynge is worse than thefte Hit happend on a tyme in +the parties of lomberdye in the cyte of Iene y't a noble man was logged +in an hostelerye wyth moche compaignye/ And whan they had gyuen +prouendour to their horses/ In the first oure of the nyght, the seruant +of the hous cam secretly to fore y'e horses for to stele away their +prouender/ And whan he cam to the lordes hors/ The hors caught wyth his +teth his Arme and helde hit faste that he myght not escape/ And whan the +theef sawe that he was so strongly holden/ he began to crye for the +grete payne that he suffryd and felte/ In suche wyse that the noble +mannes meyne cam with the hooste/ But in no maner/ ner for ought they +coude doo They coude not take the theef out of the horses mouth vnto the +tyme that the neyghbours whiche were noyed wyth the noyse cam and sawe +hit/ And than the theef was knowen and taken and brought to fore the +Iuge And confessid the feet and by sentence diffinytyf was hanged and +lost his lyf/ And in the same wyse was an other that dyde so/ And the +hors smote hym in the visage/ That the prynte of the horse shoo and +nayles abode euer in his visage/ Another was right cruell and villaynous +fylle at tholouse/ Hit happend a Ionge man and his fader wente a +pilgremage to saynt Iames in Galyce And were logged in an hostelrye of +an euyll hoost and full of right grete couetyse/ In so moche that he +defired and coueyted the goodes of the two pilgrimes And here vpon +auysed hym and put a cuppe of siluer secretly in the male that the yonge +man bare/ And whan they departed oute of their loggynge/ he folowed +after hem and sayd to fore the peple of the court that they had stolen +and born away his cuppe/ And the yonge man excused hym selfe and his +fader/ And sayde they were Innocent of that caas/ And than they serchid +hem and the cuppe was founden in the male of the yonge man And forthwyth +he was dampned to the deth and hanged as a theef/ and this feet doon all +the goodes that langed to the pilgrym were deliuerid to the ooft as +c[=o]fisqued And than the fader wente for to do his pilgremage/ and whan he +cam agayn he muste nedes come & passe by the place where his sone henge +on the gibet And as he cam he complaygned to god and to saynt Iames how +they might suffre this auenture to come vnto his sone,' Anone his sone +that henge spack to his fader And sayde how that saynt Iames had kepte +hym with out harme And bad his fader goo to the Iuge and shewe to hym +the myracle/ And how he was Innocent of thot fayte/ And whan this thynge +was knowen the sone of the pilgryme was taken down fro the gibet/ and +the cause was brought to fore the Iuge And the hooste was accused of the +trayson/ and he confessid his trespaas/ and sayd he dide hit for +couetyse to haue his good And than the Iuge dampned hym for to be hanged +on the same gibet where as the yonge pilgryme was hanged And that I haue +sayd of the seruantes beynge men/ the same I saye of the women as +chambriers and tapsters For semblable caas fille in spayne at saynt +donne of a chamberier/ that put a cup in lyke wyse in the scrippe of a +pilgryme/ be cause he wold not haue a doo wyth her in the synne of +lecherye/ wherfore he was hanged And his fader & moder that were there +with hym wente and dyde her pilgremage/ And whan they cam agayn they +fonde her sone lyuynge/ And whan they wente and told the Iuge/ whiche +Iuge sayd that he wolde not byleue hit tyll a cok and an henne which +rosted on the fyre were a lyue & the cok crewe. And anon they began wexe +a lyue & the cok crewe and began to crowe and to pasture/ and whan the +Iuge sawe this miracle/ he wente and toke doun the sone/ and made the +chamberyer to be taken and to be hanged/ wherfore I saye that the +hoostes ought to hold no tapsters ne chamberyers/ but yf they were good +meure and honeste/ For many harmes may be falle and come by the +disordenat rewle of seruantes. + + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seventh chapitre of the thirde Tractate treteth of kepars of townes +customers and tolle gaderers &c._ + + +The gardes and kepars of of cytees ben signefied by the .vii. pawn +whiche stondeth in the lyfte side to fore the knyght/ And is formed in +the semblance of a man holdynge in his right hande grete keyes And in +his lifte hande a potte & an elle for to mesure with And ought to haue +on hys gurdell a purse open/ And by the keyes ben signefyed the kepars +of the cytees and townes and comyn offices/ And by the potte and elle +ben signefyed them that haue the charge to weye and mete & mesure truly +And by the purse ben signefyed them that reseyue the costumes. tolles. +scawage. peages/ and duetes of the cytees & townes And thyse peple ben +sette by ryght to fore the knyght/ And hit behoueth that the gardes and +offycers of the townes be taught And enseygned by the knyghtes/ And that +they knowe and enquyre how y'e cytees or townes ben gouerned/ whiche +apperteyneth to be kept and defended by the knyghtes. And first hit +apperteyneth that the kepars of the cyte be dilygente. besy. clere +seeynge and louers of the comyn prouffit & wele/ as well in the tyme of +pees as in the tyme of warre/ They ought allewaye to goo in the cyte and +enquyre of all thynges and ought rapporte to the gouernours of the cyte +suche thynge as they fynde and knowe And suche thynge as apperteyneth +and to the seuerte of the same/ and to den[=o]nce and telle the defaultes +and paryls that ther bee/ And yf hit be in tyme of warre they ought not +to open the yates by nyght to no man/ And suche men as ben put in this +office/ ought to be of good renome. & fame, trewe. and of good +conscience/ In suche maner that they loue them of the Cyte or town/ And +that they put to no man ony blame or vilanye with out cause by enuye. +Couetyse ne by hate/ but they ought to be sory and heuy whan they see +that ony man shold be complayned on for ony cause. For hit happeth ofte +tymes that diuerce officers accuse the good peple fraudulently/ To +thende that they myght haue a thanke & be preysed and to abide stille in +theyr offices And trewly hit is a grete and hye maner of malyse to be in +will to doo euyll and diffame other wyth oute cause to gete glorie to +hymself Also the kepars and officers of cytees ought to be suche that +they suffre no wronges ne vylonyes to fore the Iuges and gouernours of +cytees wyth out cause to be doon to them that ben Innocents/ but they +ought to haue theyr eyen and regarde vnto hym/ that knoweth the hertes +and thoughtes of alle men/ And they ought to drede & doubte hym wyth +oute whos grace theyr wacche and kepynge is nought And that promyseth to +them that doubte hym shall be ewrous & happy/ And by hym ben alle +thynges accomplisshid in good/ Hit is founden in the historyes of rome +that Temperour Frederik the seconde dide do make a gate of marble of +meruayllous werke and entayll in the cyte of capnane vpon the watre that +renneth aboute the same/ and vpon this yate he made an ymage lyke +hymself sittynge in his mageste/ and two Iuges whiche were sette/ one on +the right side and that other on the lifte side. And vpon the sercle +aboue the hede of the Iuge on y'e ryght side was wreton/ Alle they entre +seurly that will liue purely/ And vpon the sercle of the Iuge on the +lifte side was wreton/ The vntrewe man ought to doubte/ to doo thynge +that he be put to prison fore/ and on the sercle aboue thempour was +wreton/ I make them live in misery/ that I see lyue dismesurably/ And +therfore hit apperteyneth to a Iuge to shewe to the peple for to drede +and doubte to doo eyull/ And hit apperteyneth to the gardes and officers +to doubte the Iuges and to do trewly their seruyces and offices And hit +apperteyneth to a prynce to menace the traytours and the malefactours of +right greuous paynes. And herof we fynde in the auncyent historyes of +cecylle that the kynge denys had a broder whom he louyd sore well/ But +allway where he wente he made heuy and tryste semblant/ And thus as they +wente bothe to gyder on a tyme in a chare/ ther cam agayn hem two poure +men wyth glad visage but in foule habite/ And y'e kynge anon as he sawe +them/ sprange out of his chare and resseyuyd them worshipfully with +grete reuerence/ wherfore his barons were not only ameruaylled but also +angry in their corages/ notwithstandynge fere and drede letted them to +demande hym the cause/ But they made his broder to demande the cause and +to knowe the certaynte/ And whan he had herde his broder saye to hym the +demande/ and that he was blessyd & also a kynge whiche was ryche and +full of delites & worshipis/ he demanded hym yf he wold assaye & knowe +the grace and beneurte of a kynge And his broder answerd y'e/ And that he +desired and requyred hit of hym/ and than the kinge comanded vnto alle +his fugettis that they shold obeye in alle thynges only vnto his broder +And than whan the oure of dyner cam and alle thynge was redy/ the broder +was sette at the table of the kynge And whan he sawe that he was seruyd +wyth right noble botelliers and other officers. And he herde the sownes +of musicque right melodious The kynge demanded hym than/ yf he supposid +y't he were benerous and blessid. And he answerd I wene well that I am +right well blessid and fortunat/ and that I haue well proued and fele +and am expert therof And than the kynge secretly made to be hanged ouer +his heed a sharp cuttynge swerde hangynge by an hors heer or a silken +threde so small that no man myght see hit where by hit henge/ and whan +he sawe his broder put no more his hand to the table/ ne had no more +regarde vnto his seruantes/ he sayd to hym why ete y'e not/ ar y'e not +blessid/ saye yf y'e fele ony thynge otherwyse than blessid and well/ And +he answerde for as moche as I see this sharp swerde hangynge so subtilly +and parillously ouer my hede I fele well that I am not blessid for I +drede that hit shold falle on my hede/ and than discouerd the kynge vnto +hem alle wherfore he was allway so heuy cherid and triste For where he +was/ he thought alleway on the swerde of the secrete vengeance of god/ +whiche he behelde alleway in his herte/ wherfore he had all way in +hymself grete drede And therfore he worshipid gladly the poure peple +wyth glad visage and good conscience And by this sheweth the kynge well/ +that what man that is all way in drede is not all way mery or blessid. +And herof fayth Quyntilian that this drede surmounteth alle other +maleurtees and euyllys/ For it is maleurte of drede nyght and day/ And +it is verite that to hym that Is doubtid of moche peple/ so muste he +doubte moche/ And that lord is lasse than hys seruantes that dredeth hys +seruantes/ And truly hit Is a ryght sure thynge to drede no thinge but +god/ And sumtyme right hardy men ben constrayned to lyue in drede/ Drede +causeth a man to be curyous and besy to kepe the thynges that ben +commysed to hym that they perisshe not/ But to be to moche hardy & to +moche ferdfull/ bothe two ben vices The comyn officers ought to be wise, +discrete. and well aduysed in suche wyse that they take not of y'e peple +ne requyre no more than they ought to haue by reson/ ne that they take +of the sellars ne of the byars no more than the right custom and toll/ +for they bere the name of a c[=o]mun þsone/ and therfore ought they +to shewe them c[=o]mune to all men/ and for as moche as the byars and +sellars haue somtyme moche langage/ they ought to haue with them these +vertues/ that is to wete pacience and good corage with honeste/ for they +that ben despiteus to the c[=o]mun/ ben otherwhile had in vilayns +despite/ therfore beware y't thou haue no despite to the poure +mendicants/ yf thou wilt come and atteyne to thingis fouerayn/ for the +Iniurye that is don wyth oute cause/ torneth to diffame hym that doth +hit/ A Iogheler on a tyme beheld socrates and sayd to hym/ thou hast the +eyen of corrumpour of children & art as a traytre. And whan his +disciples herde hym/ they wold auengid their maister/ But he repreuyd +hem by suche sentence saynge/ Suffre my felaws for I am he and suche one +as he saith/ by the sight of my visage/ But I refrayne and kepe me well +from suche thynge/ This same socrates hymself was chidde and right fowll +spoken to of his wyf/ and she Imposid to hym many grete Iniuries with +out nombre/ and she was in a place a boue ouer his heed And whan she had +brawlid I nowh/ she made her watre and pourid hit on his heed And he +answerd to here no thynge agayn/ sauf whan he had dryed and wypid his +heed he said/ he knewe well that after suche wynde and thonder sholde +comen rayn and watre And the philosophres blamed hym that he coude not +gouerne two women/ that was his wyf and his chambrere/ And shewde hym +that one cokke gouerned well .xv. hennes He answerd to them that he was +so vsed and accustomed wyth theyr chydynge that the chydynges of them ne +of estrangers dyde hym no greef ne harme/ gyue thou place to hym that +brawleth or chydeth/ and in suffrynge hym thou shalt be his +vaynquysshour/ And Cathon fayth whan thou lyuyst ryghtfully recche the +not of the wordes of euyll peple/ And therfore it is sayd in a comyn +prouerbe/ he that well doth reccheth not who seeth hit/ & hit is not in +our power to lette men to speke. And prosper sayth that to good men +lacketh no goodnes/ ner to euyll men tencions stryfs and blames And +pacience is a ryght noble vertu/ as a noble versifier sayth That +pacience is a ryght noble maner to vaynquysshe. For he that suffreth +ouercometh. And yf thou wylt vaynquysshe and ouercome/ lerne to suffre/ +The peagers ner they that kepe passages ought not to take other peage ne +passage money but suche as the prynce or the lawe haue establisshid/ so +that they be not more robbeurs of moneye than reseyuours of peage and +passage And hit apperteyneth to them to goo out of the paryllo*9 weyes +and doubteuous for to kepe their office and they ought to Requyre theyr +passage of them that owe to paye hit wyth oute noynge and contencion/ +And they ought not to loue the comyn prouffyt so moche/ That they falle +in the hurtynge of theyr conscience/ For that shold be a manere of +robberye And herof sayth ysaye Woo to the that robbest/ For thou thy +self shalt be robbed/ The gardes or porters of the gates of cytees and +of the comyn good ought to be good and honeste. And alle trouthe ought +to be in them and they ought not to take ne withdrawe the goodes of the +comyn that they haue in kepynge/ more than apperteyneth to them for +theyr pension or ffee/ So that they that ben made tresorers and kepars +ben not named theuys/ For who that taketh more than his/ He shall neuer +thryue wyth alle/ ner shall not enioye hit longe/ For of euyll gooten +good the thyrde heyr shall neuer reioyce/ And this suffisith &c. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_This chapitre of the thirder book treteth of Rybauldis players of dyse +and messagers and corrours_ + + +The rybaulders, players of dyse and of messagers and corrours ought to +be sette to fore the rook/ For hit apperteyneth to the rook whiche is +vicayre & lieutenant of the kynge to haue men couenable for to renne +here and there for tenquyre & espie the place and cytees that myght be +contrarye to the kynge/ And thys pawn that representeth thys peple ought +to be formed in this maner/ he must haue the forme of a man that hath +longe heeris and black and holdeth in his ryght hand a lityll monoye And +in his lyfte hande thre Dyse And aboute hym a corde in stede of a +gyrdell/ and ought to haue a boxe full o lettres And by the first/ +whiche is money is vnderstand they that be fole large & wastours of +theyr goodes/ And by the seconde whiche is the dyse Ben represented the +players at dyse/ Rybauldes and butters/ And by the thyrde whiche is the +boxe full of lettres ben representid the messagers. corrours/ And berars +of lettres/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the roock whiche is vicaire of +the kynge whan he seeth to fore hym suche peple as ben folelarge and +wastours. He is bounden to constitute and ordeyne vpon them tutours and +curatours to see that they etc not ne waste in suche maner theyr goodes +ne theyr heritages/ that pouerte constrayne hem not to stele/ For he +that of custome hath had haboundance of moneye and goth and dispendith +hit folily and wasteth hit away/ whan he cometh to pouerte and hath +nought/ he must nedes begge and axe his breed, orellis he must be a +theef/ For suche maner of peple/ yf they haue ben delicyous they wyll +not laboure/ for they haue not lerned hit And yf they be noble and comen +of gentilmen/ they be ashamed to axe and begge/ And thus muste they by +force whan they haue wasted theyr propre goodes yf they wyll lyue they +muste stele and robbe the goodes of other And y'e shall vnderstande that +folelarge is a right euyll vice/ for how well that she dooth good and +prouffyt somtyme to other yet she doth harme and domage to hym that so +wasteth. Caffiodore admonesteth the fole larges to kepe theyr thynges/ +that by no necessite they falle in pouerte/ And that they be not +constrayned to begge ne to stele of other men For he faith that hit is +gretter subtilte to kepe well his owne goodes/ than to fynde strange +thynge/ and that it is gretter vertue to kepe that is goten than to gete +and wynne more/ and claudian saith in like wise in his book that hit is +a gretter thynge & better to kepe that is goten Than to gete more And +therfore hit is sayd y't the poure demandeth and beggeth er he felith/ +and also hit is sayd that he y't dispendith more than he hath/ with oute +strook he is smyten to the deth/ Ther was a noble man named Iohn de +ganazath whiche was ryght ryche/ And this man had but two doughters whom +he maryed to two noble men/ And whan he had maryed them/ he loued so +well his sones in lawe their husbondes/ that in space & succession of +tyme/ he departed to them alle his goodes temporell/ And as longe as he +gaf to them they obeyed hym & were right diligent to plese and serue +hym/ so hit befell that on a tyme that he had alle gyuen in so moche +that he had ryght nought/ Than hit happend that they to whom he had +gyuen his goodes/ whiche were wonte to be amyable & obeyssant to hym as +longe as he gaf. Whan tyme cam that he was poure and knewe that he had +not they becam unkynde Disagreable and disobeyssant/ And whan the fader +sawe that he was deceyuyd by his debonayrte and loue of his doughters/ +He desired and couetyed fore teschewe his pouerte/ At laste he wente to +a marchant that he knewe of olde tyme. And requyred hym to lene to hym. +x. thousand pound for to paye and rendre agayn wyth in thre dayes/ And +he lente hit hym/ and whan he had brought hit in to his hows/ Hit +happend that hit was a day of a solempne feste/ on whiche daye he gaf to +his doughters and her hufbonde a right noble dyner/ and after dyner he +entrid in to his chambre secretly wyth them/ And drewe out of a coffre +that he had do make all newe shettynge with iii. lockis/ the menoye that +the marchant had lente hym And poured out vpon a tapyte that his +doughtres and theyr hufbondes myght see hit/ And whan he had shewid hit +vnto them he put hit vp agayn and put hit in to the cheste saynynge that +hit had ben all his And whan they were departed he bare the money home +to the marchant that he had borowed hit of/ And the next day after his +doughters and theyre hufbondes Axid of hym how moche moneye was in the +cheste that was shette wyth. iii. lockis/ And than he fayned and saide +that he had therein. xxv. thousand pound/ whiche he kepte for to make +his testament and for to leue to his doughters and hem/ yf they wolde +here hem as well to hym ward as they dyde whan they were maried/ And +than whan they herde that/ they were right Ioyous and glad And they +thoughte and concluded to serue hym honorably as well in clothynge as in +mete and drynke & of alle other thynges necessarye to hym vnto his ende +And after this whan the ende of hym began tapproche/ he callyd his +doughters and her husbondes and sayd to hem in thys mauere/ y'e shall +vnderstande that the moneye that is in the chest shette vnder. iii. +lockes I wylle leue to yow Sanynge I wyll that y'e gyue in my prefence er +I dye whilis I lyue to the frere prechours. C. pound and to the frere +menours. C. pound/ And to the heremytes of saynt Augustyn .I. pound to +thende that whan I am buryed and put in the erthe y'e may demande of them +the keyes of y'e cheste where my tresour is Inne/ whiche keyes they +kepe/ and I haue put on eche keye a bille & writynge In witnessinge of +the thynges abouesayd/ And also y'e shall vnderstande that he dyde do to +be gyuen whilis he laye in his deth bedde to eche churche and recluse +and to poure peple a certayn quantyte of moneye by the handes of his +doughters husbondes/ whiche they dyde gladly. In hope to haue shortly +the money that they supposid had ben in the cheste/ And whan hit cam to +the last day/ that he deyde/ He was born to churche and his exequye don +and was buryed solempnly/ And the eyght daye the seruyse worshipfully +accomplisshid/ They wente for to demande the keyes of the Religious men +that they had kept/ whiche were deliueryd to them/ And than they wente +and opend the coffre where they supposid the money had ben Inne/ And +there they fonde no thyng but a grete clubbe/ And on the the handlynge +was wreton/ J Iohn of canazath make this testament/ that he be slayn +wyth this clubbe/ that leuyth his own prouffit. And gyuyth hit to other/ +as who sayth hit is no wysedom for a man to gyue his good to his +children and kepe none for hym self/ And y'e shall vnderstande that it is +grete folye to dispende and waste his good/ In hope for to recoure hit +of other/ be hit of sone or doughter or ryght nyghe kyn/ For aman ought +to kepe in his hande in dispendynge his owen goodes/ to fore he see that +he dyspende other mennys/ And he ought not to be holden for a good man/ +That hath lityll renome and spendeth many thyngys/ And I trowe that +suche persones wold gladly make noueltees as for to noye and greue +feignories and meue warres and tencions agaynst them that habounde in +rychesses and goodes/ And also make extorcyons clamours & trybulacyons +ayenst theyr lordes to thende to waste the goodes of the peple. lyke as +they haue wasted theyris And suche a wastour of goodes may neuer be good +for the comyn prouffit. And y'e shall vnderstande that after these +wastours of goodes we saye that the pleyars of dyse and they that vse +bordellis ben worst of alle other For whan the hete of playnge at the +dyse/ And the couetyse of theyr stynkynge lecherye hath brought hem to +pouerte/ hit foloweth by force that they muste ben theuys and robbeurs +And also dronkenship. glotonye. And alle maner of euyllis folowe them +and myschief/ And they folowe gladly the companyes of knyghtes and of +noble men whan they goon vnto the warre or batayllis And they coueyte +not so moche the victorye as they do the robberie And they do moche +harme as they goo And they brynge lityll gayn or wynnynge/ wherof hit +happend on a tyme that fsaynt bernard rode on an hors aboute in the +contrey And mette wyth an hasardour or dyse-player/ whiche sayd to hym/ +thou goddes man wilte thou playe at dyse wyth me thyn hors ayenst my +sowle/ to whom saynt Bernard answerd/ yf thou wilt oblige thy sowle to +me ayenst my hors/ I wolle a lighte doun & playe wyth the/ and yf thou +haue mo poyntes than I on thre dyse I promyse the thou shalt haue myn +hors/ And than he was glad/ and an[=o]n cafte. iii. dyse/ And on eche dyse +was a fyfe/ whiche made. xviii. poynts And anone he toke the hors by the +brydell/ as he that was fewr that he had wonne/ and said that the hors +was his And than saynt Bernard sayde abyde my sone For ther ben mo +poyntes on the dyse than. xviii. And than he caste the dyse/ In suche +wyse that one of the. iii. dyse clefte a sonder in the myddes/ And on +that one parte was fyfe and on that other an Aas/ And eche of that other +was a fyfe/ And than Saynt Bernard sayde That he had wonne hys sowle for +as moche as he had caste on thre dyse. xix. points/ And than whan thys +player sawe and apperceyuyd thys myracle/ He gaf hys sowle to saynt +Bernard and be cam a monke and finysshid his lyf in good werkes/ The +corrours and berars of lettres ought hastely and spedily do her viage +that comanded hem/ with oute taryenge/ For their taryenge might noye and +greue them that sende hem forth/ or ellis them to whom they ben sent +too/ And torne hem to ryght grete domage or villonye/ for whiche cause +euery noble man ought well to take hede to whom he deliuere his lettres +and his mandements/ and otherwhilis suche peple ben Ioghelers & +dronkelewe/ And goon out of their waye for to see abbayes and noble men +for to haue auantage And hit happeth ofte tymes/ that whan suche +messagers or currours ben enpesshid by ony taryenge/ That other currours +bere lettres contrarye to his/ And come to fore hym/ of which thinges +ofte tymes cometh many thinges discouenable of losse of frendes of +castellys & of lande & many other thinges as in the feet of marchandise +&c. And otherwhile hit happeth that a prynce for the faulte of suche +messangers lefeth to haue victorye vpon hys enemyes/ And also ther ben +some that whan they come in a cyte where they haue not ben to fore/ that +ben more besy to visyte the Cyte and the noble men that dwelle theryn/ +Than they ben to doo theyr voyage/ whyche thynge they ought not to doo/ +But yf they had specyall charge of them that sente hem forth so to doo. +And also whan they be sente forth of ony lordes or marchauntes they +ought to be well ware/ that they charge hem not wyth ouer moche mete on +morenynges ne with to moche wyn on euenynges/ wherby her synewis and +vaynes myght be greuy/ that they muste for faute of good rewle tarye But +they ought to goo and come hastely for to reporte to their maistres +answers as hit apperteyneth And this suffisen of the thynges aboue sayd. + + + + + +BOOK IV. + + +[Illustration] + +_The fourth tractate & the last of the progression and draughtes of the +forsayd playe of the chesse. + +The first chapitre of the fourth tractate of the chesse borde in genere +how it is made._ + + +Ze haue deuised aboue the thinges that apperteyne vnto the formes of the +chesse men and of theyr offices/ that is to wete as well of noble men as +of the comyn peple/ than hit apperteyneth that we shold deuyse shortly +how they yssue and goon oute of the places where they be sette/ And +first we ought to speke of the forme and of the facion of the chequer +after that hit representeth and was made after/ For hyt was made after +the forme of the cyte of Babyloyne/ In the whiche this same playe was +founden as hit is sayd afore/ And foure thinges The first is/ wher y'e +shal vnderstande that y'e ought to consydere here in fore that. lxiiii. +poyntes ben sette in the eschequer whiche ben alle square/ The seconde +is wherfore the bordeur aboute his hyher than the squarenes of the +poyntes/ The thirde is wherfore the comyn peple ben sette to fore the +nobles/ The fourthe wherfore the nobles and the peples ben sette in +their propre places Ther ben as many poyntes in y'e eschequer wyde as +full And y'e shall first vnderftande wherfore that ther ben. lxiiii. +poyntes in the eschequer/ For as the blessid saint Iherome saith/ the +cyte of babilone was right grete and was made alle square/ and in euery +quarter was. xvi. myle by nombre and mesure/ the whiche nombre foure +tymes told was. lxiiii. myles/ After the maner of lombardye they be +callid myles/ and in france leukes/ and in englong they be callid mylis +also/ And for to reprefente the mesure of thys cyte/ In whiche thys +playe or game was founden/ The philosopher that fonde hit first ordeyned +a tablier conteynyng .lxiiii. poynts square/ the which ben comprised +wyth in the bordour of the tablier/ ther ben xxxii. on that on fide &. +xxxii. on that other whiche ben ordeyned for the beaulte of the playe/ +and for to mewe the maner & drawynge of the chesse as hit shall appere +in the chapitres folowynge/ and as to the seconde wherfore y'e bordour +of theschequyer is hyher than the table wyth in. hit is to be +vnderftande y't the bordour aboute representeth the walle of t'e cyte/ +whiche is right hyghe/ And therfor made y'e philosopher the bordour more +hyghe than y'e tablier. And as y'e blessid saint Iherome saith vpon y'e +prophesie of ysaye/ that is to wete vpon a montayne of obscurete. whiche +wordes were said of babilone whiche standeth in chaldee and nothinge of +that babilone that stondeth in egipte/ for it is so y't babilone whiche +standeth in chaldee was sette in a right grete playne/ & had so hyghe +walles that by the heyghte of them/ was contynuell derkenes environed & +obscurete/ that none erthely man might beholde and see the ende of y'e +hyghnes of the walle/ And therfore ysaye callid hit y'e montaigne +obscure/ And saint Iherome sayth y't the mesure of the heyght of this +walle was thre thousand paas/ whiche extendeth vnto y'e lengthe of thre +myle lombardes/ hit is to wete that lombarde mylis and english myles ben +of one lengthe And in one of the corners of this cyte was made a toure +treangle as a shelde wherof the heyght extended vnto the lengthe of +.vii. thousand paas/ whiche is .vii. myle english And this tour was +callyd the tour of Babell/ The walles aboute the tour made a woman whos +name was semiranus as sayth virgilius/ As to the thirde wherfore the +comyn peple ben sette to fore the nobles in the felde of the bataylle in +one renge First for as moche as they ben necessarye to alle nobles For +the rooke whiche standeth on the ryght syde and is vicaire of the kynge +what may he doo yf the labourer were not sette to fore hym and labourid +to mynystre to hym suche temporell thynges as be necessary for hym/ And +what may the knyght doo yf he ne had to fore hym the smyth for to forge +his armours. sadellis. axis and spores and suche thynges as apperteyneth +to hym/ And what is a knyght worth wyth oute hors and armes/ certaynly +nothynge more than on of the peple or lasse pauenture And in what maner +shold the nobles lyue yf no man made cloth and bought and solde +marchandyse/ And what shulde kynges and quenes and the other lordes doo +yf they had no phisicyens ne cyrurgiens/ than I saye that the peple ben +the glorye of the Crowne And susteyne. the lyf of the nobles And +therfore thou that art a lord or a noble man or knyght/ despise not the +comyn peple for as moche as they ben sette to fore the in y'e pleye The +seconde cause is why the peple ben sette to fore the nobles and haue the +table wyde to fore them/ is be cause they begyn the bataylle/ They ought +to take hede and entende to do theyr offices and theyr craftes/ In suche +wyse that they suffre the noble men to gouerne the cytees and to +counceylle and make ordenances of the peple of the batayll how shold a +labourer a plowman or a craftyman counceylle and make ordenance of suche +thynges as he neuer lerned/ And wote ne knoweth the mater vpon what +thynge the counceylle ought to be taken/ Certes the comyn peple ought +not to entende to none other thynge but for to do their seruyse and the +office whiche is couenable vnto hem/ And hyt apperteyneth not to hem to +be of counceyllys ne at the aduocacions/ ne to menace ne to threte +noman/ for ofte tymes by menaces and by force good counceylle is +distroublid/ And where good counceyll faylleth/ there ofte tymes the +cytees ben betrayed and destroyed/ And Plato sayth That the comyn +thynges and the cytees ben blessid whan they ben gouerned by wyse men/ +or whan the gouernours studye in wisedom/ And so hit apperteyneth to the +comyn to lerne to vttre the maters & the maner of procuracion to fore +they be counceyllours/ For hit happeth oftetymes that he that maketh hym +wyser that he vnderstandeth is made more foole than he is/ And the +fourth cause wherfore y't ther ben in the tabler as many poynts wyde as +ben full. hit is to wete for that they what euer they be that haue peple +to gouerne/ ought tenforce to haue cytees & caftellis & possessions for +to sette his peple theryn/ And for to laboure & doo their ocupacion/ For +for to haue the name of a kynge with out royame is a name voyde/ and +honour with oute prouffit/ And alle noblesse wyth oute good maners/ and +with out suche thinges as noblesse may be mayntenyd/ ought better be +callid folye than noblesse. And shamefull pouerte is the more greuous +whan hit cometh by nature of an hyhe and noble burth or hous. For noman +gladly wole repreue a poure man of the comyn peple/ But euery man hath +in despite a noble man that is poure yf he haue not in hym good maners +and vertuous/ by whiche his pouerte is forgoten/ and truly a royame with +oute haboundance of goodes by whiche hit may be gouerned and prospere/ +may better be callyd a latrocynye or a nest of theeuys than a royame/ +Alas what haboundance was some tymes in the royames. And what prosþite/ +In whiche was Iustice/ And euery man in his office contente/ how stood +the cytees that tyme in worship and renome/ how was renomed the noble +royame of Englond Alle the world dredde hit And spack worship of hit/ +how hit now standeth and in what haboundance I reporte me to them that +knowe hit yf ther ben theeuis wyth in the royame or on the see/ they +knowe that laboure in the royame And sayle on the see I wote well the +fame is grete therof I pray god saue that noble royame And sende good +true and politicque counceyllours to the gouernours of the same &c./ And +noblesse of lignage wyth oute puyssance and might is but vanyte and +despite. And hit is so as we haue sayd to fore that theschequer whiche +the philosopher ordeyned represented and figured the sayd cyte of +Babilone And in lyke wyse may hit figure a royame and signefye alle the +world And yf men regarde and take heed vnto the poyntes vnto the middes +of euery quadrante and so to double euery quadrant to other the myles of +this cyte all way doublinge vnto the nombre of .lxiiii. The nombre of +the same shulde surmounte alle the world/ And not only the world but +many worldes by the doublinge of mylis/ whiche doublinge so as a fore is +sayd shuld surmounte alle thynges/ And thus endeth the first chapitre of +the fourth booke. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seconde chaitre of the fourth tractate tretheth of the draught of +the kynge/ And how he meuyth hym in the chequer._ + + +We ought to knowe that in this world/ the kynges seygnourye and regne +eche in his royame. And in this playe we ought to knowe by the nature of +hit how the kynge meueth hym and yssueth oute of his place/ For y'e shall +vnderstande that he is sette in the fourth quadrante or poynt of +theschequer. And whan he is black/ he standeth in the white/ and the +knyght on his ryght side in white/ And the Alphyn and the rooke in +black/ And on the lifte side the foure holden the places opposite/ And +the rayson may be suche/ For be cause that the knyghtes ben the glorye & +the crowne of the kynge,' They ensiewe in semblable residence/ that they +doo whan they ben sette semblably on the ryght side of the kynge & on +the lyfte side of the quene/ And for as moche as the rook on the ryght +syde is vicayre of the kynge he accompanyeth the quene in semblable +siege that the Alphyn doth whiche is Iuge of the kynge/ And in lyke wyse +the lifte rook & the lyfte Alphyn accompanye the kynge in semblable +siege/ In suche wyse as they ben sette aboute the kynge in bothe sides +wyth the Quene in manere of a crowne/ That they may seurely kepe the +royame that reluyseth and shyneth in the kynge and in the Quene/ In +suche wyse as they may conferme and diffende hym in theyr sieges and in +theyr places. And the more hastily renne vpon his enemyes And for as +moche as the Iuge, the knyght/ and the vicaire. kepe and garnysshe the +kynge on that one syde/ They that ben sette on the other syde kepe the +Quene/ And thus kepe they alle the strength and fermete of the royame/ +And semblably otherwhile for to ordeyne the thynges that apperteyne to +the counceyll/ and to the besoygne of the royame/ For yf eche man shold +entende to his owen proper thynges/ And y't they defended not ner toke +hede vnto the thingis y't apperteynen to the kynge to the comyn and to +the royame/ the royalme shold an[=o]n be deuided in parties And thus +myght the Iuge regne/ And the name of the dignyte royall shold be lost/ +And truly for as moche as the kynge holdeth the dignyte aboue alle other +and the seygnourye royall/ therfore hit apperteyneth not that he absente +hym longe/ ne wythdrawe hym ferre by space of tyme from the maister +siege of his royame/ For whan he wele meue hym/ he ought not to passe at +the first draught the nombre of .iii. poynts/ And whan he begynneth thus +to meue from his whyt poynt/ he hath the nature of the rooks of the +right syde and of the lifte syde for to goo black or whithe/ And also he +may goo vnto the white poynt where the gardes of the Cyte ben sette And +in this poynt he hath the nature of a knyght. And thyse two maners of +meuynge apperteyneth otherwhile to the quene/ and for as moche as the +kynge and the quene that ben conioyned to geder by mariage ben one +thynge as one flessh and blood/ therfore may the kynge meue on the lifte +side of his propre poynt also wele as he were sette in the place of the +quene whiche is black/ and whan he goth right in maner of the rook only/ +And hit happen that the aduersarie be not couered in ony poynt in the +seconde ligne/ The kynge may not passe from his black poynt vnto the +thirde ligne/ And thus he sortisith the nature of the rook on the ryght +syde and lyfte syde vnto the place of the knyghtes and for to goo ryght +to fore In to the whyte poynt to fore the marchant/ And the kynge also +sortyst the nature of the knyghtes whan he goth on the ryght syde in two +maners/ For he may put hym in the voyde space to fore the phisicyen/ And +in the black space to fore the tauerner/ And on the other side he goth +in to other two places in lyk wise that is to fore the smyth/ and the +notarye/ And thus as in goynge out first in to .iiii. poynts he sorteth +the nature of knyghtes/ and also the kynge sortiseth the nature of the +alphins at his first yssu in to .ii. places And he may goo on bothe +sides vnto the white place voyde/ that one to fore y'e smith on that on +side/ and that other to for the tauerner on that other side/ All these +yssues hath y'e kyng out of his propre place of his owen vertue whan he +begynneth to meue. But whan he is ones meuyd fro his propre place/ He +may not meue but in to one space or poynt/ and so from one to an other/ +And than he sortiseth the nature of the comyn peple/ and thus by good +right he hath in hymfelf the nature of alle/ For alle the vertue that is +in the membres cometh of the heed and all meuyng of the body/ The +begynnynge & lyf comen from the herte/ And all the dignyte that the +subgettes haue by execucion/ and contynuell apparence of their meuynge & +yssue/ The kynge deteyneth hit & is attribued to hym/ the victorye of +the knightes/ the prudence of y'e Iuges/ the auctorite of the vicaires +or legates The c[=o]tynence of the quene/ the c[=o]corde & vnyte of y'e +peple Ben not all thise thinges ascribed vnto the honour and worship of +the kynge Jn his yssue whan he meuyd first The thirde ligne to fore the +peple he neuer excedeth/ Fro in the .iii. nombre alle maner of states +begynne to meue For the trynary nombre conteyneth .iii. parties/ whiche +make a perfect nombre/ For a trynarye nombre hath. i. ii. iii. Whiche +Ioyned to geder maken .vi. Whiche is the first parfyt nombre And +signefieth in this place/ vi. persones named that constitute the +þfection of a royame That is to wete the kynge. the quene. Iuges, +knyghtes. the vicaires or legats/ and the comyn peple And therfor the +kynge ought to begynne in his first meuynge of .iii. poyntes/ that he +shewe perfection of lyf as well in hym self as in other After that the +kynge begynneth to meue he may lede wyth hym the quene/ after the maner +of his yssue For why the quene foloweth vnto two angularye places/ after +the maner of the alphyn/ and to a place indirect in the maner of a rook +in to the black poynt to fore the phisicien/ herin is signefied that the +women may not meue neyther make vowes of pylgremage ner of viage +wythoute the wylle of theyr husbondes/ For yf a woman had a vowed ony +thynge/ her husbonde lyuynge/ and agaynsaynge/ she may not yelde ne +accomplisshe her vowe/ yf the husbond wyll goo oughwer. he may well goo +wyth oute her And yf so be that the husbond wyll haue her wyth hym/ she +is bounden to folowe hym/ And by reson For a man is the heed of a woman/ +and not econuerso/ For as to suche thingis as longe to patrymony/ they +ben lyke/ but the man hath power ouer her body/ And so hath not the +woman ouer his And therfore whan the kynge begynneth to meue. the Quene +may folowe/ And not alleway whan she meuyd it is no nede the kynge to +meue/ For why four the first lignes be with in the limytes and space of +the royame/ And vnto the thirde poynt the kynge may meue at his first +meuynge out of his propre place/ And whan he passith the fourth ligne he +goeth oute of his royame. And yf he passe oon poynt late hym beware/ For +the persone of a kynge Is acounted more than a thousand of other/ For +whan he exposeth hym vnto the paryllis of bataylle/ Hit is necessarye +that he goo temperatly and slyly/ For yf he be taken or ded/ or ellis +Inclusid and shette vp/ Alle the strengthes of alle other faylle and +alle Is fynysshid and loste/ And therfore he hath nede to goo and meue +wysely/ And also therfore he may not meue but one poynt after hys fyrst +meuynge but where that euer he goo foreward or bacward or on that one +syde or that other or ellis cornerwyse/ He may neuer approche hys +aduersarye the kynge nerrer than in the thirde poynt/ And therfore the +kynges in batayll ought neuer tapproche one nyghe that other/ And also +whan the kynge hath goon so ferre that alle his men be lost/ than he is +sole/ And than he may not endure longe whan he is brought to y't +extremyte/ And also he ought to take hede that he stande not soo that a +knyght or an other saith chek rook/ than the kyng loseth y'e rook/ That +kynge is not well fortunat that leseth hym to whom his Auctoryte +delegate apperteyneth/ who may doo the nedes of the royame yf he be +priuyd taken or dede/ that was prouisour of alle the royame/ he shall +bere a sack on his hede that Is shette in a cyte/ And alle they that +were theryn ben taken in captiuite and shette vp &c. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seconde chapiter of the fourth book of the quene and how she +yssueth oute of her place._ [Transcriber's note: The printer's +error in the original text, labeling the third chapter as "The +seconde chapiter" is preserved here.] + + +Whan the Quene whiche is accompanyed vnto the kynge begynneth to meue +from her propre place/ She goth in dowble manere/ that is to wete as an +Alphyn whan she is black/ fhe may goo on the ryght syde & come in to the +poynt to fore the notarye And on the lifte syde in the black poynt and +come to fore the gardees of the cyte And hit is to wete that me +sortiseth in her self the nature in .iii. maners first on the ryght syde +to fore the alphyn/ Secondly on the lifte syde where the knyght is/ And +thirdly indirectly vnto the black poynt to fore the phisicyen And the +rayson why. Is for as moche as she hath in her self by grace/ the +auctrorite that the rooks haue by c[=o]myscion/ For she may gyue & +graute many thynges to her subgetts graciously And thus also ought she +to haue parfyt wisedom/ as the alphyns haue whiche ben Iuges/ as hit +sayd aboue in the chapitre of the Quene/ And she hath not the nature of +knyghtes/ And hit is not fittynge ne couenable thynge for a woman to goo +to bataylle for the fragilite and feblenes of her/ And therfore holdeth +she not the waye in her draught as the knyghtes doon/ And whan she is +meuyd ones oute of her place she may not goo but fro oon poynt to an +other and yet cornerly whether hit be foreward or backward takynge or to +be taken/ And here may be axid why the quene goth to the bataylle wyth +the kynge/ certainly it is for the solace of hym/ and ostencion of loue/ +And also the peple desire to haue sucession of the kynge And therfore +the tartaris haue their wyues in to the felde with hem/ yet hit is not +good that men haue theyr wyuys with hem/ but that they abyde in the +cytees or within their owne termes/ For whan they ben oute of theyr +cytees and limytes they ben not sure/ but holden suspecte/ they shold be +shamfast and hold alle men suspect/ For dyna Iacob's doughter as longe +as she was in the hows of her brethern/ she kept her virginite/ But +assone as she wente for to see the strange Regyons. Anone she was +corrupt and defowled of the sone of sichem/ Seneca sayth that the women +that haue euyll visages ben gladly not chaste/ but theyr corage desireth +gladly the companye of men/ And Solynus saith that no bestes femellys +desyre to be towched of theyr males whan they haue conceyuyd/ Exept +woman whyche ought to be a best Raysonable/ And in thys caas she lefeth +her rayson/ And Sidrac wythnesseth the same And therfore in the olde +lawe/ the faders hadd dyuerce wyues and Ancellys to thende whan one was +wyth childe/ they myght take another/ They ought to haue the visage +enclyned for teschewe the fight of the men/ that by the fight they be +not meuyd with Incontynence and diffame of other/ And Ouyde sayth that +ther ben some That how well that they eschewe the dede/ yet haue they +grete Joye whan they ben prayed/ And therfore ought the good women flee +the curyositees and places wher they myght falle in blame and noyse +of the peple. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The fourth chapitre of the fourth book Is of the yssuynge of the +Alphyn._ + + +The manere and nature of the draught of the Alphyn is suche/ that he +that is black in his propre fiege is sette on the right side of the +kynge/ And he that is whyt is sette on the lifte side/ And ben callyd +and named black and white/ But for no cause that they be so in subftance +of her propre colour/ But for the colour of the places in whiche they +ben sette/ And alleway be they black or white/ whan they ben sette in +theyr places/ the alphyn on the ryght syde/ goynge oute of his place to +the ryght sydeward comyth to fore the labourer/ And hit is reson that +the Iuge ought to deffende and kepe the labourers and possessions whiche +ben in his Iurisdiction by alle right and lawe/ And also he may goo on +the lyste syde to the wyde place to fore the phisicien/ For lyke as the +phisiciens haue the charge to hele the Infirmites of a man/ In lyke wyse +haue the Iuges charge to appese alle stryues and contencions and reduce +vnto vnyte/ And to punyfshe and correcte causes crymynels/ The lyste +alphyn hath also two wayes fro his owen place oon toward y'e right syde +vnto the black space voyde to fore the marchant/ For the marchants nede +ofte tymes counceylle and ben in debate of questions whiche muste be +determyned by the Iuges/ And that other yssue is vnto the place to fore +the rybauldis/ And that ys be caufe that ofte tymes amonge them. falle +noyses discencions thefte and manslaghter/ wherfore they ought to be +punysshid by the Iuges/ And y'e shall vnderstande that the alphyn goth +alleway corner wyse fro the thirde poynt to the thirde poynt kepynge all +way his owne fiege/ For yf he be black/ he goth all way black/ And yf he +be whyte he goth alleway whyte. the yssue or goynge cornerly or +angularly signefieth cautele or fubtylyte/ whiche Iuges ought to haue/ +The .iii. poyntes betoken .iii. thynges that the Iuge ought to attende/ +A Iuge ought to furder rightfull & trewe causes. secondly he ought to +gyue trewe counceyll/ and thirdly he ought to gyue and Iuge rightfull +sentences after tha legeances/ And neuer to goo fro the ryghtwisnes of +the lawe/ And it is to wete that the Alphyn goth in fix drawhtes alle +the tablier round aboute/ and that he cometh agayn in to his owen place/ +And how be hit that alle rayson and good perfection shold be in a kynge/ +yet ought hit also specially be in them that ben conceyllours of the +kynge and the Quene And the kynge ought not to doo ony thynge doubtouse/ +tyll he haue axid counceyll of his Iuges And of the sages of the royame +And therfore ought the Iuge to be parfaytly wyse and sage as well in +science as in good maners/ And that is signefied whan they meue from +thre poynts in to thre/ For the fixt nombre by whiche they goo alle +theschequer/ And brynge hem agayn in to her propre place in suche wyse +that thende of her moeuynge is conioyned agayn to the begynnynge of the +place frowhens they departed/ And therfore hit is callid a parfayt +moeuynge. + + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The fyfth chapitre of the fourth Tractate Is of the meuynge of the +knyghtes._ + + +After the yssue of the Alphyns we shall deuyse to yow the yssue & the +moeuynge of the knyghtes/ And we saye that the knyght on the right syde +is whyt/ And on the lifte syde black/ And the yssue and moeuynge of hem +bothe is in one maner whan so is that the knyght on the ryght syde Is +whyt/ The lyfte knyght is black/ The moeuynge of hem is suche/ That the +whyte may goo in to the space of the alphyn/ as hit apperyth of the +knyght on the right side that is whyte. And hath thre yssues fro his +proper place/ one on his ryght syde in the place to fore the labourer/ +And hit is well reson that whan the labourer and husbonde man hath +laboured the feldes/ the knyghtes ought to kepe them/ to thentent that +they haue vitailles for them self and their horses/ The second yssue is +that he may meue hym vnto the black space to fore the notarye or draper. +For he is bounden to deffende and kepe them that make his vestementis & +couertours necessarye vnto his body. The thirde yssue is that he may go +on the lifte syde in to the place to fore y'e marchant whiche is sette to +fore the kynge/ the whiche is black/ And the refon is for as moche as he +ought and is holden to deffende the kynge as well as his owen persone/ +whan he passith the first draught/ he may goo foure wayes/ And whan he +is in the myddes of the tabler he may goo in to .viii. places fondry/ to +whiche he may renne And in lyke wise may the lyste knyght goo whiche is +black and goth oute of his place in to white/ and in that maner goth the +knyght fightynge by his myght/ and groweth and multiplieth in hys +poyntis/ And ofte tymes by them the felde Is wonne or lost/ A knyghts +vertue and myght is not knowen but by his fightynge/ and in his +fightynge he doth moche harme for as moche as his myght extendeth in to +fo many poyntis/ they ben in many peryllis in theyr fightynge/ And whan +they escape they haue the honour of the game And thus is hit of euery +man the more vailliant/ the more honoured And he that meketh hym self +ofte tymes shyneth clerest. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The sixt chapitre of the fourth tractate treleth of the yssue of the +rooks and of her progression._ + + +The moeuynge and yssue of the rooks whiche ben vicairs of the kynge is +suche/ that the ryght rook is black and the lifte rook is whyte/ And +whan the chesse ben sette as well the nobles as the comyn peple first in +their propre places/ The rooks by their propre vertue haue no wey to +yssue but yf hyt be made to them by the nobles or comyn peple/ For they +ben enclosed in their propre sieges/ And the refon why is suche That for +as moche as they ben vicaires lieutenants or comyssioners of the kynge/ +Theyr auctoryte is of none effecte to fore they yssue out/ And that they +haue begonne tenhaunce theyr office/ For as longe as they be within the +palais of the kynge/ So longe may they not vse ne execute theyr +commyssion/ But anon as they yssue they may vse theyr auctorite/ And y'e +shall vnderstande that their auctorite is grete/ for they represente the +þsone of the kynge/ and therfore where the tablier is voyde they may +renne alle the tablier/ In lyke wyse as they goon thurgh the royame/ and +they may goo as well white as black as well on the right side & lifte as +foreward and backward/ And as fer may they renne as they fynde the +tablier voyde whether hit be of his aduersaryes as of his owen +felowship/ And whan the rook is in the myddell of the tablier/ he may +goo whiche way he wyll in to foure right lignes on euery side/ and hit +is to wete that he may in no wyse goo cornerwyse/ but allway ryght forth +goynge & comynge as afore is sayd/ wherfore all the subgettis of the +kinge as well good as euyll ought to knowe by their moeuynge that +auctorite of y'e vicaires and comyssioners ought to be verray true +rightwis & Iuste/ and y'e shall vnderstande that they ben stronge and +vertuous in bataylle For the two rooks only may vaynquyfshe a kynge +theyr aduersarye and take hym/ and take from hym his lyf and his royame/ +And this was doon whan chirus kynge of perse And darius kynge of medes +slewe baltazar and toke his royame from hym. Whiche was neuew to +euylmoradach vnder whom this game was founden. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The seuenth chapitre of the fourth book treteth of the yssue of the +comyn peple &c._ + + +One yffue and one mouynge apperteyneth vnto alle the peple/ For they may +goo fro the poynt they stande in at the first meuynge vnto the thirde +poynt right forth to fore them/ & whan they haue so don they may +afterward meue no more but fro one poynt ryght forth in to an other/ And +they may neuer retorne backward And thus goynge forth fro poynt to poynt +They may gete by vertue and strengthe/ that thynge that the other noble +fynde by dignyte/ And yf the knyghtes and other nobles helpe hem that +they come to the ferthest lygne to fore them where theyr aduersaryes +were sette. They acquyre the dignyte that the quene hath graunted to her +by grace/ For yf ony of them may come to thys sayd ligne/ yf he be white +as labourer draper phisicyen or kepar of the cyte ben/ they reteyne +suche dignyte as the quene hath/ for they haue goten hit/ and than +retornynge agayn homeward/ they may goo lyke as it is sayd in the +chapitre of the quene And yf ony of the pawns that is black/ as the +smyth the marchant the tauerner and the rybaulde may come wyth oute +domage in to the same vtterist ligne/ he shall gete by his vertu the +dignyte of the black quene And y'e shall vnderftande/ whan thyse comyn +peple meue right forth in her ligne/ and fynde ony noble persone or of +the peple of their aduersaries sette in the poynt at on ony side to fore +hym/ In that corner poynt he may take his aduersarye wherther hit be on +the right side or on the lifte/ And the cause is that the aduersaries +ben suspecyous that the comyn peple lye In a wayte to Robbe her goodes +or to take her persones whan they goo vpward right forth. And therfore +he may take in the right angle to fore hym one of his aduersaries/ As he +had espied his persone/ And in the lifte angle as robber of his goodes/ +and whether hit be goynge foreward or retornynge fro black to whyte or +whyte to black/ the pawn must allway goo in his right ligne/ and all way +take in the corner that he findeth in his waye/ but he may not goo on +neyther side tyll he hath ben in the furdest ligne of theschequer/ And +that he hath taken the nature of the draughtes of the quene/ And than he +is a fiers/ And than he may goo on alle sides cornerwyse fro poynt to +poynt only as the quene doth fightynge and takynge whom he findeth in +his waye/ And whan he is thus comen to the place where y'e nobles his +aduersaries were sette he shall be named white fiers or black fiers/ +after the poynt that he is in/ and there taketh he the dignyte of the +quene &c. And all these thinges may appere to them that beholden y'e +play of the chesse/ and y'e shall vnderstande that no noble man ought to +haue despite of the comyn peple/ for hit hath ben ofte tymes seen/ that +by their vertu & witte/ Diuerce of them haue comen to right highe & +grete astate as poopes bisshoppes Emþerours and kynges/ As we haue in +the historye of Dauid that was made kynge/ of a shepherd and one of the +comyn peple/ and of many other &c. And in lyke wyse we rede of the +contrary/ that many noble men haue ben brought to myserye by their +defaulte As of gyges whiche was right riche of landes and of richesses +And was so proude that he wente and demanded of the god appollo/ yf ther +were ony in the world more riche or more happy than he was/ and than he +herde a voys that yssued out of the fosse or pitte of the sacrefices/ +that a peple named agalaus sophide whiche were poure of goodes and riche +of corage was more acceptable than he whiche was kynge And thus the god +Appollo alowed more the sapience & the seurte of the poure man and of +his lityll mayne/ than he dide the astate and the persone of giges ne of +his ryche mayne/ And hit is more to alowe a lityll thynge seurly +poursiewed than moche good taken in fere and drede And for as moche as a +man of lowe lignage is by his vertue enhaunsed so moche the more he +ought to be glorious and of good renomee/ virgile that was born in +lombardye of y'e nacion of mantua and was of lowe and symple lignage/ +yet he was souerayn in wisedom and science and the moste noble of alle +the poetes/ of whome the renome is and shall be durynge the world/ so +hit happend that an other poete axid and demanded of hym wherfore he +setted not the versis of homere in his book/ And he answerd that he +shold be of right grete strength and force that shold pluck the clubbe +out of hercules handes/ And thys suffyceth the state and draughtis of +the comyn peple &c. + + + + +[Illustration] + +_The eyght chapitre and the last of the fourth book of the epilogacion +and recapitulation of this book._ + + +For as moche as we see and knowe that the memorye of the peple is not +retentyf but right forgetefull whan some here longe talis & historyes +whiche they can not alle reteyne in her mynde or recorde Therfore I haue +put in this present chapitre all y'e thynges abouesayd as shortly as I +haue conne/ First this playe or game was founden in the tyme of +euilmerodach kynge of Babilone/ And exerses the philosopher otherwyse +named philometer fonde hit/ And the cause why/ was for the corre3tion of +the kynge lyke as hit apperith in thre the first chapitres/ for the said +kynge was so tyrannous and felon that he might suffre no correction/ But +slewe them and dide do put hem to deth/ that corre3tid hym/ and had than +do put to deth many right wyse men Than the peple beynge sorowfull and +ryght euyll plesid of this euyll lyf of the kynge prayd and requyred the +philosopher/ that he wolde repryse and telle the kynge of his folye/ And +than the philosopher answerd that he shold be dede yf he so dide/ and +the peple sayd to hym/ Certes thou oughtest sonner wille to dye to +thende that thy renome myght come to the peple/ than the lyf of the +kynge shold contynue in euyll for lacke of thy counceyll/ or by faulte +of reprehension of the/ or that thou darst not doo and shewe/ that thou +faist/ And whan the philosopher herd this he promisid to the peple y't +he wold put hym in deuoyr to correcte hym/ and than he began to thynke +in what maner he myght escape the deth and kepe to the peple his +promesse/ And than thus he made in this maner and ordeyned the schequer +of. lxiiii. poynts as Is afore sayd/ And dide doo make the forme of +chequers of gold and siluer In humayne fygure after the facyons and +formes as we haue dyuysid and shiewid to yow to fore in theyr chapitres/ +And ordeyned the moeuynge and thestate after that it is said in the +chapitres of theschesses And whan the philosopher had thus ordeyned the +playe or game/ and that hit plesid alle them that sawe hit/ on a tyme as +the philosopher playd on hit/ the kynge cam and sawe hit and desired to +playe at this game/ And than the phylosopher began tenseigne and teche +the kynge the science of the playe & the draughtes. Saynge to hym fyrst +how the kynge ought to haue in hymself pytie. debonairte and rightwisnes +as hit is said to fore in the chapitre of the kynge And he enseygned to +hym the estate of the queue and what maners she ought to haue And than +of the alphyns as connceyllours and luges of the royame And after the +nature of the knyghtes/ how they ought to be wise. trewe and curtoys and +alle the ordre of knyghthode And than after/ the nature of the vicaires +& rooks as hit apperyth in theyr chappitre And after this how the comyn +peple ought to goo eche in his office/ And how they ought to serue the +nobles. And whan the philosopher had thus taught and enseigned the kynge +and his nobles by the maner of the playe and had rephended hym of his +euyll maners/ The kynge demanded hym vpon payne of deth to telle hym the +cause why and wherfore he had made & founden thys playe and game And +what thynge meuyd hym therto/ And than the philosopher constrayned by +fere and drede answerd/ that he had promysid to the peple whiche had +requyred hym that he shold correcte and reprise the kynge of his euyll +vices/ but for as moche as he doubtid the deth and had seen that the +kynge dide do flee the fages & wyse men/ That were so hardy to blame hym +of his vices/ he was in grete anguysshe & sorowe/ how he myght fynde a +maner to correcte & reprehende the kynge/ And to saue his owen lyf/ and +thus he thought longe & studyed that he fonde thys game or playe/ Whiche +he hath do sette forth for to amende and corre3te the lyf of the kynge +and to change his maners/ and he adioustyd with all that he had founden +this game for so moche as the lordes and nobles habondynge in delyces & +richessis/ And enioynge temporell peas shold eschewe ydlenes by playnge +of this game/ And for to gyue hem cause to leue her pensisnes and +sorowes/ In auysynge & studyynge this game. And whan the kynge had herd +alle thyse causes/ He thought that the philosopher had founde a good +maner of correction/ And than he thanketh hym gretly/ and thus by +thenseygnement and lernynge of the phylosopher he changid his lyf his +maners & alle his euyll condicions And by this maner hit happend that +the kynge that to fore tyme had ben vicyous and disordynate in his +liuyng was made Iuste. and vertuous. debonayre. gracious and and full of +vertues vnto alle peple/ And a man that lyuyth in this world without +vertues liueth not as a man but as a beste[56]/ And therfore my ryght +redoubted lord I pray almighty god to saue the kyng our souerain lord & +to gyue hym grace to yssue as a kynge & tabounde in all vertues/ & to be +assisted with all other his lordes in such wyse y't his noble royame of +Englond may prospere & habounde in vertues/ and y't synne may be +eschewid iustice kepte/ the royame defended good men rewarded +malefa3tours punysshid & the ydle peple to be put to laboure that he +wyth the nobles of the royame may regne gloriously In conquerynge his +rightfull enheritaunce/ that verray peas and charite may endure in bothe +his royames/ and that marchandise may haue his cours in suche wise that +euery man eschewe synne/ and encrece in vertuous occupacions/ Praynge +your good grace to resseyue this lityll and symple book made vnder the +hope and shadowe of your noble protection by hym that is your most +humble seruant/ in gree and thanke And I shall praye almighty god for +your longe lyf & welfare/ whiche he preserue And sende yow +thaccomplisshement of your hye noble. Ioyous and vertuous desirs Amen:/: +Fynysshid the last day of marche the yer of our lord god. a. thousand +foure honderd and lxxiiii + + + + +[Footnote 1: Blades' "Life of Caxton," ii., 12.] + +[Footnote 2: Mr. Blades enumerates only ten, but between the publication +of his work in 1863 and the appearance in 1880 of a more popular one, an +eleventh copy turned up. It is described further on. As both editions of +Mr. Blades' book are frequently cited, it may be stated here that where +the reference is to the page only, the one volume edition of 1880 +is meant.] + +[Footnote 3: Blades, ii., 12.] + +[Footnote 4: Van der Linde, "Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels," +Berlin, 1874, ii., 125.] + +[Footnote 5: Blades, ii., 48.] + +[Footnote 6: Blades, ii., 97.] + +[Footnote 7: Blades, ii., 95.] + +[Footnote 8: Dibdin's "Bibliotheca Spenceriana," iv., 195.] + +[Footnote 9: See Prosper Marchand, "Dict. Hist.," t. i., p. 181.] + +[Footnote 10: "Les Bibliothéques Françoises de La Croix du Maine et de +Du Verdier." n. e. Paris, 1782, t. i., p. 493.] + +[Footnote 11: Dr. Van der Linde, "Geschichte," 114.] + +[Footnote 12: Cf. Van der Linde, "Geschichte," and his "Jartausend."] + +[Footnote 13: Jaubert, cited by Van der Linde, "Geschichte," t. i., p. +122.] + +[Footnote 14: Blades' "Caxton," 173-175.] + +[Footnote 15: Blades, i., 166.] + +[Footnote 16: "Geschichte," i., 29. There is a manuscript copy in the +Chetham Library, Manchester, which he does not name. It came from the +Farmer Collection, and is in a volume containing a number of fifteenth +century Latin tracts. See account of European MSS. in the Chetham +Library, Manchester, by James Orchard Halliwell, F.R.S., Manchester, +1842, p. 15.] + +[Footnote 17: "Bulletin du Bibliophile," 1836-1837, 2ième serie, p. +527.] + +[Footnote 18: "Academy," July 12, 1881.] + +[Footnote 19: Blades' "Life of Caxton," vol. ii., p. 9.] + +[Footnote 20: "De regimine Principum," a poem by Thomas Occleve, written +in the reign of Henry IV. Edited, for the first time, by Thomas Wright, +Esq., M.A., F.S.A., &c. Printed for the Roxburghe Club. London: J. B. +Nichols, 1860, 410.] + +[Footnote 21: Warton's "History of English Poetry," 1871, iii., 44.] + +[Footnote 22: The fires of purgatory are finely and amply illustrated in +the story at p. 110, whilst the power of the saints and the value of +pilgrimages would be impressed upon the hearers by the narrative of the +miracles wrought by St. James of Compostella (p. 136)] + +[Footnote 23: "Hist. of Siege of Troye."] + +[Footnote 24: "Works of Polidore Virgil." London, 1663, p. 95.] + +[Footnote 25: Græsse: Trésor, s.v. Sydrach. See also Warton's "History +of English Poetry," 1871, vol. ii., p. 144, Hazlitt's "Handbook of Early +English Literature," p. 43.] + +[Footnote 26: Hoeffer: "Nouvelle Biographie Universelle."] + +[Footnote 27: Hoeffer, "Nouvelle Biographie Générale," xxxiii. 818.] + +[Footnote 28: Brunei, "Manuel du Libraire," s. v. Gesta.] + +[Footnote 29: "Gesta Romanorum," edited by Herrtage. London, 1879, p. +vii.] + +[Footnote 30: Occleve, "De Regimine Principum," p. 199.] + +[Footnote 31: "Curiosities of Search Room." London, 1880, p. 32.] + +[Footnote 32: "Percy Anecdotes: Domestic Life," iv. 446.] + +[Footnote 33: Dunlop, "History of Fiction," 1876, p. 259.] + +[Footnote 34: "Latin Stories," edited by Thomas Wright. Percy Society, +1842, p. 222.] + +[Footnote 35: See "Gesta Romanorum," edit, by Herrtage, p. 364.] + +[Footnote 36: "On Two Collections of Mediæval Moralized Tales," by John +K. Ingram, LL.D. Dublin, 1882, p. 137.] + +[Footnote 37: Muratori: "Rerum Italicarum Scriptores," t. i. p. 465.] + +[Footnote 38: Wright, "Latin Stories," p. 235.] + +[Footnote 39: "Francis of Assisi," Mrs. Oliphant. London, 1874, p. 87.] + +[Footnote 40: "Valerius Maximus," vi. 2, 3.] + +[Footnote 41: It will be sufficient here to refer for further details to +the following works:--"Geschichte und Literatur des Schachspiels," von +Antonius van der Linde, Berlin, 1874, 2 vols.; "Quellenstudien zur +Gefchichte des Schachspiels," von Dr. A. v.d.Linde, Berlin, 1881.] + +[Footnote 42: This dedication is omitted in the second edition.] + +[Footnote 43: Second edit. reads "Thossyce of notaries/ aduocates +scriueners and drapers and clothmakers capitulo iii"] + +[Footnote 44: Sec. edit. reads "The forme of phisiciens leches spycers +and appotycaryes"] + +[Footnote 45: Sec. edit. "Of tauerners hostelers & vitaillers"] + +[Footnote 46: Sec. edit. "Of kepers of townes Receyuers of custum and +tollenars"] + +[Footnote 47: Sec. edit. "Of messagers currours Rybauldes and players at +the dyse"] + +[Footnote 48: "democrite" in the sec. edit.] + +[Footnote 49: "beclyppe" in sec. edit.] + +[Footnote 50: "demotene" in sec. edit.] + +[Footnote 51: "demostenes" in sec. edit.] + +[Footnote 52: "blisful" in the sec. edit.--The reading of the first +edition is evidently a misprint.] + +[Footnote 53: Sec. edit. "buneuentayns."] + +[Footnote 54: sec. edit, "y nough."] + +[Footnote 55: sec. edit. "by the martel or hamer."] + +[Footnore 55: "And therfore &c." to the end, is wanting in the second +edition, and, instead thereof, the treatife concludes in the +following manner-- + +"Thenne late euery man of what condycion he be that redyth or herith +this litel book redde take therby enfaumple to amende hym. + +Explicit per Caxton."] + + + + +GLOSSARY + + +Aas; ace. +Aduocacions; Latin _advocationis_, assembly of advocates, the bar. +Agaynesaynge; gain-saying. +Alphyns. The alphin, or elephant, was the piece answering to the bishop + in the modern game of chess. +Ameruaylled; astonished. +Ample, ampole; Latin _ampulla_, vessel for holding liquids. +Ancellys; Latin _ancilla_, handmaids, concubines. +Appertly; openly. +Appetissid; satisfied, satiated. +Ardautly [ardantly]; ardently. +Arrache; French _arracher_, to pull, to pluck. + +Auenture; adventure. +Axe; ask. + +Barate; trouble, suffering. +Beaulte; beauty. +Benerous; French _bénir_, blessed. +Besaunt; besant, a Byzantine gold coin. +Beneurte; French _bonheur_, good fortune. +Bole; bull. +Bourdellys; brothels, stews. +Butters; freebooters. +Butyn; French _butin_, plunder, spoils. + +Chamberyer; Chambrere; woman servant, concubine. +Chequer; chefs-board. +Chauffed; French _échauffer_, to warm. +Compaignon; French _compagnon_, companion. +Connynge; cunning, knowledge. +Corrompith; French _corrompre_, to corrupt. +Couenable; French _convenable_, proper, fit. +Courrours; French _coureurs_, runners, messengers. +Curatours; guardians, trustees. + +Dampned; condemned. +Debonairly; debonairte, French de ban air, in a good manner, with good + will. +Depesshed; French depecher, defpatched. +Deporte; deport. +Devour; French devoir, duty. +Dismes; Latin decimal, tenths, or tithes. +Disobeyfance; disobedience. +Difpendynge; spending. +Distemprance; intemperance. +Dolabre; Latin dolabra, axe, pick-axe. +Doubted; redoubted, of doughty. +Drawhtes; draughts, movements. +Drof; drove. +Dronkelewe; drunkenness. +Dronkenshyp; drunkenness. +Dyse; dice. + +Enbrasid; embraced. +Enpessheth; French empécher, to forbid. +Enpoigne; French empoigner, to take in hand. +Enfeygned; French enfeigner, to teach. +Eschauffed; French échauffer, to warm. +Esmoued; French émouvoir, to move. +Espicers; French epicier. +Espryfed; French epris, taken. +Ewrous, in; French heureuse, happy. + +Feet; French fait, act, feat. +Ferremens. See Serremens. +Flessly; fleshily. +Folelarge; prodigal, extravagant. +Fumee; French fumee, smoke, vapour. +Garnyfche; garnish, adorn, set off. +Genere; general. +Goddes man; godsman, saint or religious person. +Gossibs; gossyb; gossips, gossip. +Gree; French gré, liking. +Grucche; grudge. +Guarisshors; French guèrir, to cure. + +Hauoyr; French avoir, possessions. +Herberowe; harbour. +Historiagraph; historian. +Hoos; hoarse. + +Iape; jape, trick. + +Jolye, lvii; fine (French joli). + +Keruars; carvers. + +Langed; belonged. +Latrocynye; Latin latrocinium. +Lecherye; lechery. +Letted; prevented. + +Male; mail, trunk. +Maleheurte; French malheur, misfortune, sorrow. +Maronners; mariners. +Martel; hammer. +Meure; French moeurs, manners. +Mordent; biting. +Mortifyed; mortified, deadened. +Mufyque; mufic. + +Nonne; nun. +Noye; annoyance. + +Oeuurages; French outrages, works. +Oftencion; show. +Olefauntes; elephants. +Oughwer; over. +Oultrage; outrage. + +Pardurable; everlasting. +Parfyt; French parfait, perfeft. +Pawon; pawn. +Payringe; "without a pareing," i.e. undiminished. +Peages; peagers; French péage, péager. A local tax on merchandise in + paflage for the maintenance of roads and bridges. A gatherer of + the péage. +Pensee; French pensée, thought. +Pourueance; providence. +Rawe; rough. +Renomee; renown. +Roynyous; ruinous. +Rybauldes; ribalds. + +Saciat; satiated. +Sawlter; þsalter. +Scawage; scavage, toll or tax. +Semblant; French sembler, to appear, to seem. +Serremens; cerements. +Siege; feat. +Slear; slayer. +Spores; spurs. +Spyncoppis; spiders. +Stracched; stretched. +Supplye; French supplier, to supplicate. +Syfe; fix. + +Tacches; gifts, bequests. A. S. tacan, having the double meaning of + giving and taking. +Tapyte; carpet. +Tencyons; temptations. +Trycheur; tricker. +Tryste; sad. +Tutours; tutors, guardians. + +Vignours; vine-dresser. + +Wetyngly; knowingly. + +Yates; gates. +Yre; ire. + + + + +INDEX + + +Abel, +Abner, +Absalom, +Abstrastion, +Abysay, +Accusation, false, +Adam, +Adultery, +Adversity, +Advocates, +Ægidius Romanus. See Colonna. +Agyos, +Albert gauor, +Alchorne library, +Alexander, +Alisander, +Alixanander, +Alphyn, +Altagone, +Ambrose, St., +Amity, +Ammenhaufen, +Ammomtes, +Amos florus, +Amphicrates, +Anastatius, +Anaximenes, +Andrea, Giovanni, +Anger, +Anguissola, +Anna, +Anthonie, +Anthonius, +Anthony, St., +Anthonyus, +Antigonus, +Antonius, +Antygone, +Ape, +Apollo, +Apollodorus, +Apothecaries, +Aquinas, St. Thomas, +Archezille, +Arismetryque, +Arispe, +Aristides, +Aristippus, +Aristotle, +Armour, +Astronomy, +Athenes, +Aubrey, John, +Audley, Lord, +Augustine, St., +Augustus, Cæsar, +Aulus Gellius, +Austyn, Saynt. See Augustine. +Auycene, +Auycenne, +Avarice, +Avicenna, +Axedrez, + +Babylon and the Chess-board, +Baldness of Cæsar, +Baltazar, +Bankes, Rev. Edw., +Barbers, women, +Bafille le grant, +Basil, St., +Bearers of letters, +Beauty and chastity. +Bees, +Begging, +Beringen, H. von, +Bernard, W., +Bernard, St., +Biblical allusions, +Bibliography of the Chess-book, +Birds, +Blades, William, +Blindness, philosophical, +Blind, raised letters for, +Boasting, +Bocchus, +Bodleian Library, +Body of Man a castle of Jefus, +Boece, +Boecius, +Boethius, +Boneuentan, +Borrowing, +Boys, R., +Breath, stinking, +Brevio, Giovanni, +Bribery, +Bromyard, John of, +Brudgys. See Bruges. +Bruges, +Brunet, J.C., +Brutus, +Burgundy, Duchess of, +Bull of copper, +Bulls, + +Cadrus, duc of athenes, +Cæsolis. See Cessoles. +Cain, +Calderino, Giovanni, +Calengius, +Cambridge Public Library, +Cambyfes, +Cantanus, +Capayre, +Carpenters, +Carthage, +Carvers, +Cassalis. See Cessoles. +Cassiodorus, +Castle of Jesus Christ, +Castulis. See Cessoles. +Casulis. See Cessoles. +Cato, +Cauftons, +Caxton, William, + prologue of Chess-book, epilogue, finished in 1474, his account of + the translation, printed at Bruges, translated from the French, + adapts De Vignay's dedications, translates Vegetius, chief dates of + his life, opinion of lawyers, epilogue to Chefs-book, editions of + it, representative of a new time for literature, at Ghent +Caym. +Cesar. +Cesolis. See Cessoles. +Cessole. See Cessoles. +Cessoles, Jacques de. +Cessulis. See Cessoles. +Cesulis. See Cessoles. +Cezolis, de. See Cessoles. +Cezoli. See Cessoles. +Cham. +Changers. +Charlemagne. +Chastity. +Chequer. +Chess-book, + copies of first edition described; prices at which it has sold; where + printed; second edition described; when printed; prices at which it + has sold; translated from the French; Ferron's version; version in + French verse; De Vignay's version. +Chess, game of. +-- how the board is made. +-- manner of its invention. +-- moralized. +-- movements of pieces. +Chetham Library. +Child hostages. +Children, ungrateful. +Chivalry. +Cicero. +Cities, guarding. +Clarence, George, Duke of. +Claudian. +Clip. +Cloth cutters. +-- merchants. +-- workers. +Colatyne. +Colonna, Guido. +Common life. +Common people; + not to be despised; not to be at councils; those who have become + great. +-- profit. +-- weal. +Commonwealth. +Communities. +Community of goods. +Contemplation. +Continence. +Connaxa, Jehan. +Cordwainers. +Cossoles, de. See Cessoles. +Council, women apt in. +Courage. +Courcelles, de. See Cessoles. +Couriers. +Covetousness. +Crafts. +Crete. +Crime and punishment. +Crown apostrophized. +Cruelty. +Cunliffe, H. +-- J. +Cures, accidental and scientific. +Curse. +Cursus. +Curtius Marcus. +Curtius Quintus. +Customary and natural law. +Customers. +Cyrurgyens. +Cyrus. + +Dacciesole. See Cessoles. +Damiani, Cardinal, +Damiano, +Damocles, +Damon, +Dares (Darius), +Daughters and their ancestresses, +Daughter, dutiful, +David, +Death, + from joy, +Defence of the people, +Defortes, +Delves, Sir Thomas, +Demetrius Phalerus, +Democrion, +Democritus, +Democritus of Abdera, +Demothenes, +Denys, +De Vignay. See Vignay. +Devonshire, Duke of, +Dialogus creaturarum +Dibdin, T.F., +Dice, + play for a foul, +Didymus, +Diogenes, +Diogenes Lærtius, +Diomedes, +Diomedes, a "theefe of the see," +Dion Cassius, +Dionysius, +Dionyse, +Disobedient children, +Divine right, +Dog and the Shadow, +Drapers, +Draughts of the Chess, +Drunkenness, + danger of, +Duele, +Dunlop, J., +Durand, +Du Verdier, +Dydymus, +Dyers, +Dyna, +Dyonyse, + +Ebert, +Ecclesiastes, +Edward I., +Edward IV., +Education of kings, +Education of physician, +Egidius Romanus. See Colonna. +Election, or hereditary succession? +Elephants, +Elimandus, +Emelie, +Emmerancian, +Emyon, +England's good old times, +Enulphus, +Envy, +Ermoaldus, +Ethics, +Eustace, Guillaum, +Eve, +Evilmerodach, +Example, + +Fabian, +Fabius, +Fabricius, +Faith, +Faron. See Ferron. +Fear, +Fears of a tyrant, +Feron. See Ferron. +Ferron, Jean, +Fevre, Raoul le, +Fidelity, +Figgins, V., +Florus, +Folly +Fools +Forbes, D. +Forgers +Fornier +Fortune misdoubted +Framosian +Francis of Assisi +Frederick II. +Friend in need +Friends, many and few + and enemies +Friendship +Frugality +Fullers + +Gaguin, Robert +Galen +Galeren +Galyene +Game at Chesse +Ganazath, John of +Gaunt +Gauchay, H. de +Gauchy, H. de +Gazée, Angelin +Genoa +Geometry +Gereon, St. +Gesta Romanorum +Ghent, White-friars +Gibbet +Gifts +Gildo +Gilles de Rome. See Colonna. +Gluttony +Godaches +Godebert +Golden Legend +Goldsmiths +Good old times +Goribert +Goribald +Government of wise men +Græsse, J.G.T. +Grammarians +Gregory Nazianzen +Grenville Library +Grymald +Guards of cities +Guests and hosts +Guido +Guilt not to be punished in wrath +Guye +Gyles of Regement of Prynces +Gyges + +Hain, Ludovici +Hakam II. +Halliwell, J. O. +Ham +Hanniball +Haroun-al-Rashid +Hate +Hazlitt, W. C. +Health +Helemand. See Helinand. +Helemond. See Helinand. +Helemonde, See Helinand. +Helimond. See Helinand. +Helinand +Helmond. See Helinand. +Heredity, influence of +Hereford, N. de +Hermits +Herodes Antipas +Heredotus +Herrtage, S. J. +Hippocrates +Hoeffer +Holford, J. +Holy Mawle +Holy Scripture +Homer +Honesty +Horse and the thief +Hospitallers +Hosts, duties of +Hound and the cheese +Hunger + and piety + +Idols +Iene (Genoa) +Inglis Library +Ingram, Prof. +Inns +Inns, thievish servants +Instaulosus +Intemperance + +James of Compostella +Jaubert +Jean II. of France +Jehanne de Borgoigne +Jerome +Joab +John Baptist +John of Ganazath +John the Monke (Giovanni Andrea) +Josephus +Jovinian +Joy, its dangers +Jherome. See Jerome. +Judas Machabeus +Judges' duties + skin +Jugglers +Julius Cæsar +Justice + +Keepers of towns +King, estate and duties of + should take council + unpleasantness of the office +Kings, unlettered +Knight, education + estate and duties +Knight's followers +Köpke, Dr. E. + +Labourers' office and duties +La Croix du Maine +Langley, John +Large, Alderman Robert +Latrunculi +Laws + like cobwebs +Law courts +Lawyers +Lear and his daughters +Leber, C. +Lechery +Legenda Aurea +Legende Dorée +Lending +Letter-carriers +Liberality +Liber de Moribus Hominum. See Cessoles. +Lineage, high and low +Linde, Dr. A. van +Ligurgyus +Literature +Livy +Logicians +Lot +Love +Love of the commonweal +Love of nature +Lowndes, W. T. +Loyalty +Lucan +Lucretia +Luther +Luxury +Lycurgus +Lydgate +Lying +Lyna +Lylimachus + +Macrobius +Madden, Sir F. +Mainwaring, Sir H. +Magnanimity +Malechete +Mansion, Colard, teacher and partner of Caxton +Marchand, Prosper +Mariners +Marshals +Martial +Masons +Meats and Drinks +Medicines +Mennel, Dr. J. +Meon +Merchandise +Merchant, anecdote +Merchant, dishonest +Merchant who valued his good name +Merchants +Merchants of Bandach and Egipte +Merciall +Merculian +Mercy +Messengers +Metalworkers +Meung, Jehan de +_Mollis Aer_ +Money, its force +Moneyers +Money-lenders, +_Mulier_, derivation of +Muratori +Music + +Natural laws +Nature, rule of +Nero +Nicephorus +Noah +Nobility +Noblemen +Nogaret +Normandie, Duc de +Notaries, office of +Novella +Nun, anecdote of a + +Oaths +Oaths of princes +Occleve +Octauian +Oddrale +Office no inheritance +Offices +Officials +Oldbuck, Jonathan +Originality +Osma, Bishop of +Ovid + +Palamedes +Papirion +Papirus +Paradise lost +Pardoning a mother for the daughter's sake +Passage money +Patharich +Paul, St. +Paul, the historiagraph +Paulus, Diaconus +Paulyne +Pawn +Pembroke, Earl of +Penapion +Percy Anecdotes +Pers Alphons. See Petrus Alphonsus +Petit, L. M. +Petrus Alphonsus, +Philarde, +Philip Augustus, +Philippe le Bel, +Philippe le Hardi, +Philomenus, +Philostratus, +Philometor, +Phisias. See Pythias. +Physicians, +Physiognomy, +Pigmentaries, +Pilgrimages, +Piron, +Pirre, +Pitman, Isaac, +Pity, +Plaisters, +Plato, +Polygamy, +Polygamy or polyandry? +Pompeye, +Porters of gates, +Porus, +Poverty, +Princes' oaths and promises, +Prisoners, +Prodigality, +Promises, +Proverbs, +Ptolome, +Publius Ceser, +Purgatory, +Pyrrhus, +Pythias, + +Quaritch, Bernard, +Quarrels, +Queen, estate and duties, +Quintilian, +Quintus Catullus, + +Reason, +Regimine Principum. See Colonna. +Religion, +Religious communities, +Renatus, Vegetius Flavius, +Reyna Vezina, +Ribalds, +Riches, +Rivers, +Robbers, +Robbery, +Romanus, Egidius. See Colonna. +Romans, character of, +Rome, Gilles de. See Colonna. +Rook, +Rook, chess-piece, +Rooks, form and manners, + +Sallust, +Scenocrates, +Schoolmaster who betrays the children, +Scipio, +Scott, Sir Walter, +Scriveners, +Scylla, +Secrets, +Semiramis, +Seneca, +Septemulle, +Servants, +Sesselis. See Cessoles. +Shakespeare, +Shamefastness, +Scheible, J., +Ships and shipwrecks, +Sidrac, +Slander, +Sloane, John, +Smith, office and duty of, +Smith, R., +Snuffy Davy, +Sobriety, +Socrates, +Solinus, +Solomon, +Solynus, +Speculum Laicorum, +Spelling reform, +Spencer, Earl, +Spicers, +Stars and clouds, +Stephan, +St. James of Compostella, +Suicide, +Surgeons, +Syrens, Fountain of the, +Symmachus, +Syrians, + +Tacitus, +Tailors, +Tarascon, Bertrand de, +Tarchus, +Tarentum, +Tarpeia, +Tarquin, +Tartar women go to the wars, +Tassile, +Taverners, +Tessalis. See Ceffoles. +Tessellis. See Ceffoles. +Themes, +Themistides, +Theodorus Cyrenaicus, +Theodosius, +Theophrastus, +Theryle, +Thessolonia, J. de. See Cessoles. +Thessolonica, J. de. See Cessoles. +Thessolus, J. de. See Cessoles. +Thieves, +Thievish inn servants, +Thobie, +Thorn's Anecdotes and Traditions, +Tiberius, +Timon, +Tinque, +Titus, +Toll-gatherers, +Torture, +Trajan, +Treachery, 60, 61. +Trevisa, John, +Troy, and the invention of Chess, +Troy-book, +Truphes of the Philosophers, +Trustee, dishonest, +Truth, +Tullius. See Cicero. +Turgeius Pompeius, +Tyranny, +Tyrus. See Cyrus. + +Valere. See Valerius Maximus. +Valerian, +Valerius Maximus, +Valerye. See Valerius Maximus. +Varro, +Vergil, Polydore, +Vespasian, +Vessels, earthen, +Victory, +Victuallers, +Vignay, Jehan de, +Vine legend, +Virgil, +Virginity, +Visions, +Vitas Patrum +Vow of a woman + +Wages should be paid punctually +War +Warton, T. +Warwick, George, Earl of +Weavers +Weft, J. +White Friars at Ghent +Wilbraham, Roger +Wilson, "Snuffy Davy" +Wine +Wine forbidden to women +Wine, origin of +Wisdom +Woollen merchants +Workmen +Workmen, office and duty +Woman + advice + education + vow + and lawyers + dangers abroad + forbidden to drink wine + going to the wars +Women barbers +Wright, T. + +Xanthippé +Xenocrates +Xenophon +Xerxes the philosopher + +Ylye +Youth and government +Ypocras +Ysaye + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Game and Playe of the Chesse, by Caxton + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GAME AND PLAYE OF THE CHESSE *** + +***** This file should be named 10672-0.txt or 10672-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/6/7/10672/ + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Debra Storr and PG Distributed Proofreaders + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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