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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/14870-8.txt b/14870-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ea90060 --- /dev/null +++ b/14870-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,5980 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Rebuilding Britain, by Alfred Hopkinson + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Rebuilding Britain + A Survey Of Problems Of Reconstruction After The World War + +Author: Alfred Hopkinson + +Release Date: February 2, 2005 [EBook #14870] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REBUILDING BRITAIN *** + + + + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Dave Morgan and the PG Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + + +Rebuilding Britain + + + +A Survey of Problems of Reconstruction after the World War + + + +By + + + +Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C. + + + +Cassell and Company, Ltd +London, New York and Melbourne +1918 + + + + +CONTENTS + + + +Part I.--The Course + + + 1. ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS + + + +Part II.--Peace + + + A.--INTERNATIONAL PEACE + + 2. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE NEED + 3. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE SCHEME + 4. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE CONDITIONS + 5. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--ITS SCOPE AND AIM + 6. CONCLUSIONS REACHED + 7. VICTORY AND PEACE + + + B.--POLITICAL PEACE + + 8. PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION + 9. PEACE AND DEMOCRACY + + + C.--INDUSTRIAL PEACE + + 10. INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS + 11. LONG HOURS + 12. WAGES + + + D.--RELIGIOUS PEACE + + 13. CO-OPERATION + + + +Part III.--Retrenchment + + + 14. STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME + 15. NATIONAL EXPENDITURE + + + +Part IV.--Reform + + + 16. THE FIELD + 17. RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY + 18. RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY + 19. HOUSING + 20. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT + 21. AFFORESTATION + 22. LAW REFORM + 23. PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE + + + +Part V.--The Goal + + + 24. UNION AND REGENERATION + + + + +Part I + +THE COURSE + + + + +CHAPTER I + +ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS + + _I think I see, as it were above the hill-tops of time, + the glimmerings of the dawn of a better and a nobler day + for the country and the people that I love so + well._--JOHN BRIGHT. + + +The suggestion has been made to me that in these days of rapid +development, when proposals, so bewildering in their extent, for change +and for reconstruction are being made, it would be useful to present in +popular form and in the compass of a small volume some general statement +of the character of the varied problems which have arisen and of the +principles which should guide in their solution. Possibly it seemed that +a long and varied life engaged in law, politics, and education, which +also had touched to some slight extent on the actual work of certain +departments of Government, and had offered opportunities for travel in +European countries and in the East, might furnish some qualifications +for such a task. It is not one that can be undertaken without a sense of +inadequate knowledge, and still more inadequate power of expression; but +such a challenge cannot be refused, provided that whoever accepts it +believes that he has some things to say which ought to be said, some +lines of thought which ought to be indicated, something to urge, the +truth of which he is thoroughly convinced of. Without such conviction +prevenient, "we doubt not" that books on serious subjects, even if +clever, and public speech either from platform or pulpit, "do verily +have the nature of sin," and the more eloquent they are the worse the +offence; with it, the very incompleteness and imperfection in the mode +of presentation may even stimulate others to more thought, and to make +up deficiencies all the better for themselves. + +In attempting such a task, it must be recognised that during the last +three years the attention of so many minds has been devoted to problems +of "reconstruction" after the War, so much has been written and said +about them, so many suggestions made and schemes propounded, so many +commissions of inquiry appointed and reports prepared, that an attempt +at full treatment of the questions involved would require a cyclopaedia +rather than a small volume. No one person would be able ever to read +half of the valuable material already collected bearing on these +problems. To deal effectively with them all would demand several +lifetimes of preliminary special training. The difficulty is increased +by the fact that every week brings something new or some change in the +situation. Some new fact comes to light, some book or article is +published, some speech made, some report issued, or even some Act +passed, which calls for consideration, and it may be for comment. + +The effect of the War has undoubtedly been to evoke far more serious +thought on the real problems of life, and also practical activity in +dealing with many of them. The mass of literature, including of course +the considered utterances of men whose words exercise the most influence +in moulding the opinions and guiding the action of others, grows from +day to day. If that literature consisted mainly of bitter and empty +controversy, of the expression of mere opinions, the spinning of +plausible theories or clever presentation of interesting speculations, +it would not be necessary to trouble much about it; but so large a part +contains the statement of important facts or the results of serious +study and of the actual experience of those who are experts in the +special subjects of which they treat, that it is impossible to pass +lightly over what they write or say. There is about a large portion of +this literature an air of reality, an earnest desire to get to the +heart of a matter, to contribute to true knowledge of the various +subjects to which the writers have devoted their attention and to find a +practical solution of the problems involved. Sensationalism or mere +writing for effect is the exception, not the general characteristic of +what is thus being constantly published on various aspects of national +reconstruction. + +It is inevitable, therefore, that in any attempt to treat the subject as +a whole some important suggestions will appear to have been overlooked +or neglected, and that valuable sources of information and useful +proposals will have escaped notice, while in other cases there will +appear to be repetition, even without acknowledgment of what has already +been said, and said better by others. + +The justification for the attempt made in the following pages is that +there are many people who have not the time or inclination to follow up +special questions fully, but may be glad of a summary, and that a mere +sketch-plan of the whole ground to be covered, filled in here and there +in more detail, may have its use as a kind of bird's-eye view by which +the relations of a number of subjects to each other and the general +character of each may be seen. + +For convenience of treatment and as an aid to memory the various +problems to be discussed are arranged under three heads; following the +old Victorian watchwords of the party which claimed to be +progressive--Peace, Retrenchment, Reform. + +The policy once indicated by these terms may in many cases have been +discarded, and no doubt they were often used in a sense very different +from that in which they must serve in our classification. "Peace" and +"Retrenchment" have been used to cover a policy which by reducing the +Navy would have left us naked to our enemies and a prey to starvation +within a few months from the outbreak of war; "Reform" to denote changes +which pedantry or envy may urge, but which could lead to no useful +practical result. In spite of this, the three words do in fact, like +the words Liberty, Equality, Fraternity--whatever crimes may have been +committed in their name--indicate and express three ideas that we must +have definitely before us in considering what the lines of +reconstruction ought to be. + +The spirit--the tone of mind in which the work of reconstruction is +approached--will count for much. First of all, it is essential to have +hope--a real expectation not only that by strenuous effort and wise +foresight the country will meet and overcome the trials which are +inevitable, and the perils which threaten after as well as during the +War, but also that a better and brighter future is in store. Plans must +be framed and action taken under the inspiration of a firm trust that +the ideals we aim at are to be realised, that the "things hoped for" +have a potential actuality. Fatalism in politics--we use the term in the +original sense including ethics--is deadly, whether it is the fatalism +due to a sloppy optimism which is satisfied that somehow things will +come right whatever we do or leave undone, or to a paralysing pessimism +which in cowardly despair accepts the triumph of evil as ordained and +gives up the struggle when the prospects of victory seem dark. It would +be folly not to recognise that not only now, but for years to come there +will be enormous difficulties and terrible dangers to be faced; but it +is possible for our hearts and minds to be filled too much with the +contemplation of them instead of looking to the goal we aim at, and the +steps we must take one by one to reach it. + + Be not over-exquisite + To cast the fashion of uncertain evils. + What need a man forestall his date of grief + And run to meet what he would most avoid? + +There may be rocks and breakers--"a ferment of revolution"--ahead, but +the task of the pilot and the crew is to keep their eyes on the channel +through them, and to work the ship in its course to the haven where they +would be. + +Secondly, there must be a faith to inspire action, based on a belief in +an essential goodness of human nature and in its capacity for +improvement. Unless such a belief were well founded, democracy would be +a thing to be dreaded and resisted by every means in our power. As +ground for his belief in a better day, Bright speaks--and his language +is prophetic--of the people "sublime in their resolution." It is that +resolution which, in spite of our unprepared condition and of all the +mistakes that have been made, as well as of disasters that could not +have been foreseen, and of a power in the enemy far greater and a +wickedness more diabolical than anyone dreamed of, will "bring victory +home." + +To have watched the action of the electorate during the last fifty years +leads to the conclusion that in spite of apparent vacillations it has +been characterised by good sense and good feeling, and that its +judgment, so far as conditions from time to time permitted of its true +expression, has been sound. To go about the country now and see what +earnest and useful work is being quietly done, what loss and suffering +bravely borne, confirms and renews the trust in our fellow-countrymen +which might be shaken if we listened only to the utterances in the Press +and in Parliament. + +"Trust in the people" should be a habit of mind--a rule of action +tacitly adopted--not a party watchword. Tell a man or boy--more than +once--that you trust him, and he will probably take it--and not without +a warrant--that you don't, that in fact you have grave doubts but do not +wholly despair. The phrase might be taboo on the platform to raise cheap +cheers but silently recognised in the Cabinet as a guide in action. How +much better would it have been all through the War, and how much better +now, if there were no concealment, except when information given might +assist the enemy, if we knew at once even when things went wrong! There +have been times when it was necessary, in order to know at all what was +really going on, to read the German reports rather than our own, subject +of course to a discount. The difficulty with those German preparations +is to determine whether the discount for intentional falsification +should be 5 per cent. or 90 per cent. Candour, however, leads us rather +to admit the former as generally nearer the mark when military +operations have been the subject of them, at least until the Germans +began to suffer serious defeats in the field. + +It would have been far better, too, to have assumed--there was real +ground for the assumption--that the nation was ready and willing at once +to make any sacrifice, to submit to privation, to rouse itself to any +effort if only the necessity for it were made clear, and if it could be +satisfied that so far as possible the burdens would be distributed +equally among all. + +Increased taxation properly adjusted has almost been a general demand, +but unfairness in its incidence even on comparatively small matters is +intensely resented. The Food Control Ministry whose orders affect +everybody's daily comfort is positively popular, while the profiteer and +the food-hoarder arouse the bitterest, though perhaps not always +discriminating, indignation. Skilled workmen have been almost driven to +strike, not from want of patriotism, nor from desire for profit out of +the War, but because of the unfairness of leaving their wage at a level +often below that of the unskilled and even of casual importations. The +fatal delays which were sometimes quite unnecessary, in dealing with +complaints have added to the feeling of unrest. Suspicions were even +aroused sometimes that delays were intentional. + +A like spirit of confidence is required in the statement of "War Aims." +The higher our aims are put--if put honestly--the more earnest and +complete is the response. Stated as they were by Mr. Asquith, with his +usual masterly precision of language, they received a practically +unanimous and enthusiastic approval. There was nothing sordid in the +motives which induced the best of our youth to offer their lives for +their country's cause. + +Before the War it was a lack of "Trust in the people" which contributed +to our unprepared condition. How much nearer would victory have +been--possibly, indeed, there would have been no war--if our Government +and leading men had, instead of carping at the great man who had true +insight, stated plainly and calmly that great perils were threatened, +that it was necessary to set our house in order, to make military +training more general, to use all available knowledge in making ready +the machinery which would be necessary in case war was thrust upon us +suddenly! It was not "the people" who were responsible for the fact that +the storm found us so unprepared. They would not have resented being +told the truth, and asked to act accordingly. Even a candidate for +Parliament may sometimes say what he really thinks, and yet not repel +the electors, as witness one who, being asked long ago what was his view +about "one man one vote," answered, "It is a good question for a school +debating society. Let us talk about something important. Our first need +is a strong navy; without that we should be starving, perhaps eating +each other, or submitting to the most degrading terms, within a few +months of the outbreak of war, and the second is the increased +production of food at home to make us more self-supporting in time of +need. Let us think of these things." He was elected by the votes of the +artizans and agricultural labourers in a constituency where at the +election before there had been a great majority for the opposing +candidate, though he had no personal influence, had spent nothing in +"nursing the constituency," and refused to give pledges or act as a +delegate to register the instructions of any caucus. He died, +politically, without abjuring his faith. It was not the electors who +hastened his decease. + +When a democratic Government is definitely established as in England +now, the alternatives for trust are either to hold aloof in despair +awaiting the débâcle, to resist to the bitter end with a result like +that which Stephenson said would occur if a cow attempted to stop his +locomotive, or to try humbug and flattery. You do not flatter those you +trust. We are not speaking of that delightful flattery practised by +Irishmen out of exuberant spirits or to create a genial atmosphere, but +which is so easily succeeded by equally picturesque and imaginative +denunciation. To resent is as foolish as to believe either, though we +must admit that it is often a pleasure to be a recipient of the one and +to hear the other _façon de parler_ addressed to our opponents. For the +stolid Saxon it is a good maxim to tell the truth as pleasantly as +possible, but to tell it plainly, and to be honest in admitting defects +and recognising dangers. We are on the whole rather an ignorant +nation--probably not more so than others, if we except the Germans and +possibly the Scandinavians. We are not, as a rule, clear-headed or +accurate thinkers, though we have generally a large fund of practical +good sense. We lack constructive imagination, but have a certain +originality and real power of initiative in dealing with practical +problems as they arise, and much dogged perseverance in "carrying a +thing through." These, like most other general propositions, are subject +to exceptions and open to many objections, but they contain a sufficient +element of truth to be worth noting. + +It is well plainly to recognise that if democracy is to be a blessing +instead of a curse there are three conditions necessary to control and +guide its action. First, with the consciousness of power there must be a +deep sense of responsibility. Secondly, with freedom of action there +must be a law-abiding spirit, a habit of obedience to those laws of +action which control the arbitrary changeful will of the moment. The +prayer of the old Greek poet is one for all time: + + May my lot be to keep a reverence pure in word and deed, + Controlled by laws, lofty, heaven-born, + Of which the father is God alone, + Not by the mortal nature of man begotten + Never in oblivion lulled to sleep! + God is mighty within them and grows not old. + +Thirdly, there should be an ideal of what we aim at, of what we wish the +nation to become and to do, carefully thought out, and consciously set +before us--its attainment the object of our efforts--and with that must +be combined patient attention and steady work in planning and in taking +each practical step which will tend towards its realisation. Mere +captivating phrases are a will-of-the-wisp leading us to that "dangerous +quag" of revolutionary change into which "even if a good man fall he +will find no bottom for his feet to stand on." Reformation and +revolution are "contraries" though not perhaps "contradictories." Either +for the individual or the nation vague aspiration not followed by +beneficent action is the kind of stimulant which destroys virility. It +renders even virtue sterile, and engenders no new birth. + +The Reign of Law is the best protection of Liberty. Arbitrariness--the +term seems the nearest we have to express the idea, but it is not quite +happy, and the use of the more expressive German word "Willkür" might be +pardoned--is as great a danger in a democracy as in an autocracy, and it +is less capable of remedy. The "divine right of the odd man" "to govern +wrong" is too often assumed as an article of political faith. A new +generation may think that to quote from an early Victorian writer is to +appeal to the "dark ages"; but is there not a warning for all time in +Hallam's words, "the absolute Government of the majority is in general +the most tyrannical of any"? It is possible to decapitate a king who +sets himself above the law, or to deport or destroy a reactionary and +tyrannous aristocracy, but against the crimes or follies of an +unrestrained majority there is no appeal. Chaos, "red ruin, and the +breaking up of laws" follow in their steps. A general and deep sense of +responsibility as well as consciousness of power among "the masses" is a +necessary condition for welfare in a country with democratic government. + +More of the nation's life and development has been concentrated within +the last four years than would occupy fifty years of Europe or a "cycle +of Cathay" in ordinary times. It has borne sorrows and losses which +would have been overwhelming had it been known beforehand how great +they would be; the call for tremendous efforts for which it was totally +unprepared has been answered with steady resolve and heroic sacrifice. +Faith in human nature has been confirmed. Where there has been failure +it has not been through want of courage or any shrinking from duty on +the part of the rank and file, but rather from deficiencies in +leadership. Imaginative grasp of a position, clear and accurate +thinking, leading to prompt and definite action, can hardly be claimed +as special characteristics of our race, but once satisfied that a thing +has got to be done, that it is "up to them" to do it, checks or defeats, +labour or risks do not count. Sooner or later the task is performed. The +"recoil" of the British again and again after being pressed back is the +striking feature in their history. The spring is not easily wound up, +but it has enormous power, and the events of to-day show that it has not +lost its elasticity. But how much more might have been accomplished, how +much loss and suffering prevented, had knowledge awakened more interest +and a prophetic imagination guided and inspired action directed to a +definite goal, had we set our ideals clearly before us and carefully +thought out the steps to be taken one by one towards their realisation! + +The recognition of these conditions is needed now, and will in the +coming changes be needed more and more. Enthusiasm and sanity must be +united to carry us safely forward. Tradition and custom will count for +less either in maintaining or in preventing what is evil. Many old modes +of thought, many old habits which checked us in the downward as well as +hindered us in the upward path, will have been destroyed by the fire +through which we have been passing. We need a conscious plan more than +ever for rebuilding and good workmanship in execution detail by detail. + + Image the whole, then execute the parts. + Fancy the fabric + Quite ere you build, ere steel strike fire from quartz, + Ere mortar dab brick. + +Then take the trowel and see that brick by brick each course is truly +laid. + +But we are not building a new city on unoccupied ground; there are some +foundations truly laid which have withstood the fire and storm and which +cannot be disturbed without both risk and useless toil. There are still +edifices standing to which time has given a beauty and tradition a +sanctity which newer creations cannot possess. They cannot be removed +without irreparable loss. Like any other metaphor, that of rebuilding a +city as compared with the action of a state, of a nation, after a time +of change and trouble, is misleading if pressed too far. Progress for a +nation must rather be the growth and development of a living organism +adapting itself to new conditions or altered environment. We should "lop +the moulder'd branch away," amputate the diseased tissue, as the true +Conservative policy, and tend and foster the healthy growths with utmost +care, as the true method for the Liberal who aims at improvement and +fuller life. + +One other thing must be said of the spirit in which the work of +Reconstruction should be undertaken, which goes to the root of the whole +matter, and a word must be used which we would have avoided if +possible--"the word is too often profaned for me to profane it." But +search for a substitute has been unavailing. + +There are some words which are better unspoken, except in case of +necessity, that become soiled by common use. The too ready employment of +them may savour indeed of that unctuous tone which makes ordinary +Englishmen and boys squirm. "Conscience" is one. When a man speaks of +his conscience you at once, and quite rightly, begin to suspect him. He +is probably going to refuse some hard task which others are undertaking, +to do something which is offensive to his fellows, or at best, in sheer +obstinacy to insist on a course of conduct which he knows cannot be +justified by reason. Someone has defined "conscience" as the +"deification of our prejudices"; the giving of a kind of divine +authority to something we will insist on doing though it brings no +good, even causes harm, to ourselves and offends and injures others, or +the giving a name which should be sacred as commanding what we want to +do for other reasons. A staunch Nonconformist--one of the clearest +thinkers and probably the finest preacher of the last generation--how he +would have hated the phrase, but one cannot pause for another!--truly +said of the passive resisters in his day, "There is a deal more of +politics than of conscience in their action." Yet there are times when +even the word conscience may have to be used, and no other will suffice. +Another is "Duty"--so often put forward as the excuse for people doing +something stupid, probably something they have been in the habit of +doing and seem unable to give up, but which is really only a nuisance to +themselves and also to others. Yet there are under the abused words +ideas which should be the guide of life. + +The third is "Love"--an earnest and intense desire for the welfare of +our fellow-men, keen joy in their happiness, keen sorrow in their +troubles. The word is out and shall not, except perhaps in a quotation, +be used again. To use the word lightly or without grave reason seems +almost a breach of the third clause of the Decalogue, remembering what +is said to be its equivalent by one who of all men who have lived had +the most intimate means of knowing. All work of reconstruction must be +inspired by a spirit of true philanthropy; without that the labour is in +vain. There is no other motive power that can move the world in the path +of true progress. + +It will be said that this is both obvious and to be ignored--a platitude +with a flavour of cant. Is it? Do we not hear again and again the appeal +to envy and hatred as motives of action, a desire in social life to pull +down, if levelling up is not immediately practicable? Is not jealousy of +the success of others, whether individuals or classes or states, again +and again what really prompts a policy? Even in dealing with the +countries which are our declared enemies, the desire to injure ought +not to be our guide. If and when they relinquish the aims and cease from +such acts as forced us into war with them and make restitution for the +wrongs they have committed, the right policy is, as far as possible, +having clue regard to the just claims and interest of our friends, to do +what will be for their true benefit also in the long run. No doubt there +is a disgraceful and fatal policy, sometimes adopted by English +Governments, to be resolutely withstood--the policy of trying "to +conciliate our enemies by giving away our friends." We shall hear of it +again in dealing both with Ireland and with certain colonies when +Germany claims their return. On the other hand, the first maxim in all +negotiation, the first principle of sound diplomacy, is always to give +to the other side, and give without grudging, all he wants, provided it +does not interfere with what it is important for your side to secure. +Never be afraid of giving the opposing party too much, provided you get +what your side really ought to have. How often has one heard in +discussing a settlement the objection raised that the other party is +getting too much! It is an old-time fallacy to think that practical good +sense and the highest philanthropy are antagonistic; only be certain +that if in any case they seem to be so, the latter is to prevail. + +With a good map you may safely have Mr. Worldly Wiseman's company to the +village of Morality, and visit the "judicious gentleman named Legality" +and "his charming son Civility"--yet find a straight road thence to the +Celestial City without deviating to the "great town" of Carnal Policy. +An apology perhaps is due in the twentieth century for using the +language of an earlier day; but everyone naturally thinks in the +language in which he was brought up, and education is now no doubt +sufficiently general to make allusion recognisable and translation easy. +There are still some survivals from a past generation who prefer even +the "minor prophets" as literature to the most "up-to-date" modern +utterances, though they have long ago relinquished the idea that there +is the slightest personal merit in doing so. Even when the older +language was half forgotten there were within our memory some who would +use it if they could, and perhaps did so when they felt strongly, as a +Scotsman in strange lands may, when deeply moved, revert to what +convention insists on calling his "native doric." + +The question may fairly be put to all who are dealing with proposals for +reconstruction: "Is the aim you have in view definitely and clearly to +promote the general benefit?" Most would no doubt be able quite honestly +to answer, "Yes, that is my desire"; but we must go a step farther, "Are +you willing to make that object paramount? If it were proved that in +order to provide decent housing for a number of workers your dividends +would be reduced, are you prepared still to urge that the required +accommodation shall be provided? If the removal or the imposition of a +particular tariff will benefit the community as a whole, are you +prepared to vote for such a change, though owing to it the business in +which you are personally interested may make less profit?" There are +some men whose conduct shows that an answer could be given by them in +the affirmative. When the great majority can so answer with truth, we +need have no fear that the rebuilding of Britain, even if mistakes are +made, will be on sound foundations. + +To sum up: in considering each proposal we must first examine the spirit +and the aim. Try the spirit, test the aims put before us by every means +in our power; venture to measure them by the moral canons of the great +thinkers and seers which have stood the test of time. Adopt the rules to +which the acts of those who have benefited mankind have conformed or +which have received the consent of the best--the "golden" rule, hard +though it be to apply rightly and thoroughly, or Kant's principle that +each act of the individual (or community) is to be tested by the +standard whether or no it can be made of universal application, whether +it can command approval if taken as a guide for their actions by other +men or other nations as well as our own. Goodwill and Charity, to be +strong and true, must begin at home, but for their full fruition require +a field which has no bounds. + + That man's the best Cosmopolite + Who loves his native country best. + + + + +Part II + +PEACE + + + + +_A.--INTERNATIONAL PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER II + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE NEED + + _Unless a nation, like an individual, have some purpose, + some ideal, some motive which lies outside of and beyond + self-interest and self-aggrandisement, war must continue + on the face of this earth until the day when the last and + strongest man shall look out upon a world that has been + depopulated in its pursuit of a false ideal._--NICHOLAS + MURRAY BUTLER. + + +Paramount in importance above everything else is the establishment and +maintenance of peace between nations. No remedies for disease, no rules +for healthy life will avail, if the arteries through which the +life-blood is pouring away remain open still or are only temporarily +closed and liable after a brief interval to burst out anew. The vitality +of the nation would be gone beyond recovery if another generation of its +best manhood were to be sacrificed and its materiall resources again +squandered to meet the necessities of a great war. + +Every day that the War lasts forces on us more clearly the fact that +Science, not only natural science--physics and chemistry--but also the +scientific organisation of the State as an instrument of war, has so +developed the means of destruction as either to blot out humanity or to +leave the greater part of mankind in abject and bitter slavery to the +powers that can wield most effectively the instruments of death and of +torture, if war between the leading nations breaks out again after an +interval of seeming peace. How warfare has changed within living memory! +Five-and-twenty years ago the highest authority on naval construction +spoke with contempt of the submarine as a factor in war at sea. No one +then had solved the old world problem of aerial flight. Some of the most +distinguished men of science regarded the attempts which were then being +made as hopeless. It then seemed still to be a mere dream of poets. +Wireless telegraphy was only a matter of speculation, a thing which a +few only thought of as a possibility of the future. Man has indeed +plucked the fruit of the tree of knowledge for his own destruction. What +may be the result of another quarter of a century of like advancement of +the knowledge of the means of spreading "death throughout the world and +bitter woe"? It may not be, as Dr. Murray Butler says, that the +strongest man will remain alone in a depopulated world. The strongest +may succumb to the inventions for destruction and the survivors may be a +few of those maimed or weakened by disease whom the storm has passed +over as too obscure, of too little importance even for the messengers of +Death to remember and to relieve from their misery. This is not +rhetorical exaggeration. The weapons of offence regularly win in their +race with the weapons of defence. Fortresses that took years to +construct are shattered in a day. The ironclad is sunk by the torpedo. +How very little margin lay between this country and starvation through +action of submarines! Suppose the enemy had possessed five times as many +submarines from the first, would our defensive measures have prevailed? +How small an extension in the enemy's power in the air would have +enabled him in a single night to leave London a mass of ruins, its whole +population which had not fled dying in torment from poisonous gases! +Another five-and-twenty years of advance in scientific knowledge equal +to that of the last five-and-twenty years may easily make such a result +possible. + +But some man--one of those who never look beyond the next year and their +own street, and expects always to carry on business as usual--will say +that the nations will be exhausted and tired of war, and this War will +be the last. Dare any country trust to that unless a new spirit is +infused into the nations and definite steps are taken to prevent war? +Did those who had the best means of knowledge--the Government of the +day--imagine that such a war as this would break out suddenly? If they +did, they would be guilty of a crime almost unparalleled in leaving us +so unprepared and fiddling with such questions--"Welsh Disestablishment" +and the like--as occupied their time and attention and excited the +political controversies of the months and years immediately preceding +the War. + +Assume even that no new war does break out again actually, dare any +nation neglect to keep up its naval and military armaments on a scale +far greater than before? How is the burden to be met when every penny +that can be raised as revenue will be needed to meet the charge on our +gigantic debt and the necessary claims for carrying on Government, to +say nothing of improving the conditions of life? We cannot, nor can +other nations, go on using up capital and borrowing indefinitely. The +choice is between assured peace and certain ruin, even if no war +actually occurs. How can peace be assured? It would be well for some of +those with the requisite historical knowledge and insight to trace +carefully the causes which have led to war in the past, to attempt a +diagnosis of the disease which has again and again devastated the world. +A vain classification might perhaps be made into religious wars, +dynastic wars, trade wars; but is there not one element common almost to +all, namely, the will to power, the desire and intention of some man or +set of men to impose their will on others, regardless of justice, which +forbids the exercise of force to prevent each thinking, speaking, acting +as he will, provided he does not injure the rights of others? It was the +assertion of a claim to dominate which led to the eighty years' war when +Spain tried to impose her yoke on the Netherlands, and blended with +desire for gain a crusade against the faiths which rejected the +supremacy of Rome. Was the Thirty years War a religious war or a +struggle between rulers to assert and extend their powers? Take any one +of the series of long wars, such as those of Louis XIV. or of Napoleon, +under what head of such a classification do they fall? Does not the +common element above mentioned apply to all of them? + +The urgency of taking definite steps to secure peace has been recognised +already, much thought has been devoted to it, and schemes even in some +detail have been suggested for dealing with it. The idea of a League of +Nations to secure peace is occupying the attention of many of the wisest +minds and of the statesmen who hold the most responsible positions. It +is meeting with strong popular support, at all events in Britain and in +the United States. France and Italy are examining the proposal. It is +well, however, where attractive phrases are used and schemes proposed, +to subject them carefully to the double test: how far they cover the +ground and meet the real difficulties; and, secondly, how they would +work out in practice in the circumstances which are likely to arise. We +want to look at the question as a whole, to see exactly what we have to +aim at, sometimes to reiterate what seem almost useless truisms. The +obvious is too often overlooked. First we need to recognise the actual +facts, then let the right spirit grow up and become general, and after +that attempt to plan the best machinery and test its probable effect and +efficiency by seeing how it would be expected to work in various special +cases. + +There are now in the world two fundamentally different ways of looking +at international relations. On the one hand, we have the assertions +expressed definitely in words by many Germans and acted upon +consistently without qualification by the German Government, that +justice is the interest of the stronger; that power and force may be, +and indeed ought to be, exerted by a State without any check on moral +grounds; that a strong nation must realise itself, develop and use its +strength without regard to the so-called rights of the weaker; that +"those should take who have the power, and those should keep who can." +To them Reason, Common Sense, even the Divine Law seem to say: "Assert +thyself; have the will to power." Where such a spirit exists there can +be no binding force in agreements, rules of international law are a +farce, but convenient perhaps at times for embarrassing the action of +opponents who wish to treat them with respect. The dictates of humanity +may be set aside at discretion. With that spirit argument is useless. +With those who are inspired by it there can be no compromise, no truce. +It must be met by force inspired by moral earnestness. In that struggle +the alternative for the world is victory or death. Every man who falls +fighting against such a foe dies a martyr, witnessing by his death that +so far as in him lies the embodied powers of evil shall not prevail. +Unless the Power which thus claims to dominate is defeated it is useless +to talk of peace. On the other hand, it is essential to recognise, and +keep ever before us, the spirit which is opposed to this claim for +domination, this denial of the existence of justice, and to renew in the +whole nation the spirit in which it entered into the War. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE SCHEME + + _If any peace after the War is to be permanent there must + be a settlement not only between territorial claims but + an arrangement with regard to the machinery by which + peace will be maintained in the future._ + + +Perhaps the most convenient way to gain a more definite idea of what the +proposal for a League of Nations really means, to understand both its +advantages and the difficulties involved in it, may be to follow the +debate on the subject initiated by Lord Parmoor in the House of Lords in +March of 1918. It shows that the idea of a League of Nations to prevent +war is taking definite shape, and is not regarded by practical +men--statesmen with experience of the actual conduct of international +affairs, and lawyers who as members of the judicial committee of the +Privy Council have had to devote their attention to questions of +international law--as outside the range of practical politics. It shows +also that the idea will stand the test of discussion and calm criticism. + +Lord Lansdowne--to whom, whatever may be thought of some recent +utterances, the country owes a debt of gratitude too little recognised, +especially for his conduct of foreign affairs at a most difficult period +during the Boer War--stated his opinion that "in a league pronouncing a +sentence of international outlawry upon any one country that broke away +from its obligations you would have a material guarantee for the +maintenance of peace." He pointed out how "the existence of such a +league might perhaps have prevented the War in July of 1914, as it was +impossible in that time of clamour and confusion when one suggestion +after another made by those who, like Sir Edward Grey, were working for +peace was rejected, to put forward a definite proposal for dealing with +the dispute in a manner provided for by previous agreement." Lord +Parker, whose authority carries the greatest weight with jurists +everywhere, having the true lawyer's instinct for putting vague +proposals into definite shape, actually presented a draft of heads of +agreement for the establishment of a League.[1] These heads would, to +say the least, form the basis for discussion leading to practical +results. One or two of his proposed clauses may be quoted as expressing +in definite language the fundamental principles which must be the basis +of any such League. The first may appear perhaps only a "pious opinion." +It is really very much more. Assent to it means the complete repudiation +of the ideas which have guided German policy--the ideas which made world +war inevitable, and which will inevitably lead to war in the future +unless they are abandoned. Any nation which assents to the clause tells +the world that it expressly rejects those ideas and agrees that its +action shall be guided by principles diametrically opposed to them. +Assent to a declaration of the kind suggested would certainly affect the +spirit in which international questions are approached in future, and +probably the resulting action also. It runs: + +"The League to recognise that war from whatever cause is a danger to our +common civilisation, and that international disputes ought to be settled +on principles of right and justice and not by force of arms." The last +clause dealing with the admission of new members of the League is the +complement of this. There is to be power "to admit a nation as a member +of the League, if satisfied in each case that the nation bona fide +accepts the principle on which the League is founded, and bona fide +intends that international disputes shall thereafter be settled by +peaceful means." It is contemplated, and rightly contemplated, that +there should be a possibility for the Central Empires to join the League +sooner or later, but it can only be on terms of their rulers at the time +saying expressly, "We abjure in the sight of the world and of our own +people those principles of action which German rulers and leaders of +thought have been inculcating for two generations." The choice for +Germany would be either to stand excommunicated from the brotherhood of +nations for ever, or to say plainly, "I declare what my professors and +schoolmasters have for half a century had to teach to be false; the +doctrines of Treitschke and of his disciple von Bernhardi are anathema; +it is infamous to adopt the statement of the German writer that 'It is +of no importance to me whether an action is just or unjust,' or that 'If +I am powerful enough to perform any deed, then I am justified in doing +it.' I renounce such leaders and teachers and all their words and works, +so that I will not follow or be led by them." It may be urged that the +recantation might not be sincere, but it would discredit the authority +of those who attempt to revive the damnable doctrines.[2] + +The great difficulty, of course, arises as to the means of enforcing the +agreement against war, of finding some proper and effective sanction to +secure its observance. It may be well to note that throughout this +discussion the word sanction is used in the strict legal sense, meaning +some definite penalty or punishment to be inflicted on a wrong-doer. It +is the existence of such a "sanction" which is the clearest way of +enforcing obedience, and gives a rule of conduct the force of law. + +Two definite proposals are made in Lord Parker's scheme. (1) "If an act +of war be committed against any member of the League, the Council is to +notify it, and thereupon every member should (_a_) break off diplomatic +relations with the nation guilty of such act; (_b_) prohibit and take +effective steps to prevent all trade and commerce between itself and the +guilty party; (_c_) place an embargo upon all ships and property of the +guilty nation found in its territorial waters or within its +territories." + +A very similar suggestion, though not quite so definite, was made by the +present writer in an article on "Sanction in International Law," which +appeared in the Italian Journal "Scientia" in 1916. "The nations might +agree that any belligerent which wilfully violates or invades neutral +territory shall be treated as a moral leper. Without actually going to +war they should cease to have dealings with the invader, forbid all +intercourse of their subjects with the country which violates the +neutral territory." + +For the sake of brevity this may be called the "economic boycott," but +it is really very much more than simply economic pressure. It is a +common habit in political discussions to confuse very different things, +to which the same name is given, and the term "economic boycott" is +being used to cover three proposals of very different character. (_a_) +It may mean a permanent exclusion of Germany from the markets of the +world to punish its people for supporting the crimes of its rulers and +incidentally to secure for ourselves a valuable extension of trade by +reason of the exclusion of a rival. (_b_) It may mean a temporary +measure to insure that agreed terms of peace are observed by those who +disregard "mere scraps of paper," to act as a guarantee that restitution +shall be made for wrongs done, to check the revival and extension of the +enemy's armaments, to make the German people feel the disadvantages and +loss caused by their action, and the desirability of joining with +others in repudiating war as a means of settling disputes or asserting +national claims. (_c_) It may mean a sanction for breach of the +stipulations contained in the agreement on which the League of Nations +is founded, i.e., a punishment to be inflicted on anyone who infringes +the agreement he has made--a means of insuring performance of its terms. +It is in this last sense that it is used in the present discussion. + +(2) The second sanction proposed in the scheme is of a still more +serious character. The clause to embody it runs as follows: + +"Certain members of the League specified in a schedule and to consist of +the chief military and naval powers, should agree, if required to do so +by a resolution of the League, to commence war against the guilty +nation, and to prosecute such war by land and sea until the guilty +nation shall have accepted terms which shall be approved by the League." + +This proposal might more effectually prevent wrong-doing, but, even if +carefully guarded as Lord Parker proposes, appears open to serious +objections. There seems grave reason to fear that while intended to +prevent war, it might really be the cause of disputes, and possibly of +war of the most deadly kind. Such a stipulation might cast a terrible +burden on a strong naval power like Great Britain, and have most +disastrous consequences. We are bound to maintain a strong navy to keep +open communication between the different parts of the Empire and also to +protect our food supplies. Without sea power Britain could in a few +months be starved into submission to any terms in case of war, but to +maintain a large navy to be at the beck and call of a Council +representing all the nations who cared to join the proposed League would +be intolerable. Suppose, for example, the United States demanded +satisfaction for some outrage on American subjects, or suppose American +subjects were threatened with massacre in some unsettled country such as +Mexico, and in order to obtain satisfaction or to protect its subjects +sent some warships to a Mexican port and landed an armed force, not with +any object of aggression, but to prevent irreparable injuries. Suppose +Great Britain was of opinion that the American demand was amply +justified, but that a majority of representatives of the League, or +even, as Lord Parker's scheme suggests, a majority of the powers named +in the Schedule, took a contrary view and called on Great Britain to +fulfil the agreement to use her naval force and commence and prosecute +to the bitter end a war against the United States because its Government +had acted at once instead of waiting while the representatives of a +score of other nations were discussing whether any action was +permissible. Would not the alternative between breaking the engagement +and undertaking a bitter and ruinous war against a powerful and friendly +nation put us in an intolerable position? Half a dozen States in the +League might for one reason or another wish to resist the claim of the +United States for redress. Names of States which might possibly so +combine could be given, but it is better to refrain. It is not +inconceivable that German penetration and intrigue at some future time +might promote a combination of the kind. All sorts of influences might +be brought to bear on certain of the States and on their +representatives. Dynastic claims might even affect them. + +Unless it be with some country which she can trust and whose Government +and its aims she can thoroughly rely upon, and then only for some +limited and specific purpose, Great Britain, or any other naval or +military power, ought not to bind itself to go to war and employ its +forces. We must be free to reduce those forces or to refrain from +employing them in making war. An engagement which might in +circumstances, the real character of which no one can foresee at +present, compel us to undertake a war at the bidding of others is a +thing to which we ought never to consent. Engagements to make war are +not a safe way of promoting peace. They may possibly be justified where +there is some clearly specified object, some defined case in which +nations ally themselves to prevent some particular wrong, such, for +example, as guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Even for a single +specific agreement of this kind a very strong case is required, but that +is a totally different thing from agreeing to provide a kind of world +police to enforce and execute the orders of a Council of heterogeneous +States under conditions the nature of which no one can predict now. We +cannot tell beforehand with any certainty what will be the real +character of the proposed League Council, nor what motives may inspire +its members at some future time, nor whom the majority of them will in +fact represent. It does not necessarily follow that there can be no +sanction of any kind to enforce the rules of International Law or the +decisions of a League of Nations to prevent a breach of international +peace, no penalty attaching to those who disregard those rules or are +guilty of breaking that peace. As already stated, the economic boycott, +every member of the League agreeing to treat an aggressor as an outlaw, +and without actually going to war ceasing to have any dealings with him, +and forbidding all intercourse of its subjects with the peace-breaker, +is likely to be really effective. Lord Shaw, whose interest in the +subject is no new thing, and who has devoted long and careful +consideration to it, later in the debate gave the weight of his +authority as to the efficacy of such measures. "Let it," he said, "be +known once and for all that from the moment a nation becomes a traitor +to the League it becomes, _ipso facto_, an economic outlaw, then the +motive both for being included within and for remaining within the +League will be increased a hundredfold, and wholly for the benefit of +mankind." + +Of course, logically many of the objections which can be urged against +an agreement to make war might also be urged against an agreement for a +boycott of this kind, but in practice the risks in the case of the +boycott would be far less serious. Members of a club might well agree to +expel and to cut a member who assaults another, but it would be a +different matter to agree that, they should be able to order the +strongest man in the club to go to his house and thrash the offender +until he makes such compensation as may seem satisfactory to them. A man +who objected to be put on a "schedule" of members liable to be deputed +for such a mission would not necessarily be a coward. He might possibly +think that the member assaulted did in fact deserve a horse-whipping, +though he might deprecate such a proceeding, and consider that the +affair, or the dispute between the parties, ought to have been dealt +with by the club committee as a case for expulsion. A hatred of +injustice, resentment against wrong, if it really exists in nations and +individuals, will make itself felt. Without it, formal agreements will +be found to be of little use. The objections to a League of Nations +having power practically to order certain of its members to make war do +not in any way prevent the establishment of international tribunals +being followed by useful results. Without any express sanctions to +enforce them as above suggested, their decisions will usually be obeyed +in practice. There is and will be plenty of scope for the action of such +tribunals. A nation may hate war, may recognise its perils and the +inevitable losses involved, but may feel that an unwarrantable claim is +being made against it which it is bound to resist. It may, however, be +perfectly willing to submit the point to any tribunal which even +purports to be impartial, and abide by its decision. In this way some +systems of law have grown up. They began by regulating procedure. Each +of two parties claimed something as his property, was ready to fight to +maintain his right; but such contests might result in injustice, and +were certainly injurious to the peace of the State. In early Roman Law +each party who claimed the object in dispute touched it with his spear, +showing his readiness to fight for it; then some respected citizen--_vir +pietate gravis_--stepped in, and each party, without fear that his +refraining from fighting would expose him to future encroachments on his +rights, could agree to abide by his decision. As time goes on, what was +merely the casual intervention of an arbitrator becomes an habitual +rule, and eventually the fixed law of the land. Custom develops by +general consent into law. Trial by combat may become obsolete in +practice even long before it becomes illegal. There are many cases in +which a man (or a nation) dare not give way, though he knows that it +will cost him more to fight the case. A rough Lancashire manufacturer +was once advised against fighting a difficult case on the ground that +the result was uncertain, and the costs would in any event be very +heavy, more than the value of the matter in dispute. He said afterwards +to his solicitor with some force, "If I give in in this, that ---- will +come into my kitchen, kick me, and ask what business I have there. No, +I'll fight him now." He brought his action and won, and found the +prediction as to costs was only too fully borne out, even though +judgment in the Court of Appeal was finally given in his favour. The man +who says he will not fight in any circumstances invites injuries, though +the man who fights when he could honourably avoid it is pretty sure to +rue his decision. + +Where two high-spirited persons are engaged in a dispute, and each is +ready to maintain his cause with the sword, the intervention of a third +may save both from the disasters of a battle. The words of the Douglas +when intervening in a heated contest, "The first who strikes shall be my +foe," may sometimes be a model for the real peacemaker. But he would +certainly have resented the idea of agreeing to keep prepared, ready +armed to fight at the bidding of a number of other chiefs, anyone who +used force to prevent or punish some injury to himself. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1: The death of Lord Parker, which occurred soon after these +words were written, has deprived the country of the services of one of +the few great jurists at a time when they are most sorely needed. There +are many good lawyers, many judicial minds acute in seizing the really +relevant points in a complicated case, but very few, perhaps none, who +united to legal learning and judicial penetration so broad a grasp of +principle and appreciation of the larger issues involved in decisions +given.] + +[Footnote 2: A passage in Mr. Brailsford's book on a "League of +Nations," published some months before the debate took place, but which +I had not seen when the above lines were written, puts the point most +forcibly: + +"We set out to destroy Prussian militarism. It will be destroyed at the +moment when a German Government pledges itself to enter a league based +on arbitration and conciliation."] + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE CONDITIONS + + +After an adjourned debate on June 27th, 1918, in which Lord Curzon +pointed out several practical difficulties that would have to be faced, +the House of Lords, surely not a body to be carried away by any +ephemeral current of popular feeling[3] or captivated by a vague phrase, +passed with practical unanimity a resolution in these terms, "That this +House approves of the principle of a League of Nations, and commends to +His Majesty's Government a study of the conditions required for its +realisation." It in effect declared the "preamble proved," and proposed +that "the clauses" should be considered. At the suggestion of Lord +Bryce--a true friend of peace, if ever there was one--certain words +contained in the original resolution proposing that there should be a +tribunal constituted "whose orders shall be enforceable by adequate +sanction" were omitted. The question of sanction is, no doubt, a crucial +one, but it seemed better to substitute the more general words urging an +inquiry into the conditions necessary for the establishment of a League, +in fact to see generally--looking at the question as a whole--what +definite and practical steps should be taken to bring the League into +existence and define its constitution, aims and powers. In passing such +a resolution the House of Lords was expressing the feeling of the +nation. Its great importance was that by an assembly so critical, +containing men of such varied experience and-with special knowledge both +of law and of foreign affairs, a resolution supporting the idea of a +League was accepted with real unanimity. + +It would be most unfortunate if the approval of the proposal to give the +League powers to direct the use of the naval and military forces of +certain of its members were to be made a condition precedent to approval +of the principle of a League and as necessarily implied in it. Earnest +advocates of that principle may dissent entirely from Viscount Grey's +statement in his pamphlet, published about the time when the debate took +place, that "those States that have power must be ready to use all the +force, economic, military or naval, that they possess." "_Anything less +than this is of no value._" They may hold, on the contrary, that a +League might be of great value without any agreement binding certain of +its members to employ--which implies an obligation to maintain--naval +and military forces and armaments at the bidding of the League Council +on a scale and in the manner which would either be settled from time to +time by representatives of other nations or be the subject of some +preliminary agreement. Settling the terms of such an agreement might +involve serious disputes and delay the establishment of the League +indefinitely. The moral influence due to the existence of a League +embracing all nations which regard war as an evil to be stopped if +possible, would be great. A Declaration of Faith, in which those who +hold a common belief give expression to it, has its effect. An agreement +between nations or individuals, even where there is no legal sanction, +would be regarded as something that they will try to carry out. The +breach of such an agreement would excite the "resentment which is the +life-blood of law." Still the risk of disregard of the obligations is +great unless there is a definite material sanction, an evil imposed by +force on a wrong-doer, and no doubt it will be urged that some +objections to employ military and naval power to enforce the obligations +imposed by the League may be raised against the less drastic proposal +for an economic boycott, but in actual working the two things, as +already pointed out, differ enormously. The suggested economic boycott +imposes a similar obligation on all members of the League; all alike can +immediately forbid all intercourse by their subjects with the aggressor, +instead of imposing on certain members the duty of going to war. +Secondly, it does not imply the maintenance of great armaments by any +State. + +It is constantly found that a penalty of smaller amount, a less severe +punishment, is more likely to prevent a wrong than a heavier one, +provided that it is prompt and certain. Had Germany known a few months +sooner that Britain would assuredly go to war and put into such war her +whole resources if Belgium were invaded, it is not improbable that that +outrage would never have been committed; but had Germany also known that +the moment her troops crossed the Belgian frontier every German ship in +the United States would be interned, every American citizen punished as +a criminal by the United States Government if he traded with Germany, +that "intercourse" with the aggressor would be at once forbidden, and +that these restraints would be continued until complete restitution had +been made, is it not morally certain that Belgium would not have been +invaded? War might have been prevented. In fear of such an injury to +German trade and commerce, the bankers of Berlin and Frankfort would +have denounced war; the merchants of Hamburg and Bremen would have been +the strongest advocates of peace. A like test might be applied to other +cases of aggression. The effects of breaking off diplomatic--and, still +more, commercial--relationships, although no shot is fired and no +regiment mobilised, and of mere neutrality differ _toto coelo_. The very +people who are least influenced by moral restraints, who scorn justice, +will be most influenced by the financial losses and the destruction of +their trade. + +It was, no doubt, right "to commend a study of the question" to His +Majesty's Government, but it is also well to commend to the Government +the desirability of consultation with those outside the Government +departments who have given study to it already. Like other problems, it +should be considered in advance during the War. As Lord Shaw forcibly +pointed out, "The project does not mean the slackening of our efforts or +a weakening of our forces or timidity in our policy in the present War. +If it did I would not be associated with it for one hour." + +To quote Lord Grey's words, Germany has to be convinced that force does +not pay, that the aims and policy of her military rulers inflict +intolerable and also unnecessary suffering upon her. The regeneration of +Germany, a real new birth, is necessary if the peace of the world is to +be secured; and surely by now we might have learned that such +regeneration will never come unless Germany is beaten in this War. As +Lord Grey says, "Recent military success and the ascendancy of Prussian +militarism have reduced the advocates of anything but force to silence" +in Germany. As these words are written comes the report of the sinking +of the hospital ship _Llandovery Castle_, followed by cold-blooded and +deliberate murder. The mass of German crime grows daily. + +The "economic boycott" above referred to differs absolutely in its aim +and character from the proposal to impose a permanent and continuous +boycott on German commerce to maintain and extend British or other trade +at the expense of Germany. Phrases are sometimes used here which seem to +be almost a repetition of those so dear to the Pan-German party. +"Destroy British commerce that German may replace it," is echoed back as +"Destroy German commerce that British may replace it." The whole idea +that the progress and extension of the trade and industry of one country +is an injury to another is radically false. A spirit of jealousy, +regarding the prosperity of others as involving injury to ourselves, is +a curse to the individual, to the class, or to the nation which is +imbued with it. + +To put these questions on the highest moral basis--on a true religious +basis, if you will--is not cant, but only a recognition of the real +facts. The world will without doubt everlastingly perish unless this +true faith is maintained and acted upon. Self-interest and +self-aggrandisement as dominant motives inevitably lead to destruction, +hastened by every advance in the knowledge and in the efficiency of +those who take them as their guides. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 3: These words were written before July 9th, and perhaps now +require some modification.] + + + + +CHAPTER V + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--ITS SCOPE AND AIM + + _Just so while it is highly important to have + controversies between nations settled by arbitration + rather than by war, and the growth of sentiment in favour + of that peaceable method of settlement is one of the + great advances in civilisation of this generation; yet + the true basis of peace among men is to be found in a + just and considerate spirit among the people who rule our + modern democracies, in their regard for the rights of + other countries and in their desire to be fair and kindly + in the treatment of the subjects which give rise to + international controversies. The basis of peace and order + is "the self-restraint of the thousands of people who + make up the community, and their willingness to obey the + law and regard the rights of others._"--ELIHU ROOT. + + +No League of Peace, however, can be sufficient guarantee against a power +which is highly organised, vigorous and united, if it desires war. +Either such a power must be so defeated and so weakened as to be unable +to renew hostilities, or its character so altered as to make it give up +the desire for aggression and domination. As Mr. Gerard points out, "It +is only by an evolution of Germany herself towards Liberalism that the +world will be given such guarantees of future peace as will justify the +termination of this War. Liberalism in this sense does not mean violent +revolution, but does mean a spirit opposed to that which animates the +present Government of Germany, and will continue to do so if no change +is made in that Government." "The whole world," as Mr. Gerard says, +"feels that peace made with its present Government would not be lasting, +that such a peace would mean the detachment of some of the Allies from +the present world alliance against Germany, preparation by Germany in +light of her needs as disclosed by the War, and the declaration of a new +war in which there would be no battle of the Marne to turn back the tide +of German world conquest." No such change of government can be imposed +from without. Every German would resent, and rightly, any such +interference. Mr. Balfour has declared expressly that a claim to change +the form of government in Germany is not one of our war aims. The change +must be a change of spirit, which will not come unless facts prove that +the violent assertion of the claim to domination, to override justice +where self-interest appears to be served thereby, has led to disaster, +and is in reality opposed to self-interest in the long run. As a means +of carrying out the ideas of Germany in its relations with other +countries, it must be admitted that its Government is a singularly +effective machine. It is those ideas which must be given up if a real +change is to be made. The clever devil could have invented nothing +better than the highly organised machinery of the German Government for +doing his work. There are two conditions, at all events, which are +necessary in regard to any such change if permanent peace is to result. + +First, that we should not look for a disruption of settled and orderly +government in Germany. The anarchy of Russia does not make for world +peace. Would not a reasonable man, however liberal his views, prefer for +his country the rule of the Kaiser and his devotees to the rule of a +Lenin and of Bolsheviks? + +Second, it must be clear that we do not desire the destruction of +Germany--a futile desire, even if not wicked--but its regeneration. No +doubt for a time, whatever happens in Germany, it will be impossible to +forget the crimes that have been committed. British sailors will +naturally refuse all association with those who have been guilty of the +series of murders at sea. Any attempt, however, to exclude Germany from +the markets of the world, permanently to destroy German commerce for all +time, would make permanent peace impossible. To make that a war aim +would be to strengthen every evil influence in Germany, and if done with +the object of securing gain to ourselves by forcible means, would +degrade us almost to the level of those who forced this War upon the +world. It was the purity of our aims that united all the best elements +of the nation in entering upon and in prosecuting the War, and in facing +its losses. It was that which has confirmed the stability of the +alliance, and from the beginning of the War made the best and most +enlightened Americans earnest supporters of our cause, and has finally +brought in the whole American nation, sworn to see the accomplishment of +those aims. The aims with which Britain entered on the War appealed +irresistibly to the people of the whole Empire, and not least to the +imagination of the Indian races. An Indian friend of wide experience and +calm and independent judgment wrote to me at the time, saying he had +never seen anything like the spirit of intense loyalty called out by the +belief of Indians that Britain was taking up a heavy burden to protect +weaker nations from aggression and to maintain justice.[4] Let us keep +those aims pure to the end. It would, of course, be affectation to +suggest that our object in the War is now simply a chivalrous desire to +protect the weak or maintain justice. We now know that it is also to +preserve our own existence as a nation, and that it would be better for +us and our children that Britain should be sunk beneath the sea than +that Germany should achieve a complete victory. + +It must be reiterated that until Germans and Austrians can be admitted +to free intercourse with other nations we can have no complete world +peace. For such admission the conditions precedent above stated are +essential. But if these are complied with, we must make our choice +between the possibility of general peace with a League of Nations +embracing all and a state of "veiled and suspended warfare." This +pregnant phrase caught my eye after the foregoing paragraphs were +written. It is one to be remembered. + +Although there is no sign at present of a changed spirit in the German +rulers, or in the party which is now dominant in Germany, the prospect +of an alteration in the spirit of the German people is not hopeless, +unless they emerge from the War victorious. A significant passage from a +German paper is quoted by Sir Dugald Clerk in the most valuable and +encouraging address on the "Stability of Britain," delivered by him to +the Royal Society of Arts in 1916. "So the Germans are awakening to a +consciousness of the futility of their dream of domination founded upon +the idea of might, irrespective of the rights of other nations, and they +will ultimately be forced to accept the idea, so strange to them +hitherto, that honesty between nations is as necessary as between man +and man." The whole address should be read as an antidote by any who +take a "gloomy joy in depreciation," as a tonic by those who are +depressed by our failures and apprehensive of our future. + +To maintain a real peace based on goodwill, we want to get rid of the +jealous spirit which regards the prosperity of one nation as an injury +to others. "The economic and financial strength of this country is +founded upon the welfare not merely of the British people, but +practically of all countries." "Commerce is not a war. It will be found +that wealth increases simultaneously in industrious nations." "We must +not even forget that a poverty-stricken Germany and Austria would react +on the whole world." "Punish the Germans and Austrians by all +means--they thoroughly deserve it--but do not imagine that by cutting +those nations out of the world's commerce the other nations can be +rendered more wealthy." These general statements do not exclude, of +course, the possibility that it may be found necessary for a time by +"economic pressure" to secure performance by the enemy of certain terms, +nor that, during a period of reconstruction and readjustment, the +conditions affecting certain industries may not demand some special +temporary protection for them. There may for a time have to be +restrictions on certain imports from the enemy countries, and on certain +exports to them, but all such proposals ought to be very jealously +scrutinised, not only in regard to their effect on the particular trades +directly affected, but on the country as a whole. The use of such +weapons often injures those who use them more than those against whom +they are used. Would not a German Minister of Propaganda, or a German +Committee on War Aims, wishing to stimulate active support for the War +among the German masses, be well advised to circulate some of the +resolutions that have been passed by certain bodies in England and +scatter them broadcast in Central Europe, with a few careful glosses and +comments to point the moral? They would be a valuable asset for a German +"ginger group." The open door into and out of this country for +commodities generally has made it an emporium for world trade, and been +one of the main causes why, in spite of deficient home production of +necessaries, we have been able to stand the economic strain of the War. +Striking off the fetters that it has been found necessary to +impose--sometimes with undue strictness and pedantic minuteness--on +British commerce and industry will be one of the first things to be +hoped for from peace. It is impossible to give detailed examples here. +Ask any merchant, he will give you specific instances of the need for a +recovered freedom. Questions are so closely involved with each other +that we may seem to be mixing up national trade interests with the ideal +striving for peace and goodwill. Yet, after all, self-interest rightly +understood and regard for the interests of others, with an honest wish +for their welfare, are not feelings mutually exclusive. There is high +authority for saying that "serving the Lord" is not incompatible with +"diligence in business." + +It is quite possible to lay too much stress on the necessity for +definite and formal sanctions to enforce agreements. There are cases in +which the enforcement of a definite penalty for a wrongful act or for +breach of an agreement is very difficult, but in which the "sense of +moral obligation," "respect for public opinion," and "reliance on +principles of mutual consent" do regularly operate so strongly that the +rules of conduct laid down are in fact observed. On the Manchester +Exchange thousands of agreements involving millions of money are made, +the breach of which could not be made the ground of a successful action +at law. The number of cases of repudiation of such agreements is almost +negligible. To plead the Statute of Frauds in an action for non-delivery +or non-acceptance of goods under such informal agreements might be a +defence in the law courts, but would not save the defendant from the +indeterminate but effective penalties due to the feeling of his fellows +that he was acting dishonourably. It is instructive to notice that in +dealing with the question of industrial disputes, which are in many ways +analogous to international, at least where they arise between organised +bodies of employers and of workpeople, the Whitley Committee, in a +supplemental report issued in January, 1918, expressed the opinion: (1) +that no attempt should be made to establish compulsory arbitration or +compulsory legislation to prevent strikes and lock-outs; (2) that there +should be standing arbitration councils or panels of arbitrators to whom +disputes arising could be voluntarily referred; (3) that provision +should be made for independent inquiry and report as to the merits of +trade disputes; (4) that legal penalties for breach of an award or of an +agreement made to settle a trade dispute should not be imposed; (5) that +the decisions of industrial tribunals and arbitrators should be +co-ordinated as far as possible, and that there should be opportunity +for interchange of opinion between the arbitrators whose awards should +be circulated. A body of customary law on the subject would thus grow up +without legal sanction, but of great value in promoting uniformity and +preventing the ill-feeling which would arise from conflicting decisions +in different cases involving similar questions. Those who have taken any +part in deciding questions affecting wages or trade conditions have +found the need of some standard to appeal to, and felt the danger likely +to arise from giving decisions either less or more favourable to either +party than had been given in other districts in similar circumstances. +In an analogous way, decisions of the prize court of one country are +quoted in the courts of other countries, although they are not binding +on them. International Law did exist, and had an important practical +influence. Diplomatists did appeal to it, and the prize tribunals, in +administering the law, stated distinctly that they would be guided by +and would apply the principles of that law, even if the orders issued by +the administrative Government of their own country were at variance with +it. The decision of the Privy Council in the case of the _Zamora_ +establishes the principle that the law which prize courts will follow is +International Law, and that they will do so though some Order in Council +may conflict with it. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 4: How strong this belief was among many of those who had +often been in opposition to the British Government was shown at a +meeting in Bombay early in the War. The enthusiastic speech of the +chairman, the late Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, one of the ablest and most +persistent critics of British rule in India for very many years, is one +to be remembered.] + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +CONCLUSIONS REACHED + + +We may now state in order certain definite conclusions which appear to +follow from the arguments urged above:-- + +1.--It is to be expected that during the next thirty years, a period +less than that which has elapsed since the Franco-German War, the +scientific knowledge of the means of carrying on offensive warfare will +have made such advances and become so generally applied, that, if +another world war breaks out, not only will material damage be caused +which can never be repaired, but the best part of the human race will +either be destroyed or suffer deterioration as disastrous as complete +destruction, and that this result will be accompanied by appalling +misery. + +2.--Unless there is a real assurance of peace, even if actual war does +not break out, the maintenance of armaments and the preparation for war +would place a burden which would be absolutely intolerable on the +leading nations of mankind. + +3.--Owing to the close connection through modern means of communication +between one nation and another and the way in which their interests are +interlocked, a war between two States is liable to develop into a world +war. If one nation endeavours to promote its interests by imposing its +will by force on another, the other nations must either stand by while +the injury is done, in which case it is almost certain that the injury +will be repeated by subsequent attacks on some of them, or the nations +must league themselves together to prevent aggression and the assertion +of the claim to ascendancy. + +4.--The complete defeat of Germany, and the punishment thereby +inflicted on the German rulers and the people who have supported them, +will be the best vindication of the principles of international justice +possible, and will operate as a sanction for international morality and +a warning against future aggressions or claims to dominate put forward +by Germany or any other State. + +5.--The defeat of Germany in the present War, followed by subsequent +pressure on Germany through economic boycott or else by a clearly proved +change in the principles and aims of the German nation, accompanied by a +definite repudiation of the persons and the policy and organisation +which have led to the War, is absolutely essential for the future peace +of the world. + +6.--The formation of a League of Nations willing to bind themselves +together for common objects, of which the prevention of war is the most +important, may not only be the most effective way of securing peace but +also provide a means for the consideration and adoption of measures +intended for the common welfare of all. Such a League may, probably +must, come into existence, and its aims and methods be formulated, +before Germany and her Allies could be admitted to it; but as soon as +Germany and her Allies can give adequate assurances that they will adopt +and be bound by the principles laid down as the foundation of the +League, they should be admitted to it. Until this is possible the League +must partake of the nature of a defensive alliance rather than of a +world-wide league of peace. + +7.--Whether any definite sanction for enforcing the principles on which +the League is founded and the stipulations which it contains can be +imposed or not, the League may be of great value by giving the weight of +international opinion expressly to those principles. Public opinion of +the nations so expressed might often be effective even though not +enforced by a definite sanction. + +8.--Of the two definite sanctions proposed, namely, (_a_) the so-called +"economic boycott" and (_b_) the use of the naval and military forces of +the leagued States or of certain States selected from them by +arrangement, the economic boycott which can readily be applied by all +members of the League alike, and that without keeping up any large +armaments, is likely to be effective and is free from the most serious +objections against the other sanction suggested. + +9.--So many difficulties would arise in fixing the terms of any +stipulations as to the employment of military and naval forces to carry +into effect the requirements of the League, that to make such provisions +a necessary preliminary condition to the existence of the League from +the outset might indefinitely delay the formation of such a League, and, +further, the discussion of such terms would be likely to lead to +friction. The obligation imposed on certain States might involve a very +heavy burden, first, in keeping up armaments and possibly, later, in +actually going to war. Such stipulations, for reasons above stated and +illustrated, might place the leading powers in a position of great +embarrassment, and might actually themselves become the cause of serious +wars. + +10.--The practice of making Secret Treaties by which the Sovereigns, the +Foreign Ministers, or the diplomatists of any nation can bind it ought +to be discontinued. The experience of the action of this country as well +as of others during the present War, as well as before it, supports this +conclusion. Negotiations must no doubt be carried on through the +ordinary diplomatic channels, but before a complete and binding +agreement is entered into, the duly constituted representatives of the +popular will should know and give their sanction to what is being done. +On the other hand, for unauthorised persons or any self-constituted +bodies or conferences to attempt to pre-judge such questions and to +carry on negotiations either with regular or irregular representatives +of other nations is pernicious. Such action is likely both to lead to +confusion and to hamper the action of the authorised representatives of +the nation, and is really opposed to sound principles of democracy, +which must be based on the duly expressed will of the nation as a whole, +and not of any section. + +11.--Much may be done in settling the terms of peace after the War by +acting so as to remove probable causes of war in the future. The +adoption of some of the methods used in the past, as, for example, at +the Congress at Vienna, is sure to lead to future difficulties. Terms of +peace should not be matters for the kind of bargaining between the +powerful States by which one gives up something in consideration of +another giving up something else in exchange, and the contracting +parties treat smaller States or weaker nations as "pawns" in the game. +Each territory about which any question arises, each subject which has +to be dealt with, should be treated independently in accordance with the +requirements of justice, and especially having regard to the welfare of +the people most directly affected by it. No claim, for example, on the +part of Germany to be compensated for evacuating and making reparation +to Belgium by having some advantage in some other part of the world +should be entertained for a moment. To do so would be equivalent to +bargaining with a criminal as to the compensation to be paid to him for +giving up what he has acquired by his crimes. It is, however, legitimate +in considering the question of self-determination by the people of any +territory to consider how far such people have established or can +establish a peaceful and orderly government, and how far the +arrangements to be made as regards any country or district will affect +the safety of contiguous countries or may give rise to future disputes +and really be productive of war. + +12.--Whether a League is established or not, treaties for submitting +disputes to arbitration, and if possible to tribunals permanently +constituted, will still be valuable in the future as in the past. The +decisions of regular tribunals composed of impartial persons who inspire +respect will gradually form a body of customary law, and be precedents +guiding action in the future. The attempt of Germany to override not +only precedents but also express agreements with regard to the conduct +of war, if it fails, does not discredit the value of such attempts as +were made at The Hague to embody in definite form the international law +on the subjects with which they endeavoured to deal. A careful revision +of the provisions agreed to at The Hague in light of subsequent +knowledge is desirable. They only become a dead letter if one nation +utterly disregards them and does so without incurring a penalty in some +form. + +13.--It is not desirable to attempt to go into exact detail in all the +arrangements so made. For example, the attempt to enumerate a list of +articles which are to be deemed contraband, as was tried in the +Declaration of London, has led to preposterous results. Articles which +at one time were of no use in war have become, through the advance in +scientific knowledge, the material for making the most deadly and most +cruel instruments in the course of the present War. + +14.--An attempt must be made to secure at least partial disarmament. +Provision as to the disarmament of Germany should be one of the terms of +peace. The extent and character of any arrangements as to general +disarmament require separate and detailed consideration. It would +naturally be one of the subjects to be discussed by any League which may +be formed. It is well to note from the outset (a) that a fleet is +essential to the British Empire for purely defensive purposes, and for +maintaining connection between the different parts of the Empire, but a +great reduction in the size of the fleet may be possible by arrangement. +The Allied Powers will recognise that it was the existence of the +British fleet that saved them from defeat, and in some cases from utter +destruction. (6) That for a nation to train its citizens as a defensive +force on the Swiss model may actually tend to preserve peace, and also +have a very useful influence on the morale of a nation. A defensive +force of this kind would not have the character or the aims which make +a great professional army a menace to peace. + +15.--Lastly, it is undesirable and would be futile to attempt to set up +a "supernational sovereign authority." The scope of any League--its +powers and its objects--should be clearly defined, and the independent +sovereign States should bind themselves, as contracting parties, to +carry out the terms agreed, and all should agree beforehand as to the +steps they would take to prevent or to punish any violation of those +terms. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +VICTORY AND PEACE + + _Toi qui nous apportas l'épée_-- + _Le glaive de Justice_-- + _Et nous ordonnas de l'acheter_ + _Fût ce an prix de nos tuniques,_ + _Toi qui renversas les tables des marchants_ + _Installés sous Tes portiques,_ + _Donne à nos bras la foi et la rage à nos coeurs_ + _Afin que la Victoire couronne de fleurs_ + _Le front de nos enfants._-- + EMILE CAMMAERTS, "Prière Pâques," 1915. + + +A few still perhaps remain of those who, as under-graduates at the time +of the Franco-German War, remember Dean Stanley's first sermons after +many years of exclusion from the Oxford University pulpit. Using in one +of them his favourite plan of giving life to ancient literature by +modern illustrations and conversely making modern tendencies clearer by +references to ancient thought, he took the words of the Hebrew prophet, +applying them to the troubles and strife of the time. "Who is this that +cometh from Edom with dyed garments from Bozrah?" What will emerge from +the bloodshed of war and the chaos of communal revolution? The answer +was given--"It may be, it must be a united Germany; it may be, it must +be a regenerate France." + +Truly it has been a regenerate France that, with firm resolve and calm +courage, has suffered and withstood invasion, far different from the +France which in 1870 went to war with light heart, excited and +unprepared, anticipating easy victory. War shattered the Empire and the +true soul of France was found. + +Well might the "Song before Sunrise" again greet the purified France:-- + + Who is this that rises red with wounds and splendid. + All her breast and brow made beautiful with scars? + +May we soon be able to add the conclusion!-- + + In her eyes the light and fire of long pain ended, + In her lips a song as of the morning stars. + +The prophecy in both parts was fulfilled. Germany did indeed become +united, united not only by closer political ties between all its +divisions, but united in its aims and in its methods, conscious of union +and of strength, marvellous in its power of organisation, fitting each +member into his special position in the consolidated state, and moulding +him for the place he was to occupy; drilled from earliest youth how to +act and how to think, his commonest acts done, and very gestures made, +according to rule. Yet they, too, had their ideals. I remember in 1871, +the year after the Franco-German War, meeting a party of Germans who +were unveiling a tablet by the Pasterze Glacier in memory of a comrade +fallen in the war--Karl Hoffman, a pioneer of mountaineering in the +Glockner district--and hearing their impassioned speeches. The mountains +of Austrian Tyrol were to them "die Alpen seines Vaterlandes," and the +song with the refrain, "Lieb Vaterland muss grösser sein" echoed from +the rocks, "My beloved Fatherland must be greater"; may not this be the +expression of a noble patriotism? But it so easily turns to "my country +must have more, must take more," and becomes the very watchword of +greed. "Deutschland über Alles" might perhaps mean first to the German +"My country before everything to me." _Corruptio optimi pessima_, it +easily becomes "Germany over all,"--the country which dominates an +inferior world and is thus the condensed motto of supreme insolence. +"Insolence breeds the tyrant," and the doom the ancient poet prophesies +is the divine ordinance to be fulfilled by the action of man. +"Insolence, swollen with vain thought, mounts to the highest place, and +is hurled down to the doom decreed." + +Insolence seems the nearest equivalent for the Greek word [Greek: +hybris], which implies much more. Some translate it "pride." It is a +sense of superiority, greater strength, higher culture, leading to a +claim to dominate the minds and the lives, the destinies, of others, and +then in its arrogant self-assertion to override all laws and all +restraints imposed by justice. It is the exact opposite of the Christian +precept: "Let each esteem other better than himself." This, like some +other Christian precepts, may never have been meant to express the whole +truth, but only that side which men are naturally apt to neglect. It was +hardly necessary to insist that men should defend themselves against +attack, maintain their rights, and keep their self-respect. There are +some crimes, too, which it required no special revelation to condemn; +man revolts from them as _contra naturam_. One of these crimes is +refusal to aid their fellow-countrymen who are fighting against +aggression. + +With the spirit that claims to dominate in its "will to power," to +override the eternal laws of justice, there can be no compromise. Until +that spirit is vanquished, the answer to the question, "Is it peace?" +must be, "What hast thou to do with peace, so long as thy brutal acts +and thy tyrannies are so many?" The order is given to smite. With profit +now we may recall the old narrative,--"And he smote thrice, and stayed. +And the man of God was wroth with him, and said, Thou shouldest have +smitten five or six times; then hadst thou smitten" the enemy till thou +hadst destroyed his evil will. The work must be completed thoroughly; +but that task once accomplished, to continue war, whether open or +veiled, either to satisfy national hatred and the mere wish for +vengeance, or, still more, in the desire of gain, would be to become--to +use George Herbert's words--"parcel devils in damnation" with those who +have driven or beguiled Germany to crime against humanity and to her own +undoing. It is but too easy for heroic effort and firm determination to +defend the right, to be corrupted either by a spirit of insolence or +greed. Even as we sow the seeds for a fruitful harvest of good, the +arch-enemy may be sowing the tares. On the other hand, to cease from +work and from struggle, either through fear or slackness or weariness, +or even from that pacific temperament which shrinks from contest of any +kind, may have results almost equally fatal. That other prayer of the +Greek poet is for us also. "But I ask that the god will never relax that +struggle which is for the State's true welfare"--"the contest in which +citizen vies with citizen who shall best serve the State." + + + + +_B.--POLITICAL PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION + + _The question for the British nation is--Can we work our + course pacifically on firm land into the New Era, or must + it be for us as for others, through the black abysses of + Anarchy, hardly escaping, if we do with all our struggles + escape, the jaws of eternal death?_--THOMAS CARLYLE. + + +It is not only international peace that must be assured. As a necessary +condition for reconstruction comes the need for Peace, peace real and +lasting, and peace all round. There may be times when the nation or the +individual needs the bracing stimulus, if not of war, at least of +competition and of conflict in the realm of thought and in the realm of +action; times when old institutions, old creeds, old systems, old +customs, are fiercely attacked and vigorously defended. The storm clears +the air, and the struggle ends in the survival of the fittest. After the +War the nations, and our own not least, wearied of strife, exhausted by +losses, will need all their energies to repair those losses, to rebuild, +often in quite new form, what the havoc of war has destroyed, and to +adapt themselves to the changed conditions of an altered world. It will +be a time neither for contest nor for rest, but for co-operation, mutual +help in the work, not merely of restoration, but of building up +something better in its place, where the old has been destroyed, or +shown its defects under the strain. For this, Peace is needed, peace not +only between the nations, but peace between different classes and +opposing parties, and even divergent Churches; international, +industrial, political and religious peace. There will be so much that +ought by general agreement to be done, the ideals to be set before us +will have so much in common, their realisation will need so much work in +concert, such concurrence as to the practical steps to be taken, such +goodwill among those who must work together with a common aim, that a +"truce of God" between those who were once opponents may be called for. +For a time at least old shibboleths might be forgotten, and the old +so-called "principles," round which so many barren contests of the past +have been waged, might cease to hamper us in adopting the practical +measures which the exigencies of the time demand. + +It is a significant fact, a note of sure and certain hope of the +ultimate result in the struggle against the powers of darkness, that men +are ready now to think and to act on the assumption that complete +victory will be achieved, and that the foundations for reconstruction +may now be laid, even while war is raging most fiercely. This work of +preparation to meet the difficulties that will arise after the War need +not interfere in any way with the paramount necessity of carrying on the +War to a successful issue, or divert the attention of those who are +engaged in that task. It is indeed matter for congratulation that in the +present Parliament, in spite of necessary preoccupation with matters +directly affecting the conduct of the War, a great Parliamentary Reform, +changing and enlarging the basis of representation, has been carried +through, and that the way to a great advance in Education has been made +possible. + +These great changes have been made with something approaching to general +concurrence. On one question unfortunately proposals made as part of +their considered scheme for electoral reform by a representative +conference were set aside. The influence of old party machinery and a +sluggish reluctance to take the trouble to understand either its +character or its importance prevented the introduction of a system of +proportional representation. The representatives of the caucuses scored +a success towards slamming the door of the House of Commons in the face +of the detached judgment, moderation of language, and independence of +character which Parliament needs. The electors desire to have such +qualities in their representatives, but care is taken to prevent their +giving effect to it. But it is better to let even that question rest for +a time. + +It would have been most unfortunate if it had been necessary, after the +War, when delay in dealing with many matters which will be most urgent +would be disastrous, to arouse contests about alterations in the +electorate and mode of election. The new Parliament may, after all, turn +out to be fairly representative of the nation, and may set about the +practical work of reconstruction at once. It would have been an +advantage if the Reform of the House of Lords could also have been +disposed of in the present Parliament, but it is not one of the +questions upon which the welfare of the country will immediately depend. +Everyone admits the need for reform; the abolition of the +"backwoods-man" must come; but it is the men of most experience in +public affairs who regularly attend sittings of the House of Lords, and +they contribute even now a valuable element in promoting useful +legislation as well as in revising and amending the Bills initiated in +another place. Most of the amendments of the Law which marked the latter +half of the nineteenth century were first introduced in the House of +Lords. + +During this time of severe test, it cannot be denied that the House of +Lords has gained in the respect of the nation, that its debates have not +only been dignified but often useful and enlightening, nor that, as at +other times in its past history, it has shown itself to be quite as +ready as the other House to be a guardian of law and of liberty. The +business ability of many of its members has also been conspicuous, and +the value of the experience of those who have taken part in the +government of British possessions beyond the seas and of their knowledge +of other countries has been demonstrated. + +Of the Crown and its influence it is unnecessary, perhaps unbecoming, +to say much. It has made for the unity of the Empire, not only as a +symbol, but, so far as the strict limitations of our Constitution +permit, as an active force. The existence of the monarchy and the +character of three successive sovereigns, and their real personal +interest in its people, are among the causes why India has been, and +especially why the Native States have been, as a rule, so loyal in this +time of danger, when the support of the whole Empire was so much needed. +In our own country the example set of ever ready and earnest sympathy +with all who are suffering from the effects of the War, feeling its +strain and bearing its burdens, from the highest to the humblest, and +also of that simplicity of life now so vitally important for all in the +time of general self-denial, which is necessary or, at any rate, a duty +for all, has been one of the real factors in knitting all classes of the +nation together in useful service and willing sacrifice. Could anyone +read the royal speech to the nation on July 6th, 1918, and the words of +the Archbishop of Canterbury at St. Paul's, and of the leaders in +Parliament, without feeling what a mighty influence for good there is in +the British monarchy? Those words were not decorous platitudes demanded +by convention, but the expression of genuine and intense feeling. + + The sober freedom out of which there springs + Our loyal passion for our temperate kings + +is an inheritance of our country which no theoretical discussions about +forms of government can interfere with, unless we are insane enough to +abandon the practical good sense that has brought the nation safely +through so many perils, in deference to some _a priori_ argument about +the best form of government, and the logical result of some so-called +principles. In politics--always using the term in its broad meaning, and +not as denoting the disputes and manoeuvres of parties, like the +contests between the green and blue factions of Byzantium--there is a +strong presumption that whatever is recommended as "logical" is also +foolish. It would be well to prescribe a severe course of Burke for the +_a priori_ theorists, and while they are occupied with it, set ourselves +to the real work. We should not forget, too, that Court influence, which +in some past times fostered corruption in political life, has for eighty +years been as a rule a purifying influence. It would not be easy for any +Minister, pressed by the political exigencies of the hour, to submit, +even for formal approval, to a sovereign who has only the national +interest to think of, perhaps most difficult of all to a high-minded and +clear-headed woman, a course of action that was dishonourable or mean. + +However important the influence of the Crown and the functions of a +Second Chamber may be, it is the House of Commons which is the +corner-stone of the Constitution. Through it the will of the nation must +be expressed, and embodied in definite action. The representatives in +that House are those chosen by the nation by regular and legal methods +to exercise their judgment, to enact laws, and to control acts of the +executive. It is essential not only to maintain, but to restore the +position of the House of Commons, and insure for it the respect and +confidence of the people. It is impossible to deny that respect and +confidence have been shaken, and that the position of the House is +threatened from two opposite quarters. We hear it daily spoken of as +"that talking shop"; it has been said that it would be better, instead +of having a fine statue of Cromwell outside, to have a living Cromwell +inside to purge it thoroughly. The story of the officer who, on +returning to England after long residence in the East, asked his father +if "that nonsense was going on still," represents a feeling which is +widespread. The present House of Commons, the existence of which has +been necessarily prolonged, has been the subject of bitter and +contemptuous criticism. Much of that criticism is unfair. In spite of +the fact that its attention had first to be directed to questions +directly affecting the War, it has passed the largest extension of the +franchise ever made, and in doing so without doubt carried out the wish +of the nation. It got rid of the fetters imposed on the free expression +of the will of the electors, and the restrictions placed on the free +selection of candidates of small means, by putting the expenses of +returning officers on public funds, and also by making better provision +for the revision of the register of voters. A number of useful Bills +have been passed, and it has been a means of eliciting information from +the Government which the country ought to have, but which would +otherwise have been withheld. It has voted the necessary supplies for +carrying on the War, and freely and readily assented to the increased +taxation that was essential. Unfortunately it is the practice in a +portion of the Press always to give prominence to the strange antics of +certain members and the vicious attempts made by some to embarrass the +Government in carrying on the War. A scene in the House of Commons is +fully reported; the good work done, especially by certain useful +committees, passes almost unnoticed. It is true, however, that the +character of many of the debates has been regrettable, and that as +regards what is perhaps its most important function, namely, the control +of expenditure, the House has not been able to exercise its functions as +it should. + +It was pointed out years ago that the House of Commons was in practice +ceasing to be what it ought, according to Constitutional theory, to be, +"a deliberative assembly of the representatives of the nation discussing +and forming judgments on national policy, instituting legislation and +determining its form," and was becoming simply "a body for registering +the decrees of a Cabinet." In practice it was assumed to be "the duty of +the minority in opposition to find objections to the proposals of the +Government, representing the majority, and to occupy time in voting +against them as often as possible, and on the other hand that it is the +duty of the majority to refrain from discussion, to applaud Ministers, +and to make sure that whatever they propose shall be carried by +undiminished numbers." In this respect the present House is no worse +than its predecessors for the last thirty years; the political truce has +indeed improved matters in some respects. It is at least doubtful +whether under "pre-War conditions" either the Representation of the +People Bill or the Education Bill could have been carried, certainly +they would not have been passed in a form to secure so much general +consent. Instead of such consent, some measure strongly opposed by a +minority might have been forced through by free use of the closure. A +new danger has arisen, however, of a still more serious kind, +threatening the position of the House of Commons. It is that, instead of +national policy being controlled by legislation, settled by a recognised +constitutional body elected according to definite rules and representing +the nation, the real power of initiative and real directing force may +pass to some other body or bodies unknown to the law and representing +only a class or even to certain writers in the popular Press. The House +of Commons, unless its constitutional powers and its independence are +maintained or restored, may become a body for registering and giving +legal sanction to the resolutions of some conference or convention +indefinite in its constitution, but highly organised for the purpose of +making representatives in Parliament mere delegates to carry out the +proposals of the majority of those who themselves had acted as delegates +of a section only of the community. + +The course of revolution in Russia should be a warning to all. Russia is +passing through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, where is heard "the +continual howling and yelling of a people under unutterable misery, who +sit there bound in affliction and iron, and over it hang the +discouraging clouds of confusion; death also does always spread his +wings over it. In a word it is every whit a dreadful being utterly +without order." Had there been in Russia a regularly constituted +assembly possessing adequate power and representing the nation as a +whole, including the "bourgeoisie"--who also "are God's creatures"--as +well as workmen, instead of irregular bodies appealing to the greed and +hatred of a class, most of the misery through which Russia is passing +might have been prevented, and the prospects of early restoration would +have been assured. The British nation is too sane, too used to orderly +freedom, to adopt either the spirit or the methods of the Bolsheviks, +but we may hear of them even in this country. They may perhaps give +serious trouble and interfere with progress on sound lines. The historic +House of Commons must be the means of carrying out Reconstruction so far +as legislation, and of controlling it so far as State action is +required. Some changes in its methods will be discussed in the chapters +on Reform, but the maintenance of the Constitution as the best +instrument for promoting orderly, peaceful, and real progress is +essential. + +The peace we need would only be uselessly disturbed, and the practical +reforms most urgently required would only be delayed by raising +controversial questions about the form of the Constitution. We may well +let them alone, and get on with something that will be of real benefit. + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +PEACE AND DEMOCRACY + + _There is no more unsafe politician than a + conscientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing more sure to + end in disaster than a theoretic volume of policy that + admits of no pliability for contingencies._--J.R. LOWELL. + + +It is often assumed that a change in the form of Government in Germany +would completely alter the attitude and conduct of the nation, and +secure permanent peace, but that alone would not be sufficient. It would +undoubtedly help; for under a more popular Government it would be easier +for a different spirit in the German nation to assert itself. +Democracies, however, have from time to time been aggressive, and have +claimed to dominate their neighbours. A change far deeper than a change +in the form of Government is needed. The claim put forward both by word +and deed to impose the German will on others by organised force of any +kind must be abandoned utterly, if the world is to be really at peace +with Germany and with those whom Germany has been able to compel or to +beguile into alliance with her. The conflict is not simply between +autocracy or oligarchy and democracy, but between different ideals and +diametrically opposed notions of duty. The conception of their State as +an organisation carefully arranged to impose its will on others +regardless of their feelings and their rights must be eradicated. +Democracy and Liberty do not necessarily go together. There may be +democracy without liberty, and it is possible though not probable that +there may be real liberty without the form of democracy. An enlightened +monarch, governing as well as reigning, may express the real will of a +nation more truly than the vote of a majority of representatives; and +individual liberty may be more secure under such a monarch than when it +is dependent on the result of divisions taken when party passion is +running high. But such a rule must lack the element of stability. The +Antonines pass away and Commodus and Heliogabalus rule in their place. +Permanent strength and settled liberty are best secured when the acts of +Government are the expression of the conscious will of the nation as a +whole, where the people think out for themselves the general lines of +action and the Government is their minister. It is not enough that there +should be a just rule in which they acquiesce, but it is they themselves +who should act--through agents, no doubt--and learn the habit of forming +right judgments and acting justly. To deny him a share in political +life--that is, in deciding the action of the State to which he +belongs--is to deprive a man of one of those "activities of the soul +which constitute happiness," to take from him one of the things that +makes a full life for those who really live among their fellows. There +may always be a few who live apart, contemplative souls + + insphered + In regions mild, of calm and serene air, + Above the smoke and stir of this dim spot + Which men call earth. + +Some may build themselves a Palace of Art where they may live alone; +some may sink themselves in luxury or repose in sluggish indifference, +careless of the life of others round them, with neither the heart to +feel nor head to understand anything beyond their own immediate wants. +But the highest aim and fullest life for man generally--as "an animal +more social than the bee"--is + + To go and join head and heart and hand, + Active and firm to fight the bloodless fight + Of science, freedom, and the truth in Christ. + +Political action may be one of the means of carrying on that fight. Is +it not one of the "rights of man" to be allowed to join in it? + +It is, however, not to be forgotten that men acting in the mass, just +as men acting individually, may act under sudden impulse, may do under +the influence of temporary passion, even of a generous emotion, things +which they would regret afterwards, and feel to be an error. Some checks +on such sudden action are most essential in a democracy, because there +is no appeal from its decision. A reverence for tradition, for those +rules of conduct which have stood the test of time, is one restraining +influence, but more formal restraints on sudden decisions and violent +changes are necessary. A single vote of a popular assembly may not +represent the well-considered judgment and permanent will of the people. +Steps may be taken which it is impossible to recall. To insist on an +appeal from "Philip drunk to Philip sober" is not to deprive him of his +real liberty. It is a safeguard, not an infringement of the principles +of true democracy, to provide some body of men of experience who can +exercise an independent judgment, and who, when some violent change is +proposed, have the right and the duty to reply in effect: + + Old things may not be therefore true, + Oh brother men, nor yet the new; + Ah, still awhile the old thought retain, + And yet consider it again. + +Such a justification, such a statement of the function of a Second +Chamber, not directly elected, may provoke a histrionic smile among +extreme advocates of so-called popular rights, but has never evoked an +argument which can displace it as based on sound reason and common +sense. There are some changes, too, which ought not to be made without a +specific appeal to the people on that particular issue. To make them as +part of the programme, as one plank in the platform of a party dominant +for the moment, is not to execute but to evade the real will of the +nation. We know by experience how the vote of a popular representative +assembly may represent the opinion of "a bare majority of a bare +majority;" conceivably anything over one-eighth of the nation. A +committee is elected by some eager partisans supposed to represent a +party. That party perhaps represents a bare majority of the +constituency. The caucus chooses a candidate whose views suit a bare +majority of its members who hold the most extreme views. He and others +go to Parliament as representing one party, and a majority of such +members decides what policy shall be adopted. Party discipline compels +the acquiescence of the rest. The machine is cleverly constructed to +make the will of certain party managers of mere sections of the +constituencies the dominant factor. No wonder that they denounce +Proportional Representation as a dangerous fad. Undoubtedly the will of +the people must prevail, but the exercise of that will should depend on +and be the result of their own deliberate judgment. Whether what is done +is a blessing or curse depends not on whether it is the act of an +autocrat, of an aristocracy, or of a democracy, but on the character of +the act and the spirit which prompts it. A great audience in London +recently heard the true position summed up in few words--I quote Dr. +Campbell Morgan from memory--"It is said we want to make the world safe +for democracy. What we really need is to make democracy safe for the +world." + + + + +_C.--INDUSTRIAL PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER X + +INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS + + _To secure industrial peace on terms just and honourable + to both sides would be to double the national strength + whether in industry or citizenship._--MEMORANDUM OF THE + GARTON FOUNDATION. + + +Under this head it will be convenient to treat not only of the steps to +be taken to prevent disputes or secure their settlement by peaceful +means, and to promote a more hearty co-operation of employer and +employed, but also of various other questions affecting industry, such, +for example, as increased production and increased saving. Without +industrial peace there will be no industrial or commercial prosperity, +and without a fair amount of prosperity it will be very difficult if not +impossible to preserve industrial peace. As the War proceeds these +questions become more and more urgent; after it, they will be more +serious and more pressing than ever. Already the need for taking certain +steps at once and for preparing a future policy is recognised. Anyone +who wishes to have before him a clear statement of the industrial +situation and of the effects of the War upon it, cannot do better than +read, and read with care, the revised memorandum prepared under the +auspices of the Garton Foundation and published in October, 1916. +Singularly impartial and judicious, it does not gloss over the +difficulties and perils which must be faced, but throughout there is a +note of hopefulness--an anticipation of a better state of things--if +while "the forces of change are visibly at work we do not allow them to +hurry us blindly with them," but "direct them along the path of ordered +progress." Some of the specific remedies suggested, of the proposals +adumbrated, may be open to criticism--criticism is, indeed, invited--but +it is evident that nothing is suggested that has not been the subject of +careful consideration of the facts. Some of the proposals have already +been put into fairly definite form in the Whitley Report, and have +received the approval of the Government. Industrial Councils are to be +established. The object of them will be to consider "constructive +measures for the improvement of industrial conditions and the increase +of efficiency." They will not be confined to specific points of dispute. +They are to be established in industries which are "highly organised," +where the employer and employed already possess some definite +association or union which represents them respectively. There are to be +national, district, and workshop councils set up. Their object differs +from that of the Conciliation Boards for Arbitration or the Trade Boards +established to settle some specific question such as a minimum wage to +be paid, or some question that has given rise to a dispute between +employers and employed. Such a mode of settlement is a great advance on +leaving differences to be settled by an industrial war--a strike or +lock-out. The Boards will still be needed, just as arbitration tribunals +will be required to settle specific disputes between nations. The aim in +both cases is to substitute arbitration for war (or its equivalent) or +threats of war. Something more is aimed at in the establishment of +Industrial Councils. They contemplate a "continuous and constructive +co-operation of Capital and Management on the one hand and Labour on the +other." They are not tribunals for the settlement of disputes which have +arisen, but joint committees which can discuss and propose methods of +dealing with any question affecting working-conditions generally, e.g., +the introduction of new machinery and its effect on employment and the +status as well as the wages of the workpeople, and even its economic +effect generally. Suggestions can be made as to changes which may +"increase output or economise effort" and eliminate waste. The effect of +any alterations on the health of those engaged in any industry would be +within their purview. The idea is to promote co-operation, to make all +recognise certain common interests, not merely to adjust competing +claims. In international affairs the nearest analogy would be a League +of Nations for promoting the common interest of all. While, of course, +the main object of such a league is common action to prevent breaches of +the international peace by restraining wrong-doers, it should not be the +sole object. In the case of Industrial Councils the object is to promote +the general welfare of all engaged in the trade and to increase +productive efficiency, as well as to secure fair terms between the +parties and prevent disputes. If such a Council has been established for +any industry Government Departments will consult it, and not the Trade +Board, on any questions affecting that industry; but the constitution of +the Council should make provision by which Trade Boards can be +consulted. Roughly speaking, "the functions of the Trade Board will be +called into operation mainly in the case of the less organised trades, +and the highly organised trades will be the sphere of the Industrial +Councils." These, in their most developed form, will be national, +district, and local. + +A memorandum which has official sanction states that the chief duty of +the Trade Boards, on the other hand, is to fix minimum rates of wages +which can be imposed by law. They are needed primarily to insure that in +trades where the workers have no official organisation to guard their +interest a living wage shall be secured for all. They are statutory +bodies set up under an Act of Parliament just passed, and will be +connected with the Ministry of Labour, by which their members are +largely nominated. The work of such Boards is being extended. + +Detailed discussion of the character of the work which may be expected +to be done by the councils and of its probable effects would be beyond +the scope of this volume, and would require special knowledge of the +industries concerned. It will vary in different industries and in +different places. In some, success may be confidently expected, in +others there will probably be failures. The aim of the proposal is +certainly one to be desired, and the method for attaining it promises +many beneficial results. There appear to be some dangers involved which +it may be well to consider. Useful work may be hindered owing to, first, +the time and attention required for the meetings and discussions of the +various councils, and the risk that clever and fluent talkers may +prolong debate and generate friction and may perhaps exercise an undue +influence. Probably this will not be found a serious danger. Experience +over a considerable district shows that those who are chosen by the +Trade Unions to represent them are usually clear-headed and businesslike +men, who grasp a point quickly and, while carefully guarding the +interests of those whom they represent, are fair-minded and ready to do +all they can to promote the national interest also. Secondly, there may +be a tendency to interfere too much in questions of management, even +where full and detailed knowledge of trade conditions of the moment and +of possible appliances that may be used is required, and prompt action +may be necessary. A man steering a boat in a storm would hardly succeed +if he had to consult a committee before moving the helm. The object of +the councils would not be to undertake the general management of the +business, but should be directed to the relation of workers and +management, to secure efficiency and greater production, a fair +participation in and distribution of the benefits derived from success, +and wholesome conditions for those engaged in the work, and to avoid +dispute by agreeing action beforehand wherever possible. Thirdly, in +this as in most other cases where power is given to representatives of +organised bodies, there is a risk of undue interference with the +liberty of those who do not belong to them or who are in a minority. A +dead level of uniformity may be secured, experiments and new lines of +action by enterprising and original minds may be interfered with. The +old problem of reconciling high organisation and corporate action with +individual liberty may present itself in an acute form. + +Already before the War the tendency to crush out individuality was +becoming stronger and stronger, the private firms of manufacturers were +being squeezed out by highly organised combines, or tempted by high +prices offered to hand over their businesses to them. In banking, +similarly, the absorption and amalgamation of smaller banks has been +going on with startling rapidity. The personal relationship between the +customer and the banker, who would grant loans and overdrafts because he +knew the character and position of the borrower in each case, will no +longer exist. The business was safe enough when the manager of a country +bank probably knew whether a customer's butcher's bills were becoming +excessive. Now everything must be referred to London for decision +according to some fixed general rule. The convenience and the +accommodation of the man with a small account count for very little. A +more serious question is the effect which these amalgamations may have +on the relations between bankers and those who are engaged in +manufacturing business. + +The old personal relationship between the mill-owner and his employees, +when his garden adjoined the mill yard, when they spoke of him by his +Christian name, and he knew their family affairs and was ready to help +in time of difficulty and distress and to take a lead in any local +effort or support any local charity, has been rapidly disappearing. +There still are, however, many employers to whom the happiness and +welfare of their workpeople is a matter of deepest concern. They have a +human interest in them, and take a pride in improving the conditions of +their life. They have other aims than simply securing as big a dividend +as possible for the eager shareholders of a huge combine. It is, no +doubt, usually large employers of labour who are thus able and willing +to make provision for the welfare of the people in their employ. Some +have established libraries and reading-rooms, and have provided classes +for giving instruction likely to be useful to the boys and young men +engaged in their works. Conditions of labour would be greatly improved +if the example of the best firms in such matters were generally +followed. + +The more complete organisation of trades under powerful councils may +tend to a virtual monopoly being obtained by a limited number of large +and influential firms, and the result may be prejudicial to the consumer +by limiting competition. That is not certainly the object, but it may be +an incidental effect of the organisation which is needed for full +development of the system of councils. In some cases State support and +control acting in conjunction with private firms of great influence is +to be introduced to unify an industry under one management. Support and +control may possibly be necessary in some cases, but the extension of +such methods should be jealously watched. In the manufacture of dyes, +for example, it seems that the Government and a very powerful +manufacturing firm or combination are arranging to act together. Those +outside this combination will have no chance of competing. In this +particular case the scheme may be useful, but careful provision is +necessary to protect customers for the commodities produced. It may +become a very serious thing for manufacturers of piece goods when +struggling to maintain their position in the world markets, and the +slightest addition to cost of production may close a market to them, if +they find that they cannot purchase the dyes they require in the +cheapest market, or those who dye goods for them must increase their +charges, because one organisation can fix prices, and import from abroad +is prohibited in order to protect a special home industry. + +Possibly it may be necessary for a time to give such protection to +certain industries, involving a preliminary expenditure of a large +capital; but the fact that the dye industry had gone from England to +Germany was, in the opinion of many, due not so much to free and open +competition as to the circumstances that (1) the German producers paid +more attention to systematic chemical research bearing on the industry, +and (2) that our absurd patent law operated to throttle English +production. The founder of the successful firm of Levinstein, Limited, +Mr. Ivan Levinstein, seeing by his own experience how our patent laws +prevented the development of the dye industry in England, devoted years +of work to obtain an alteration of these laws, but with only partial +success. The Government, after very long delays, attempted to deal with +the matter, but it is not yet satisfactorily settled. A Bill on the +subject is now before Parliament. A list can be given of more than a +dozen cases--there may have been many others--in which the +Badische-Anilin Fabrik was plaintiff against firms in this country. The +result was to aid the rapid development of the huge works near Mannheim +now used to manufacture poisonous gases, while the works in this country +were crippled. Strangely enough, it was an English chemist (Sir W. +Perkin) who made the discoveries which led to the development of this +industry; but it is generally possible where competition is keen to take +out subsidiary patents for small improvements which really enable the +subsequent patentee to command the market. Sometimes the root invention +for some reason cannot be made the subject of a valid patent, or the +patent for it expires before its full commercial value has been +realised, and the minor improvements give the holder of patents for them +a virtual monopoly. + +All along the line, too, the big firm is favoured at the expense of the +smaller. The position of the small tradesman is often a very hard one. +The shopkeeper in a village or small town near the metropolis pays heavy +rates for the upkeep of roads which are torn to pieces by the heavy +motors of the great distributing firms delivering goods to those who +would otherwise be his customers, perhaps with petrol specially exempted +from taxation. The firm which by widespread advertisements can induce +people to buy an article with some familiar name attached, reaps a +gigantic fortune, while the man who makes the same article and cannot +spend money on advertisement gains a mere pittance. The advertisements +which disfigure the country are not taxed, as in other countries, and +the issue of advertising circulars has been subsidised by the Post +Office, which delivered them at a rate lower than that charged for +delivery of the letters, or even the postcards, of the poorest, though +the trouble involved is the same. The patent laws, again, have been +exploited to protect the large manufacturer, who fences some form of +production by taking out a string of patents often where there is no +meritorious invention at all. The rubbishy specifications are flourished +in the face of a poor competitor, and form a basis for threats which a +man who is not wealthy dare not resist, knowing the heavy cost of +fighting any patent action whether successful or not. "To him that hath +shall be given" ought not to be a maxim to guide legislators or any +department of Government. + +To return from this digression. One great advantage of the councils +would be that those who represent the workmen upon them will probably be +men who are actually engaged in manual work in the trades concerned, or +have been so engaged, and who will look at each question practically. +The agitator who lives on grievances and disputes, the politician "on +the make," or the well-meaning and half-informed enthusiast from +outside, is not likely to find a place on councils whose object it is to +see how interests which investors, managers, and workmen have in common +can best be promoted, and how the share of each in the work and its +profits can be more fairly assigned and distributed instead of attention +being concentrated on matters in which their interests seem to be in +conflict. + +Another difficulty of more direct importance with regard to the +proposed councils is already arising. The relative powers and position +of the shop stewards chosen by the men in each works and of the unions +representing industry as a whole in any district have to be settled. +There are also overlapping unions competing for influence and support, +and sometimes doing so by making excessive demands. The events of the +next few months may lead either to an accentuation or to a partial +solution of these questions which are perhaps the most serious at +present affecting industrial peace. It is better not to anticipate. +Prophecy might be falsified too soon and too palpably, and the position, +which changes from week to week, is too critical for anyone to discuss +unless he has full and exact knowledge of the facts and clear +understanding of the way in which undercurrents are setting. + + + + +CHAPTER XI + +LONG HOURS + + _Our life is turned_ + _Out of her course wherever man is made_ + _An offering, or a sacrifice, a tool_ + _Or implement, a passive thing employed_ + _As a brute mean, without acknowledgment_ + _Of common right or interest in the end._ + --WILLIAM WORDSWORTH. + + +There is no doubt that among the causes of unrest one of the most +serious, probably much more so than either employers or workmen are +generally conscious of, is the long hours of work. Those who have had to +hear questions arising out of labour disputes have noticed the state of +tension produced by the weariness and strain of too prolonged and +continuous work. Even in the domestic circle an overworked man is often +found less amiable and more ready to find fault. A harassed manager and +a deputation of jaded workmen may be really very good fellows and yet +find that some comparatively small question raises strong feeling and +mutual recrimination, and then leads to rash action resulting in open +strife, strikes, and lock-outs, and the judicial proceedings which may +be necessary in consequence of them. "A Skilled Labourer," writing in +the _Quarterly Review_, mentions as the first of the four principal +grievances of workmen--"the hours are too long." Long hours have been +accepted on both sides partly because during the War the call of the +country for increased output, especially of munitions, was so urgent, +and partly because it was thought that higher profits would thereby be +obtained, and certainly higher wages earned. It seems, however, well +established that longer hours do not necessarily mean increased output. +There is a limit to the time during which a man can do even routine work +effectively. If men were to be regarded only as machines for turning out +work of a certain class, very long hours would be bad business. Where +the work involves special skill and thought the evil results of long +hours, even measured simply by the gross amount done, are still more +serious. Everyone who has had to do with young students and still more +with parents disappointed by their sons' failures must again and again +have found that the cause of failure was too many hours devoted to +reading. The students acquired the habit of sitting over their books +worrying their minds, but really absorbing nothing. A senior wrangler +has been known to find five or six hours a day of real work at +mathematics as much as he could stand. Of course, work involving little +hard physical exertion and hardly any mental effort can go on much +longer, but the very monotony which in some ways makes it easy, has a +deadening effect. A factory operative minding a "mule" being asked: "Is +it not very hard work always watching and piecing threads?" answered, +"No, but it is very dree work." But the evil effects of too long hours +are not confined to the fact that unrest or disputes arise from the +state of feeling produced nor to the diminution of production due to +fatigue. Recurrent strains continued over a long period indeed +deteriorate even things which are inanimate. The "fatigue of metals" has +been the subject of careful investigations. It is time that fatigue of +human beings, even looked at as machines, were more fully considered.[5] + +The great and often permanent physical injury caused by too prolonged +work is specially serious for women. Many women are such willing workers +that they go on overtaxing their strength. Among girls and women +students the fatigue from overstrain in preparing for examinations, from +which boys and men may rapidly recover, often results in permanent +physical and even mental degeneration. Many who have watched the effects +of such continuous study would advocate a complete sabbatical year in +which systematic study should be suspended entirely for girls at some +period between fourteen and eighteen. + +It is impossible to have a healthy nation if the majority, or any very +large part of it, work for excessive hours even in the factories where +the best methods are employed to make the conditions as healthy as +possible. Medical men of the highest authority regard the influence of +too prolonged hours of work as one which urgently demands attention. +Enlightened and experienced men of business like Lord Leverhulme have +expressed very strong views on the subject. Man, however, cannot be +looked on as a mere machine for production, nor is even health the only +question for him as a human being. He must have time for other pursuits, +for recreation, for a fuller life. As civilisation and education advance +this need becomes stronger. The duller the work the greater the need for +those who have any natural mental activity to find resources of interest +outside. The pleasure derived from literature and science should be open +to all. No one who knows working people can deny that the demand for it +exists. A fitter on weekly wages used to show in a poor cottage one of +the best collections of British butterflies and moths, made entirely by +himself. Many of them had been captured late at night on Chat Moss. A +hair-dresser has told how to watch the habits of birds was the delight +of his Sunday bicycle rides; his assistant called attention to some +little known poet whose works had a special appeal for him; another said +it was the study in his rare holidays at the seaside and in local +museums of some form of animal life--the name of it, now forgotten, +would convey no meaning to most University graduates--that made his +interest in life. You may find a large audience of workmen interested in +a lecture on Shelley, and some of them as well acquainted with his poems +as the lecturer. Such cases as these may perhaps be exceptional, but +given opportunity and sympathetic help and advice, they might be +multiplied almost indefinitely. Other men want time for cultivation of +allotments, which ought to be within the reach of thousands of urban +workers who find in them a perennial source of interest. A growing +number take a keen pleasure in seeing something of the beauties of their +own country. Tramping through the Yorkshire dales and knowing them well, +it was interesting to meet one who knew them better, and to find that he +was a chimney-sweep, who saved up his earnings to spend his holidays +regularly there. + +The success of the Workers' Educational Association shows both the +strength of the demand among the workmen, and sometimes, too, among +working women, for intellectual life and their capacity to make use of +any opportunities offered for regular study. It is to be hoped that its +promoters will not forget that some branches of natural science and +literature, opening new realms of interest removed from the ordinary +cares of life, are at least as important subjects for study as economic +and social problems, and that one of the most important of such problems +is how to give those who must earn their daily bread by work that is +often dull and wearisome, the opportunity of sharing as far as possible +in the intellectual life. We may well wish Mr. Mansbridge and his +friends success as pioneers in the work of reconstruction, and renewed +and extended activity when the pressure of War requirements is removed. +It is to be hoped that the original ideals of the Association may never +be forgotten. + +The aim of the Association is neither technical, i.e., to make workmen +better qualified for their special work, nor to attain a higher general +education with a view to their obtaining employment of a different class +and ceasing to be manual workers. It is to enable them, while continuing +to earn their living by manual work, to participate in the fuller life +given by intellectual activity. There are some subjects which can be +pursued and studied _thoroughly_ with pleasure and profit without any +long or exact preliminary training. With some wise guidance in reading +and some stimulating criticism to help him, the workman can really +obtain all that is important from the study of the literature of his own +language--to learn to know and to enjoy the best that has been written. +It is of no importance that he will probably not become a "literary +expert," able to trace the influence of this or that obscure writer of +one age or country on the literature of another. It is to be hoped that +he will not learn the kind of literary jargon affected by so many modern +critics, or attempt in his essays to imitate those who think that +obscurity indicates profundity. There are some sciences, too, especially +certain branches of natural science, which can be pursued by men whose +time is mainly taken up by manual work. + +The idea of erecting an educational ladder by which all will proceed +from the elementary to the secondary school and thence to the +University, is a false one. Any such ladder must continue to be narrow +at the top. It is impossible in any economic conditions that we are +likely to see in our time that the majority of our people will be able +to devote their whole lives to study until the age at which a University +course can be finished. Indeed, for all classes there is a modern +tendency to prolong the school period unduly, to keep boys under the +discipline and following the methods of the secondary school until +nineteen years of age, so that they finish a University course, which is +also becoming more prolonged, after twenty-three, and then at last take +up their vocational training. Neither parents nor the nation can afford +to make such a course the normal one. It is no doubt of the greatest +importance to secure a career for special talent so that poverty shall +not prevent a really able boy or girl following such a course of study +as would enable his or her talents to have their full scope. The old +Grammar Schools, especially in the North of England, afford many +examples of poor boys who by means of their school and University +scholarships were enabled to obtain the best training the country could +give, and so attain the highest positions in Church and State. These +must necessarily be the few. It is a cruelty by means of scholarships to +tempt those who have neither the financial means nor exceptional talent +to try for a career in which there will really be no opening for them. +Even with the limited number of scholarships which local authorities +have been able to offer, there have been many cases in which bitter +complaints have been raised that young people had been induced to +prepare themselves for some walk in life in which there was no demand +for their services. Of course, the more knowledge is required in various +industries the more scope there will be for those who have had a long +training, but there is nothing more injurious to the State than to turn +out a number of persons who have had a prolonged academic training, but +who are not able to do something for which there is a demand, and for +which the world is willing to pay. The results of such a course of +action may be seen on a large scale in India. In one of the colleges of +an Indian University in a large manufacturing town, fourteen young +men--very agreeable and frank, outspoken fellows--met at random in one +of the hostels, were asked what, on completing their college course, +they intended to do; twelve answered to become "pleaders," and two hoped +for something in the Government service. None proposed to follow +manufacturing industry, agriculture, or commerce. The legal profession +which they proposed to enter was so crowded that pleaders are said to +have been competing with each other to obtain cases by a kind of Dutch +auction regarding fees, and also to promote litigation wilfully in order +to obtain a living. It is from a kind of "intellectual proletariat" in +all countries, that dangerous political agitators are drawn who take up +political life not to improve the conditions of their fellows, but to +find some sort of a career for themselves, having no useful occupation +to turn to. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 5: Since the above lines were written I hear that a Committee +of Inquiry has been appointed by the Government to report on the +subject.] + + + + +CHAPTER XII + +WAGES[6] + + _How shall we better distribute the product of industry, + and allay the unrest of which we hear so much? There's + only one way--by improving our methods of production. To + effect this the earnest and active co-operation between + those engaged in industry must be employed._ + + _... No longer must a man be supported by his union when + he refuses to mind two lathes because the custom of the + factory confines him to one. No longer must an employer + assign as a reason for cutting prices that the man's + wages are too high.... Each side must endeavour better to + understand the outlook of the other._--SIR HUGH BELL. + + +The second grievance mentioned in the _Quarterly_ article already +referred to is: "The wages are too low." To remedy this grievance, +increased productivity, along with greater economy in working, is the +first essential in order to obtain the funds out of which higher wages +can be paid; the second, to get a fair allocation and distribution of +the profit made. Increased benefit will also be a stimulus to better +work. + +For a crowded country like ours to maintain a leading position in +industry is obviously a necessary condition either of welfare or +progress. It is of first importance to secure work of high quality. A +highly civilised and trained nation must hold its own by the superior +quality of the articles produced as well as by being able to supply both +its own needs and to compete in prices with others by the quantity of +output. It may be possible, for example, to hold the market for fine +spinning when other countries are well able to supply coarse yarns from +their own factories. Hitherto this country has been able to maintain a +lead in industry largely through causes which are no longer operative. +Thus, we had (1) a settled Government when Germany and Italy were +divided into a number of small and inefficient and often very badly +governed States, when France was exhausted and unsettled, and when +America was only in its infancy; and (2) the advantage due to the fact +that the great discoveries and inventions which advanced industry were +mostly made in Britain, when industry was developing at the close of the +eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century. Many of these +inventions were made by manual workers who, by intuitive genius, saw +what was needed to meet the requirements that arose in practice. There +was not then that fund of accumulated scientific knowledge and +experience in existence which anyone must have before he can make any +advance or improvement to-day. There was an interesting print published +some forty years ago giving portraits of the Englishmen who had made +contributions to practical science and who might have been assembled +together in one room in 1808. It included many who made their inventions +as manual workers. Murdock, who invented a new lathe, and developed the +use of coal gas, worked until over forty years old for a wage of a pound +a week; Davy had been apprenticed to an apothecary; Bramah, who invented +a new hydraulic press, once worked with a village carpenter; Bolton and +Watt and Nasmyth, the inventor of the steam hammer, were practical +engineers. Never in the world's history has there been such a galaxy of +practical talent and inventive power as those whose portraits are shown +in this picture. Now a larger amount of preliminary knowledge as to what +has already been done and of the sciences is necessary, in most cases at +least, before useful inventions can be made. The more widely this +scientific knowledge can be made available throughout all classes in the +country the greater is the possibility of maintaining our lead. It is +also important to maintain, so far as technical education can give it, +skill in carrying out methods already established and improving them, +and also in making the worker more adaptable to new conditions and +altered circumstances instead of being a mere machine able to do one +class of work only, and adhering simply to the one rigid method which he +may have learnt. But knowledge and training are not all that is wanted. +It is essential that all classes connected with industry should realise +that increased production in established and well-understood industries +is essential, and that it can only be obtained, first, by willing and +vigorous work on the part of the workman, aiming at producing as much as +possible in the hours during which labour can be efficiently carried on +without detriment to health or depriving the labourer of the +opportunities of enjoying a life outside his daily routine; and, +secondly, by the increased use of the best machinery and labour-saving +appliances and working such machinery to its fullest capacity. Instead +of that, it has often been the policy to restrict the production of each +man's labour, one reason being lest there should not be enough +employment to go round, and also to view the introduction of machinery +which might displace labour with hostility and suspicion. In order to +give the leisure which the workman needs for a full and healthy life, +and to provide a wage which will enable him to secure the comforts which +he rightly desires, as well as to obtain adequate remuneration for those +who manage businesses, and interest on their money for those whose +capital is to be embarked in them, increased production is necessary; +but it cannot be expected that workmen will realise this or desire the +result unless they know certainly that they will obtain at once a +benefit from it. It has too often been the case that where some new +invention has been made, or new machinery introduced, or the conditions +of trade have enabled an industry to be more profitable, the workman has +not shared in the benefits obtained until he has pressed for an increase +of wages, even to the extent of striking or threatening to strike. The +faults and jealousies leading to restricted production are not all on +one side. Cases have arisen when a manager has let out a piece of work +to a group of workmen at a price which has resulted in a larger output +in a given time at less cost, though the amount paid to each man has +been higher owing to increased diligence, yet the employers raised +objections, because the wages earned were "more than such men ought to +have." + +It is essential if the workers are to make it their aim to increase +production and to use every effort with that object, that they should +know that of a certainty, and at once, they will get a benefit from what +is done. At present it is commonly the case that in order to obtain an +adequate wage the worker works overtime, and presses to have overtime +work, because the rate of pay for overtime is higher, and that during +the normal hours of work he does less. Cases have actually been known in +which the worst class of workmen play during the greater part of the +week, and then have gone, during the War at all events, to work for the +week-end, including Sunday, at a very high rate of wages at some other +place. In the short time of working at abnormal rates they have gained +as high wages as the steady and efficient workman who keeps steadily at +work through the normal hours. As long as such conditions exist we shall +not have the shorter hours which are necessary for healthy and happy +life, and we shall have the friction and irritation which arise from too +long hours of work. A higher rate of wages during shorter hours of work, +when the work is done with vigour and efficiency, and the certainty that +the wage will be increased if results are favourable, are necessary +conditions for industrial welfare and industrial peace. The wage system +should be so designed as to make it clear that the wage is a share in +the industry's earnings which is to advance as these earnings advance. A +"regulated slide of wages rising with the prosperity of the industry as +a whole" would help to secure this without friction. Methods of +industrial remuneration giving an assurance of thus sharing the benefit +of increased or more economical production are required. A valuable work +on such methods, which are already very various, was published by the +late Mr. David Schloss many years ago. New methods will, no doubt, be +found. The problem, however, is one for judicial treatment by those who +have devoted special study to it. + +The methods already tried include the more general adoption of +piece-wage, progressive wage arranged in various ways giving a fixed +rate for the hours worked plus an additional sum proportionate to the +excess of output over a fixed standard, collective piece-work, contract +work, co-operative work, sub-contract, profit-sharing in various forms +including special bonus, product-sharing, and industrial co-operation. + +Each method should be considered on its merits, in the light of the +experience already gained, and having regard to its applicability to +each class of industry. The aim and the principles which must guide +endeavours to achieve it are clearly stated by Mr. Schloss: + +"But while a reduction of hours of labour, say to eight hours in the +day, may readily be admitted to be on grounds both economic or social +highly desirable, yet it is no less desirable that during those eight +hours every working man in the country shall use his best available +tools and machinery, and, performing as much labour as he can perform +without exerting himself to an extent prejudicial to his health or +inconsistent with his reasonable comfort, produce an output as large as +possible. In the interest of the people as a whole it is expedient that +the remuneration of the labour of the industrial classes shall be +increased, and since this remuneration is paid out of the national +income, it is a matter of great importance not only that the working +classes shall succeed in obtaining for themselves a far ampler share in +the national income than they at present receive, but also that the +productive powers of the working classes shall be exercised in a manner +calculated to secure that this income shall be of the largest possible +dimensions." + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 6: This chapter is intended to refer to what may be regarded +as normal conditions. In some cases the recent rise in wages has been +excessive. The present position is chaotic, and the ill-advised manner +in which the 12-1/2 per cent. advance was made has added to labour +troubles and will cause great difficulty in the future.] + + + + +_D.--RELIGIOUS PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER XIII + +CO-OPERATION + + _Children of men! the Unseen Power, whose eye_ + _For ever doth accompany mankind,_ + _Hath looked on no religion scornfully_ + _That man did ever find._ + --MATTHEW ARNOLD. + + +This is not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of any +theological views or of any system of Church government, but the +question of the influence of religion on the life of the State and the +way in which and conditions under which it can be rightly exercised +cannot be overlooked. There is no doubt whatever that religious +influence might be a most potent and useful factor in Reconstruction, +using the word in the broadest sense. There are some branches of work in +which no other known influence can effect what is required. Leaving +aside for the moment the fact that there are needs of humanity which +religion alone can satisfy, and looking only to social improvement, the +power of religion has been proved again and again, especially in dealing +with the cases that seem most difficult and almost hopeless. In India, +for example, there are certain debased tribes which are habitually +criminal, and have, in fact, by tradition devoted themselves to the +commission of crime. The only agency which has been able to effect a +reclamation and improvement of these tribes is the Salvation Army, +which, by general consent, even of those who have no sympathy with its +particular religious views, has achieved wonderful results. There is no +doubt, too, that some of the worst parts of certain seaports in our own +country have been vastly improved by the same agency. This has been done +by a definite appeal made on religious grounds, and those who have made +it have been inspired by religious motives. It required, however, a body +which had peculiar methods of its own to do it. The basis of the action, +also, of such organisations as the Church Army and the Young Men's and +Young Women's Christian Associations is definitely religious, and the +vigorous and successful way in which their work has been carried on by +such associations is due mainly to the influence of religion. It would +be well for our present purpose to treat the question from a position, +whether real or assumed, of absolute detachment from any particular +religious belief, and from any special religious community. Looked at +even from such a detached position, it appears that the first condition +required to enable religious influence to be effectively exercised is to +secure religious peace. It is impossible to deny that there has been a +kind of jealousy and hostility between those who hold different opinions +about theological and ecclesiastical questions which injures the work of +all. Anyone, for example, who was in the habit of meeting educated +Indians at the time of the Kikuyu controversy could not have helped +noticing the harm done to the cause of the Christian religion by that +controversy. There were Indians, whose attitude to Christianity before +might almost have been called wistful admiration, seeing the brighter +hope and fuller life it opened to all classes, and the universal +brotherhood of men which it proclaimed, who then spoke in an altered +tone, and their feeling seemed to be tinged with a half-concealed and +almost contemptuous pity. How much beneficial action might be taken by +religious bodies acting in co-operation! There is a deep truth in a +remark once made by the late Bishop of Manchester, Dr. Moorhouse, when +speaking of possible co-operation on a certain matter between people +belonging to different religious communities: "It would be so easy did +we only recognise how large is the area covered by things on which we +agree, how important they are, compared with those on which we differ." +Some have felt so keenly the injury done by religious differences that +schemes have been put forward for corporate union of a number of +different Churches. Such union may or may not be possible, but, even if +it is, is it best to bring about such a union by any compromise under +which one side gives up part of what it regards as useful and important +in exchange for a similar concession on the other? May not a kind of +confederation between different bodies for certain purposes, each +maintaining its separate existence, be better than formal incorporation? +May there not be a unity of spirit and bond of peace between those whose +views differ, without either party giving up the iota to which he may +attach importance? Forms devoutly prized and helpful to one man may be +repellent and a hindrance to others. + +There is much to be learnt from a saying quoted by Sir Edwin Pears in +writing of certain Mahommedan sects: "The paths leading to God are as +numerous as the breaths of His creatures; hence they consider religious +toleration as a duty." Toleration does not mean simply abstinence from +the thumbscrew and the rack or even the repeal of the Conventicle or the +Five Mile Act, but appreciation of the religious opinions and practices +of others, and due respect for them. Without formal union there may not +only be peace and goodwill between bodies which keep up their separate +organisations, they might also act together heartily and effectively +both in philanthropic work and in combating certain evils for which the +influence of religion is the most effective cure. It is a good sign of +the times that a joint volume has already been published on Religion and +Reconstruction, containing essays by a number of those whose views no +doubt differ widely, but who find no difficulty in uniting in a common +undertaking. The book contains essays by Bishop Welldon, Dr. Orchard, +Monsignor Poock, and others representing different communions, and they +appear to have had no difficulty at all in a joint enterprise of this +kind. + +Is there any sufficient reason why the leaders of religious thought +belonging to other denominations should not be invited sometimes to +speak in the pulpits of the National Church? They would not use the +occasion for attacking Episcopacy. Conversely it might be a wholesome +thing if a Bishop or other well-known Episcopalian clergyman +occasionally spoke to the great congregations in such familiar London +meeting-places as the Newington Tabernacle or the City Temple. They +might be trusted not to choose Apostolic Succession as their subject. +Joint religious services have already been held, and the practice might +be extended. The Bishop of London has been seen in Hyde Park on the +platform with representative men from the Wesleyans, Independents (it is +pleasanter to use the old name rather than "Congregationalist," which +may be correct, but is hideous), and Presbyterians, with a band from the +Salvation Army in attendance. Such things do good, and are the best +reply to the orators by the Reformers' Tree, whose most effective weapon +is to sneer--not unnaturally--at the enmity amongst Christians. A +"church" parade for the Volunteers has in a village been held in the +Baptist chapel, and many who had never entered a Nonconformist place of +worship before, felt how real "unity of spirit" did exist. + +Another fruitful opportunity for joint work is in the realm of study and +of theological education. This object would be promoted by the +establishment in our Universities of theological faculties where a +part--it may be a large part but not the whole--of the training of those +who intend to enter the ministry or for other reasons to devote +themselves to theological study may be carried on. Such a faculty has +been instituted with marked success in Manchester. No test is imposed +except tests of knowledge, but the faculty has been said to be the most +harmonious in the University. Whatever body he belongs to, whatever +Church he wishes to serve, the student could not fail to gain profit +from studying the language of the New Testament under a scholar like the +late Professor Moulton, and would never find anything that--to use the +words of the founder of the University--"could be reasonably offensive +to the conscience of any student." Already the effect of such a faculty +in advancing theological study and still more in uniting members of +different communions in the pursuit of truth has been most marked. + +There is one point, however, in considering the influence of religion on +Reconstruction which must be borne in mind. Untold harm has been done in +the past by the intrusion of the lawgiver or the judge into the domain +of religion, and, on the other hand, by the intrusion of the minister of +religion into the domain of the legislator or the magistrate. It is +essential that in dealing with any question of legislation or political +action the clergy and ministers of all denominations, if they take part +at all, should speak as citizens, and not professionally. They, in +virtue of their office, ought not to be, and they have the highest +authority for not claiming to be, judges or lawgivers. They have not, +and ought not to claim, any authority to decide on the lawfulness of +paying tribute to Caesar; any such claim must be strenuously resisted. +The use of religious sanctions as weapons of political warfare is not +wholly obsolete. We hear of it from across St. George's Channel--it +should be condemned like poison gas on the battlefield. And, lastly, it +must never be forgotten that there are certain things with regard to +which attempted suppression by law is certain to result in evil and +disaster. With regard to these things the influence of religion, on the +other hand, may be all-effective if it is kept absolutely distinct from +any question of legislation or of legal penalties. The spheres of +religion and the criminal law must never be confused. Shakespeare, "the +mirror of human nature" for all time, once blended bitter irony with +infinite pathos. "Measure for Measure" has its warning for every age. +It would be well to study the ugliest as well as the most beautiful +parts of that drama, and see what it really means, and what is its +lesson. + +Exercised within its proper sphere the influence of religion may still +be as potent a force now as in the past. It may inspire the right frame +of mind in dealing with every question, may encourage hope, sustain +faith, and diffuse charity. + +Reiterated until wearisome we hear the question asked, "What is wrong +with the Church?" sometimes from outside with a tone almost of contempt, +with little, or no care, for remedy if anything be wrong; sometimes from +within with a note of anxiety, uncertain whether it is safe to confess +openly the fact that anything can so be wrong. To the question coming +from within the Church, a voice might answer from the outer galilee, "Is +not what is wrong with the Church--like what is wrong with most of +us--thinking, perhaps talking, too much of itself, considering what +figure it makes in the world, rather than in self-forgetful devotion +giving itself to the work set before it, to delivering some message in +which it intensely believes as necessary for mankind?" It has been +likened to a bride; is not the bride too self-conscious, thinking +whether her garb is not fine enough or too fine, her possessions too +small or too large, her influence too weak or opposition to it too +strong? How much discussion is devoted to the question, what phrases +must be repeated, what forms adopted, to pass the janitor who guards her +doors! As has been truly said, the really useful reform for all of us +would be that each should do his appointed work at least ten per cent. +better than he has done it before. The work to be done should be the +special work assigned to each and for which each is best fitted. We long +for peace, but in settling the constitution of a League of Nations it +will be the jurist not the churchman who will help us. In aiming at +political or industrial peace the practical good sense of the +statesman, the employer, and the workman will best point out what is +wanted; the Church, as such, is better out of the way in framing +legislation. But suppose even that we establish securely international +and political, industrial and social peace, is that peace all we need? +Shall we not still in youth be restless, anxious about the future of our +own lives and the lives of those nearest to us, unsettled by ambitions +for what we may not attain, disappointed at the little progress we make; +restless all through life, disturbed by thoughts of what we desire but +cannot have; restless, most of all, in age, knowing that attainment is +no longer possible, and, if we have attained anything, feeling how +little it is worth? Who will take for his proper sphere to show the way +to a peace which may pass the understanding of those who, in +disappointment and loss and vain endeavour, which will go on even if the +dreams of national and social progress and improvement are realised, and +alike in failure or success, will need that peace more and more as long +as the life of man lasts? Sometimes we see among those round us calm +faces the living "index of a mind" at peace, which make us feel that +there are those working in our midst in whom that peace exists. Let her +tell the way to that and the answer would be, "There is nothing wrong +with the Church; she is fulfilling her mission; ever, as of old, will +glad welcome greet the footsteps of him that bringeth good tidings, that +publisheth peace." [7] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 7: The word "Church" is used in the sense which each reader +chooses to attach to it. Definition in such matters leads to +dissension.] + + + + +Part III + +RETRENCHMENT + + + + +CHAPTER XIV + +STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME + + _Political economy, as a branch of the science of a + statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects, + first, to provide plentiful revenue or subsistence for + the people or, more properly, to enable them to provide + such a revenue or subsistence for themselves, and, + secondly, to supply the slate or commonwealth with a + revenue sufficient for the public services._--ADAM SMITH. + + +Taking first the second of the two objects mentioned by Adam Smith, it +will be convenient under the heading of "Retrenchment" to treat not only +the question of economy in the expenditure of the State, but also the +other side of the account, and consider what general lines of action +should be adopted to make revenue balance expenditure, in the first +place by reducing expenditure, and, in the second, by increasing +revenue, in view of the fact that the absolutely necessary expenditure +will be enormously enhanced to meet the interest on the National Debt. +Assuming that the War were to end in the spring of 1919, the debt will +probably amount to about seven thousand millions after allowing for +loans due from the Allies and Dominions so far as they are likely to be +then recoverable. Taking interest at 5 per cent. with a sinking fund of +only half per cent., it is estimated that the permanent annual charge in +respect of the Debt will then be about 380 millions. No doubt part of +the Debt bears interest at a lower rate than 5 per cent., but a portion +has been borrowed at a higher. This is on the assumption that the War +will end within this financial year. Even if the War does end within the +financial year, much of the expenditure occasioned by it must go on +during the period of demobilisation, and during part of that period the +Debt will probably go on growing, as it can hardly be expected that +sufficient revenue can be raised by taxation to meet this continued +expenditure directly due to the War. There will also be for many years +to come a very heavy expenditure on pensions, and, whatever other +savings may be effected, the duty of providing pensions for injured and +disabled sailors and soldiers is paramount, and the provision must be +made generously. + +It seems highly probable, therefore, that the annual Debt service will +ultimately amount to nearly 400 millions, and may be much more if the +War goes on over 1919. It is a gigantic burden to bear. Mr. Bonar Law +has stated in the House of Commons that a loan of one thousand millions +represents the labour of ten million men for a whole year, so we may +take it that the annual charge for the National Debt will require the +whole labour of four million men to meet it, and that this charge will +be continuous for many years. The normal expenditure after the War, +apart from Debt service, has been reckoned to be 270 millions. It will +certainly be more unless rigid economy is practised and all the new +schemes which are being proposed involving expenditure of money are +carefully scrutinised to see whether the expenditure is such as the +country ought to undertake in view of its financial obligations. As the +Debt service will be practically constant and irreducible unless revenue +largely exceeds the total annual expenditure, which is very improbable, +it is clear that a strong effort must be made to reduce this expenditure +and also, so far as possible, to increase the State revenue. Unless this +is done there will be a deficit even after the War, and the Debt will +have to be increased to meet it. There is no question of greater +urgency, and it must be resolutely faced. We shall probably find a +disposition, both in the Government and in Parliament, to shirk it. The +influence of the extension of the electorate will, in all likelihood, be +against rather than in favour of economy. There is a common assumption +that people can get the State to pay for things instead of paying for +them themselves; that there is no need to practise personal economy or +to save because the State will provide. Wage-earners who began by +practising some self-denial in order to save have said, "What is the use +of troubling? The man who saves is really no better off than the man who +spends all his earnings, as the State will provide what is required to +meet the needs of the latter." + +What, then, can be done to reduce expenditure? It is impossible to do +more than indicate in outline the machinery by which this expenditure is +or might be controlled. During the War, for various reasons, the regular +and ordinary checks on extravagance and waste have almost ceased to +operate. The situation seems to have been getting worse until the +appointment of a Special Committee of the House of Commons on National +Expenditure in July, 1917. The Committee consisted of men with business +knowledge, and its reports have furnished valuable suggestions. On such +a subject anybody who has not direct access to documents and definite +personal knowledge of the work and expenditure of various departments, +and also some personal experience in State finance, may well hesitate to +express an opinion, and will prefer to quote the views of those who have +fuller information and better means of judging. There has been much +waste; what has gone on has even been described as a "wild orgy of +extravagance." The phrase has been used not only by irresponsible +critics, but by business men whose words carry weight. Let us call two +witnesses out of many available. + +Mr. H. Samuel, in speaking of the work of the Select Committee, as late +as June 19, 1918, said, in the House of Commons, "that the Committee had +formed the opinion that in some cases the staffs of Government +departments had been swollen beyond all estimation; that they were +frequently ill-organised; that there was much waste of labour and +consequently of money in their establishments; that the Treasury had not +risen to the occasion during the War, and the Committee had regretfully +come to the conclusion that the War Office had been adopting a +deliberately obstructive attitude." Mr. Runciman on the same occasion +stated that "lax expenditure and loose control over distribution of +public money went far beyond the immediate departments concerned. It +went down into every factory, and the general effect was a scale of +national extravagance from which we should recover after the War only +with the greatest difficulty." + +We shall not recover at all except by immediate, determined and, above +all, methodical action. Small economies, as Mr. Gladstone long ago +pointed out, are not to be despised. It is no doubt right to put up +notices in Government offices not to put coal on the fire after three +o'clock, but these savings will not go far when half a million can be +thrown away on the bogs and rocks round Loch Doon with no useful result +of any kind, and yet nobody seems to be made responsible for this waste, +nor can anyone say why it was allowed. We hear again and again of +improvident contracts and extravagant purchases, and also of absurd cost +incurred in supervising minute details. Why cannot clear general +authority to act on the spot in certain matters be given to some +responsible person, instead of instituting a system of checks which +often cause great delay as well as expense? A water pipe at a camp wants +some slight repair, costing less than half a sovereign. No one there has +authority to give an order, a well-paid official must be sent a day's +journey to inspect, and incurs expenses far exceeding the cost of the +work to be done. Why is good agricultural land taken for a site when +there is plenty of land near which is waste or of little value? Why does +a well-known firm which has a telephone and a post-bag think it worth +while to pay £15,000 for an introduction to a Government Department? Why +have we heard again and again of prices paid for goods greatly in excess +of the price for which they could be obtained from well-established +firms in the trade? Such instances could be multiplied, but enough has +come to light publicly, and been proved, to show how essential it is to +have some authority to deal with such matters and stop the leakage +which becomes a torrent. Apparently there has been an improvement lately +in many respects, but we are yet a long way from perfection. + +There will be an immense dead weight of influence against economy owing +to the fact that so many persons are interested in keeping up and +increasing expenditure. As was said in the debate above referred to, "It +looks as if London were becoming a huge bureaucratic town where everyone +will be working in some Government department or other." One might say +everyone of all ages, remembering a remark made by someone entering a +building near Whitehall, and seeing the crowd of girls and boys in the +corridor, "I thought I was coming to a Government office, but it seems +to be a crêche." + +For efficiency as well as for economy a thorough revision of the +executive departments of the Government is necessary. There is no doubt +that the present system has grown up at haphazard. It would be difficult +for anyone to form a clear idea of the duties assigned to or powers +conferred on the various departments, to say who in each department has +authority to do certain acts, or is responsible for seeing that they are +done properly. + +To get the best account of the executive departments in England as they +existed before the War we must go to America. Professor A.L. Lowell's +book may be taken as the standard work on that subject. The chapters on +the Executive Departments, the Treasury, and the Civil Service give a +clear and interesting account of the administrative arrangements of the +British Government. He shows how new departments have grown up from time +to time to meet some new want as it arose, but their powers are often +ill defined. Various Boards were created, but in some cases it became an +established practice that the Board should not meet, or a Committee of +Council was set up and the work carried on under the supposed direction +of "my Lords." It was a mere fiction. There has been no clear and +consistent scheme for distributing the work of Government between the +various departments on any intelligible principles. + +All are spending money, some of them enormous sums. Staffs are growing +inordinately, much of the work is duplicated, much consists in +communications with other departments which would be unnecessary if the +work of each were better defined. + +It should be clear in each department who has authority to decide any +particular question, to incur expenditure, to enter into binding +agreements. The executive government of the country is in a chaotic +state, relieved to some extent by the good sense and good feeling of the +members of the great army of officials who carry it on. No one can deny +that the Civil Service is not only pure, but, taken as a whole, its +members individually are both able and industrious. It is better +organisation that is required. Some of the new Ministries ought to be +scrapped directly the War is over, and the business of others continued +only so far as necessary for winding up. But these new departments will +die hard. + +Since the War new departments have grown up like mushrooms, sometimes +without any clear statement of their functions or powers being made, and +there has not been time to settle them at leisure by a course of +practice. The result is overlapping, friction which would be intolerable +but for the good-natured forbearance which English people have for a +state of confusion, waste of time and money in sending minutes, and in +correspondence between different departments, and often delays which +have had most unfortunate results. Does anyone know exactly what are the +respective functions and powers of the Ministry of Reconstruction, the +Ministry of Labour, the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Pensions, the +Ministry of National Service, the Board of Works, the Ministry of Food +Control, the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, the War Trade +Department, the Home Office, the Local Government Board, the Committee +on Food Production, the Restriction of Enemy Supply Committee, the +Priorities Committees, the Ministry of Munitions, etc., etc. The list +might easily be extended. + +A thorough revision of the executive departments is necessary if +government is to be both efficient and economical. There is plenty of +good material in the Civil Service, and it will always be easy to obtain +more. It is the system or want of system that is wrong. + +The next question is to provide or restore a more effective general +control over expenditure and impose checks on the growing expenditure +which has been so marked in recent years, even before the War. + +The ordinary machinery for dealing with and controlling expenditure is +or should be fourfold. + +(1) The spending departments make definite estimates or are supposed to +do so. Since the War, this has not been the rule. Of course, there are +many cases in which it would have been absolutely impossible to let the +items of proposed expenditure be published or discussed in the House of +Commons; but, as soon as War requirements permit it, proper estimates +should again be prepared and pressure put upon the departments to reduce +them. At present the pressure is all the other way; the heads of the +departments apparently like to have a large establishment as well as to +extend their jurisdiction. It is not merely to give their department +more importance and a claim therefore to higher salaries; sometimes it +is the natural tendency of the vigorous man to enlarge the scope of his +influence. _Boni judicis_, says the old maxim, _ampliare +jurisdictionem_. ("It is characteristic of the good judge to extend his +jurisdiction.") It would be a good thing if instead of estimates being +laid directly before a Committee of the whole House of Commons, where +some small item is often the subject of long and acrimonious debate and +millions are passed without comment or consideration in a few minutes, +the estimates of each department were fully considered as a whole by +some small competent Committee of the House, uninfluenced by party +feeling, and representatives of departments could be asked questions on +their estimates. + +To compare small things with great, a committee of this kind has been +found of the highest value in institutions where there are various +departments requiring large expenditure. It is usually then felt by each +person who sends in an estimate that it is to the credit of his +department not to make claims for expenditure which cannot be justified. +When the scale and character of the expenditure have been scrutinised +and the estimate has been passed, it is much better to leave a very free +hand as to the exact mode of expenditure. Outside control then becomes +irritating, and is itself a cause of extravagance; it means more +accounts, more correspondence, more consideration of papers. + +(2) The Treasury is supposed to have the function of control, but a +change appears to have taken place, and it has now to a great extent +lost its control, and has even itself become a spending body. Professor +A.L. Lowell, in the work above referred to, after speaking of the +Treasury as the department which exhibits in the highest degree the +merits of the British Government, points out that even ten years ago, +"with the waning desire for economy and the growth of other interests, +the Treasury has to some extent lost its predominant position; although +it will no doubt maintain its control over the details of expenditure, +one cannot feel certain that its head will regain the powerful influence +upon general or financial policy exerted thirty years ago." A very +guarded statement, as was becoming in an author writing in another +country at a time when the tendencies to which he alludes were only +beginning to show themselves. Things have advanced during the last ten +years in the direction Professor Lowell indicated as probable, and it is +high time that this advance should be stopped. + +We might venture to ask, indeed, the following questions: (i) Has not +the Treasury during the last ten years lost a large portion of its +control, and since the War almost its whole control over expenditure on +a large scale? (ii) Is the Treasury not more concerned with paltry +details than in imposing any real check on the extravagance of spending +departments? (iii) Has not the policy sometimes been actually to +encourage expenditure, and has not there been one case at least, even of +introducing vexatious taxation where the amount collected is far less +than the cost of collection? (iv) What has the Treasury done to prevent +or control "the orgy of extravagance" since the War began? The +department of State which has to do with revenue, with getting as much +as possible and spending only what is necessary, which has the duty of +"making both ends meet," ought to resume its functions and regain its +influence so that the Government may be conducted "on strict business +principles," to use Professor Lowell's phrase, "as it was throughout a +great part of the nineteenth century." + +(3) The Cabinet should exercise more controlling power, and recognise +its collective responsibility for keeping down expenditure. As Professor +Lowell points out, the position of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in +the Cabinet was one of almost commanding influence. In Mr. Gladstone's +time his powerful personality, regularly exercised in favour of national +economy, did certainly have a great effect in preventing extravagance, +and some other Chancellors of the Exchequer no doubt used an influence +in that direction, but can it be safely asserted that there is in the +Cabinet as a whole sufficient attention given to retrenchment? + +(4) Lastly, the House of Commons is supposed to control expenditure. +That control has generally been used, and quite rightly, as a means of +calling attention to grievances, and as giving an opportunity for +criticism of the executive; but the House of Commons should also put +pressure on the executive to curtail expenditure, not so much by +discussing small details which would be far better dealt with by such a +small Estimates Examination Committee as suggested, but by using its +influence generally against an increase of expenditure unless a clear +case for it is made out. During the War, Parliamentary control, at least +until the appointment of the Committee above mentioned, seems almost to +have gone. The House of Commons does not now exercise its influence as +it ought, to check extravagance, and probably the more widely the +electorate is extended, as already said, the less will the House of +Commons care to exercise rigid control in favour of economy. It is +always an easy way of getting popularity to be what is called "generous" +when dealing with other people's money. Everyone who looks after the +public interest by trying to prevent expenditure, whether national or +local, which is not imperatively called for, is styled mean and +narrow-minded, and his task is a thankless one. Everyone who wants money +spent will be able to make out a plausible case, either that the amount +is so small or the object is so important that what he asks must be +granted, and he will have some eager constituents to back him up. The +best chance for economy is to have a body of men whose decisions the +House will respect and not overrule, except for really good cause, who +have both the knowledge and the strength of character to go through the +estimates and call attention to the cases in which substantial +reductions could be effected, or proposals for increased expenditure +refused. It will not be an agreeable task, and now probably less popular +than ever. The masses admire lavish expenditure whether by public bodies +or by the private person who spends his money "like a gentleman," and it +is to be feared there will not be much help from the women electors, as +women, although they may practise economy occasionally themselves, +usually regard it as a most objectionable virtue in a man. How often in +families do we find the mother and sisters will admire the +self-indulgent idle youth who spends money freely even if he borrows +from them, rather than the steady, plodding son who, by rigid economy +and personal self-denial, helps to provide them with the means of +livelihood! + +Turning to the other side of the account, what can be done to increase +the revenue of the State? It has been estimated that for the year +1919-20 it will amount to £900,000,000, but of this £300,000,000 is +excess profits duty, which can hardly continue--in its present form at +least--beyond the period during which additional expenditure above the +permanent normal requirements is needed, in order to carry out +demobilisation. Putting the permanent charge to meet interest on debt +and the cost of the public services at £670,000,000, there may be a +deficit even if the present rate of taxation is maintained, and the +normal expenditure remains at its existing level. There will be no +surplus for the reduction of debt, or to meet new demands. Some new +sources of revenue must, if possible, be found, and the old ones require +readjustment. + +Income tax, if levied on the present system, has touched the extreme +limit. A rate of taxation willingly borne to meet the cost of war while +danger threatened will be felt more and more burdensome as time goes on. +To meet a higher income tax there will be pressure to increase salaries +paid by the Government and all public authorities. An official salary +fixed at £5,000 a year when income tax was one shilling and sixpence, +may be thought insufficient when it is nearly ten shillings including +super-tax. Persons have incurred liabilities for rent and other fixed +payments which they are not able to reduce. All along the line there +will be claims for higher payments for services rendered or goods +supplied. On the other hand, industrial undertakings will have to pay +more for the capital they must borrow to carry on and develop their +work, and 6 per cent. instead of 4 per cent. will have to be paid for +debenture capital now raised by the best industrial companies. For those +who have money to lend, the burden of tax may thus be practically met by +an increased income, but for those whose money is locked up in permanent +investments there will be no indirect relief in higher rates of +interest. Income tax, house duty, and rates will absorb so much that the +margin for voluntary expenditure will be small even out of incomes that +are nominally high. + +The death duties, especially where a deceased person leaves a large +family, already cause much hardship. A general increase in the existing +rates of estate duty cannot be made without discouraging thrift. It is a +hardship if it is made impossible for parents to make reasonable +provision for children some of whom may from various causes be unable to +earn for themselves. On the contrary, where there are no children and no +widow to be provided for, death duties might be much increased without +causing hardship. A very much higher legacy duty might be charged in the +case of large sums passing on death to persons other than the widow, +direct descendants, or other near relatives of a deceased person. On +small legacies the present rates should suffice, but there is no moral +claim for distant relatives to be allowed to take large sums. Would +there be any real hardship in imposing a heavy duty of, say, 25 per +cent. on gifts over, say, £1,000 to collateral relations not dependent +on the testator or to strangers? Or there might be a graded scale +according to the remoteness of the relationship. In case of intestacy it +would be often a real advantage to take the _whole property_ for the +State, if there were no relations within the third or fourth degree, +i.e., uncles and aunts, and nephews and nieces being in the third +degree, first cousins in the fourth. Economists for the last hundred +years--Bentham, Mill, and others--have advocated such a change. Nearly +every judge or officer of the Courts who has to do with the +administration of estates would support a change which would do away +with much wasteful litigation and disappoint no reasonable expectations. +No source of revenue should be neglected if it can truly be said that by +imposing the additional taxation proposed there will be (i) no +dislocation of trade or hampering of industry or commerce; (ii) no +discouragement of thrift; (iii) no real hardship; (iv) no great expense +incurred in collection in proportion to the amount raised. It is only +sheer stupidity that refuses to adopt a means of raising even a small +amount when the method proposed for doing so would have positively +beneficial results in other ways. + +The land increment duty should be a warning as regards cost of +collection. That cost relatively to the amount produced has been +enormous. But actual cost of collection as returned, represents only a +small part of the expenditure really caused by the tax. The time taken +up in making returns and filling up forms and obtaining the necessary +advice in doing so is a burden on those who own even the smallest landed +property and causes real hardship and injury. It discourages people from +acquiring small properties. + +The only other source of additional revenue in immediate contemplation +appears to be the luxury tax. If this can be levied so as to fall on +articles which are really luxuries, i.e., things not required for full +and healthy life, the effect of such a tax should be wholly beneficial. +If, notwithstanding the tax, people go on buying such luxuries the State +will gain. If, on the other hand, the effect of the tax is to check +expenditure on luxuries it will be a gain to the country, because its +productive power and its purchasing power will be used to obtain +articles which are really valuable and do promote national welfare. The +idea that those who spend money on luxuries are helping trade, and so +benefiting others, ought to have been exploded long ago. If the industry +which has been devoted to producing articles which are really useless +were diverted to producing things of utility, the aggregate of human +happiness would be greatly increased. A difficulty in applying the tax +is that the price of an article is little criterion as to whether it is +a luxury or not. + +There are two other sources from which additional revenue might be +obtained. + +First, to impose again an export duty on coal. Such a duty would help +rather than hinder British industry. That industry is dependent +absolutely on the supply of coal. British Coal Measures are an asset +which enables the country to keep industries going, but it is a wasting +asset. Deeper and better mining may have upset calculations made by +Professor Jevons many years ago when he warned the country of the +disastrous consequences of using up our coal supplies, but sooner or +later the pinch will come. An export duty ought to be imposed on coal +directly the present war restrictions can be removed. Our stores of coal +cannot be indefinitely increased by increased industry. If the duty +operated to reduce export of coal British manufacturers would gain, and +be able to produce commodities at less cost. If the demand from abroad +were so strong that export did not diminish, the country would gain to +the whole extent of the duty paid by foreign purchasers. The ordinary +arguments in favour of free trade do not support objection to such an +export duty as this. There will be ample demand for all the coal that +can be produced. Even if there were not, it would be well not to use it +up so quickly. There are some kinds of coal, of which the amount +available is very limited, yet until the War broke out quantities of +such coal were freely sent to other countries, some of it to those who +are now at war with us, and so used to help our enemies, who got the +precious mineral cheap because we refused to allow the imposition of an +export duty. Probably the duty when it was tried was not imposed in the +best way, being charged at a fixed rate per ton instead of on an _ad +valorem_ scale, but this fault could easily be corrected. Special +exceptions in favour of Colonies or Allies, or for the supply of certain +places, might be made by arrangement in consideration of some equivalent +favour, or to meet some particular need. + +The other suggestion involves more difficulties, and is of a more +far-reaching character. Would it not be possible to replace to some +extent the excess profits duty, which cannot be permanent, by a duty on +"excess dividends," that is, on the amounts paid out of the profits of a +business for the use of capital above a certain percentage? The excess +profits duty, in spite of all its anomalies and the difficulties of +assessment, has saved the financial situation during the War; a tax on +excess dividends might "save the situation" afterwards. When a business +is successful, paying, as many businesses have recently done, dividends +of 30 to 50 per cent., and sometimes even more, the return made to those +who have invested money in them is clearly excessive. From such +profitable businesses those who have the responsible management no doubt +may generally get better remuneration, possibly the workmen may get a +small bonus or share in such profits, but those who by a mere stroke of +good luck have embarked their money in these businesses, shareholders +who very likely know nothing whatever about the conduct of them, benefit +enormously. Such a tax would not discourage thrift or prevent a person +from getting a reasonable return on his savings. Take the case, say, of +two professional men. Both, by hard work and using up their lives in the +effort, manage to make a fair income and bring up their families. One of +them, to make provision for the future, invests £2,000 in safe +securities with fixed rate of interest, and £2,000 in some company whose +business is of a more or less speculative character, but by good fortune +becomes able to pay a dividend of 30 per cent. The other invests a like +sum in firm securities, and £2,000 in another company which turns out a +failure. Neither of them has anything to do with the conduct of the +business of the company in which he invests, but one has got a tip from +some friend or other who thinks he knows of a good thing. The work of +the two men is exactly the same; it is a mere fluke that one gets a huge +return and the other puts his money into a company which, without any +fault on his part, brings in nothing. + +The tax suggested would be levied on the excessive profits distributed +in respect of the capital embarked in businesses of every kind. It was +pointed out long ago that a tax thus levied on all alike would be paid +wholly by the capitalist and "would neither affect the prices of the +commodities produced nor the distribution of capital." The duty might be +graded according to the percentage to be received on the capital of +each investor. It might be reasonable for the first 10 per cent. to pay +only the ordinary rate of income tax. Money in fixed permanent +securities may now produce 5 per cent. or 6 per cent., and the +additional 4 per cent. free from the excess duty would be a fair return +for risk and an inducement to enterprise. The rate of excess duty might +be increased according to the excess of profits above 10 per cent. until +when the profits reached, say, 30 per cent. the duty on the amount in +excess of 20 per cent. might be very high. The effect of the tax would +not be to reduce the spending power of the community; it would only be +that the State instead of the individual would to the extent of the duty +obtain the power of purchasing what it required, and discharging its +liabilities with the money it took from excessive profits. The amount of +the tax, the method of grading and mode of levying it, would require +careful consideration; but if the difficulties and inequalities +introduced by the War excess profits duty could be met, there seems no +reason why the difficulties of the tax thus proposed should not be also +solved; at all events, an attempt should be made to see how it would +work out. + +Where money is rapidly acquired by some stroke of fortune and is not the +result of steady industry the result is constantly unwise and often +harmful expenditure either by those who have acquired it or their +immediate successors. There is an old Lancashire saying as to fortunes +rapidly made, that there are only three generations from clogs to clogs: +"What is unreasonably gathered is also unreasonably spent by the persons +into whose hands it finally falls." It may be spent "in a stupefying +luxury twice harmful both in being indulged in by the rich and witnessed +by the poor." + +There is a great danger to the State at the present time from large +amounts of money rapidly acquired being accumulated in few hands. There +are many signs that we are likely to enter a period which may be +described as the reign of the "nouveaux riches." The great financiers, +the persons with enormous interests in huge combines, will exercise more +and more an undue and dangerous influence on fiscal policy and political +life. The old nobility and the class of country gentlemen will have less +power. Their resources will be seriously crippled, and their families +perhaps extinguished through losses in the War. The middle class, which, +in the last century, exercised the strongest influence on political +life, and from which most of our men of letters and science have sprung, +may now be crushed. On the more highly educated part of the middle +classes whose means are limited the burden of the War has fallen most +heavily. Taxation seems deliberately arranged to place as heavy a burden +as possible on those of the middle classes who have children to bring up +and to educate in the way they think best, and who endeavour to provide +means by which their families can occupy the same position in life which +their parents have done. The rate of income tax paid by a bachelor and a +spinster is increased if they marry, although their necessary expenses +will be enormously increased if they have a family to support. A +bachelor with £500 a year may be living in ease and luxury; if he +marries and has four or five children to educate he may find difficulty +in meeting the needs of his family with £1,500. In the same way the +death duties are absurdly small on the estate of the bachelor who leaves +no family, but are a real hardship on the family of the man who dies +leaving a number of children. + +The tendency is towards a rapid accumulation of huge fortunes. In +considering the incidence of taxation Bacon's advice might well be +remembered: "Above all things, good policy is to be used that the +treasure and moneys in a State be not gathered into few hands, for +otherwise the State may have great stock and yet starve, for money is +like muck, not good except it be spread." + + + + +CHAPTER XV + +NATIONAL EXPENDITURE + + _But where is the money to come from? Yes, that is to be + asked. Let us as quite the first business in this our + national crisis look not only into our affairs but into + our accounts and obtain some notion of how we annually + spend our money, and what we are getting for it. Not the + public revenue only; of that some account is rendered + already. But let us do the best we can to set down the + items of the national private expenditure and know what + we spend altogether and how._--JOHN RUSKIN. + + +The revenue and expenditure of the State have already been discussed; +over that the State has a direct control. Over the expenditure of the +nation the control of the State is only indirect. Though the two +questions should be kept distinct, one affects the other. Both are +vitally important and now more serious than ever in view of the huge +debt and other conditions which will exist after the War. How are we to +provide and pay for the commodities we need for the support of the +nation? Before the War the balance required to pay for the excess of +imports over exports was apparently provided, first, by interest on +investments in other countries--Englishmen having provided capital all +over the world--and, second, by freights. A large amount of these +foreign investments has been sold. How far shall we still be a creditor +country after the War? As regards freights, British shipping has +suffered very heavy losses. One of the first duties both during and +after the War must be to repair the losses and increase British tonnage +available for trade. To this end no effort should be spared, and the +State should do all that is possible to foster shipbuilding, or even +undertake the work itself, if possible without interfering, as +unfortunately it has already done, with the output of private +shipbuilding yards. + +As regards national as well as State expenditure, it will be essential, +first, to increase the income, and second, to guard against every form +of waste. To increase the income the only way is to increase production +both from the land and the factory (_a_) of things needed for use at +home, (_b_) of things which can be sold abroad, i.e., exported in +exchange for the supplies that must be imported. In both cases it is +necessary to consider not merely the increase in the amount produced or +the volume of trade, but how far are the articles produced for home use +or imported from abroad of real value in promoting the healthy life of +the nation, how far are they things that are really needed. Books on +political economy have sometimes stated that only "value in exchange is +to be considered"; "value in use" is still more important. We want to +ascertain the things that will really do us good, and devote our +energies to the production and importation of such things. The teachings +of the physiologist as to food values, the study of hygiene in its +widest sense, must form part of political economy in the true sense as +well as the laws of supply and demand or the theory of wages or of +foreign exchange or currency. + +Some of the methods for obtaining increased production from industry by +better conditions of labour leading to more effective efforts have been +discussed in another chapter; the question of obtaining increased output +from the land so as to produce a larger amount of food for home +consumption will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter dealing with +reconstruction or reform relating to agriculture. Improved forestry may +be regarded as a branch of the same subject. + +With regard to expenditure, it will be incumbent on all classes to act +rigorously so as to prevent waste, but it is not to be expected that the +national expenditure as a whole can be greatly reduced as compared with +the pre-War standard. The expenditure of certain classes of people +might, of course, be greatly reduced without any injury to healthy life +or development or in any way impairing real efficiency or even affecting +their happiness; but as regards the majority this is not so. The +conditions of life of the working classes, especially as regards such +matters as housing, require to be improved. It is a wiser expenditure, +not a reduction in expenditure, that must be the aim for them. The +expenditure on drink is, of course, unnecessarily large, and in many +cases absolutely detrimental, and a reduction in this respect is +required for national well-being. The manner of dealing with the +question must be the subject of separate consideration; but it is a +remarkable fact that, though no evil has been more prominent, though for +more than half a century no subject has provoked more discussion, though +none has been the object of more organised attempts at reform, in none +has so little of value been done by State action or legislation, at +least until the establishment of the Board of Control during the War. + +A second source of saving would be to prevent the waste of food which +goes on in all classes. It is not only that food is actually thrown +away, but that too little attempt is made to choose and to use the +healthiest and most nutritious forms of food, and there is an +indisposition to try any unaccustomed form of food. If one were asked +what would be the most useful practical reform at the present time, +probably the best answer would be, "Promote more general use of oatmeal +porridge." Attention to the best choice and use of food would do much to +make a healthy nation, and at the same time effect a saving in +expenditure. "Grow more oats and eat them" would be a wise precept for +the nation to follow. With that, an effort must be made to secure a +fuller supply of milk at lower prices. This is vital for the welfare of +the coming generation. The cost of transport and of distribution of milk +might be reduced by better organisation. + +Allied to this subject is the enormous waste caused by ignorance of +cookery. A really excellent dinner in France or in Switzerland is often +made from materials which would be despised in this country. Anyone who +is in the habit of roaming about the country on foot or on a bicycle +will know that in many parts it is impossible to get a decent meal; the +provision made is frequently nasty without being cheap. In rural +districts in France delicious meals can be obtained at a lower price. +Domestic economy should be taught in every school, and to people of +every rank, but the teaching should be practical. I remember wishing to +see in an excellent school something of the teaching of domestic +economy, and found the girls and boys, instead of learning to cook, were +learning what was called science, writing down in copy-books "the +operative principle of tea is theme." This kind of pseudo-science, +teaching people to write a jargon which conveys no meaning to their +minds, is one of the things which is called education, but is really +mental demoralisation. The process may be continued, perhaps, in classes +on "practical citizenship" for adolescents, who will be taught to say +"the operative principle for the amelioration of states is +democratisation." Great improvements in the teaching of domestic economy +have been made during the last few years in many places, but there is no +doubt that an enormous amount of waste is due to ignorance and neglect +in the choice and preparation of food. + +Again, every possible effort should be made to encourage habits of +thrift, and to provide satisfactory modes of investment for small +savings. As regards this question, War conditions have positively had a +beneficial effect. The need for all classes to contribute to War Loans +has been recognised; facilities to enable the small investor to +contribute have been carefully arranged, and the War Savings Committees +have done admirable work in bringing the question home to the people. +The result has been on the whole most satisfactory. Not only has a very +substantial sum been provided towards meeting the cost of the War, but +habits of thrift have been fostered, and the sense of having a stake in +the country, a direct financial interest in the national funds, makes +for order and will form an element of stability in national life which +will be invaluable. + +Notwithstanding the "ingrained prejudice against thrift" among the +majority of all classes, which is a marked characteristic of the English +nation as compared, for example, with the French, the number of holders +of national securities has increased enormously. Before the outbreak of +the War it appears that only 345,100 persons held securities of the +British Government. It was estimated that at the end of the year 1917 +Government securities had been distributed among no fewer than 16 +million persons, including 10 million holdings of War Savings +Certificates.[8] It was further estimated that "during 1917 over 51 +millions were contributed to the Post Office issues of War securities, +which, together with the net value of nearly 64 millions from War +Savings Certificates and an increase of deposits over withdrawals in the +Post Office Savings Bank of no less than £5,683,000, provides in all a +sum of £120,723,000 odd, the total contributions of small investors +during the year." Since the beginning of the War the contributions of +small investors already amount in all to a grand total of about +£253,000,000. + +Care in expenditure and a habit of saving will, in view of the financial +position after the War, be alike necessary; the nation cannot afford +waste in any form; after the War, as well as during the War, the +national welfare demands that any balance beyond what is required for +healthy life should be saved and made available to meet the national +needs, including not only the fulfilment of the national obligations, +which is an imperative condition for the maintenance of credit and +prosperity, but also the provision of the means for future betterment, +material or moral. We do not wish to reduce useful expenditure, but to +get money for what we need by increasing production and by more careful +spending. It will be a time for all classes to refrain from expenditure +on luxuries or ostentation, or in fulfilling those imagined claims which +convention imposes. In different ways almost all classes are fettered by +these conventional obligations. How much of the expenditure of a person +with fairly good income is devoted to things which give him no +additional pleasure and confer no real benefit on himself or others! +Both rich and poor waste great quantities of food, sometimes because +they are afraid of being thought mean if they did not do so. There is a +strange power exercised over our acts and our liberty is curtailed by +the opinions of our neighbours or members of the same class. Much might +be accomplished if we could enlist these conventions on the side of +economy. Why, for example, should it not be considered "worse form" to +take on the plate good food that is not wanted and leave it, than to eat +peas with a knife? How greatly did an alliance with Mrs. Grundy support +morality in mid-Victorian days! If we could turn social observances from +encouraging extravagance to promoting economy, it would go far towards +eliminating national waste. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 8: See _Economist_, July 13, 1918.] + + + + +Part IV + +REFORM + + + + +CHAPTER XVI + +THE FIELD + + _Above all things, order and distribution and singling + out of parts is the life of despatch._--FRANCIS BACON. + + +It has been usual to associate the term "reform" mainly with +constitutional changes, and especially with the extension of the +franchise. Fortunately, the present Parliament has dealt with that +question in a manner which makes great further changes unnecessary, and +will leave the new Parliament free to deal with others. Instead of +taking up time with the discussion of alterations in the franchise and +arrangements for elections, the legislative machinery should be ready +for use. But it is not merely to legislation that we have to look. More +and more will depend on the action of executive departments of +Government. Their field of activity has been extended during the War, +and new departments have been established. Some of the new activities +should be continued after the War, others should be stopped as soon as +possible. It will be necessary to discriminate carefully. The powers of +local authorities may be increased, and those authorities may be urged +to more energetic use of them. There will probably be strong demands for +interference by the State and local authorities, and the advantage of +the free action of private individuals is likely to be overlooked, +although where it is possible for a reform to be carried out by private +effort better results are usually obtained, and at less cost than by +action of the State. We are suffering and shall probably continue to +suffer from too much regulation. One of the first reforms will be to +get rid of restrictions which the War has for a time rendered +necessary, to restore liberty of action, and to stop the expenditure +occasioned by State interference wherever such interference is no longer +needed. + +Using the term "reform" to include all improvements which can be made +either by restoring former conditions or by introducing beneficial +changes, it will be necessary to look into each question separately and +see in what cases and to what extent action by the State is required to +accomplish the end desired. The most convenient course will be to draw +up a list of subjects which ought to be dealt with, and then see how far +(i) legislation, and (ii) executive action by some department are called +for in each case, and how far private action will be effective. + +The following appear to be the most important and most urgent matters +which require to be considered either during the War or immediately +after peace is declared. All of them will involve some action on the +part of the State, although in many cases that action will be to enable +voluntary associations or private individuals to take up the work and to +aid them in doing so. + +The list, though by no means complete, looks formidable:-- + +1. Restore constitutional law and liberty. + +2. Remove the fetters on trade, commerce and industry. + +3. Demobilise the army and decide what naval and military forces will +still have to be maintained, and what provision ought to be made in +regard to military training in the future. + +4. Reform the War Office.[9] Reconsider the constitution and procedure +of courts martial, and provide for really judicial inquiry into +grievances. Revive and use the Territorial system. + +5. Complete the arrangements for adequate pensions and develop means for +giving such technical training and providing such openings for work as +will enable partially disabled men to earn comfortable subsistence in +addition. + +6. Provide permanent homes and sanatoria for those who are more +seriously injured, and find suitable light employment for those who can +undertake it. + +7. Arrange the best places and provide proper training for discharged +soldiers and sailors (and others) who may be willing to settle on the +land. + +8. Consider how to restore the discharged men to their former places or +accustomed work, and how to meet the needs of the temporary workers who +will be displaced. + +9. Curtail the vast expenditure on the departments organised for War +work, reducing the staffs and finding other work for those who must be +discharged. Dispense altogether with some of the new Ministries. The +question of employment for women after the War will be most urgent. + +10. Organise and correlate the various departments so as to secure more +efficiency, and so assign and arrange the work of each as to avoid +circumlocution, friction and waste. + +11. Reconstitute the Cabinet on clearer lines, and let competence for +the work of each department, instead of recognition of party services, +be the guide in appointing the Minister responsible for each. + +12. Reform the procedure of the House of Commons to check verbosity and +facilitate business.[10] Delegate certain powers and duties. + +13. Find means for raising additional revenue and making the incidence +of taxation fairer. In particular, revise the provisions as to income +tax and death duties, so as to increase revenue without adding to the +hardships and burdens due to the present conditions. Some definite steps +with that object are quite practicable. + +14. Examine what industries, if any, are to be specially fostered as +"key industries," and whether this can be done without injury to other +industries or adding to the heavy cost borne by the consumer. + +15. Arrange plans for enabling labour to co-operate fully in settling +the conditions under which industry is to be carried on, and make +provision for preventing disputes, increasing production, allocating +profits fairly, and for reducing hours of work without diminishing +output. + +16. Provide more and better housing, not only to secure the bare +accommodation necessary for health and decency, but also to make +attractive homes. + +17. Increase the productivity of the land and promote agriculture, not +only for financial reasons, but to maintain and induce the growth of a +larger rural population. Stimulate education and research bearing on +agriculture. + +18. Develop industrial villages, and also land settlements and +co-operative farming. Multiply allotments, both urban and rural, so far +as economic conditions permit and there is a supply of people desirous +and capable of working them. + +19. Introduce methods enabling persons without ready capital to acquire +their cottages or small holdings by paying instalments on reasonable +terms. Why not an Ashbourne Act for England? + +20. Control the liquor traffic, not with a view to injure the publican, +but to promote temperance, remembering that the business of the +licensed victualler should be to provide wholesome food as well as +drink, not to act merely as manager of a licensed house for extending +the trade, and enhancing the profits of a brewery or distillery. + +21. Simplify the Land Laws and make transfer easier and less costly. + +22. Amend the law relating to marriage, and also on some points +affecting personal status and devolution of property on death. + +23. Consolidate the Statute Law and amend and codify the Criminal Law. +Carry out the amendment of the Patent Law. + +24. Aid the development of Education without destroying the liberty of +teacher or scholar or the variety of methods by too much control, rigid +system, or over-elaborate organisation. + +25. Combat disease, encourage research in preventive medicine, and +extend the application of its results. In particular carry on the +campaign against infectious and contagious diseases, and especially +against venereal disease. + +26. Make better provision for playing-fields and open spaces, preserve +places of historic interest and natural beauty, and make them accessible +for the enjoyment of those who really care for them. + +27. Develop fisheries. + +28. Undertake afforestation systematically. + +29. Improve and cheapen internal transport, especially by reviving +waterways. + +A fairly long programme, but it might be added to. Some of it is +essential, all of it useful; some of it wants carefully guarding; none +of it is beyond the sphere of practical politics. We cannot afford to +neglect any of the items. All the activities of the Government, of the +Legislature, and of private effort will be needed. It is worth notice +that there is not a single question in the whole list that need divide +Parliament or the country on party lines. + +This list deals only with strictly home matters. Concurrently it will +be necessary to deal with international questions, such as the formation +of the League for securing peace, the constitution and regulation of +tribunals for settling disputes, the resuscitation of International Law +and reconsideration of its rules. An attempt should be made towards +assimilating, by arrangement, the laws of the mother country and the +colonies and also of different nations, affecting commerce, and also as +regards personal status--nationality, naturalisation, and the validity +of marriages. + +The whole subject of co-operation between different parts of the Empire +in determining its policy and dealing with matters affecting the whole +demands earnest and immediate attention. The totally different question +of the devolution of powers to any parts of the United Kingdom has yet +to be settled. The claims of national sentiment have to be recognised +while the welfare and safety of the whole are secured. What are the +units to be on which powers can be conferred, and what should be their +extent? Who exactly are those whose national claims are being asserted, +and how far are they at unity among themselves? All these questions must +be treated as matters for constructive statesmanship, not as pawns in +party contests. They must be dealt with as practical problems having +regard to the special circumstances of each case, not as opportunities +for embodying some general political theory. There is a commendable +opportunism which knows how to take "occasion by the hand," to do the +wisest thing under the conditions subsisting at the time, as well as a +blameworthy one, which looks out how to use them for personal advantage. +There will be need, too, for the "trimmer on principle"--the man who, +when the boat is going over on one side, deliberately and quickly +transfers his weight to the other, or the steers-man who tacks when the +wind is contrary in order to bring his ship to the port where his +passengers desire to land. Such a man, as was said of Lord Halifax in +the time of Charles II, "must not be confounded with the vulgar crowd of +renegades, for though like them he passed from side to side, his +transition was always in the _direction opposite to theirs_. The party +to which he belonged was the party which at that moment he liked least, +because it was the party of which he had the nearest view. He was, +therefore, always severe upon his violent associates, and was always in +friendly relation with his moderate opponents." + +It is obviously impossible to discuss all these questions in a volume, +still less to propound in detail the steps to be taken in dealing with +them. Most of the more pressing ones will be touched upon and some +suggestions made with regard to them; a few worked out rather more fully +as examples. In some cases the remedies are obvious, and could be +applied without difficulty, in others they require great special +knowledge and careful thought, and their application will involve +serious risks unless very great care and skill are used. To appear +dogmatic in speaking of these subjects is inevitable if one would be +definite; mistakes may be made, but "truth emerges from error more +readily than from confusion." + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 9: The last report of the Select Committee on Expenditure +shows some of the grounds why this is urgent, and that very strong +resolution will be needed to effect reform. The Prime Minister's +determined action in insisting on unity of command for the Allied forces +has already saved the country from enormous losses and done more than +any other action of the Government to bring victory nearer. Any layman +of average intelligence could see that the step was necessary; where did +the opposition come from? There are politicians who would use their +country's troubles to secure a party triumph.] + +[Footnote 10: The abuse of the power of asking questions in Parliament +has become a scandal. There are a few persistent persons whose desire to +embarrass a Government they dislike, in carrying on the War, makes them +indifferent to the injury they may do to the national cause. Some check +is necessary. The right to question Ministers is one of the most +important safeguards against improper action by the executive, but the +House of Commons is discredited by the manner in which that right has +often been exercised of late. A report of proceedings in question-time +constantly brings to mind a scene in "Alice in Wonderland," and the +retort made to the arch-interrogator, "Why do you waste time asking +questions to which there is no answer?"] + + + + +CHAPTER XVII + +RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY + + _What is long suspended is in danger of being totally + abrogated._--EDMUND BURKE. + + +It is hardly too much to say that English Constitutional Law has been +scrapped since the War. Immediately after the establishment of Peace the +first duty will be to restore the old Constitutional Law which has been +suspended to meet the new conditions due to the War, and to revive again +the old safeguards for the liberty and rights of the subject against +arbitrary action by the executive. The nation has rightly acquiesced in +the exercise of powers by the executive during the War in a manner which +nothing but the necessity of the time could justify. Powers to take a +person's property at the will of some executive department without any +definite principle or procedure even for assessing compensation ought at +once to cease when there is no longer immediate urgency for using such +powers to secure the safety of the country. Powers to deprive persons of +their liberty on vague charges, or to try anyone except by ordinary +course of law in the regular Courts, should be discontinued. The Reign +of Law must be re-established to control the executive Government as +well as the private citizen. Nothing is more infectious than a habit of +substituting arbitrary will for law. Tyranny breeds anarchy, and anarchy +tyranny in regular succession, and "the authority of one man over +another not regulated by fixed law or justified by absolute necessity is +tyranny." With the advent of Peace "_Dora_ must disappear." + +Even before the War there had been a tendency, on the one hand, to +substitute administrative action for regular judicial procedure, and, on +the other, to allow certain associations to act without regard to law, +to injure individuals and infringe their rights without remedy. That +tendency must be checked or liberty will be destroyed. Law and liberty +as well as law and order are correlative terms. A real control over +expenditure must be re-established and made more effective than it was +even before the necessities of war in our unprepared condition made the +present hand-to-mouth procedure to some extent excusable. The +happy-go-lucky way in which new Ministries and new departments with +vague and ill-defined but enormous powers have been created must come to +an end. We should have some definite and recognised method of +authorising changes in the system of Government. To set aside the +Cabinet which, although it had no legal position, had powers sanctioned +and established by long constitutional custom, and to concentrate +authority in a small body selected and increased or diminished from time +to time at the will of a Prime Minister, was probably necessary for +successful prosecution of the War, but nothing else could justify some +of the irregularities that have been committed. + +Doctrines have been put forward sometimes in the Courts during the War +by counsel representing the Crown--i.e., in effect some Ministry--which +would have seemed questionable even in the days of the Stuarts. The +whole of the special War Legislation, both Statutes and Orders of all +kinds, will require to be revised and, unless there is strong reason to +the contrary in any special cases, repealed. The burden of proof should +be on those who think any of this exceptional legislation should be +retained. Of course, care must be taken, especially in matters affecting +commerce and industry, to give due notice of alterations and to change +gradually so as not to prejudice arrangements already made and contracts +in course of fulfilment. + +Special attention will have to be given to the early removal of those +restraints on trade--prohibition of exports and imports--which have been +frequently necessary, either to retain in the country what is wanted to +satisfy home requirements or to prevent goods from finding their way to +the enemy, or to ensure that the limited tonnage available is used to +bring the commodities which are vital to meet the pressing needs either +of the forces engaged in War or of the civilian population. These +restraints, however, are not only most harassing to merchants and +involve much additional labour when labour is scarce, but if continued +would prevent this country from carrying on the valuable entrepôt trade +for which its geographical position, its financial resources, and its +command of shipping specially fit it. That trade at least depends on the +maintenance of a policy of the open door both for coming in and going +out. England is a good distributing centre--unless by artificial +restrictions we destroy our opportunities. Merchants and manufacturers +have been very patient as a rule under the fetters it has been thought +necessary to impose to meet War conditions; these fetters should be +removed as soon as possible. Unless this is done they will be fatally +handicapped when Hamburg and Bremen again come into competition with +them as distributing centres for the countries now neutral, and even for +those which have been in alliance with us. + +There is sure to be a cry to protect certain industries; in some cases +it may be necessary to do so for a time at least, but every such claim +should be most jealously scrutinised. The interests of any powerful +section of the community always find influential advocates. They can +exercise strong pressure on any Government or on Members of Parliament. +The general interests of the people who have no trade organisation to +support them will be likely to be overlooked. The restoration of freedom +is the first reform that should attend the restoration of Peace. + + + + +CHAPTER XVIII + +RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY + + _Neither one person nor any number of persons is + warranted in saying to another human being of ripe years + that he shall not do with his life for his own benefit + what he chooses to do with it._--JOHN STUART MILL. + + +The next task will be the restoration of industry to its ordinary +channels, and the return of the men who have been in the army to +civilian occupations. Mr. Bonar Law has said that nothing has ever +happened more wonderful than the way in which the British Empire has +changed its Peace organisation into a War organisation. To reverse the +process and change the War organisation into a Peace organisation may be +still more difficult. In creating the War organisation enormous sums of +money have been expended, the wheels have been lavishly greased to +enable the new machinery to work. That process cannot continue, as with +the reorganisation after Peace there must also be retrenchment. In the +War Cabinet's Report for 1917 it is said that "1917 may be described as +the year in which State control was extended until it covered not only +national activities directly affecting the military effort but every +section of industry, production, transport, and manufacture." To get rid +of some of that control as regards industry as well as commerce, must be +one of the first steps in reconstruction. State interference not only +involves the expense of an enormous army of officials, inspectors, +clerks, accountants, and others, but also causes friction, while the +regulations which it has been found necessary to impose have been one of +the causes of labour unrest. Any State regulations of labour are rightly +watched with the greatest jealousy. Pledges have been given that +certain pre-War conditions as regards labour shall be re-established as +soon as possible. + +During the War the exceptional conditions demanded exceptional measures. +To prevent competition for labour in order to fulfil the enormously +profitable contracts when the demand for munitions was so imperative, +special legislation was found absolutely necessary before the end of the +first year of the War. Employers had to be prohibited from engaging +workmen who had been on munitions work within six weeks before taking up +new employment, unless they had a certificate that the workmen had left +with the former employer's consent, or a tribunal held that consent had +been unreasonably withheld. Many persons who were in a position to form +a sound opinion consider that this provision "saved the situation." At +all events, it prevented the workmen, under the influence of the +inducements offered by competing employers, from running from place to +place to find where the highest wage could be obtained, and dislocating +the work in which they had been engaged. + +The provision for manufacture of munitions had to be made very +hurriedly, as it took the Government and the heads of the army a long +time to realise the fact that in a war against the organised forces of +Germany greater quantities of munitions of all sorts, some of an +entirely new kind, would be required by the army and navy. Our infantry +were exposed to the bombardment of the enemy while the British artillery +was unable to reply. Nothing is more wonderful and more creditable to +the Minister who first took charge of the matter, to the heads of +producing firms, and also to the workmen and the leaders of their Trade +unions all over the country, than the way in which new factories were +built, old factories enlarged, and output increased to the utmost. In +the course of a few months rough vacant spaces all over the country were +covered with admirably planned and well organised works. In a short time +employers generally learned to understand and to observe the +restrictions imposed, which were for the common good, though often +irritating to individuals. + +There was, however, some dissatisfaction among many of the workmen, and +after two years the provisions as to certificates were repealed, and the +Ministry of Munitions obtained wide powers for giving directions as to +remuneration, and also to prevent munition workers from being taken for +other work. The Ministry also exercised powers for regulating what +workmen of different classes should be allowed to go to various +establishments. Such regulation was and is necessary, but it will be a +relief to British industry when this State control and the restrictions +and regulations it involves can be done away with. The process of +reversion to normal conditions as regards industry will take time, +especially in adapting establishments where the products of the munition +works are articles which are not required in time of peace. Fortunately, +there will be a great demand for labour after the War to resume work +that has been postponed, as well as for new undertakings, especially for +housing and for repairs and renewals in railways, roads, and buildings. +Work that has been put on one side to allow undivided attention to be +given to munitions will require the services of a great number of +persons and help to prevent unemployment which might otherwise arise +when the new army is disbanded. + +Of the questions affecting employment after the War, the position of +discharged soldiers and sailors naturally comes first. They may be +divided into two classes, namely, those who are in any way disabled, and +who are discharged during the War suffering from some kind of injury to +limb or to health, and, secondly, those who will be discharged when the +army is demobilised. For the first class, the honour of the nation +demands that proper and liberal provision should be made by pensions, +having regard to the nature and extent of the injury received. For the +totally disabled there must be an adequate subsistence; for the +partially disabled the object will be, in addition to the pension, to +find suitable employment and to train those who wish to take up some new +employment suited to the varied requirements of men who have been +disabled in different ways, and also in which higher remuneration may be +obtained by reason of a skill thus acquired, and the greater demand for +work of the class. It has been estimated that, apart from the provision +for officers, forty millions a year will be required for pensions for +soldiers and sailors. It is an expenditure which the country would least +think of grudging. The Ministry of Pensions, in co-operation with other +Departments concerned, has already taken in hand the question of dealing +with the disabled, not only as regards the regulation and payment of +pensions, but also as to qualifying those who are partially disabled to +take up suitable employment. The work thus begun will have to go on for +a considerable period after the close of the War. So far as inquiries +have at present been made, a large percentage of the partially disabled +men will be able to go back to the employment in which they were engaged +before the War; others will be able to find similar employment without +special training; many will be engaged in various simple light +occupations. + +In selecting men for positions as caretakers, office porters, and others +of a similar kind, good feeling will naturally cause preference to be +given to the men who have met with injury while fighting for their +country. There will be a large number, however, who may wish to take up +employment of a different description from that in which they were +engaged before the War, and they will be glad of the opportunity of +preparing themselves for it. For these men the Ministry, acting in +co-operation with local authorities, and especially with local education +committees, is arranging courses of technical training. During the +period of training a payment, usually about twenty-seven shillings per +week, is made to the men. The character of the training to be given and +the provision to be made for it have been settled with advisory +committees of persons engaged in and well acquainted with the +requirements of the trade. This kind of co-operation and the practice of +taking the advice of members of the trade from the very beginning, have +been invaluable both in preventing mistakes and in creating goodwill +towards the schemes which have been set on foot. The training, of +course, differs according to the needs of different localities, but +already suitable courses have been provided in different places, in +boot-making, tailoring, furniture-repairing, basket-making, building, +printing, aircraft-manufacturing, dental mechanics, and many other +trades. Men who otherwise might have been condemned to useless lives +with a bare subsistence will, through the measures thus taken, be able +to earn a comfortable wage in some employment where their disablement +does not seriously interfere with their work. What has been done in this +matter should be as widely known as possible, and facilities for +training should be extended to give preparation for other suitable +trades. + +Most of all, it is desirable that as many men as possible should be +trained for agricultural and horticultural work, and should have the +opportunity of healthy outdoor employment. To do such work efficiently, +training for those who have not been brought up to it is, of course, +necessary. This training may be given on farms acquired for the purpose +either by some public authority or by individuals or by philanthropic +associations. Work of the kind has been already started, and should be +extended as fast as any demand for such training is found to exist. +There is, unfortunately, reason to believe that the number of discharged +men able to take up work on the land and desirous of doing so will not +be very large. + +In connection with the permanent employment of these disabled men, +schemes have been set on foot which hold out the most attractive +prospects as affording healthier conditions, brighter and pleasanter +homes, and as enabling useful production to go on with efficiency under +conditions in which the life of the worker may be passed in +surroundings which will give some satisfaction to the aesthetic sense. +These schemes include the formation of (i) industrial villages in the +neighbourhood of towns, of which the one at Lancaster, referred to in +the next chapter (p. 145), may be taken as a type, and (ii) new villages +established, or old villages extended in places which are easily +accessible, and not too remote from facilities for the education of +children and from the attractions of a town. In these villages organised +cultivation will be carried on. + +Co-operative farming is already being tried. A very interesting and +hopeful experiment in working a farm on co-operative lines under the +management of a skilled director has been made near Maidstone, where a +farm has been acquired by private effort. It has received a name of good +omen--the Vanguard Farm. + +Another proposal which may lead to very valuable results is the +establishment of nurseries for forest trees on land reclaimed from the +sea, or in other places where the soil is light and can be acquired at +moderate cost. These and similar schemes, though intended in the first +instance specially for partially disabled men, should be permanent. When +fairly started they are expected to be self-supporting. + +It is obviously impossible to treat of all the questions in the long +list given above, and also impossible to deal with any of them +completely. All that can be done is to give a general idea of the kind +of thing that is wanted; then to select a few subjects as furnishing +rather fuller indications of possible lines of action; and then--just as +examples--work out one or two in more detail. + +Two subjects, namely, Housing and Agricultural Development, must be +selected, because their vital importance demands attention from all who +care about the welfare of the nation. Another subject, namely, Law +Reform, is selected because it is comparatively easy to say what ought +to be done and to frame Acts embodying the required reforms. + + + + +CHAPTER XIX + +HOUSING + + _Owing to house shortage in Sheffield, two wooden + pigsties are being inhabited, one by a man and his wife + and two children, and the other by a man and his wife. + Both men are discharged soldiers._--DAILY PAPER. + + +There will be no rest, and should be none, until every industrious man +or woman who wishes to have a real home can have one, where everyone who +has children can bring them up under conditions where decency can be +maintained and healthy life be possible. It is a question of urgency in +rural as well as in urban districts, in the most remote places equally +with the great cities. In this matter it is no case of having to create +or stimulate a desire for improvement. The demand has existed for years, +but after the War will be more imperative than ever. Somehow or other it +must be supplied more fully. Attempts have been made again and again to +deal with the question. Its importance is recognised and special +inquiries are now being made as to the best means to be adopted. It is +stated that at the present time half a million additional houses for +working people are required, and that 100,000 more should be provided +annually to meet the normal increase of population and to replace houses +which have to be demolished. + +It will be necessary to consider, first, the provision to be made to +meet the existing shortage of house accommodation both in urban and +rural districts. At present a large portion of the population cannot +find a home or even any kind of accommodation that affords reasonable +comfort and decency. Since the War, in some places, such as Barrow, the +conditions have been absolutely intolerable, and when those who are +engaged in the army abroad return, the state of things in some districts +may be worse. The President of the Local Government Board recently +stated that 1,103 local authorities in England and Wales had reported +that houses for the working classes were required in their areas, and +that the number of houses they needed probably exceeded 300,000. As +above stated, the total requirement is much greater. The deficiency of +accommodation has been one of the prime causes of labour unrest; the +prices charged for any kind of shelter have been enormous; in some cases +the same bed is occupied by one set of people immediately the prior +occupants have gone to work, and "the bed is never even cold." The +overcrowding of agricultural labourers and their families in miserable +cottages, often out of repair and letting in the rain, has long been a +scandal. Something has been done by benevolent landowners, who build +cottages which they let on terms which bring little return for the money +spent on them; but it is quite impossible to rely either on the working +of the law of supply and demand or on private benevolence for meeting +the difficulty. Strong and immediate action by the State is needed. +Adequate powers should be given to local authorities, and pressure put +upon them, if needed, to ensure that such powers are exercised. Such +action is already being taken, and compulsory powers to acquire land +will be given. In assessing compensation, the great urban landowner who +has done nothing to contribute to the growth of the town or to promote +its industries, ought not to receive the full value of the land, as +enhanced by the necessary expansion of the town and thereby converted +into building land, with an added amount for compulsory purchase. The +manner in which the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act has been worked has +added enormously to the burden of most great public undertakings. The +compensation awarded has often been outrageous, and the expense incurred +in assessing it one of the grossest scandals. It would be easy to give +numerous instances from actual experience. + +But there is not only need for more accommodation, but also for more +attractive accommodation. There is no reason why the home of a human +family should as a rule be, as it is in most of the towns in England at +present, a hideous object. What has been done at Port Sunlight, at +Bournville and other places shows that, by proper forethought and wise +expenditure, small houses which it is a pleasure instead of a pain to +look upon, can be provided. Another good example of what can be done may +be seen in the change effected in the residences for the poorer classes +made on the property of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners at Walworth in +South London. What is now a pleasant exception ought to be a regular +rule. Means ought also to be taken to ensure that urban workers should +have the opportunity of obtaining an allotment, if not adjoining, at +least within reasonable distance of their homes, where they may grow +fruit and vegetables and enjoy what is, after all, one of the greatest +of the quiet pleasures of life, watching the growth of the plants which +they have cultivated, and enjoying the products. + +Round some towns, the estates of great landowners form a ring fence +barring any growth of the town until, when trade is good and the town is +expanding, extravagant prices can be obtained for the land of which they +have the monopoly. High ground rents are fixed when trade is inflated, +jerry-builders then start erecting houses, borrowing sometimes from +building societies the whole amount required to enable them to build, +and the houses are either sold or let at very high rents. The cottages +are put up in the cheapest possible way consistent with the by-laws of +the local authorities. When a cycle of bad trade occurs the property +falls in value, it goes out of repair, tenants have no interest whatever +in keeping it decent, it falls into a disgusting condition, mortgagees +foreclose. In many cases the building societies that have lent money on +the property to its full value, by arrangement between the secretary of +the society and the speculative builder, have gone into liquidation, and +the industrious people who have placed their money in the societies +have lost their investments. And last, there have even been disputes +between the owner of the ground rent who wishes to re-enter and the +local authority as to the payment of charges for making streets in the +district which has fallen into decay. This is no fancy picture. Those +who have had legal practice over a period of years in some of our large +towns will confirm it from their own experience. + +There is no valid reason why, when land is converted from agricultural +land into building land in the neighbourhood of a large town without any +effort on the part of the landowner, a definite portion of such land +should not be set aside for allotments or open spaces without payment, +on the same grounds that a person who is erecting buildings on the land +is obliged to comply with building regulations to secure proper +sanitation, although it might be more profitable to build without any +regard whatever for the health of the prospective tenants. Of course, it +may not always be possible to set aside a portion of any given piece of +land which is sold for building, but in that case the landowner should +contribute an equivalent value out of the proceeds of the land which he +sells towards providing the allotments or open spaces required elsewhere +in the neighbourhood. Such a provision would not be really burdensome, +as no contribution either in land or money would be made except at the +time when a largely increased revenue was to be derived from the land. +It is not to be forgotten that the large urban landlord usually pays no +rates towards meeting the requirements of the town, and receives the +full amount of the rent fixed practically for all time at a period of +inflation, although the rates may have enormously increased to meet the +cost of the things which the municipality has to provide for the needs +of a large and industrious but often very poor population. + +An example has been given of what private enterprise may do in providing +not merely accommodation for working people, but accommodation with +really attractive surroundings, in the action taken by the family of +the late Sir Thomas Storey, at Lancaster. They, under the advice of one +of the highest authorities on town planning, Mr. T.H. Mawson, have given +an estate adjoining the town, which will be laid out in an attractive +manner, with avenues arranged to afford pleasing prospects. The primary +object at present is to provide homes in the neighbourhood of a factory +to be erected where disabled soldiers may engage in some kind of +suitable manufacturing work, but the scheme is intended to be permanent. +The houses will be near the factory; there will be playgrounds, +drying-grounds, probably garden allotments, a hostel for single men, a +reading-room, and some place of amusement. The development of industrial +villages by private enterprise, encouraged in every possible way, is one +of the most hopeful things to look forward to in the rebuilding of +Britain. There can be no greater pleasure for anyone who has any vision +of what the future of housing accommodation for the working classes may +be than to read Mr. Mawson's charming volume on "Industrial Villages for +Partially Disabled Soldiers and Sailors as an Imperial Obligation." + +Another useful means of improving the conditions of housing for working +people has been adopted in many places by carrying on the movement +initiated by Octavia Hill. Property has been acquired and placed under +the management of some voluntary association, usually of ladies, who +will collect rents of reasonable amount and see that the property and +its surroundings are kept in proper condition. Various associations of +the kind have been established; the Manchester Housing Company, Limited, +may be taken as an example of such arrangements for managing urban +cottage property. In the last report it is stated that the Company has +owned or managed 114 houses, and the directors are assured that the +sanitary conditions under which the tenants are housed have steadily +conduced to the lowering of the death-rate. The personal interest taken +in the tenants as well as in the houses by the managers has had a +marked influence for good. The scheme is self-supporting, and in 1917 a +dividend of 4-1/2 per cent, was paid. + +Lastly, there should be some method, provided by public authority, +through which workers or other persons of small means can become owners +of their houses. Building societies came into existence with this +object, and were put under statutory regulation by the Legislature in +1836, and subsequently by an Act of 1874. In many cases facilities given +by building societies have been very useful in accomplishing the +original objects of such societies; in other cases, for reasons above +indicated, they have been a failure. By using the credit of the +Government money to enable properties to be acquired can be obtained, or +could have been obtained, at a lower rate. Instalments covering interest +at that rate and providing a sinking fund towards the repayment of the +principal would be of substantially less amount than the subscriptions +to the building societies, and would not exceed the rents tenants have +been accustomed to pay without any prospective advantage. Schemes to +practise thrift and to induce people to take a greater interest in their +homes and to enable them to acquire homes which are really attractive on +reasonable terms are to be encouraged by every means which the +Legislature or private individuals can adopt without causing +pauperisation. The object can be achieved on fair business terms and +without substantial risk of loss. Under the Ashbourne and the Wyndham +Acts in Ireland there has been, at all events until recently, +practically no failure to pay the required instalments. + +A committee has been appointed to investigate the housing question, and +its reports will no doubt contain valuable suggestions for dealing +practically and at once with a matter so vitally important to the +rebuilding of Britain. + + + + +CHAPTER XX + +AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT + + _In all kingdoms this first and original art + [agriculture]--this foundation of all others--must be + pursued and encouraged, or the rest will faint and be + languid._--ARTHUR YOUNG. + + +The most important practical reform of all is to make the land more +productive, to put it to the most profitable use. By profitable use we +do not mean using it so as to bring the owner the largest return in +money per acre, aiming at the largest net profit by reducing expenditure +as much as possible and growing whatever will fetch the highest price at +least cost of production. The really useful object is to lay out and use +all the land of the country in such a way as to produce the greatest +aggregate of commodities which are of real intrinsic value for use or +which can be exchanged for useful commodities coming from other nations; +in particular to produce in our own country as much wholesome food as +possible, and in so doing to support as large an agricultural population +as possible in reasonable comfort and health. To grow in our own country +a larger proportion of the food we consume is necessary, first, in order +to meet our own needs from our own internal resources, and so reduce the +amount which has to be paid to other countries for the commodities they +supply; secondly, in case of war, to avoid the risk of starvation and +reduce the strain on the Navy and on the Mercantile Marine due to the +necessity of bringing the larger part of the essential food of the +country overseas and also, what may be equally important, to avoid the +distress which may be caused owing to the country being unable to +provide the means of payment for the immense proportion of the food +required which must be brought from overseas. It was long ago pointed +out that the "trades by which the British people has believed it to be +the highest of destinies to maintain itself cannot now long remain +undisputed in its hands." + +The next object is to increase the agricultural population. It has been +found again and again in other countries as well as our own that a large +and healthy agricultural population is essential to keep up the physique +of a nation. The town folk tend to decay unless constantly replenished +by influx from the country. One good effect of the War has been to +direct attention to the vital importance of this subject, and careful +inquiries have been made and useful steps taken which have had the +effect of greatly increasing the home production of food. + +The subject is treated clearly in a popular way in a book published in +1917 on Agriculture after the War by Sir A.D. Hall, now secretary of the +Board of Agriculture, and in fuller detail in the report of a committee +of which Lord Selborne was chairman. The report was published at the +beginning of 1918; some of the proposals have been already acted upon, +others will no doubt be the basis of future action by the Board of +Agriculture and the Ministry of Reconstruction. + +Before the War the imports of food less re-exports amounted to about 229 +millions annually, or, to put the case in another way, about half of the +total food consumed in the British Islands was brought overseas; but "if +the most essential foodstuff, wheat, is considered, less than one-fifth +of what we required was produced in the country." The position was one +of terrible insecurity; but for the efficiency of the Navy the country +would have been starved into complete submission in this War, and its +prosperity and liberty would have been lost for ever. After the War the +financial question of the continued ability of the nation to pay for the +food we require is probably the most serious we have to face. The first +remedy for the existing state of things is the increase of tillage. +Assuming that the same pecuniary profit can be obtained by using any +land for tillage as for pasture or other purposes, it is obvious that it +is right to do everything possible to get that land devoted to tillage, +first, as national insurance for the reasons above stated, and, second, +to support a larger population under healthy conditions. One of the +great causes of discontent, of vagrancy, and of distress in the +sixteenth century was certainly the conversion of large tracts which had +formerly been arable into pasture land, because the land laid down as +pasture would produce a larger profit to the owner though it supported a +much smaller population and required far less labour. A considerable +portion of the rural population was thrown out of employment and the +supply of food was diminished. Again and again the decay of the +agricultural population has been the ground of complaint. Goldsmith +speaks of it beautifully and pathetically in the "Deserted Village," and +the process went on, becoming year after year a greater national peril; +but the Government and Parliament seemed to care little about it, so +that even during the last forty years, according to the statement of Sir +A.D. Hall, "the productivity of the land of Great Britain as a whole has +declined." Although a far larger rent might be obtained from the wealthy +who use a great part of Scotland for shooting than could be obtained +from crofters, national welfare demands that it should be used for +crofts and to raise the population which has supplied our armies with +many of the finest soldiers and the whole Empire with many of its best +colonists. Of course, there are large tracts of such a character that +people cannot support themselves in tolerable comfort by tilling them, +and it is better that land of that kind should be used for sheep if +possible, and, in cases where even this is impossible, for deer forests +or grouse moors, subject to reasonable public rights of access. + +Among the measures which may be taken to increase the home production +of food the following may be mentioned:-- + +1.--_Improved farming or intensification of agriculture under the +existing system._ It is admitted that English, and perhaps still more +Scottish, farming at its best is admirably conducted. Fortunately, very +many of the large landowners are themselves keenly interested in +agriculture and take a pride in promoting it. It is perhaps not +generally known what a useful and valuable trade the country carries on +in the export of pedigree stock. The prices obtained for the best bred +British bulls, rams and boars are very high. An extension over all +suitable parts of the country of the highest type of British farming +would add to the wealth of the country immensely. + +Connected with this subject is the promotion of agricultural education, +and along with that of agricultural research. Very great advances have +been made of recent years, and it would be an utterly false economy to +starve productive work of this kind. It ought to be held a disgrace for +a country landowner not to have some knowledge of agriculture and +interest in it. + +2.--_Industrialised farms_, i.e., the organisation of large farms to be +managed as business enterprises under the control of a general manager. +If farming was thus carried on on a large scale machinery would be +employed to its full advantage, and there would be economy in buying and +selling wholesale and avoiding waste in preparing for and placing +commodities on the market. The most highly trained, skilled and +energetic management would be obtained for farms of this kind. It is to +be noticed that, although some commodities can equally well be produced +by small culture, it is generally only on a large scale that cereals can +be profitably cultivated. + +3.--_Co-operative farming._--The subject is one of special interest, as +co-operative farming in some form was historically the basis of the +whole system of society in many countries. Experiments in co-operative +farming may be tried with advantage. They may take various forms. It +will, no doubt, be found that in certain branches of farming, such as +dairy farming in some districts, co-operative action is almost necessary +to success. The experience of Denmark has shown how much can be done to +keep up a definite standard in butter, for example, by sending milk to +some large, well-equipped and well-managed dairy. Such establishments +have also far better opportunities for dealing with transport and +distribution. + +4.--_Colonies of Small Holdings._--It is to be hoped that when the +troops are demobilised, and the Small Holdings Acts are put into fuller +operation, the number of small holdings will be increased. A population +of independent yeomen is the best reservoir of the manhood of any +country. No finer race has existed than the statesmen who cultivated the +small farms among the hills of Cumberland and Westmorland. + +5.--_There is a great deal of land, both on the seashore and in inland +districts, which might be reclaimed._--The cost of such work would be +heavy, but the return in greater aggregate production and in providing +means to support a larger country population would be most important. +This question will be alluded to briefly in Chapter XXI. + +6.--_Important industries_, such as basket-making and many others, might +be carried on in rural districts along with their principal work by +those engaged in agriculture or horticulture, just as Swiss peasants by +wood carving, when agricultural operations are impossible, produce a +number of articles for which there is a substantial demand in other +countries. + +7.--Last, and perhaps the most interesting and important step of all, is +_to increase allotments._ The demand for allotments, both by the +agricultural population in rural districts and by the urban population +who are engaged in industrial or even in commercial pursuits in the +forge towns, is very keen. The effect of the War and the more pressing +need for home-grown food have stimulated the demand, and in trying to +meet it, both the Board of Agriculture and private individuals and +local authorities have done splendid work, which ought to be recognised +as one of the most beneficial movements which have taken place within +living memory. More than seventy years ago William Howitt called +attention to the advantages derived from the system of urban allotments +adopted near his own town of Nottingham, and attention has been +subsequently drawn to the subject, but its importance was not fully +realised until the outbreak of the War. An enormous advance has already +been made, and if the right steps are taken for securing more permanence +of tenure, and for obtaining land on fair terms near to the homes of the +workers, a far greater and more lasting advance will be made. The number +of allotments in England and Wales before the War was about 570,000. It +is estimated that now there are upwards of 1,400,000. The urban +allotments have increased enormously, an interest has been added to the +lives of many workers; their supply of wholesome food of their own +growing has been increased and the health of these urban workers +promoted. At present the total area taken up by allotments is about +200,000 acres. If half of these are devoted, say, to growing potatoes +and produce an average of seven tons per acre, the allotment holders in +England and Wales would this year grow "700,000 tons of the most +essential war-time crop practically on the spot where the crop is to be +consumed." It appears that, taking the whole of England and Wales, there +was an allotment holding for one household in twelve before the War. On +May 1st, 1918, one household in five held an allotment. In the county +boroughs before the War one household in thirty-two possessed an +allotment, now the proportion is one household in nine, and the process +is going on. It is the most encouraging development, whether looked at +from the economic point of view or from the point of view of national +health and happiness, that has taken place within living memory. The +urban allotments are regularly worked by persons who are engaged in +various forms of industry during the greater part of their time, and it +is found that the allotments must be small, usually about fifteen to an +acre. They ought to be as near as possible to the homes of the people +who work them. One of the reasons pointed out for the slow development +of the system, even where it has been so successful as in Nottingham +long before the War, was the distance of the allotments from the homes +of the workers. In town planning there should be an attempt wherever +possible to arrange for allotments close to the new small dwellings +which are erected. It will be essential, however, to insist (i) on more +permanent tenure for those who work their allotments properly and keep +them in good condition; (ii) that the land required should be obtained +on reasonable terms. Some landowners have themselves voluntarily taken +the matter in hand, but in other cases compulsion will be necessary, +and, as already stated, it will be right that where the land has been +agricultural or vacant land, bringing in a small or even no return, the +price or rent paid for it should be based on its agricultural value plus +some reasonable addition, and not on the enormously enhanced value of +the land as land which has become building land owing to the growth of +the urban population in the neighbourhood. It will be desirable to +arrange by co-operative or municipal action for the supply of seeds, +plants and fertilisers, and also for the sale of any surplus produce not +required by the holder for his own use. + +The admirable work which is being done by the Board of Agriculture in +encouraging allotments ought to be recognised and supported in every +possible way. + + + + +CHAPTER XXI + +AFFORESTATION + + _Thou, too, great father of the British floods,_ _With + joyful pride survey'st our lofty woods,_ _Where towering + oaks their growing honours rear_ _And future navies on + thy shores appear._--ALEXANDER POPE. + + +We shall use the word afforestation here to denote the steps to be taken +for promoting the growth of timber on a large scale. The original sense +in which it is employed in any historical or legal work is quite +different. There it means turning a track of land into a forest, and a +forest did not mean land covered with timber trees, but a "certain +territory of woody grounds and fruitful pastures, privileged for wild +beasts and fowles of the forest to rest and abide in," in "the +protection of the King for his princely delight and pleasure." It was +subject to special jurisdiction, and special officers were appointed +over it "to the end that it may the better be preserved and kept for a +place of recreation and pastime meet for the royal dignity of a prince." +The Forest Laws were oppressive, and for the purpose of afforestation +many wrongs were committed. In the Crown forests, like Epping Forest and +the New Forest, there were a number of commoners who had special rights +of pasture and of taking certain things from the forest, such as +firewood "that might do them good." It is by the assertion of such +ancient rights of common that Epping Forest has been preserved as a +place of recreation for the people of East London, and that so much of +the New Forest remains open land. The latter is a source of perennial +enjoyment to those who visit it, and maintains the successors of the +old forest commoners in prosperity, due largely to the fact that they +can graze ponies there and feed pigs on the acorns and beechmast. +Whatever steps are taken to promote the growth of timber--and much has +been done from time to time in the New Forest with that object--it is +important that these valuable common rights should be preserved, and +that the value of open lands for the health and recreation of the people +should not be overlooked. + +The need for systematic action and for the Government to take steps to +promote the growth of timber in the United Kingdom has been pointed out +from time to time. The Board of Agriculture in 1911 drew up a memorandum +pointing out that "British forestry was far behind that of other leading +European States," and that "the growing of timber had never in this +country been recognised as a business"; that "there had been no +continuity of policy with regard to it." When the War broke out it +appears that only eight per cent, of the total amount of timber required +for home use was grown in the United Kingdom, ninety-two per cent, had +to be brought from oversea. The War showed how perilous and how costly a +thing it is to neglect home production of necessaries. + +When all our shipping was required for other purposes, it was a most +serious matter to take up tonnage with a cargo so bulky as timber, +occupying probably more ship space in proportion to its value than any +other. More timber was required for huts and sheds, for railway +sleepers, and a variety of other purposes. For the construction of +aircraft special kinds of timber were needed. The demand for pit props +in enormous quantities was urgent and continuous. At the same time the +loss of shipping through submarine action became very serious. +Fortunately our French Allies had been more provident in conserving and +promoting their home supplies. Forestry in France had been carefully +fostered by the Government. To take one example alone, the Landes, the +district near the coast between Bordeaux and Bayonne, which had once +been a region of dreary marsh, shifting sand, or scanty pasture, had +been turned into splendid forest by wise forethought a century ago, and +yielded great supplies of valuable timber. Science has pointed out many +ways in which small and waste wood also can be used for the production +of a number of substances necessary in peace and still more urgently +required in war. The Landes country was noted for its production of +rosin. Thousands of cups into which it exudes from cuts in the trees are +to be seen when passing through the forests in that region. + +Shortage of tonnage during the War made it necessary to use the home +supply of wood of the United Kingdom to the fullest extent. A controller +of timber supplies was appointed, though, as usual, rather late in the +day. Under his energetic management a very large part of the timber +needed was obtained in this country. It was essential to get all that +was possible, but the result is inevitable "that we shall have to face a +period in which production will be much below even the low figure which +it had reached before the War. Not only have mature crops been felled in +all parts of the United Kingdom, but thousands of acres of young or +immature woods have been felled for pit-wood and other purposes, or have +been thinned to a degree which renders clearing and replanting +absolutely essential." + +One painful result has also been to deprive certain places of the +beautiful trees which gave the countryside there its special charm. +There is no plainer case for taking in hand the question of +reconstruction at once, for framing a clear policy as to the steps to be +used to repair the losses caused by war, and to ensure that in the +future we shall not be so completely dependent on supplies from abroad +through neglect of the possibilities of production at home. A Committee, +under the chairmanship of Mr. F.D. Acland, was appointed in July, 1916, +"to report upon the best means of conserving and developing the woodland +and forestry resources of the United Kingdom, having regard to the +experience gained during the War." The report of that Committee, dealing +with the whole subject, was issued in 1918, and is a model of clear +statement, and a mine of information made readily accessible. It gives a +full survey of the present position, and sets forth a "forest policy +recommended" which is definite and worked out in detail. The Committee +find that "the timber position at home is bad, that prospects of supply +from abroad are becoming doubtful, that ample supplies in time of +emergency are a national necessity of the very first importance, that +they can only be secured for certain if the timber be grown at home, and +finally, that it is essential for the State to take a very much more +active part in forestry than it has been content to take in the past." +State action is becoming, perhaps, too much the fashion--free individual +action is generally far better--but in this matter, which is one of +"national insurance," State action is necessary, and reasons of a +conclusive character are given--such as the long period required before +the crop can be matured and any return obtained, and the uncertainty as +to the future conditions and factors on which its ultimate +profitableness will depend--showing why the matter should be taken in +hand by the State. Such action would, of course, not exclude individual +or local action; indeed, private enterprise might also be helped by the +State in many ways, including the giving of expert advice and making the +results of the best scientific research available to all. + +The work of afforestation would provide a healthy and suitable +employment for discharged soldiers who preferred a country life to +resuming their occupations in towns. The number taking up forest work, +however, would probably be very small. There are also some branches of +forest work which would be suitable for partially disabled soldiers. A +very interesting scheme has been framed for establishing forest +nurseries on reclaimed lands. One specially suitable site has been +suggested on the shore of the River Kent at the head of Morecambe Bay, +near Grange-over-Sands, where land was reclaimed after the making of the +Furness Railway. The reclaimed land would be suitable for a forest +nursery for raising young trees. The soil is light, so the work would be +healthy and would not be too strenuous. The scheme has been worked out +in detail, and an attractive description of it is given by Mr. Mawson. +There are other places where reclaimed land or other land with light and +suitable soil might be used for such nurseries. Partially disabled men +might also be trained for the lighter kinds of forest work, such, for +example, as the "marking of thinnings." It is of a technical character, +but does not involve any serious physical strain. + + + + +CHAPTER XXII + +LAW REFORM + + _I should not be an advocate for the repeal of any law + because it happened to be in opposition to temporary + prejudices, but I object to certain laws because they are + inconsistent with the deliberate and permanent opinion of + the public._--SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. + + +Compared with some of the other great questions involved in +Reconstruction, mere reforms in the law may often seem almost trivial, +but they have the advantage of being easier to handle than social and +economic reforms. It is not so difficult to state exactly what is +wanted, to embody the proposals in definite shape in a Bill, and to pass +it if the Parliamentary machine is properly used. The incapacity of +Parliament to deal with remedial legislation embodied in a Bill clearly +drawn is often exaggerated. A reform merely in Parliamentary procedure +would go far to remedy the existing congestion. A case could be quoted +from very short Parliamentary experience where a private member, +surprised at getting first place in the ballot, adopted a friend's +suggestion to attempt a long-needed practical reform. The subject has +too much technical difficulty to be explained here, but the Bill was +drafted in an hour or two, passed the House of Commons early one +afternoon without alteration, and the House of Lords with slight verbal +changes. It became law in two or three weeks, and the Act is now used +with beneficial results in the Courts almost daily. A real injustice was +prevented and practical inconvenience removed, but the measure was +nearly wrecked by some theorists who wished to extend the principle of +the Bill logically, as they said, but in a manner which would have made +it virtually unworkable, without benefit to a single human being. A +small matter, but instructive. + +Much may be learned from the procedure of Grand Committees. In some, at +least, the average length of speeches is about three minutes, and they +are confined to the definite point in hand. Members vote according to +their view of the merits, knowing what they are voting about, and may +defeat the Government without causing a political crisis. A case has +occurred where the representative of the Government, who knew little of +the subject in question, was left in a minority of one against a solid +vote of the rest of the Committee. "Downstairs" the point might have +been decided the other way by a score or two of members rushing in, as +Sir George Trevelyan once described it, "between two mouthfuls of soup," +asking, "Are we Ayes or Noes?" and shepherded into a division lobby +accordingly. + +Another step needed to aid Law Reform would be the appointment of a +Minister of Justice, whose business it would be to consider proposed +reforms, to see that they were put into proper shape and to assist in +getting them passed. The same Minister might have the duty of attending +to arrangements for the convenient and prompt administration of justice, +but should have no judicial functions of any kind and should not +interfere in any way with the action of the Courts. It is impossible to +guard too jealously against substituting decisions of any department of +Government for the law of the land as declared and administered by the +regular Courts of Justice. Mr. Samuel Garrett, the President of the Law +Society, dealt with the question very fully in January, 1918, in an +address which has since been published. We may view the establishment of +another new Ministry with something like horror, but a strong case is +made out for it here. Definite functions are suggested for such a +Ministry, and it is probable that it might in the long run save expense +as well as promote efficiency. Mr. Garrett very forcibly says: + +"Law Reform hangs fire for want of an officer of State armed with the +power of conducting the necessary inquiries and investigations, and +supplying the necessary driving force to initiate and prepare the +requisite legislative measures and to pass them through Parliament, and +with strength to overcome the _vis inertiae_ of a preoccupied and +ill-informed public and the active opposition of vested interests. +Without such an officer the cause of reform is hopeless." It is now and +in the immediate future that such reform is, and will be, most pressing. +A reformed is naturally also a reforming Parliament as it was after +1832. + +There are a large number of reforms in the law which ought to be taken +in hand at once. The nature of the amendments needed is clear; all that +is required is that they should be brought in proper form before +Parliament, and that the Government should use its influence to get them +passed. It would be difficult for the Lord Chancellor to see to this +work efficiently and regularly along with his other duties, and it is +certainly impossible for the Law Officers, whose duty it is to represent +the Crown in the Courts and to advise the Government on questions of +law, to undertake this duty. It could be done if a capable solicitor or +barrister who had experience of cases relating to property, not just a +successful advocate but a lawyer well acquainted with the practical +difficulties which make amendment in the law desirable, were put in +charge of the work. + +It is a complete mistake to imagine that devolution to other bodies of +the legislative powers of Parliament would do what is required in this +respect. Such a delegation as regards many subjects would make confusion +worse confounded. Questions relating to marriage and personal status, +naturalisation, the law of companies, all branches of commercial law, +the law of contracts, and the law relating to devolution of property, +should be dealt with by one body, whose aim should be to assimilate the +law on these subjects over as wide an area as possible. Endless trouble, +litigation and uncertainty arise from an unnecessary variety of laws on +such subjects as these. It would be well, indeed, with regard to such +subjects, to endeavour to assimilate the law of the Colonies and of the +Mother Country, and to enter into negotiations with other countries to +facilitate their commercial intercourse by enacting similar laws on +subjects of this kind as far as may be. + +It is impossible, without taking up too much space and entering too much +into technical detail, to do more than indicate in general terms some of +the reforms in the law which demand early attention. The following may +be given as examples: + +(1) The complete revision of the Statute Law, consolidating the law on +each subject as far as possible, and in some cases amending it at the +same time. The present state of English Statute Law is a disgrace to any +civilised nation. There are subjects on which it is almost impossible to +say what the law is, owing, amongst other causes, to the pernicious +habit of legislation by reference from one statute to another. Judges, +the legal advisers to parties in litigation, clerks to local +authorities, and others, ought to have in compendious form before them +the whole Statute Law on a subject under discussion. Much good and very +laborious work has been done under the direction of the Committee on +Statute Law, but their duties should be extended and fuller facilities +afforded for more complete and more rapid revision. These powers should +include that of presenting at the same time to Parliament minor +incidental amendments in the Statute Law which would remove doubts and +inconsistency, and get rid of obsolete provisions. Either a Minister of +Justice or one of the existing Ministers along with his other duties +should be definitely responsible for seeing that the work is done +without undue delay or expense. Probably a small Joint Committee of +Lords and Commons might consider any cases where amendments were made, +and, if they approved of the revised and consolidated Statutes, the +Committee stage in both Houses might be dispensed with, and a single +reading of the Bill of revision or even merely "to lay it on the table" +would be quite sufficient to preserve the general authority of +Parliament over legislation of this kind. A small executive department +should be established under the direction of the Minister for dealing +with all details and drafting the proposed Bills. There should be a +permanent head of such a department with a small but efficient staff and +proper accommodation for carrying on the work, which would be +continuous, in order not only to put but to keep the Statute Law in +proper form. The head of such a department should have a very free hand +as regards the mode of carrying on the work, subject to certain general +regulations laid down as to the scope of his duties, and the expense +that might be incurred, and the department should be free from some at +least of the ordinary conditions relating to the Civil Service. With the +advantage of existing experience, such a department might be constituted +on sound lines within a week or two, and its work would result in saving +time and trouble to Courts, to local authorities, to private +individuals, and to various government departments themselves. The cost +of such a department would be covered over and over again by the +improvements effected. It is a comparatively small matter, but the lines +of action are so clear and so definite, and it would be so easy to make +the necessary arrangements in a few days, that it might be taken as an +example of the way to effect a reform promptly. + +The huge mass of emergency legislation which has come into existence +since the War would no doubt require separate consideration. That +exceptional legislation will have to be revised and almost the whole of +it repealed, in some cases at once and in others within a short time +after the close of the War. This question is already engaging the +attention of the Government. It is not an easy task, but the transition +to freedom should be made as rapidly as possible. The action to be +taken, however, in many cases, will very closely affect trade, and in +these cases the question is not one primarily for lawyers; even the +officials with most experience will require the advice and guidance of +those who know each trade practically. The more anyone in the discharge +of official duties learns of the course of trade in any commodity the +more he will recognise the necessity for practical knowledge of the +conditions of _that_ trade, and the futility of attempting to deal with +any question affecting it without hearing those who have been actually +engaged in it. What an intelligent open-minded man might expect to +happen is very often exactly what does not in fact happen. It is +tempting to give concrete examples which have forced themselves into +notice, but limitation of space forbids. + +(2) The law on certain subjects should now be codified. This is a +different question from the revision of the Statute Law and the +introduction of something like order into that chaos. It is, however, +probable that a general codification now would do harm, and there are +strong grounds for contending that Case Law, with its capacity for +growth and adaptation to new conditions as they arise and to unforeseen +circumstances, is often more convenient and indeed more scientific than +a code. Criminal Law, however, at least so far as it relates to +indictable offences, ought to be embodied in a definite and complete +code, and in the process of codification certain amendments might be +made. + +(3) The law as to murder and homicide, for example, urgently requires +considerable amendment. The present state of the law classing together +as murder acts of totally different character and decreeing the +punishment of death for all alike is most unsatisfactory, and in some +cases revolting to the moral sense. The whole doctrine of "constructive +murder" should be done away with, and only those acts treated as murder +and punishable with death where the accused intended deliberately the +death of his victim, and was not acting under great provocation or under +the kind of mental distress or anxiety which might be reasonably +supposed to affect his--it might indicate the usual nature of such +cases better to say "her"--judgment and power of control. + +There are also a number of alterations in the law relating to the +devolution of property, and to personal status which ought to be made by +the new Parliament at an early date. Most of them have been suggested +long ago, but as no party capital was to be made out of law reforms, +such reforms have generally been neglected unless taken up by a Lord +Chancellor or some other legal authority with political influence. A few +of these alterations may be enumerated. + +(4) The devolution of real estate in case of intestacy should be +assimilated to that of personal estate. The present state of the law is +often a great injustice, especially to women, and women will now be in a +position to demand its amendment. If a man dies intestate, leaving a +wealthy son and half a dozen daughters quite unprovided for, the son +takes all the real property, and the daughters may be left penniless, +but if the property happens to be leasehold for 1,000 years, the +daughters share equally. The present state of the law is a survival of +the time when ownership of freehold land implied personal service. + +(5) Estates tail might be abolished or at least alienation of such +estates made simpler. + +(6) Copyhold tenure with its inconvenient incidents should be converted +into freehold. + +(7) Both as a means of raising revenue, and to prevent useless +litigation without in any way discouraging thrift or disappointing +legitimate expectations, the State should take the whole property as to +which anyone dies intestate without leaving near relations. The whole +subject of Death Duties needs reconsideration; a mere increase of these +duties all round would cause intolerable hardship in some cases and +would discourage people from attempting by careful foresight to make +provision for those dependent on them, but when very large sums devolve +on death to persons who are not dependents, the State might take a much +larger portion of a deceased person's property than it does at present. +If a multi-millionaire dies without leaving a wife or lineal +descendants, there would be no hardship in taking fifty per cent. of his +property--not devoted to charitable purposes--for the State. It would +not be difficult to frame provisions to meet the possibility of +settlements being made to evade the duty. + +(8) Legitimation by subsequent marriage would remove many cases of great +hardship, and might aid in inducing fathers to recognise their duties to +children for whose existence they are responsible, and also to the +mothers of such children. + +(9) A regular form of legal adoption should be provided by which, +subject to some form of public sanction to secure that the adopting +parents are fit and able to take such responsibility, persons might give +children, whom they desire to adopt, a recognised legal position. The +losses caused by the War make this question one of increased practical +importance. + +(10) The reform of the law as to marriage ought not to be longer +delayed. The question has already been carefully considered by the +Commission of which Lord Gorell was chairman. This subject will, no +doubt, provoke controversy, and it is impossible to discuss it fully +here, but delay may have serious consequences. + +The above incomplete list will be sufficient to indicate in a fairly +definite way some of the work that has to be done in Law Reform. It is +certainly a heavy task, but in almost all cases the lines on which +reform could be carried out are clear, and it only requires that the +matter should be resolutely taken in hand. If a small expert committee +to consider each branch of the subject and draft the necessary Bills +were appointed, or some Minister were made definitely responsible for +attending to such matters, and if the procedure in Parliament were +reformed as suggested, the congestion in Parliament need not prevent +these reforms from being carried through rapidly. + + + + +CHAPTER XXIII + +PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE + + _Find us men skilled, make a new Downing Street fit for + the new era._--THOMAS CARLYLE. + + +No one will imagine that the long list of questions that have been +mentioned covers the whole field of reconstruction, still less that the +answers suggested are complete. Some of the suggestions made may be +fruitful, others not. Enough has been said to show how huge that task +is, and how it will need for its accomplishment all the knowledge and +wisdom, and all the energy available. It is, therefore, clear that every +proposal which may be made must be examined on its merits, not as it +affects any party or personal interests, and that those who are elected +to decide or appointed to deal with any matter shall in each case be +chosen because of their fitness for the work assigned, not because their +influence or support may be useful to any party or coterie. + +Political life from bottom to top must be purified if reform is to be +carried out on just and sound lines. On this question plain speaking is +essential. For some time elements of corruption have been growing up in +English politics, which it will be one of the first duties of the +electorate and of a new and reformed Parliament to get rid of. The very +word "politician" has become a term of contempt. The country is alive to +the evil and ought to insist that it shall be promptly dealt with. The +task is not an agreeable one. Those who have anything personally to gain +or to lose in political life will naturally shrink from it. At the same +time, nothing is worse than to overstate the case, and nothing easier +than to create an atmosphere of suspicion without definite evidence. +Directly the word "purity" is mentioned in any sense, there is a +tendency to put forward something startling, "to pander to the lust for +the lurid." It would be an excellent thing to put a tax on the use of +adjectives, at all events in the discussion of any question of politics +or morals, as fines are sometimes imposed for the unnecessary or +offensive expletives employed as a common form of emphasis. + +One or two definite changes could be made which would go far to promote +political purity. (1) No "honour" should be conferred on any Member of +Parliament while he retains his seat there. It ought to be considered +sufficient honour to belong to that assembly. Gratitude to a Government +for personal favours of this kind, either already conferred or to come, +should not enter as a disturbing element affecting a man's political +action. There is much to be said for the rule that acceptance of an +office of profit under the Crown vacates a seat in the House of Commons. +The rule should apply to the acceptance of any honour. Perhaps an +exception might be made allowing a limited number of members, who had +served at least ten years in Parliament, to be placed on the Privy +Council on the advice of a Select Committee of the House. Such a course +would strengthen the Privy Council by the addition of experienced men +who had won the respect of their fellow-members irrespective of party, +but had never taken office. An appointment so made would neither be the +reward of docility or assiduity in attending divisions, nor a +prophylactic against too critical tongues; it would be a mark of respect +from those whom long association had given the means of judging. There +are some men in every Parliament whose high character and unobtrusive +work through a long period of service have won the special regard of +their fellow-members, even though opposed to them in politics, and an +opportunity of expressing that feeling would be welcomed. The selection +would be a real honour, and would be bestowed in recognition of +independence of character and steady useful work. Peerages might still +be conferred on the advice of the Prime Minister, as a peerage renders +the recipient incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and the +existence of Ministries does not depend on votes in the Lords. + +(2) The party whips ought to have nothing to do with the conferment of +honours of any kind, whether on members of the House of Commons or +others. The considerations which must be uppermost in the mind of a +whip, whose duty it is to fill the division lobbies for his party, ought +not to affect the fountain of honour. + +(3) The accounts of the party associations ought to be published. It may +be right for well-to-do people who feel keenly on political questions to +contribute to help party organisation, to aid in providing the money +necessary to enable promising men, who have not the means for paying +their own election expenses, to contest a seat and to enter Parliament. +There is nothing derogatory to a candidate in accepting assistance of +the kind. Many men who were unable to fight an election without it, +would prefer to have it openly stated that they had received such +assistance. Why should a young man whom a poor constituency would like +to adopt, and who can only afford, say, £100 towards the cost of +contesting a seat, object to his constituents knowing that the balance +had been found from funds provided by others who wish well to the cause +he is advocating? If the system is wrong, let it be abolished; if right, +why try to preserve secrecy? + +(4) No one should be allowed to contribute to party funds who has +received a peerage or other "honour" within a given period, and if +anyone has contributed to such funds before receiving an honour the +amount paid should be publicly announced. Everyone has heard, and anyone +acquainted with what goes on could give instances, of cases where a +contribution has been asked from those whose services to the community +are supposed to be recognised by some title of honour. + +A change is needed in the method of selecting candidates. Two examples +will illustrate the kind of thing that takes place. + +A.B. had made a respectable fortune in a well-known and useful business, +and retired to a comfortable home in Parkshire. His practical good sense +and knowledge of affairs had made him a useful member of the county +council, and he was a regular supporter of all benevolent movements in +the district. A vacancy was expected in the parliamentary representation +of the neighbouring borough of Slowcombe, and A.B., feeling the call to +a larger sphere of usefulness--prompted also by Mrs. A.B., for whose +charming social qualities the society of Slowcombe was unable, and the +antiquated exclusiveness of Parkshire families was unwilling, to afford +sufficient scope--desired to fill the vacancy. The party managers were +approached, and were delighted to find so suitable a candidate, provided +that A.B. would agree to spend at least £---- a year "in nursing the +constituency," which was unable to move without such nursing. It is +better not to name the amount asked lest it should lead to a painful +identification of the real name of the place, and also because it was so +large that it would be discredited by all except the unfortunate +candidates for similar places. A.B. was compelled to answer, "It is more +than I can possibly afford," and added in his own mind, "Would it be +right if I could?" He has had to console himself with growing roses and +breeding pigs, and attending the county bench; no doubt in every way a +valuable member of society, but the larger sphere of usefulness is +closed to him. + +Dyeborough is a town where business methods are better understood. The +late member having resigned, the chairman and agent for one party, +greatly exercised as to the means of providing for the expenses of +attending to the register and maintaining local interest in the +principles of the party, and in the "great cause" which it supports, +wisely communicated with "headquarters." As to what passes there, +religious silence should be observed. There is no evidence available, +and to pry into such mysteries were profane, but shortly afterwards it +is announced that Mr. X., with the highest recommendations, will address +the association. The local managers are quietly informed that he is +willing to pay all expenses of the local organisation, to subscribe to +the party clubs, and to spend money freely in the constituency. X. +appears from Weissnichtwo with a bevy of carpet bags and some heavy +cheque books. He is a man of business, has "made money"--meaning usually +acquired money of other people by any means not forbidden by law. The +oratorical arts which served to influence prospective shareholders are +sufficient to fill the prepared caucus with at least an appearance of +enthusiasm, and the open-minded candidate has sufficient democratic +sentiment to adopt every plank in the party programme, or "any other +damned nonsense" that he thinks will be agreeable. The virtuous +Dyeborough yields to the golden shower, and embraces the charming +stranger. It takes his subscriptions with content, and watches his +career with pride. A far-seeing sporting man offers two to one that in +three years the new member will be recognised by a title--of course a +"marketable title" suggests a lawyer--but no one is rash enough to take +up the bet. (No wonder that Proportional Representation or any other +proposal which would interfere with the working of such a convenient +system is rejected by the party politicians.) Everyone has been +satisfied. The local party managers have been relieved from all anxiety, +the local charities and political clubs add handsome subscriptions to +their lists, headquarters and the whips have--to put the case +mildly--not diminished their funds, and can reckon on a safe seat and +steady vote. X. has entered on a career of public service marked at each +step by successive honours. The only drawback is that if he should be +translated to "another place," it would be found that the borough had +become accustomed to such a scale of expenditure from its member that +"no one but a very rich and ambitious man would venture to come forward +as a candidate there." It offers, however, a splendid chance for a +Socialist who can make unlimited promises as to the benefits that he and +his friends could confer by taking the money of other people and +distributing it in a liberal spirit. As for X., we must see that talents +so pre-eminent are not lost to the State, and if no Ministerial office +is vacant we must create one, and ask no questions as to its cost or the +nature of its operations. + +Could these claims on the purse as a condition in the selection of +candidates be prevented, a great step would be taken towards purifying +political life. If the question were resolutely faced, the abuse could +be stopped. The late Lord James, when in charge of the Corrupt Practices +Bill, was told that the stringent clause limiting election expenses +would wreck his scheme. He persisted, and afterwards said that it was +that clause which did most to help the Bill through, because so many +country gentlemen who had suffered through agricultural depression gave +it their hearty support as affording a means of freeing them from the +extortionate claims of a set of persons who used an election to obtain +money for imaginary services to the unfortunate candidates. + +To read in the various biographical memoirs and reminiscences which have +been published during the last twenty years how Cabinets have been put +together, may amuse the cynical and evoke interest in those who watch +politics as a game, but is painful to the citizen who wishes to see the +country well governed, and who suffers if it is not. Sometimes, indeed, +the formation of a Ministry seems more like the distribution of loot +among successful campaigners, or a tactical disposition of the officers +for continuing a contest than the provision of the best means and +selection of the best men for each part of the work of governing the +country. + +In spite, however, of some glaring instances where such appointments +have led to disaster or serious loss, the result has, on the whole, been +not so bad as might have been expected. Those who have won their way in +the open conflicts in Parliament and the country have been men who have +played a fair game according to the rules. Their personal characters +have stood high. Dishonourable action has been rare, almost unknown. As +a rule, the abilities of those called to the Front Bench have probably +been rather above the average among the country gentlemen, lawyers and +men of business who have been associated with them; a few have shown +conspicuous ability; most by experience of affairs soon gain a special +aptitude in dealing with them. Anyhow the open recognition of party +claims publicly recognised is infinitely better, as Burke urged, and +history from his day to ours proves, than backstairs influence or merely +personal ties, and still more than using official position as a tribute +to wealth, and the advantages which wealth can confer on those who do it +homage. It is the system which is to blame, not the men to be condemned. +Those who denounce the members of a Government most fiercely would be +only too happy to accept an invitation to meet them at dinner. Ask the +most eloquent writer of philippics who has known, say a score of +Ministers on both sides personally, and who is reasonably tolerant, +modest and candid, which of them does he believe really to be either a +knave or a fool; he will answer, "None, though I am not quite sure about +X." We all have our ineradicable antipathies. Fortunately there is +something forensic about English political contests. The astonished +client sees the advocates who have been hottest in conflict walking away +arm in arm. We must make allowance for the requirements of the forum, +and at the same time be thankful that while there may be something +rotten in the state of politics, those who become prominent in political +life are honourable men. To some it may seem half an insult to state the +fact, but the kind of talk both public and private too frequently heard +to-day makes it necessary to insist upon it. Even Members of Parliament +on the opposite side are as a rule quite respectable citizens. To +maintaining a correct attitude of antagonism too close knowledge of +opponents may sometimes be a hindrance, and it was not without reason +that one engaged in a violent controversy on being told that if he knew +Y., his antagonist, he would be sure to like him, replied, "That is the +reason why I have always refused an introduction to him." + +Lastly, when the right men have been selected, they should be supported, +their acts and proposals, of course, criticised if necessary, but not +made the subject of perpetual and irritating nagging, or dull refusal to +understand and appreciate what they are doing and aiming at. They may +not expect gratitude. Most people learn in the course of life that +recognition given and gratitude shown for any work done varies inversely +as the trouble they have taken, and the difficulty of the task, even if +it has been successfully carried through, but while they are engaged in +it they must claim not to be hindered and thwarted in their work by +those who can prove that every possible way of doing something which +must be done is wrong, but never show the right way to do it. It is +marvellous how some of those in the most responsible positions manage to +get through their business at all in face of the constant sniping of +those who, like the Scots elder in the story, can neither work nor pray, +but can "object." The splendid service rendered to the country by the +present Prime Minister in bringing about a unity of command was carried +through in face of bitter and persistent opposition set up both by those +who claimed to be guarding the proper position of the military +profession, and also by those who do not regard victory in the War as an +object of their desire. + +In the earlier part of 1918, when speaking of a question above mentioned +to one whose services had been called for by the State to meet special +difficulties, the conversation somehow turned to speaking of our ages, +and he, said of himself: "I wish I were twenty years younger, that I +might see the results of what is going on now." It is the natural +attitude of the true worker to think of the "far goal." He has been +called away in the midst of his work, and "from this side" will not see +what is to come in these next twenty years, but the history of this age +will be very incomplete if it does not record and show the deep +significance of the fact that one who undertook a task bristling with +difficulties, affecting the daily life of almost everybody, subjecting +it to many restraints, who never felt under "an obligation to the +popular," won more general regard--it might fairly be said +affection--than any other Minister in so short a time. But if the nation +appreciated the Minister, we may be sure that the Minister appreciated +the nation which accepted inconveniences and restraints with so little +grumbling and such ready acquiescence. + +Does not everything point to the fact that one of the most necessary +reforms is to appoint as Minister for each department the most capable +man to do the work required there, one who has the knowledge and +foresight to direct aright, instead of looking round to see which of the +various offices to be filled will satisfy the "claims" of such and such +a politician? + +Above all, we want to see the Government of the country kept free from +the influence of financial rings or of commercial organisations which +may exercise an undue power in determining national policy. Patriotic +feeling may be exploited to promote the self-interest of sections of the +community. Those who direct the State should never be involved, whether +directly or indirectly, in schemes which have for their object the +acquisition of individual gain at the expense of the nation as a whole. + + + + +Part V + +THE GOAL + + + + +CHAPTER XXIV + +UNION AND REGENERATION + + _So from day to day and strength to strength you shall + build up indeed by art, by thought, and by just will an + ecclesia of England of which it shall not be said, "See + what manner of stones are here," but "See what manner of + men._"--JOHN RUSKIN. + + +One subject most vital to all progress on sound lines, which affects not +only present reconstruction, but the whole future of the nation, and +involves not only definite action now but also steady and continuous +action in all future time, has been deliberately omitted. The question +of Education, of the training of the coming generation on right lines, +requires separate treatment in a way more complete and thorough, if it +is to be of any use at all, than can be given to it incidentally among a +large number of other subjects.[11] The Education Act, which was passed +in 1918 with so much goodwill, will give opportunities for the +development of education, but whether it is a benefit or not will depend +on how it is used and the kind of education given. The example of +Germany shows how education, highly organised at every stage, reduced to +a system in accordance with theories thought out most carefully, may +have disastrous effects. From the Kindergarten to the University the +Germans have had their completely graded system extending to all classes +of society; they have elaborated their theories with care, and applied +them thoroughly at every stage. Thoughtful students of education, both +in this country and in America, have made German methods the subject of +their study, and offered to them when they could the flattery of +imitation. Those who wished to learn the best methods of teaching have +made the works of Herbart their text-book; they have studied the work +of Kirchensteiner and attended the lectures of Rein at Jena. To know the +last thesis published in a German university had become a necessary +qualification for recognition as a scholar, and the best passport for an +appointment to many of the higher teaching posts in England. But the +emphatic warning comes from the experience of Germany that even the very +perfection of educational systems and methods may be used so as to be a +curse to the country which has adopted them. Published statistics show +that juvenile crime, often of the most revolting kind, is rampant, and +has been increasing in Germany, that suicides have become common even +amongst the very young. The highly efficient mental drill provided by +German education, even the devotion to knowledge shown by the German +people, whatever benefits it may once have conferred, applied as it now +is, must be recognised as one of the causes why Germany, so long as it +retains its present spirit and its present aims, has come to be rightly +regarded as an enemy to mankind. It is essential that there should be +something more than a keen desire to acquire knowledge of every sort, +and to apply it for practical purposes--the Germans have that +pre-eminently; or a love of order and organisation and a persistent and +plodding industry in carrying out plans that have been carefully thought +out beforehand--the Germans have that also; or an intense devotion to +the Fatherland--the German people have a fervent and perfectly genuine +love for their country. The moral downfall of Germany, and the material +losses which she will suffer whatever the other results of the War may +be, are not simply due either to autocracy or to the domination of an +aristocratic class, or to deficiencies in art--the power to make things +well--or in thought--the power to plan a course of action clearly--but +to the absence of a "just will." The regeneration of Germany means the +substitution of a just for an unjust will, not simply the spread of +democratic ideals, desirable though these may be, nor the substitution +of democratic for autocratic or aristocratic government. For our own +nation, too, a "just will" amongst all classes of the community is the +necessary condition for future welfare. + +Another warning is necessary. In elaborate plans for reconstruction and +reorganisation by more deliberate and far-reaching action of the State +and of organised associations there is often a risk of impairing or even +destroying individual liberty. The more complete organisation and +reduction to definite system of education, for example, may result in +hampering free thought and action both of teacher and scholar. For them, +as for an army, it is the "initiative" that counts. In industry, in +commerce, in political life, and also in intellectual and even in +religious life, there is a danger that the free development of the +individual may be checked and healthy growth prevented by +over-regulation. In education especially, "self-determination" within +reasonable limits is as necessary for the well-being of the individual +as it is in government for the well-being of nations. We may dread the +extended exercise of the powers of "directors of education" when they go +beyond administration and include the choice of subjects and of methods. +The best educational movement of our day--the Boy Scouts +Association--was initiated and is carried on without the intervention of +the State or of local authorities. + +In conclusion two other points may be offered for consideration. In our +methods of education do we not find the idea more and more prevalent +that it is necessary for all, in order to be thorough, to devote their +time and energy to exact manipulation? It is true that you cannot make a +good chemist, or even apothecary, without giving days and weeks to exact +use of balances or to watching filter papers and the like but the mere +layman may learn in a short time with profit the meaning of a chemical +equation, and find a kind of diagrammatic knowledge sufficient to meet +all he requires. To discard what is irrelevant to the purpose is one of +the most difficult but most important things to be learned. Instead of +using "Euclid" as a means of teaching scholars to reason, they are +expected to use compasses carefully to make circles round--a matter of +no importance whatever for the matter in hand--but it diverts their +attention from the true object of study. There is a lesson for others in +the highly emphasised remark once addressed by a great advocate to his +junior who was taking an over-elaborate note, "Stop that scratching and +attend to the case." But intellectually the worst of all is the danger +that education will be directed to teaching and to learning mere +phrases. It saves thought and provides us with a kind of paper currency +conventionally accepted, though of no real value. In every subject we +study, in every department of life, in law, in politics, and in +religion, the domination of the phrase fetters thought and perverts +action. It is tempting to give examples, but we must forbear. + +"Time is our tedious song should here have ending," but those who can +never see the accomplishment of what they hope for, the old "who dream +dreams," may be forgiven if they try once more to get some vision of the +land which others "if strong and of a good courage" will "go in to +possess." It may, perhaps, in the sunset light seem brighter from far +off than those who first enter it will find it to be, or, it may be, the +distant prospect discloses but a part of what they will conquer. + +Again the question will be asked, What will emerge from this struggle, +this untold bloodshed, these bitter losses and widespread destruction, +what will be the harvest that this "red rain" will make to grow, what +Church will spring from the blood of the martyred youth--a great +multitude which no man can number? Again we may answer, as after the war +half a century ago, so short in its duration, and so limited in its +extent as compared with the World War of to-day, "For the victors Union, +for the vanquished Regeneration." Who will the victors be? Rightly shall +we think first of our own land of Britain with all the dominions that +form the Empire built up by the labour and the valour of its sons and +called by its name, united now by the closer bonds of common efforts, +common sacrifices and common resolves, loyal to one throne, the symbol +of its unity, cherishing one record of heroic deeds, the example and the +inspiration for the generations to come; above all, as a country that is +"at unity with itself," free from intestine war of party against party, +creed against creed, and class against class. + +But this War has not been a war of Empire against Empire, of Nation only +against Nation. It has been waged by the alliance of the people all over +the world who believe in justice, in a law which says, "Thou shalt not, +because thou hast the power and the will to thine own advantage, use +that power to dominate others and exercise that will regardless of their +rights." The victors will be all the Nations who are leagued together to +resist such a claim, and the union must be a union of all who joined in +the struggle with that common purpose, united when peace comes in the +prayer and the determination that there shall be war no more. Yet the +prospect opens for a union wider even than that. Those who took no part +in the conflict, some perhaps because the peril was too deadly, their +opportunity of defence too weak, may also join the League. Some, like +the Swiss, have served the cause of humanity by their generous reception +of sick and wounded. Some, like the Norwegians, have themselves suffered +cruel wrongs by the ruthlessness of our foes. + +Lastly, we must look forward to the possibility of a real peace with +Germany, a readmission of Germany to the commonwealth of Nations, a +restoration in the future of friendly intercourse with the German +people. + +Never again shall we of the older generation cross the German frontier +save in answer to some clear call of imperative duty. We should be +more--or perhaps less--than human to wish it. Day after day we have read +or our eyes have seen the reiterated and continued acts of infamy done +under the direction of those whom the majority of the German people not +only submit to as their rulers, but follow willingly as their guides. + +Nor for years to come will many of the men of younger age risk the +chance of contact with those who were responsible for or committed such +crimes as they have witnessed from the day when German troops first +entered Belgium four years ago to the sinking of the last hospital ship +or last murder of wounded men and of nurses under the shadow of the Red +Cross. + +But a new generation will follow us who may find and may accept a +welcome from a younger German race who had no part in the sins against +humanity committed by the Germans of to-day. Some, indeed, of that +younger race will have learned from their own fathers who suffered for +them, to detest those crimes. + +For another generation of Englishmen it may be possible once again to +find even in Germany something to enjoy and to admire. They may watch +from the Schlossgarten at Heidelberg the sun go down beyond the Rhine +over Alsace, then again united to France; they may wander again in +friendly talk with some forester under the pines of the Schwarzwald and +listen to the singing of the familiar Volkslieder--Tannenbaum or Haiden +Röslein--by a people who have a natural gift for song; they may in +Nuremberg again look with delight on the marvels in stone wrought by its +craftsmen or seek out the hidden meanings in the mystic art of Albrecht +Dürer; perhaps be whirled along in the Isar "rolling rapidly" through +the baths of Munich or plunge in the crystal depths of the König See; +from the highlands of Bavaria they may lift up their eyes to the long +ranges of the snowy Alps of Tyrol, and, as the decennial cycle comes +round and the reverent peasants re-enact the sacred drama, may make +their pilgrimage to Ammergau and share the thrill passing along the +crowded benches when the children's voices are heard, and they enter, +waving their palm branches, that those who watch their beautiful +counterfeit may recall, with imagination vivid like a child's, another +procession of joyous children, nineteen hundred years ago. + +The rest of mankind would be the poorer if it were cut off for ever from +some of the things which Germany has given and might again give to the +world in the realm of thought--in science and literature--and in music; +things which have added and may again add to the knowledge and to the +beauty of life. But let there be no mistake. Such a future is possible +only if the powers which are dominant in Germany are utterly destroyed; +but that is not enough, there must be a regeneration of the German +people. The alternative for Germany must be either exclusion from +intercourse with the rest of mankind save those who desire to share in +her crimes, and who will also share in her outlawry, or a change of +spirit and of purpose in the nation. If such a change comes, we "dare be +known to think" that the renewal of friendly relations with the German +people is an object we desire to attain. + +For us, too, comes the double warning. Strange voices are already heard +among us; some seem like echoes of the German spirit we are fighting to +exorcise, others of that anarchic spirit still more fatal that makes a +lawless democracy the most deadly foe of liberty and ordered progress. +If we in our turn make self-interest, regardless of the rights of +others, our guide, find in hatred, envy and jealousy our stimulus to +action, victory will confer no lasting blessing and the end of this War +will bring no real peace. The recognition of dangers threatened must be +for us the incentive to greater effort, with plans more carefully +thought out and clearer understanding of the true goal we are striving +to reach. Keeping our highest ideals always before us, labouring +steadily day by day, moving forward step by step, though the way may be +long, we may look with confidence to their attainment. + +The earth moves onward, revolving in its course, bearing with it our +older generation towards the inevitable night; it may be to the utter +darkness where "there is no work nor device nor knowledge nor wisdom," +or, "as the holy sages once did sing," when that night comes, "Creation" +may "be widen'd in man's view," revealing the infinite depths and +innumerable bright Existences which the light of common day has hidden. +But whatever our destiny may be, let us trust, as we leave the sunshine +of life behind, that those gleams of hope for mankind, "faint beams that +gild the west" as our stormy day closes, are to the younger race which +is following on, the rising of a glorious dawn. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 11: Perhaps a volume on Education, supplementary to the +present work, may be issued at some future time.] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Rebuilding Britain, by Alfred Hopkinson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REBUILDING BRITAIN *** + +***** This file should be named 14870-8.txt or 14870-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/4/8/7/14870/ + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Dave Morgan and the PG Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Rebuilding Britain + A Survey Of Problems Of Reconstruction After The World War + +Author: Alfred Hopkinson + +Release Date: February 2, 2005 [EBook #14870] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REBUILDING BRITAIN *** + + + + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Dave Morgan and the PG Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + + +</pre> + +<!-- Transcribers note - page numbers are numbers of original png files (nnn.png) --> +<h1><!-- Page 1 -->Rebuilding Britain</h1> + + + +<h4>A Survey of Problems of Reconstruction after the World War</h4> + + + +<h3>By</h3> + + + +<h2>Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C.</h2> + + + +<h4>Cassell and Company, Ltd +London, New York and Melbourne +1918</h4><!-- Page 2 --> + + +<!-- Page 3 --> +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + + +<br /><br /> +<h3><a href='#Part_I'>Part I</a>.—The Course</h3> + + +<h5>1. <a href='#CHAPTER_I'>ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS</a></h5> + + +<br /><br /> +<h3><a href='#Part_II'>Part II</a>.—Peace</h3> + +<br /> +<h4><a href='#A_INTERNATIONAL_PEACE'>A</a>.—INTERNATIONAL PEACE</h4> + +<h5>2. <a href='#CHAPTER_II'>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—THE NEED</a></h5> +<h5>3. <a href='#CHAPTER_III'>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—THE SCHEME</a></h5> +<h5>4. <a href='#CHAPTER_IV'>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—THE CONDITIONS</a></h5> +<h5>5. <a href='#CHAPTER_V'>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—ITS SCOPE AND AIM</a></h5> +<h5>6. <a href='#CHAPTER_VI'>CONCLUSIONS REACHED</a></h5> +<h5>7. <a href='#CHAPTER_VII'>VICTORY AND PEACE</a></h5> + + +<br /> +<h4><a href='#B_POLITICAL_PEACE'>B</a>.—POLITICAL PEACE</h4> + +<h5><a href='#CHAPTER_VIII'>8. PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION</a></h5> +<h5><a href='#CHAPTER_IX'>9. PEACE AND DEMOCRACY</a></h5> + + +<br /> +<h4><a href='#C_INDUSTRIAL_PEACE'>C</a>.—INDUSTRIAL PEACE</h4> + +<h5>10. <a href='#CHAPTER_X'>INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS</a></h5> +<h5>11. <a href='#CHAPTER_XI'>LONG HOURS</a></h5> +<h5>12. <a href='#CHAPTER_XII'>WAGES</a></h5> + + +<br /> +<h4><a href='#D_RELIGIOUS_PEACE'>D</a>.—RELIGIOUS PEACE</h4> + +<h5>13. <a href='#CHAPTER_XIII'>CO-OPERATION</a></h5> + + + +<br /><br /> +<h3><a href='#Part_III'>Part III</a>.—Retrenchment</h3> + + +<h5>14. <a href='#CHAPTER_XIV'>STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME</a></h5> +<h5>15. <a href='#CHAPTER_XV'>NATIONAL EXPENDITURE</a></h5> + + + +<br /><br /> +<h3><!-- Page 4 --><a href='#Part_IV'>Part IV</a>.—Reform</h3> + + +<h5>16. <a href='#CHAPTER_XVI'>THE FIELD</a></h5> +<h5>17. <a href='#CHAPTER_XVII'>RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY</a></h5> +<h5>18. <a href='#CHAPTER_XVIII'>RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY</a></h5> +<h5>19. <a href='#CHAPTER_XIX'>HOUSING</a></h5> +<h5>20. <a href='#CHAPTER_XX'>AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT</a></h5> +<h5>21. <a href='#CHAPTER_XXI'>AFFORESTATION</a></h5> +<h5>22. <a href='#CHAPTER_XXII'>LAW REFORM</a></h5> +<h5>23. <a href='#CHAPTER_XXIII'>PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE</a></h5> + + + +<br /><br /> +<h3><a href='#Part_V'>Part V</a>.—The Goal</h3> + + +<h5>24. <a href='#CHAPTER_XXIV'>UNION AND REGENERATION</a></h5> + + +<br /> +<br /> + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='Part_I'></a><h2>Part I</h2> + +<h4>THE COURSE</h4> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_I'></a><h2><!-- Page 6 -->CHAPTER I</h2> + +<h4>ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>I think I see, as it were above the hill-tops of time, + the glimmerings of the dawn of a better and a nobler day + for the country and the people that I love so + well.</i>—JOHN BRIGHT.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The suggestion has been made to me that in these days of rapid +development, when proposals, so bewildering in their extent, for change +and for reconstruction are being made, it would be useful to present in +popular form and in the compass of a small volume some general statement +of the character of the varied problems which have arisen and of the +principles which should guide in their solution. Possibly it seemed that +a long and varied life engaged in law, politics, and education, which +also had touched to some slight extent on the actual work of certain +departments of Government, and had offered opportunities for travel in +European countries and in the East, might furnish some qualifications +for such a task. It is not one that can be undertaken without a sense of +inadequate knowledge, and still more inadequate power of expression; but +such a challenge cannot be refused, provided that whoever accepts it +believes that he has some things to say which ought to be said, some +lines of thought which ought to be indicated, something to urge, the +truth of which he is thoroughly convinced of. Without such conviction +prevenient, "we doubt not" that books on serious subjects, even if +clever, and public speech either from platform or pulpit, "do verily +have the nature of sin," and the more eloquent they are <!-- Page 7 -->the worse the +offence; with it, the very incompleteness and imperfection in the mode +of presentation may even stimulate others to more thought, and to make +up deficiencies all the better for themselves.</p> + +<p>In attempting such a task, it must be recognised that during the last +three years the attention of so many minds has been devoted to problems +of "reconstruction" after the War, so much has been written and said +about them, so many suggestions made and schemes propounded, so many +commissions of inquiry appointed and reports prepared, that an attempt +at full treatment of the questions involved would require a cyclopaedia +rather than a small volume. No one person would be able ever to read +half of the valuable material already collected bearing on these +problems. To deal effectively with them all would demand several +lifetimes of preliminary special training. The difficulty is increased +by the fact that every week brings something new or some change in the +situation. Some new fact comes to light, some book or article is +published, some speech made, some report issued, or even some Act +passed, which calls for consideration, and it may be for comment.</p> + +<p>The effect of the War has undoubtedly been to evoke far more serious +thought on the real problems of life, and also practical activity in +dealing with many of them. The mass of literature, including of course +the considered utterances of men whose words exercise the most influence +in moulding the opinions and guiding the action of others, grows from +day to day. If that literature consisted mainly of bitter and empty +controversy, of the expression of mere opinions, the spinning of +plausible theories or clever presentation of interesting speculations, +it would not be necessary to trouble much about it; but so large a part +contains the statement of important facts or the results of serious +study and of the actual experience of those who are experts in the +special subjects of which they treat, that it is impossible to pass +lightly over what they write or say. There is about a large portion of +this literature an air of reality, an <!-- Page 8 -->earnest desire to get to the +heart of a matter, to contribute to true knowledge of the various +subjects to which the writers have devoted their attention and to find a +practical solution of the problems involved. Sensationalism or mere +writing for effect is the exception, not the general characteristic of +what is thus being constantly published on various aspects of national +reconstruction.</p> + +<p>It is inevitable, therefore, that in any attempt to treat the subject as +a whole some important suggestions will appear to have been overlooked +or neglected, and that valuable sources of information and useful +proposals will have escaped notice, while in other cases there will +appear to be repetition, even without acknowledgment of what has already +been said, and said better by others.</p> + +<p>The justification for the attempt made in the following pages is that +there are many people who have not the time or inclination to follow up +special questions fully, but may be glad of a summary, and that a mere +sketch-plan of the whole ground to be covered, filled in here and there +in more detail, may have its use as a kind of bird's-eye view by which +the relations of a number of subjects to each other and the general +character of each may be seen.</p> + +<p>For convenience of treatment and as an aid to memory the various +problems to be discussed are arranged under three heads; following the +old Victorian watchwords of the party which claimed to be +progressive—Peace, Retrenchment, Reform.</p> + +<p>The policy once indicated by these terms may in many cases have been +discarded, and no doubt they were often used in a sense very different +from that in which they must serve in our classification. "Peace" and +"Retrenchment" have been used to cover a policy which by reducing the +Navy would have left us naked to our enemies and a prey to starvation +within a few months from the outbreak of war; "Reform" to denote changes +which pedantry or envy may urge, but which could lead to no useful +practical result. In <!-- Page 9 -->spite of this, the three words do in fact, like +the words Liberty, Equality, Fraternity—whatever crimes may have been +committed in their name—indicate and express three ideas that we must +have definitely before us in considering what the lines of +reconstruction ought to be.</p> + +<p>The spirit—the tone of mind in which the work of reconstruction is +approached—will count for much. First of all, it is essential to have +hope—a real expectation not only that by strenuous effort and wise +foresight the country will meet and overcome the trials which are +inevitable, and the perils which threaten after as well as during the +War, but also that a better and brighter future is in store. Plans must +be framed and action taken under the inspiration of a firm trust that +the ideals we aim at are to be realised, that the "things hoped for" +have a potential actuality. Fatalism in politics—we use the term in the +original sense including ethics—is deadly, whether it is the fatalism +due to a sloppy optimism which is satisfied that somehow things will +come right whatever we do or leave undone, or to a paralysing pessimism +which in cowardly despair accepts the triumph of evil as ordained and +gives up the struggle when the prospects of victory seem dark. It would +be folly not to recognise that not only now, but for years to come there +will be enormous difficulties and terrible dangers to be faced; but it +is possible for our hearts and minds to be filled too much with the +contemplation of them instead of looking to the goal we aim at, and the +steps we must take one by one to reach it.</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>Be not over-exquisite<br /></span> +<span>To cast the fashion of uncertain evils.<br /></span> +<span>What need a man forestall his date of grief<br /></span> +<span>And run to meet what he would most avoid?<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>There may be rocks and breakers—"a ferment of revolution"—ahead, but +the task of the pilot and the crew is to keep their eyes on the channel +through them, and to work the ship in its course to the haven where they +would be.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 10 -->Secondly, there must be a faith to inspire action, based on a belief in +an essential goodness of human nature and in its capacity for +improvement. Unless such a belief were well founded, democracy would be +a thing to be dreaded and resisted by every means in our power. As +ground for his belief in a better day, Bright speaks—and his language +is prophetic—of the people "sublime in their resolution." It is that +resolution which, in spite of our unprepared condition and of all the +mistakes that have been made, as well as of disasters that could not +have been foreseen, and of a power in the enemy far greater and a +wickedness more diabolical than anyone dreamed of, will "bring victory +home."</p> + +<p>To have watched the action of the electorate during the last fifty years +leads to the conclusion that in spite of apparent vacillations it has +been characterised by good sense and good feeling, and that its +judgment, so far as conditions from time to time permitted of its true +expression, has been sound. To go about the country now and see what +earnest and useful work is being quietly done, what loss and suffering +bravely borne, confirms and renews the trust in our fellow-countrymen +which might be shaken if we listened only to the utterances in the Press +and in Parliament.</p> + +<p>"Trust in the people" should be a habit of mind—a rule of action +tacitly adopted—not a party watchword. Tell a man or boy—more than +once—that you trust him, and he will probably take it—and not without +a warrant—that you don't, that in fact you have grave doubts but do not +wholly despair. The phrase might be taboo on the platform to raise cheap +cheers but silently recognised in the Cabinet as a guide in action. How +much better would it have been all through the War, and how much better +now, if there were no concealment, except when information given might +assist the enemy, if we knew at once even when things went wrong! There +have been times when it was necessary, in order to know at all what was +really going on, to read the German reports rather than our own, subject +of course to a discount. The difficulty <!-- Page 11 -->with those German preparations +is to determine whether the discount for intentional falsification +should be 5 per cent. or 90 per cent. Candour, however, leads us rather +to admit the former as generally nearer the mark when military +operations have been the subject of them, at least until the Germans +began to suffer serious defeats in the field.</p> + +<p>It would have been far better, too, to have assumed—there was real +ground for the assumption—that the nation was ready and willing at once +to make any sacrifice, to submit to privation, to rouse itself to any +effort if only the necessity for it were made clear, and if it could be +satisfied that so far as possible the burdens would be distributed +equally among all.</p> + +<p>Increased taxation properly adjusted has almost been a general demand, +but unfairness in its incidence even on comparatively small matters is +intensely resented. The Food Control Ministry whose orders affect +everybody's daily comfort is positively popular, while the profiteer and +the food-hoarder arouse the bitterest, though perhaps not always +discriminating, indignation. Skilled workmen have been almost driven to +strike, not from want of patriotism, nor from desire for profit out of +the War, but because of the unfairness of leaving their wage at a level +often below that of the unskilled and even of casual importations. The +fatal delays which were sometimes quite unnecessary, in dealing with +complaints have added to the feeling of unrest. Suspicions were even +aroused sometimes that delays were intentional.</p> + +<p>A like spirit of confidence is required in the statement of "War Aims." +The higher our aims are put—if put honestly—the more earnest and +complete is the response. Stated as they were by Mr. Asquith, with his +usual masterly precision of language, they received a practically +unanimous and enthusiastic approval. There was nothing sordid in the +motives which induced the best of our youth to offer their lives for +their country's cause.</p> + +<p>Before the War it was a lack of "Trust in the people" <!-- Page 12 -->which contributed +to our unprepared condition. How much nearer would victory have +been—possibly, indeed, there would have been no war—if our Government +and leading men had, instead of carping at the great man who had true +insight, stated plainly and calmly that great perils were threatened, +that it was necessary to set our house in order, to make military +training more general, to use all available knowledge in making ready +the machinery which would be necessary in case war was thrust upon us +suddenly! It was not "the people" who were responsible for the fact that +the storm found us so unprepared. They would not have resented being +told the truth, and asked to act accordingly. Even a candidate for +Parliament may sometimes say what he really thinks, and yet not repel +the electors, as witness one who, being asked long ago what was his view +about "one man one vote," answered, "It is a good question for a school +debating society. Let us talk about something important. Our first need +is a strong navy; without that we should be starving, perhaps eating +each other, or submitting to the most degrading terms, within a few +months of the outbreak of war, and the second is the increased +production of food at home to make us more self-supporting in time of +need. Let us think of these things." He was elected by the votes of the +artizans and agricultural labourers in a constituency where at the +election before there had been a great majority for the opposing +candidate, though he had no personal influence, had spent nothing in +"nursing the constituency," and refused to give pledges or act as a +delegate to register the instructions of any caucus. He died, +politically, without abjuring his faith. It was not the electors who +hastened his decease.</p> + +<p>When a democratic Government is definitely established as in England +now, the alternatives for trust are either to hold aloof in despair +awaiting the débâcle, to resist to the bitter end with a result like +that which Stephenson said would occur if a cow attempted to stop his +locomotive, or to try humbug and flattery. You do not flatter those you +trust. We are not speak<!-- Page 13 -->ing of that delightful flattery practised by +Irishmen out of exuberant spirits or to create a genial atmosphere, but +which is so easily succeeded by equally picturesque and imaginative +denunciation. To resent is as foolish as to believe either, though we +must admit that it is often a pleasure to be a recipient of the one and +to hear the other <i>façon de parler</i> addressed to our opponents. For the +stolid Saxon it is a good maxim to tell the truth as pleasantly as +possible, but to tell it plainly, and to be honest in admitting defects +and recognising dangers. We are on the whole rather an ignorant +nation—probably not more so than others, if we except the Germans and +possibly the Scandinavians. We are not, as a rule, clear-headed or +accurate thinkers, though we have generally a large fund of practical +good sense. We lack constructive imagination, but have a certain +originality and real power of initiative in dealing with practical +problems as they arise, and much dogged perseverance in "carrying a +thing through." These, like most other general propositions, are subject +to exceptions and open to many objections, but they contain a sufficient +element of truth to be worth noting.</p> + +<p>It is well plainly to recognise that if democracy is to be a blessing +instead of a curse there are three conditions necessary to control and +guide its action. First, with the consciousness of power there must be a +deep sense of responsibility. Secondly, with freedom of action there +must be a law-abiding spirit, a habit of obedience to those laws of +action which control the arbitrary changeful will of the moment. The +prayer of the old Greek poet is one for all time:</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>May my lot be to keep a reverence pure in word and deed,<br /></span> +<span>Controlled by laws, lofty, heaven-born,<br /></span> +<span>Of which the father is God alone,<br /></span> +<span>Not by the mortal nature of man begotten<br /></span> +<span>Never in oblivion lulled to sleep!<br /></span> +<span>God is mighty within them and grows not old.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Thirdly, there should be an ideal of what we aim at, of what we wish the +nation to become and to do, carefully thought out, and consciously set +before us—<!-- Page 14 -->its attainment the object of our efforts—and with that must +be combined patient attention and steady work in planning and in taking +each practical step which will tend towards its realisation. Mere +captivating phrases are a will-of-the-wisp leading us to that "dangerous +quag" of revolutionary change into which "even if a good man fall he +will find no bottom for his feet to stand on." Reformation and +revolution are "contraries" though not perhaps "contradictories." Either +for the individual or the nation vague aspiration not followed by +beneficent action is the kind of stimulant which destroys virility. It +renders even virtue sterile, and engenders no new birth.</p> + +<p>The Reign of Law is the best protection of Liberty. Arbitrariness—the +term seems the nearest we have to express the idea, but it is not quite +happy, and the use of the more expressive German word "Willkür" might be +pardoned—is as great a danger in a democracy as in an autocracy, and it +is less capable of remedy. The "divine right of the odd man" "to govern +wrong" is too often assumed as an article of political faith. A new +generation may think that to quote from an early Victorian writer is to +appeal to the "dark ages"; but is there not a warning for all time in +Hallam's words, "the absolute Government of the majority is in general +the most tyrannical of any"? It is possible to decapitate a king who +sets himself above the law, or to deport or destroy a reactionary and +tyrannous aristocracy, but against the crimes or follies of an +unrestrained majority there is no appeal. Chaos, "red ruin, and the +breaking up of laws" follow in their steps. A general and deep sense of +responsibility as well as consciousness of power among "the masses" is a +necessary condition for welfare in a country with democratic government.</p> + +<p>More of the nation's life and development has been concentrated within +the last four years than would occupy fifty years of Europe or a "cycle +of Cathay" in ordinary times. It has borne sorrows and losses which +would have been overwhelming had it been <!-- Page 15 -->known beforehand how great +they would be; the call for tremendous efforts for which it was totally +unprepared has been answered with steady resolve and heroic sacrifice. +Faith in human nature has been confirmed. Where there has been failure +it has not been through want of courage or any shrinking from duty on +the part of the rank and file, but rather from deficiencies in +leadership. Imaginative grasp of a position, clear and accurate +thinking, leading to prompt and definite action, can hardly be claimed +as special characteristics of our race, but once satisfied that a thing +has got to be done, that it is "up to them" to do it, checks or defeats, +labour or risks do not count. Sooner or later the task is performed. The +"recoil" of the British again and again after being pressed back is the +striking feature in their history. The spring is not easily wound up, +but it has enormous power, and the events of to-day show that it has not +lost its elasticity. But how much more might have been accomplished, how +much loss and suffering prevented, had knowledge awakened more interest +and a prophetic imagination guided and inspired action directed to a +definite goal, had we set our ideals clearly before us and carefully +thought out the steps to be taken one by one towards their realisation!</p> + +<p>The recognition of these conditions is needed now, and will in the +coming changes be needed more and more. Enthusiasm and sanity must be +united to carry us safely forward. Tradition and custom will count for +less either in maintaining or in preventing what is evil. Many old modes +of thought, many old habits which checked us in the downward as well as +hindered us in the upward path, will have been destroyed by the fire +through which we have been passing. We need a conscious plan more than +ever for rebuilding and good workmanship in execution detail by detail.</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>Image the whole, then execute the parts.<br /></span> +<span class='i4'>Fancy the fabric<br /></span> +<span>Quite ere you build, ere steel strike fire from quartz,<br /></span> +<span class='i4'>Ere mortar dab brick.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p><!-- Page 16 -->Then take the trowel and see that brick by brick each course is truly +laid.</p> + +<p>But we are not building a new city on unoccupied ground; there are some +foundations truly laid which have withstood the fire and storm and which +cannot be disturbed without both risk and useless toil. There are still +edifices standing to which time has given a beauty and tradition a +sanctity which newer creations cannot possess. They cannot be removed +without irreparable loss. Like any other metaphor, that of rebuilding a +city as compared with the action of a state, of a nation, after a time +of change and trouble, is misleading if pressed too far. Progress for a +nation must rather be the growth and development of a living organism +adapting itself to new conditions or altered environment. We should "lop +the moulder'd branch away," amputate the diseased tissue, as the true +Conservative policy, and tend and foster the healthy growths with utmost +care, as the true method for the Liberal who aims at improvement and +fuller life.</p> + +<p>One other thing must be said of the spirit in which the work of +Reconstruction should be undertaken, which goes to the root of the whole +matter, and a word must be used which we would have avoided if +possible—"the word is too often profaned for me to profane it." But +search for a substitute has been unavailing.</p> + +<p>There are some words which are better unspoken, except in case of +necessity, that become soiled by common use. The too ready employment of +them may savour indeed of that unctuous tone which makes ordinary +Englishmen and boys squirm. "Conscience" is one. When a man speaks of +his conscience you at once, and quite rightly, begin to suspect him. He +is probably going to refuse some hard task which others are undertaking, +to do something which is offensive to his fellows, or at best, in sheer +obstinacy to insist on a course of conduct which he knows cannot be +justified by reason. Someone has defined "conscience" as the +"deification of our prejudices"; the giving of a kind of divine +authority <!-- Page 17 -->to something we will insist on doing though it brings no +good, even causes harm, to ourselves and offends and injures others, or +the giving a name which should be sacred as commanding what we want to +do for other reasons. A staunch Nonconformist—one of the clearest +thinkers and probably the finest preacher of the last generation—how he +would have hated the phrase, but one cannot pause for another!—truly +said of the passive resisters in his day, "There is a deal more of +politics than of conscience in their action." Yet there are times when +even the word conscience may have to be used, and no other will suffice. +Another is "Duty"—so often put forward as the excuse for people doing +something stupid, probably something they have been in the habit of +doing and seem unable to give up, but which is really only a nuisance to +themselves and also to others. Yet there are under the abused words +ideas which should be the guide of life.</p> + +<p>The third is "Love"—an earnest and intense desire for the welfare of +our fellow-men, keen joy in their happiness, keen sorrow in their +troubles. The word is out and shall not, except perhaps in a quotation, +be used again. To use the word lightly or without grave reason seems +almost a breach of the third clause of the Decalogue, remembering what +is said to be its equivalent by one who of all men who have lived had +the most intimate means of knowing. All work of reconstruction must be +inspired by a spirit of true philanthropy; without that the labour is in +vain. There is no other motive power that can move the world in the path +of true progress.</p> + +<p>It will be said that this is both obvious and to be ignored—a platitude +with a flavour of cant. Is it? Do we not hear again and again the appeal +to envy and hatred as motives of action, a desire in social life to pull +down, if levelling up is not immediately practicable? Is not jealousy of +the success of others, whether individuals or classes or states, again +and again what really prompts a policy? Even in dealing with the +<!-- Page 18 -->countries which are our declared enemies, the desire to injure ought +not to be our guide. If and when they relinquish the aims and cease from +such acts as forced us into war with them and make restitution for the +wrongs they have committed, the right policy is, as far as possible, +having clue regard to the just claims and interest of our friends, to do +what will be for their true benefit also in the long run. No doubt there +is a disgraceful and fatal policy, sometimes adopted by English +Governments, to be resolutely withstood—the policy of trying "to +conciliate our enemies by giving away our friends." We shall hear of it +again in dealing both with Ireland and with certain colonies when +Germany claims their return. On the other hand, the first maxim in all +negotiation, the first principle of sound diplomacy, is always to give +to the other side, and give without grudging, all he wants, provided it +does not interfere with what it is important for your side to secure. +Never be afraid of giving the opposing party too much, provided you get +what your side really ought to have. How often has one heard in +discussing a settlement the objection raised that the other party is +getting too much! It is an old-time fallacy to think that practical good +sense and the highest philanthropy are antagonistic; only be certain +that if in any case they seem to be so, the latter is to prevail.</p> + +<p>With a good map you may safely have Mr. Worldly Wiseman's company to the +village of Morality, and visit the "judicious gentleman named Legality" +and "his charming son Civility"—yet find a straight road thence to the +Celestial City without deviating to the "great town" of Carnal Policy. +An apology perhaps is due in the twentieth century for using the +language of an earlier day; but everyone naturally thinks in the +language in which he was brought up, and education is now no doubt +sufficiently general to make allusion recognisable and translation easy. +There are still some survivals from a past generation who prefer even +the "minor prophets" as literature to the most "<!-- Page 19 -->up-to-date" modern +utterances, though they have long ago relinquished the idea that there +is the slightest personal merit in doing so. Even when the older +language was half forgotten there were within our memory some who would +use it if they could, and perhaps did so when they felt strongly, as a +Scotsman in strange lands may, when deeply moved, revert to what +convention insists on calling his "native doric."</p> + +<p>The question may fairly be put to all who are dealing with proposals for +reconstruction: "Is the aim you have in view definitely and clearly to +promote the general benefit?" Most would no doubt be able quite honestly +to answer, "Yes, that is my desire"; but we must go a step farther, "Are +you willing to make that object paramount? If it were proved that in +order to provide decent housing for a number of workers your dividends +would be reduced, are you prepared still to urge that the required +accommodation shall be provided? If the removal or the imposition of a +particular tariff will benefit the community as a whole, are you +prepared to vote for such a change, though owing to it the business in +which you are personally interested may make less profit?" There are +some men whose conduct shows that an answer could be given by them in +the affirmative. When the great majority can so answer with truth, we +need have no fear that the rebuilding of Britain, even if mistakes are +made, will be on sound foundations.</p> + +<p>To sum up: in considering each proposal we must first examine the spirit +and the aim. Try the spirit, test the aims put before us by every means +in our power; venture to measure them by the moral canons of the great +thinkers and seers which have stood the test of time. Adopt the rules to +which the acts of those who have benefited mankind have conformed or +which have received the consent of the best—the "golden" rule, hard +though it be to apply rightly and thoroughly, or Kant's principle that +each act of the individual (or community) is to be tested by the +standard <!-- Page 20 -->whether or no it can be made of universal application, whether +it can command approval if taken as a guide for their actions by other +men or other nations as well as our own. Goodwill and Charity, to be +strong and true, must begin at home, but for their full fruition require +a field which has no bounds.</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>That man's the best Cosmopolite<br /></span> +<span>Who loves his native country best.<br /></span> +</div></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='Part_II'></a><h2><!-- Page 21 -->Part II</h2> + +<h4>PEACE</h4> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='A_INTERNATIONAL_PEACE'></a><h2><!-- Page 22 --><i>A.—INTERNATIONAL PEACE</i></h2> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_II'></a><h2>CHAPTER II</h2> + +<h4>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—THE NEED</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Unless a nation, like an individual, have some purpose, + some ideal, some motive which lies outside of and beyond + self-interest and self-aggrandisement, war must continue + on the face of this earth until the day when the last and + strongest man shall look out upon a world that has been + depopulated in its pursuit of a false ideal.</i>—NICHOLAS + MURRAY BUTLER.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>Paramount in importance above everything else is the establishment and +maintenance of peace between nations. No remedies for disease, no rules +for healthy life will avail, if the arteries through which the +life-blood is pouring away remain open still or are only temporarily +closed and liable after a brief interval to burst out anew. The vitality +of the nation would be gone beyond recovery if another generation of its +best manhood were to be sacrificed and its materiall resources again +squandered to meet the necessities of a great war.</p> + +<p>Every day that the War lasts forces on us more clearly the fact that +Science, not only natural science—physics and chemistry—but also the +scientific organisation of the State as an instrument of war, has so +developed the means of destruction as either to blot out humanity or to +leave the greater part of mankind in abject and bitter slavery to the +powers that can wield most effectively the instruments of death and of +torture, if war between the leading nations breaks out again after an +interval of seeming peace. How warfare has changed within living memory! +Five-and-twenty years ago the highest authority on <!-- Page 23 -->naval construction +spoke with contempt of the submarine as a factor in war at sea. No one +then had solved the old world problem of aerial flight. Some of the most +distinguished men of science regarded the attempts which were then being +made as hopeless. It then seemed still to be a mere dream of poets. +Wireless telegraphy was only a matter of speculation, a thing which a +few only thought of as a possibility of the future. Man has indeed +plucked the fruit of the tree of knowledge for his own destruction. What +may be the result of another quarter of a century of like advancement of +the knowledge of the means of spreading "death throughout the world and +bitter woe"? It may not be, as Dr. Murray Butler says, that the +strongest man will remain alone in a depopulated world. The strongest +may succumb to the inventions for destruction and the survivors may be a +few of those maimed or weakened by disease whom the storm has passed +over as too obscure, of too little importance even for the messengers of +Death to remember and to relieve from their misery. This is not +rhetorical exaggeration. The weapons of offence regularly win in their +race with the weapons of defence. Fortresses that took years to +construct are shattered in a day. The ironclad is sunk by the torpedo. +How very little margin lay between this country and starvation through +action of submarines! Suppose the enemy had possessed five times as many +submarines from the first, would our defensive measures have prevailed? +How small an extension in the enemy's power in the air would have +enabled him in a single night to leave London a mass of ruins, its whole +population which had not fled dying in torment from poisonous gases! +Another five-and-twenty years of advance in scientific knowledge equal +to that of the last five-and-twenty years may easily make such a result +possible.</p> + +<p>But some man—one of those who never look beyond the next year and their +own street, and expects always to carry on business as usual—will say +that the nations will be exhausted and tired of war, and this War will +be <!-- Page 24 -->the last. Dare any country trust to that unless a new spirit is +infused into the nations and definite steps are taken to prevent war? +Did those who had the best means of knowledge—the Government of the +day—imagine that such a war as this would break out suddenly? If they +did, they would be guilty of a crime almost unparalleled in leaving us +so unprepared and fiddling with such questions—"Welsh Disestablishment" +and the like—as occupied their time and attention and excited the +political controversies of the months and years immediately preceding +the War.</p> + +<p>Assume even that no new war does break out again actually, dare any +nation neglect to keep up its naval and military armaments on a scale +far greater than before? How is the burden to be met when every penny +that can be raised as revenue will be needed to meet the charge on our +gigantic debt and the necessary claims for carrying on Government, to +say nothing of improving the conditions of life? We cannot, nor can +other nations, go on using up capital and borrowing indefinitely. The +choice is between assured peace and certain ruin, even if no war +actually occurs. How can peace be assured? It would be well for some of +those with the requisite historical knowledge and insight to trace +carefully the causes which have led to war in the past, to attempt a +diagnosis of the disease which has again and again devastated the world. +A vain classification might perhaps be made into religious wars, +dynastic wars, trade wars; but is there not one element common almost to +all, namely, the will to power, the desire and intention of some man or +set of men to impose their will on others, regardless of justice, which +forbids the exercise of force to prevent each thinking, speaking, acting +as he will, provided he does not injure the rights of others? It was the +assertion of a claim to dominate which led to the eighty years' war when +Spain tried to impose her yoke on the Netherlands, and blended with +desire for gain a crusade against the faiths which rejected the +supremacy of Rome. Was the Thirty years War a religious war or a +struggle between <!-- Page 25 -->rulers to assert and extend their powers? Take any one +of the series of long wars, such as those of Louis XIV. or of Napoleon, +under what head of such a classification do they fall? Does not the +common element above mentioned apply to all of them?</p> + +<p>The urgency of taking definite steps to secure peace has been recognised +already, much thought has been devoted to it, and schemes even in some +detail have been suggested for dealing with it. The idea of a League of +Nations to secure peace is occupying the attention of many of the wisest +minds and of the statesmen who hold the most responsible positions. It +is meeting with strong popular support, at all events in Britain and in +the United States. France and Italy are examining the proposal. It is +well, however, where attractive phrases are used and schemes proposed, +to subject them carefully to the double test: how far they cover the +ground and meet the real difficulties; and, secondly, how they would +work out in practice in the circumstances which are likely to arise. We +want to look at the question as a whole, to see exactly what we have to +aim at, sometimes to reiterate what seem almost useless truisms. The +obvious is too often overlooked. First we need to recognise the actual +facts, then let the right spirit grow up and become general, and after +that attempt to plan the best machinery and test its probable effect and +efficiency by seeing how it would be expected to work in various special +cases.</p> + +<p>There are now in the world two fundamentally different ways of looking +at international relations. On the one hand, we have the assertions +expressed definitely in words by many Germans and acted upon +consistently without qualification by the German Government, that +justice is the interest of the stronger; that power and force may be, +and indeed ought to be, exerted by a State without any check on moral +grounds; that a strong nation must realise itself, develop and use its +strength without regard to the so-called rights of the weaker; that +"those should take who have <!-- Page 26 -->the power, and those should keep who can." +To them Reason, Common Sense, even the Divine Law seem to say: "Assert +thyself; have the will to power." Where such a spirit exists there can +be no binding force in agreements, rules of international law are a +farce, but convenient perhaps at times for embarrassing the action of +opponents who wish to treat them with respect. The dictates of humanity +may be set aside at discretion. With that spirit argument is useless. +With those who are inspired by it there can be no compromise, no truce. +It must be met by force inspired by moral earnestness. In that struggle +the alternative for the world is victory or death. Every man who falls +fighting against such a foe dies a martyr, witnessing by his death that +so far as in him lies the embodied powers of evil shall not prevail. +Unless the Power which thus claims to dominate is defeated it is useless +to talk of peace. On the other hand, it is essential to recognise, and +keep ever before us, the spirit which is opposed to this claim for +domination, this denial of the existence of justice, and to renew in the +whole nation the spirit in which it entered into the War.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_III'></a><h2><!-- Page 27 -->CHAPTER III</h2> + +<h4>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—THE SCHEME</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>If any peace after the War is to be permanent there must + be a settlement not only between territorial claims but + an arrangement with regard to the machinery by which + peace will be maintained in the future.</i></p></div> +<br /> + +<p>Perhaps the most convenient way to gain a more definite idea of what the +proposal for a League of Nations really means, to understand both its +advantages and the difficulties involved in it, may be to follow the +debate on the subject initiated by Lord Parmoor in the House of Lords in +March of 1918. It shows that the idea of a League of Nations to prevent +war is taking definite shape, and is not regarded by practical +men—statesmen with experience of the actual conduct of international +affairs, and lawyers who as members of the judicial committee of the +Privy Council have had to devote their attention to questions of +international law—as outside the range of practical politics. It shows +also that the idea will stand the test of discussion and calm criticism.</p> + +<p>Lord Lansdowne—to whom, whatever may be thought of some recent +utterances, the country owes a debt of gratitude too little recognised, +especially for his conduct of foreign affairs at a most difficult period +during the Boer War—stated his opinion that "in a league pronouncing a +sentence of international outlawry upon any one country that broke away +from its obligations you would have a material guarantee for the +maintenance of peace." He pointed out how "the existence of such a +league might perhaps have prevented the War in July of 1914, as it was +impossible in that time of clamour and confusion when one suggestion +after another made by those who, like Sir <!-- Page 28 -->Edward Grey, were working for +peace was rejected, to put forward a definite proposal for dealing with +the dispute in a manner provided for by previous agreement." Lord +Parker, whose authority carries the greatest weight with jurists +everywhere, having the true lawyer's instinct for putting vague +proposals into definite shape, actually presented a draft of heads of +agreement for the establishment of a League.<a name='FNanchor_1_1'></a><a href='#Footnote_1_1'><sup>[1]</sup></a> These heads would, to +say the least, form the basis for discussion leading to practical +results. One or two of his proposed clauses may be quoted as expressing +in definite language the fundamental principles which must be the basis +of any such League. The first may appear perhaps only a "pious opinion." +It is really very much more. Assent to it means the complete repudiation +of the ideas which have guided German policy—the ideas which made world +war inevitable, and which will inevitably lead to war in the future +unless they are abandoned. Any nation which assents to the clause tells +the world that it expressly rejects those ideas and agrees that its +action shall be guided by principles diametrically opposed to them. +Assent to a declaration of the kind suggested would certainly affect the +spirit in which international questions are approached in future, and +probably the resulting action also. It runs:</p> + +<p>"The League to recognise that war from whatever cause is a danger to our +common civilisation, and that international disputes ought to be settled +on principles of right and justice and not by force of arms." The last +clause dealing with the admission of new members of the League is the +complement of this. There is to be power "to admit a nation as a member +of the <!-- Page 29 -->League, if satisfied in each case that the nation bona fide +accepts the principle on which the League is founded, and bona fide +intends that international disputes shall thereafter be settled by +peaceful means." It is contemplated, and rightly contemplated, that +there should be a possibility for the Central Empires to join the League +sooner or later, but it can only be on terms of their rulers at the time +saying expressly, "We abjure in the sight of the world and of our own +people those principles of action which German rulers and leaders of +thought have been inculcating for two generations." The choice for +Germany would be either to stand excommunicated from the brotherhood of +nations for ever, or to say plainly, "I declare what my professors and +schoolmasters have for half a century had to teach to be false; the +doctrines of Treitschke and of his disciple von Bernhardi are anathema; +it is infamous to adopt the statement of the German writer that 'It is +of no importance to me whether an action is just or unjust,' or that 'If +I am powerful enough to perform any deed, then I am justified in doing +it.' I renounce such leaders and teachers and all their words and works, +so that I will not follow or be led by them." It may be urged that the +recantation might not be sincere, but it would discredit the authority +of those who attempt to revive the damnable doctrines.<a name='FNanchor_2_2'></a><a href='#Footnote_2_2'><sup>[2]</sup></a></p> + +<p>The great difficulty, of course, arises as to the means of enforcing the +agreement against war, of finding some proper and effective sanction to +secure its observance. It may be well to note that throughout this +discussion the word sanction is used in the strict legal sense, meaning +some definite penalty or punishment to be inflicted on a wrong-doer. It +is the existence of such a "sanction" which is the clearest way of +enforcing<!-- Page 30 --> obedience, and gives a rule of conduct the force of law.</p> + +<p>Two definite proposals are made in Lord Parker's scheme. (1) "If an act +of war be committed against any member of the League, the Council is to +notify it, and thereupon every member should (<i>a</i>) break off diplomatic +relations with the nation guilty of such act; (<i>b</i>) prohibit and take +effective steps to prevent all trade and commerce between itself and the +guilty party; (<i>c</i>) place an embargo upon all ships and property of the +guilty nation found in its territorial waters or within its +territories."</p> + +<p>A very similar suggestion, though not quite so definite, was made by the +present writer in an article on "Sanction in International Law," which +appeared in the Italian Journal "Scientia" in 1916. "The nations might +agree that any belligerent which wilfully violates or invades neutral +territory shall be treated as a moral leper. Without actually going to +war they should cease to have dealings with the invader, forbid all +intercourse of their subjects with the country which violates the +neutral territory."</p> + +<p>For the sake of brevity this may be called the "economic boycott," but +it is really very much more than simply economic pressure. It is a +common habit in political discussions to confuse very different things, +to which the same name is given, and the term "economic boycott" is +being used to cover three proposals of very different character. (<i>a</i>) +It may mean a permanent exclusion of Germany from the markets of the +world to punish its people for supporting the crimes of its rulers and +incidentally to secure for ourselves a valuable extension of trade by +reason of the exclusion of a rival. (<i>b</i>) It may mean a temporary +measure to insure that agreed terms of peace are observed by those who +disregard "mere scraps of paper," to act as a guarantee that restitution +shall be made for wrongs done, to check the revival and extension of the +enemy's armaments, to make the German people feel the disadvantages and +loss caused by their action, and the <!-- Page 31 -->desirability of joining with +others in repudiating war as a means of settling disputes or asserting +national claims. (<i>c</i>) It may mean a sanction for breach of the +stipulations contained in the agreement on which the League of Nations +is founded, i.e., a punishment to be inflicted on anyone who infringes +the agreement he has made—a means of insuring performance of its terms. +It is in this last sense that it is used in the present discussion.</p> + +<p>(2) The second sanction proposed in the scheme is of a still more +serious character. The clause to embody it runs as follows:</p> + +<p>"Certain members of the League specified in a schedule and to consist of +the chief military and naval powers, should agree, if required to do so +by a resolution of the League, to commence war against the guilty +nation, and to prosecute such war by land and sea until the guilty +nation shall have accepted terms which shall be approved by the League."</p> + +<p>This proposal might more effectually prevent wrong-doing, but, even if +carefully guarded as Lord Parker proposes, appears open to serious +objections. There seems grave reason to fear that while intended to +prevent war, it might really be the cause of disputes, and possibly of +war of the most deadly kind. Such a stipulation might cast a terrible +burden on a strong naval power like Great Britain, and have most +disastrous consequences. We are bound to maintain a strong navy to keep +open communication between the different parts of the Empire and also to +protect our food supplies. Without sea power Britain could in a few +months be starved into submission to any terms in case of war, but to +maintain a large navy to be at the beck and call of a Council +representing all the nations who cared to join the proposed League would +be intolerable. Suppose, for example, the United States demanded +satisfaction for some outrage on American subjects, or suppose American +subjects were threatened with massacre in some unsettled country such as +Mexico, and in order to obtain satisfaction or to protect its <!-- Page 32 -->subjects +sent some warships to a Mexican port and landed an armed force, not with +any object of aggression, but to prevent irreparable injuries. Suppose +Great Britain was of opinion that the American demand was amply +justified, but that a majority of representatives of the League, or +even, as Lord Parker's scheme suggests, a majority of the powers named +in the Schedule, took a contrary view and called on Great Britain to +fulfil the agreement to use her naval force and commence and prosecute +to the bitter end a war against the United States because its Government +had acted at once instead of waiting while the representatives of a +score of other nations were discussing whether any action was +permissible. Would not the alternative between breaking the engagement +and undertaking a bitter and ruinous war against a powerful and friendly +nation put us in an intolerable position? Half a dozen States in the +League might for one reason or another wish to resist the claim of the +United States for redress. Names of States which might possibly so +combine could be given, but it is better to refrain. It is not +inconceivable that German penetration and intrigue at some future time +might promote a combination of the kind. All sorts of influences might +be brought to bear on certain of the States and on their +representatives. Dynastic claims might even affect them.</p> + +<p>Unless it be with some country which she can trust and whose Government +and its aims she can thoroughly rely upon, and then only for some +limited and specific purpose, Great Britain, or any other naval or +military power, ought not to bind itself to go to war and employ its +forces. We must be free to reduce those forces or to refrain from +employing them in making war. An engagement which might in +circumstances, the real character of which no one can foresee at +present, compel us to undertake a war at the bidding of others is a +thing to which we ought never to consent. Engagements to make war are +not a safe way of promoting peace. They may possibly be justified where +there is some clearly specified object, some defined case in which +<!-- Page 33 -->nations ally themselves to prevent some particular wrong, such, for +example, as guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Even for a single +specific agreement of this kind a very strong case is required, but that +is a totally different thing from agreeing to provide a kind of world +police to enforce and execute the orders of a Council of heterogeneous +States under conditions the nature of which no one can predict now. We +cannot tell beforehand with any certainty what will be the real +character of the proposed League Council, nor what motives may inspire +its members at some future time, nor whom the majority of them will in +fact represent. It does not necessarily follow that there can be no +sanction of any kind to enforce the rules of International Law or the +decisions of a League of Nations to prevent a breach of international +peace, no penalty attaching to those who disregard those rules or are +guilty of breaking that peace. As already stated, the economic boycott, +every member of the League agreeing to treat an aggressor as an outlaw, +and without actually going to war ceasing to have any dealings with him, +and forbidding all intercourse of its subjects with the peace-breaker, +is likely to be really effective. Lord Shaw, whose interest in the +subject is no new thing, and who has devoted long and careful +consideration to it, later in the debate gave the weight of his +authority as to the efficacy of such measures. "Let it," he said, "be +known once and for all that from the moment a nation becomes a traitor +to the League it becomes, <i>ipso facto</i>, an economic outlaw, then the +motive both for being included within and for remaining within the +League will be increased a hundredfold, and wholly for the benefit of +mankind."</p> + +<p>Of course, logically many of the objections which can be urged against +an agreement to make war might also be urged against an agreement for a +boycott of this kind, but in practice the risks in the case of the +boycott would be far less serious. Members of a club might well agree to +expel and to cut a member who assaults another, but it would be a +different <!-- Page 34 -->matter to agree that, they should be able to order the +strongest man in the club to go to his house and thrash the offender +until he makes such compensation as may seem satisfactory to them. A man +who objected to be put on a "schedule" of members liable to be deputed +for such a mission would not necessarily be a coward. He might possibly +think that the member assaulted did in fact deserve a horse-whipping, +though he might deprecate such a proceeding, and consider that the +affair, or the dispute between the parties, ought to have been dealt +with by the club committee as a case for expulsion. A hatred of +injustice, resentment against wrong, if it really exists in nations and +individuals, will make itself felt. Without it, formal agreements will +be found to be of little use. The objections to a League of Nations +having power practically to order certain of its members to make war do +not in any way prevent the establishment of international tribunals +being followed by useful results. Without any express sanctions to +enforce them as above suggested, their decisions will usually be obeyed +in practice. There is and will be plenty of scope for the action of such +tribunals. A nation may hate war, may recognise its perils and the +inevitable losses involved, but may feel that an unwarrantable claim is +being made against it which it is bound to resist. It may, however, be +perfectly willing to submit the point to any tribunal which even +purports to be impartial, and abide by its decision. In this way some +systems of law have grown up. They began by regulating procedure. Each +of two parties claimed something as his property, was ready to fight to +maintain his right; but such contests might result in injustice, and +were certainly injurious to the peace of the State. In early Roman Law +each party who claimed the object in dispute touched it with his spear, +showing his readiness to fight for it; then some respected citizen—<i>vir +pietate gravis</i>—stepped in, and each party, without fear that his +refraining from fighting would expose him to future encroachments on his +rights, could agree to abide by <!-- Page 35 -->his decision. As time goes on, what was +merely the casual intervention of an arbitrator becomes an habitual +rule, and eventually the fixed law of the land. Custom develops by +general consent into law. Trial by combat may become obsolete in +practice even long before it becomes illegal. There are many cases in +which a man (or a nation) dare not give way, though he knows that it +will cost him more to fight the case. A rough Lancashire manufacturer +was once advised against fighting a difficult case on the ground that +the result was uncertain, and the costs would in any event be very +heavy, more than the value of the matter in dispute. He said afterwards +to his solicitor with some force, "If I give in in this, that —— will +come into my kitchen, kick me, and ask what business I have there. No, +I'll fight him now." He brought his action and won, and found the +prediction as to costs was only too fully borne out, even though +judgment in the Court of Appeal was finally given in his favour. The man +who says he will not fight in any circumstances invites injuries, though +the man who fights when he could honourably avoid it is pretty sure to +rue his decision.</p> + +<p>Where two high-spirited persons are engaged in a dispute, and each is +ready to maintain his cause with the sword, the intervention of a third +may save both from the disasters of a battle. The words of the Douglas +when intervening in a heated contest, "The first who strikes shall be my +foe," may sometimes be a model for the real peacemaker. But he would +certainly have resented the idea of agreeing to keep prepared, ready +armed to fight at the bidding of a number of other chiefs, anyone who +used force to prevent or punish some injury to himself.</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_1_1'></a><a href='#FNanchor_1_1'>[1]</a><div class='note'><p> The death of Lord Parker, which occurred soon after these +words were written, has deprived the country of the services of one of +the few great jurists at a time when they are most sorely needed. There +are many good lawyers, many judicial minds acute in seizing the really +relevant points in a complicated case, but very few, perhaps none, who +united to legal learning and judicial penetration so broad a grasp of +principle and appreciation of the larger issues involved in decisions +given.</p></div> + +<a name='Footnote_2_2'></a><a href='#FNanchor_2_2'>[2]</a><div class='note'><p> A passage in Mr. Brailsford's book on a "League of +Nations," published some months before the debate took place, but which +I had not seen when the above lines were written, puts the point most +forcibly: +</p><p> +"We set out to destroy Prussian militarism. It will be destroyed at the +moment when a German Government pledges itself to enter a league based +on arbitration and conciliation."</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_IV'></a><h2><!-- Page 36 -->CHAPTER IV</h2> + +<h4>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—THE CONDITIONS</h4> +<br /> + +<p>After an adjourned debate on June 27th, 1918, in which Lord Curzon +pointed out several practical difficulties that would have to be faced, +the House of Lords, surely not a body to be carried away by any +ephemeral current of popular feeling<a name='FNanchor_3_3'></a><a href='#Footnote_3_3'><sup>[3]</sup></a> or captivated by a vague phrase, +passed with practical unanimity a resolution in these terms, "That this +House approves of the principle of a League of Nations, and commends to +His Majesty's Government a study of the conditions required for its +realisation." It in effect declared the "preamble proved," and proposed +that "the clauses" should be considered. At the suggestion of Lord +Bryce—a true friend of peace, if ever there was one—certain words +contained in the original resolution proposing that there should be a +tribunal constituted "whose orders shall be enforceable by adequate +sanction" were omitted. The question of sanction is, no doubt, a crucial +one, but it seemed better to substitute the more general words urging an +inquiry into the conditions necessary for the establishment of a League, +in fact to see generally—looking at the question as a whole—what +definite and practical steps should be taken to bring the League into +existence and define its constitution, aims and powers. In passing such +a resolution the House of Lords was expressing the feeling of the +nation. Its great importance was that by an assembly so critical, +containing men of such varied experience and-with special knowledge both +of law and of foreign<!-- Page 37 --> affairs, a resolution supporting the idea of a +League was accepted with real unanimity.</p> + +<p>It would be most unfortunate if the approval of the proposal to give the +League powers to direct the use of the naval and military forces of +certain of its members were to be made a condition precedent to approval +of the principle of a League and as necessarily implied in it. Earnest +advocates of that principle may dissent entirely from Viscount Grey's +statement in his pamphlet, published about the time when the debate took +place, that "those States that have power must be ready to use all the +force, economic, military or naval, that they possess." "<i>Anything less +than this is of no value.</i>" They may hold, on the contrary, that a +League might be of great value without any agreement binding certain of +its members to employ—which implies an obligation to maintain—naval +and military forces and armaments at the bidding of the League Council +on a scale and in the manner which would either be settled from time to +time by representatives of other nations or be the subject of some +preliminary agreement. Settling the terms of such an agreement might +involve serious disputes and delay the establishment of the League +indefinitely. The moral influence due to the existence of a League +embracing all nations which regard war as an evil to be stopped if +possible, would be great. A Declaration of Faith, in which those who +hold a common belief give expression to it, has its effect. An agreement +between nations or individuals, even where there is no legal sanction, +would be regarded as something that they will try to carry out. The +breach of such an agreement would excite the "resentment which is the +life-blood of law." Still the risk of disregard of the obligations is +great unless there is a definite material sanction, an evil imposed by +force on a wrong-doer, and no doubt it will be urged that some +objections to employ military and naval power to enforce the obligations +imposed by the League may be raised against the less drastic proposal +for an economic boycott, but in actual working the two things, as +already <!-- Page 38 -->pointed out, differ enormously. The suggested economic boycott +imposes a similar obligation on all members of the League; all alike can +immediately forbid all intercourse by their subjects with the aggressor, +instead of imposing on certain members the duty of going to war. +Secondly, it does not imply the maintenance of great armaments by any +State.</p> + +<p>It is constantly found that a penalty of smaller amount, a less severe +punishment, is more likely to prevent a wrong than a heavier one, +provided that it is prompt and certain. Had Germany known a few months +sooner that Britain would assuredly go to war and put into such war her +whole resources if Belgium were invaded, it is not improbable that that +outrage would never have been committed; but had Germany also known that +the moment her troops crossed the Belgian frontier every German ship in +the United States would be interned, every American citizen punished as +a criminal by the United States Government if he traded with Germany, +that "intercourse" with the aggressor would be at once forbidden, and +that these restraints would be continued until complete restitution had +been made, is it not morally certain that Belgium would not have been +invaded? War might have been prevented. In fear of such an injury to +German trade and commerce, the bankers of Berlin and Frankfort would +have denounced war; the merchants of Hamburg and Bremen would have been +the strongest advocates of peace. A like test might be applied to other +cases of aggression. The effects of breaking off diplomatic—and, still +more, commercial—relationships, although no shot is fired and no +regiment mobilised, and of mere neutrality differ <i>toto coelo</i>. The very +people who are least influenced by moral restraints, who scorn justice, +will be most influenced by the financial losses and the destruction of +their trade.</p> + +<p>It was, no doubt, right "to commend a study of the question" to His +Majesty's Government, but it is also well to commend to the Government +the desir<!-- Page 39 -->ability of consultation with those outside the Government +departments who have given study to it already. Like other problems, it +should be considered in advance during the War. As Lord Shaw forcibly +pointed out, "The project does not mean the slackening of our efforts or +a weakening of our forces or timidity in our policy in the present War. +If it did I would not be associated with it for one hour."</p> + +<p>To quote Lord Grey's words, Germany has to be convinced that force does +not pay, that the aims and policy of her military rulers inflict +intolerable and also unnecessary suffering upon her. The regeneration of +Germany, a real new birth, is necessary if the peace of the world is to +be secured; and surely by now we might have learned that such +regeneration will never come unless Germany is beaten in this War. As +Lord Grey says, "Recent military success and the ascendancy of Prussian +militarism have reduced the advocates of anything but force to silence" +in Germany. As these words are written comes the report of the sinking +of the hospital ship <i>Llandovery Castle</i>, followed by cold-blooded and +deliberate murder. The mass of German crime grows daily.</p> + +<p>The "economic boycott" above referred to differs absolutely in its aim +and character from the proposal to impose a permanent and continuous +boycott on German commerce to maintain and extend British or other trade +at the expense of Germany. Phrases are sometimes used here which seem to +be almost a repetition of those so dear to the Pan-German party. +"Destroy British commerce that German may replace it," is echoed back as +"Destroy German commerce that British may replace it." The whole idea +that the progress and extension of the trade and industry of one country +is an injury to another is radically false. A spirit of jealousy, +regarding the prosperity of others as involving injury to ourselves, is +a curse to the individual, to the class, or to the nation which is +imbued with it.</p> + +<p>To put these questions on the highest moral basis—<!-- Page 40 -->on a true religious +basis, if you will—is not cant, but only a recognition of the real +facts. The world will without doubt everlastingly perish unless this +true faith is maintained and acted upon. Self-interest and +self-aggrandisement as dominant motives inevitably lead to destruction, +hastened by every advance in the knowledge and in the efficiency of +those who take them as their guides.</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_3_3'></a><a href='#FNanchor_3_3'>[3]</a><div class='note'><p> These words were written before July 9th, and perhaps now +require some modification.</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_V'></a><h2><!-- Page 41 -->CHAPTER V</h2> + +<h4>LEAGUE OF NATIONS—ITS SCOPE AND AIM</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Just so while it is highly important to have + controversies between nations settled by arbitration + rather than by war, and the growth of sentiment in favour + of that peaceable method of settlement is one of the + great advances in civilisation of this generation; yet + the true basis of peace among men is to be found in a + just and considerate spirit among the people who rule our + modern democracies, in their regard for the rights of + other countries and in their desire to be fair and kindly + in the treatment of the subjects which give rise to + international controversies. The basis of peace and order + is "the self-restraint of the thousands of people who + make up the community, and their willingness to obey the + law and regard the rights of others.</i>"—ELIHU ROOT.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>No League of Peace, however, can be sufficient guarantee against a power +which is highly organised, vigorous and united, if it desires war. +Either such a power must be so defeated and so weakened as to be unable +to renew hostilities, or its character so altered as to make it give up +the desire for aggression and domination. As Mr. Gerard points out, "It +is only by an evolution of Germany herself towards Liberalism that the +world will be given such guarantees of future peace as will justify the +termination of this War. Liberalism in this sense does not mean violent +revolution, but does mean a spirit opposed to that which animates the +present Government of Germany, and will continue to do so if no change +is made in that Government." "The whole world," as Mr. Gerard says, +"feels that peace made with its present Government would not be lasting, +that such a peace would mean the detachment of some of the Allies from +the present world alliance against Germany, preparation by Germany in +light of her needs as disclosed by the War, and the declaration of a new +war in which there would be no battle of the Marne to turn back the tide +of German <!-- Page 42 -->world conquest." No such change of government can be imposed +from without. Every German would resent, and rightly, any such +interference. Mr. Balfour has declared expressly that a claim to change +the form of government in Germany is not one of our war aims. The change +must be a change of spirit, which will not come unless facts prove that +the violent assertion of the claim to domination, to override justice +where self-interest appears to be served thereby, has led to disaster, +and is in reality opposed to self-interest in the long run. As a means +of carrying out the ideas of Germany in its relations with other +countries, it must be admitted that its Government is a singularly +effective machine. It is those ideas which must be given up if a real +change is to be made. The clever devil could have invented nothing +better than the highly organised machinery of the German Government for +doing his work. There are two conditions, at all events, which are +necessary in regard to any such change if permanent peace is to result.</p> + +<p>First, that we should not look for a disruption of settled and orderly +government in Germany. The anarchy of Russia does not make for world +peace. Would not a reasonable man, however liberal his views, prefer for +his country the rule of the Kaiser and his devotees to the rule of a +Lenin and of Bolsheviks?</p> + +<p>Second, it must be clear that we do not desire the destruction of +Germany—a futile desire, even if not wicked—but its regeneration. No +doubt for a time, whatever happens in Germany, it will be impossible to +forget the crimes that have been committed. British sailors will +naturally refuse all association with those who have been guilty of the +series of murders at sea. Any attempt, however, to exclude Germany from +the markets of the world, permanently to destroy German commerce for all +time, would make permanent peace impossible. To make that a war aim +would be to strengthen every evil influence in Germany, and if done with +the object of securing gain to ourselves by <!-- Page 43 -->forcible means, would +degrade us almost to the level of those who forced this War upon the +world. It was the purity of our aims that united all the best elements +of the nation in entering upon and in prosecuting the War, and in facing +its losses. It was that which has confirmed the stability of the +alliance, and from the beginning of the War made the best and most +enlightened Americans earnest supporters of our cause, and has finally +brought in the whole American nation, sworn to see the accomplishment of +those aims. The aims with which Britain entered on the War appealed +irresistibly to the people of the whole Empire, and not least to the +imagination of the Indian races. An Indian friend of wide experience and +calm and independent judgment wrote to me at the time, saying he had +never seen anything like the spirit of intense loyalty called out by the +belief of Indians that Britain was taking up a heavy burden to protect +weaker nations from aggression and to maintain justice.<a name='FNanchor_4_4'></a><a href='#Footnote_4_4'><sup>[4]</sup></a> Let us keep +those aims pure to the end. It would, of course, be affectation to +suggest that our object in the War is now simply a chivalrous desire to +protect the weak or maintain justice. We now know that it is also to +preserve our own existence as a nation, and that it would be better for +us and our children that Britain should be sunk beneath the sea than +that Germany should achieve a complete victory.</p> + +<p>It must be reiterated that until Germans and Austrians can be admitted +to free intercourse with other nations we can have no complete world +peace. For such admission the conditions precedent above stated are +essential. But if these are complied with, we must make our choice +between the possibility of general peace with a League of Nations +embracing all and a state of "veiled and suspended warfare." This +<!-- Page 44 -->pregnant phrase caught my eye after the foregoing paragraphs were +written. It is one to be remembered.</p> + +<p>Although there is no sign at present of a changed spirit in the German +rulers, or in the party which is now dominant in Germany, the prospect +of an alteration in the spirit of the German people is not hopeless, +unless they emerge from the War victorious. A significant passage from a +German paper is quoted by Sir Dugald Clerk in the most valuable and +encouraging address on the "Stability of Britain," delivered by him to +the Royal Society of Arts in 1916. "So the Germans are awakening to a +consciousness of the futility of their dream of domination founded upon +the idea of might, irrespective of the rights of other nations, and they +will ultimately be forced to accept the idea, so strange to them +hitherto, that honesty between nations is as necessary as between man +and man." The whole address should be read as an antidote by any who +take a "gloomy joy in depreciation," as a tonic by those who are +depressed by our failures and apprehensive of our future.</p> + +<p>To maintain a real peace based on goodwill, we want to get rid of the +jealous spirit which regards the prosperity of one nation as an injury +to others. "The economic and financial strength of this country is +founded upon the welfare not merely of the British people, but +practically of all countries." "Commerce is not a war. It will be found +that wealth increases simultaneously in industrious nations." "We must +not even forget that a poverty-stricken Germany and Austria would react +on the whole world." "Punish the Germans and Austrians by all +means—they thoroughly deserve it—but do not imagine that by cutting +those nations out of the world's commerce the other nations can be +rendered more wealthy." These general statements do not exclude, of +course, the possibility that it may be found necessary for a time by +"economic pressure" to secure performance by the enemy of certain terms, +nor that, during a period of reconstruction and readjustment, the +conditions affecting certain <!-- Page 45 -->industries may not demand some special +temporary protection for them. There may for a time have to be +restrictions on certain imports from the enemy countries, and on certain +exports to them, but all such proposals ought to be very jealously +scrutinised, not only in regard to their effect on the particular trades +directly affected, but on the country as a whole. The use of such +weapons often injures those who use them more than those against whom +they are used. Would not a German Minister of Propaganda, or a German +Committee on War Aims, wishing to stimulate active support for the War +among the German masses, be well advised to circulate some of the +resolutions that have been passed by certain bodies in England and +scatter them broadcast in Central Europe, with a few careful glosses and +comments to point the moral? They would be a valuable asset for a German +"ginger group." The open door into and out of this country for +commodities generally has made it an emporium for world trade, and been +one of the main causes why, in spite of deficient home production of +necessaries, we have been able to stand the economic strain of the War. +Striking off the fetters that it has been found necessary to +impose—sometimes with undue strictness and pedantic minuteness—on +British commerce and industry will be one of the first things to be +hoped for from peace. It is impossible to give detailed examples here. +Ask any merchant, he will give you specific instances of the need for a +recovered freedom. Questions are so closely involved with each other +that we may seem to be mixing up national trade interests with the ideal +striving for peace and goodwill. Yet, after all, self-interest rightly +understood and regard for the interests of others, with an honest wish +for their welfare, are not feelings mutually exclusive. There is high +authority for saying that "serving the Lord" is not incompatible with +"diligence in business."</p> + +<p>It is quite possible to lay too much stress on the necessity for +definite and formal sanctions to enforce agreements. There are cases in +which the enforce<!-- Page 46 -->ment of a definite penalty for a wrongful act or for +breach of an agreement is very difficult, but in which the "sense of +moral obligation," "respect for public opinion," and "reliance on +principles of mutual consent" do regularly operate so strongly that the +rules of conduct laid down are in fact observed. On the Manchester +Exchange thousands of agreements involving millions of money are made, +the breach of which could not be made the ground of a successful action +at law. The number of cases of repudiation of such agreements is almost +negligible. To plead the Statute of Frauds in an action for non-delivery +or non-acceptance of goods under such informal agreements might be a +defence in the law courts, but would not save the defendant from the +indeterminate but effective penalties due to the feeling of his fellows +that he was acting dishonourably. It is instructive to notice that in +dealing with the question of industrial disputes, which are in many ways +analogous to international, at least where they arise between organised +bodies of employers and of workpeople, the Whitley Committee, in a +supplemental report issued in January, 1918, expressed the opinion: (1) +that no attempt should be made to establish compulsory arbitration or +compulsory legislation to prevent strikes and lock-outs; (2) that there +should be standing arbitration councils or panels of arbitrators to whom +disputes arising could be voluntarily referred; (3) that provision +should be made for independent inquiry and report as to the merits of +trade disputes; (4) that legal penalties for breach of an award or of an +agreement made to settle a trade dispute should not be imposed; (5) that +the decisions of industrial tribunals and arbitrators should be +co-ordinated as far as possible, and that there should be opportunity +for interchange of opinion between the arbitrators whose awards should +be circulated. A body of customary law on the subject would thus grow up +without legal sanction, but of great value in promoting uniformity and +preventing the ill-feeling which would arise from conflicting <!-- Page 47 -->decisions +in different cases involving similar questions. Those who have taken any +part in deciding questions affecting wages or trade conditions have +found the need of some standard to appeal to, and felt the danger likely +to arise from giving decisions either less or more favourable to either +party than had been given in other districts in similar circumstances. +In an analogous way, decisions of the prize court of one country are +quoted in the courts of other countries, although they are not binding +on them. International Law did exist, and had an important practical +influence. Diplomatists did appeal to it, and the prize tribunals, in +administering the law, stated distinctly that they would be guided by +and would apply the principles of that law, even if the orders issued by +the administrative Government of their own country were at variance with +it. The decision of the Privy Council in the case of the <i>Zamora</i> +establishes the principle that the law which prize courts will follow is +International Law, and that they will do so though some Order in Council +may conflict with it.</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_4_4'></a><a href='#FNanchor_4_4'>[4]</a><div class='note'><p> How strong this belief was among many of those who had +often been in opposition to the British Government was shown at a +meeting in Bombay early in the War. The enthusiastic speech of the +chairman, the late Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, one of the ablest and most +persistent critics of British rule in India for very many years, is one +to be remembered.</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_VI'></a><h2><!-- Page 48 -->CHAPTER VI</h2> + +<h4>CONCLUSIONS REACHED</h4> +<br /> + +<p>We may now state in order certain definite conclusions which appear to +follow from the arguments urged above:—</p> + +<p>1.—It is to be expected that during the next thirty years, a period +less than that which has elapsed since the Franco-German War, the +scientific knowledge of the means of carrying on offensive warfare will +have made such advances and become so generally applied, that, if +another world war breaks out, not only will material damage be caused +which can never be repaired, but the best part of the human race will +either be destroyed or suffer deterioration as disastrous as complete +destruction, and that this result will be accompanied by appalling +misery.</p> + +<p>2.—Unless there is a real assurance of peace, even if actual war does +not break out, the maintenance of armaments and the preparation for war +would place a burden which would be absolutely intolerable on the +leading nations of mankind.</p> + +<p>3.—Owing to the close connection through modern means of communication +between one nation and another and the way in which their interests are +interlocked, a war between two States is liable to develop into a world +war. If one nation endeavours to promote its interests by imposing its +will by force on another, the other nations must either stand by while +the injury is done, in which case it is almost certain that the injury +will be repeated by subsequent attacks on some of them, or the nations +must league themselves together to prevent aggression and the assertion +of the claim to ascendancy.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 49 -->4.—The complete defeat of Germany, and the punishment thereby +inflicted on the German rulers and the people who have supported them, +will be the best vindication of the principles of international justice +possible, and will operate as a sanction for international morality and +a warning against future aggressions or claims to dominate put forward +by Germany or any other State.</p> + +<p>5.—The defeat of Germany in the present War, followed by subsequent +pressure on Germany through economic boycott or else by a clearly proved +change in the principles and aims of the German nation, accompanied by a +definite repudiation of the persons and the policy and organisation +which have led to the War, is absolutely essential for the future peace +of the world.</p> + +<p>6.—The formation of a League of Nations willing to bind themselves +together for common objects, of which the prevention of war is the most +important, may not only be the most effective way of securing peace but +also provide a means for the consideration and adoption of measures +intended for the common welfare of all. Such a League may, probably +must, come into existence, and its aims and methods be formulated, +before Germany and her Allies could be admitted to it; but as soon as +Germany and her Allies can give adequate assurances that they will adopt +and be bound by the principles laid down as the foundation of the +League, they should be admitted to it. Until this is possible the League +must partake of the nature of a defensive alliance rather than of a +world-wide league of peace.</p> + +<p>7.—Whether any definite sanction for enforcing the principles on which +the League is founded and the stipulations which it contains can be +imposed or not, the League may be of great value by giving the weight of +international opinion expressly to those principles. Public opinion of +the nations so expressed might often be effective even though not +enforced by a definite sanction.</p> + +<p>8.—Of the two definite sanctions proposed, namely, <!-- Page 50 -->(<i>a</i>) the so-called +"economic boycott" and (<i>b</i>) the use of the naval and military forces of +the leagued States or of certain States selected from them by +arrangement, the economic boycott which can readily be applied by all +members of the League alike, and that without keeping up any large +armaments, is likely to be effective and is free from the most serious +objections against the other sanction suggested.</p> + +<p>9.—So many difficulties would arise in fixing the terms of any +stipulations as to the employment of military and naval forces to carry +into effect the requirements of the League, that to make such provisions +a necessary preliminary condition to the existence of the League from +the outset might indefinitely delay the formation of such a League, and, +further, the discussion of such terms would be likely to lead to +friction. The obligation imposed on certain States might involve a very +heavy burden, first, in keeping up armaments and possibly, later, in +actually going to war. Such stipulations, for reasons above stated and +illustrated, might place the leading powers in a position of great +embarrassment, and might actually themselves become the cause of serious +wars.</p> + +<p>10.—The practice of making Secret Treaties by which the Sovereigns, the +Foreign Ministers, or the diplomatists of any nation can bind it ought +to be discontinued. The experience of the action of this country as well +as of others during the present War, as well as before it, supports this +conclusion. Negotiations must no doubt be carried on through the +ordinary diplomatic channels, but before a complete and binding +agreement is entered into, the duly constituted representatives of the +popular will should know and give their sanction to what is being done. +On the other hand, for unauthorised persons or any self-constituted +bodies or conferences to attempt to pre-judge such questions and to +carry on negotiations either with regular or irregular representatives +of other nations is pernicious. Such action is likely both to lead to +confusion and to hamper the action of the authorised <!-- Page 51 -->representatives of +the nation, and is really opposed to sound principles of democracy, +which must be based on the duly expressed will of the nation as a whole, +and not of any section.</p> + +<p>11.—Much may be done in settling the terms of peace after the War by +acting so as to remove probable causes of war in the future. The +adoption of some of the methods used in the past, as, for example, at +the Congress at Vienna, is sure to lead to future difficulties. Terms of +peace should not be matters for the kind of bargaining between the +powerful States by which one gives up something in consideration of +another giving up something else in exchange, and the contracting +parties treat smaller States or weaker nations as "pawns" in the game. +Each territory about which any question arises, each subject which has +to be dealt with, should be treated independently in accordance with the +requirements of justice, and especially having regard to the welfare of +the people most directly affected by it. No claim, for example, on the +part of Germany to be compensated for evacuating and making reparation +to Belgium by having some advantage in some other part of the world +should be entertained for a moment. To do so would be equivalent to +bargaining with a criminal as to the compensation to be paid to him for +giving up what he has acquired by his crimes. It is, however, legitimate +in considering the question of self-determination by the people of any +territory to consider how far such people have established or can +establish a peaceful and orderly government, and how far the +arrangements to be made as regards any country or district will affect +the safety of contiguous countries or may give rise to future disputes +and really be productive of war.</p> + +<p>12.—Whether a League is established or not, treaties for submitting +disputes to arbitration, and if possible to tribunals permanently +constituted, will still be valuable in the future as in the past. The +decisions of regular tribunals composed of impartial persons who inspire +respect will gradually form a <!-- Page 52 -->body of customary law, and be precedents +guiding action in the future. The attempt of Germany to override not +only precedents but also express agreements with regard to the conduct +of war, if it fails, does not discredit the value of such attempts as +were made at The Hague to embody in definite form the international law +on the subjects with which they endeavoured to deal. A careful revision +of the provisions agreed to at The Hague in light of subsequent +knowledge is desirable. They only become a dead letter if one nation +utterly disregards them and does so without incurring a penalty in some +form.</p> + +<p>13.—It is not desirable to attempt to go into exact detail in all the +arrangements so made. For example, the attempt to enumerate a list of +articles which are to be deemed contraband, as was tried in the +Declaration of London, has led to preposterous results. Articles which +at one time were of no use in war have become, through the advance in +scientific knowledge, the material for making the most deadly and most +cruel instruments in the course of the present War.</p> + +<p>14.—An attempt must be made to secure at least partial disarmament. +Provision as to the disarmament of Germany should be one of the terms of +peace. The extent and character of any arrangements as to general +disarmament require separate and detailed consideration. It would +naturally be one of the subjects to be discussed by any League which may +be formed. It is well to note from the outset (a) that a fleet is +essential to the British Empire for purely defensive purposes, and for +maintaining connection between the different parts of the Empire, but a +great reduction in the size of the fleet may be possible by arrangement. +The Allied Powers will recognise that it was the existence of the +British fleet that saved them from defeat, and in some cases from utter +destruction. (6) That for a nation to train its citizens as a defensive +force on the Swiss model may actually tend to preserve peace, and also +have a very useful influence on the morale of a nation. A defensive +force of this kind would not have <!-- Page 53 -->the character or the aims which make +a great professional army a menace to peace.</p> + +<p>15.—Lastly, it is undesirable and would be futile to attempt to set up +a "supernational sovereign authority." The scope of any League—its +powers and its objects—should be clearly defined, and the independent +sovereign States should bind themselves, as contracting parties, to +carry out the terms agreed, and all should agree beforehand as to the +steps they would take to prevent or to punish any violation of those +terms.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_VII'></a><h2><!-- Page 54 -->CHAPTER VII</h2> + +<h4>VICTORY AND PEACE</h4> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span><i>Toi qui nous apportas l'épée</i>—<br /></span> +<span><i>Le glaive de Justice</i>—<br /></span> +<span><i>Et nous ordonnas de l'acheter</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Fût ce an prix de nos tuniques,</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Toi qui renversas les tables des marchants</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Installés sous Tes portiques,</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Donne à nos bras la foi et la rage à nos coeurs</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Afin que la Victoire couronne de fleurs</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Le front de nos enfants.</i>—<br /></span> +<span class='i14'>EMILE CAMMAERTS, "Prière Pâques," 1915.<br /></span> +</div></div> +<br /> + +<p>A few still perhaps remain of those who, as under-graduates at the time +of the Franco-German War, remember Dean Stanley's first sermons after +many years of exclusion from the Oxford University pulpit. Using in one +of them his favourite plan of giving life to ancient literature by +modern illustrations and conversely making modern tendencies clearer by +references to ancient thought, he took the words of the Hebrew prophet, +applying them to the troubles and strife of the time. "Who is this that +cometh from Edom with dyed garments from Bozrah?" What will emerge from +the bloodshed of war and the chaos of communal revolution? The answer +was given—"It may be, it must be a united Germany; it may be, it must +be a regenerate France."</p> + +<p>Truly it has been a regenerate France that, with firm resolve and calm +courage, has suffered and withstood invasion, far different from the +France which in 1870 went to war with light heart, excited and +unprepared, anticipating easy victory. War shattered the Empire and the +true soul of France was found.</p> + +<p>Well might the "Song before Sunrise" again greet the purified France:—</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>Who is this that rises red with wounds and splendid.<br /></span> +<span>All her breast and brow made beautiful with scars?<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p><!-- Page 55 -->May we soon be able to add the conclusion!—</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>In her eyes the light and fire of long pain ended,<br /></span> +<span>In her lips a song as of the morning stars.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>The prophecy in both parts was fulfilled. Germany did indeed become +united, united not only by closer political ties between all its +divisions, but united in its aims and in its methods, conscious of union +and of strength, marvellous in its power of organisation, fitting each +member into his special position in the consolidated state, and moulding +him for the place he was to occupy; drilled from earliest youth how to +act and how to think, his commonest acts done, and very gestures made, +according to rule. Yet they, too, had their ideals. I remember in 1871, +the year after the Franco-German War, meeting a party of Germans who +were unveiling a tablet by the Pasterze Glacier in memory of a comrade +fallen in the war—Karl Hoffman, a pioneer of mountaineering in the +Glockner district—and hearing their impassioned speeches. The mountains +of Austrian Tyrol were to them "die Alpen seines Vaterlandes," and the +song with the refrain, "Lieb Vaterland muss grösser sein" echoed from +the rocks, "My beloved Fatherland must be greater"; may not this be the +expression of a noble patriotism? But it so easily turns to "my country +must have more, must take more," and becomes the very watchword of +greed. "Deutschland über Alles" might perhaps mean first to the German +"My country before everything to me." <i>Corruptio optimi pessima</i>, it +easily becomes "Germany over all,"—the country which dominates an +inferior world and is thus the condensed motto of supreme insolence. +"Insolence breeds the tyrant," and the doom the ancient poet prophesies +is the divine ordinance to be fulfilled by the action of man. +"Insolence, swollen with vain thought, mounts to the highest place, and +is hurled down to the doom decreed."</p> + +<p>Insolence seems the nearest equivalent for the Greek word [Greek: +hybris], which implies much more. Some <!-- Page 56 -->translate it "pride." It is a +sense of superiority, greater strength, higher culture, leading to a +claim to dominate the minds and the lives, the destinies, of others, and +then in its arrogant self-assertion to override all laws and all +restraints imposed by justice. It is the exact opposite of the Christian +precept: "Let each esteem other better than himself." This, like some +other Christian precepts, may never have been meant to express the whole +truth, but only that side which men are naturally apt to neglect. It was +hardly necessary to insist that men should defend themselves against +attack, maintain their rights, and keep their self-respect. There are +some crimes, too, which it required no special revelation to condemn; +man revolts from them as <i>contra naturam</i>. One of these crimes is +refusal to aid their fellow-countrymen who are fighting against +aggression.</p> + +<p>With the spirit that claims to dominate in its "will to power," to +override the eternal laws of justice, there can be no compromise. Until +that spirit is vanquished, the answer to the question, "Is it peace?" +must be, "What hast thou to do with peace, so long as thy brutal acts +and thy tyrannies are so many?" The order is given to smite. With profit +now we may recall the old narrative,—"And he smote thrice, and stayed. +And the man of God was wroth with him, and said, Thou shouldest have +smitten five or six times; then hadst thou smitten" the enemy till thou +hadst destroyed his evil will. The work must be completed thoroughly; +but that task once accomplished, to continue war, whether open or +veiled, either to satisfy national hatred and the mere wish for +vengeance, or, still more, in the desire of gain, would be to become—to +use George Herbert's words—"parcel devils in damnation" with those who +have driven or beguiled Germany to crime against humanity and to her own +undoing. It is but too easy for heroic effort and firm determination to +defend the right, to be corrupted either by a spirit of insolence or +greed. Even as we sow the seeds for a fruitful harvest of good, the +arch-enemy may be sowing the tares. On <!-- Page 57 -->the other hand, to cease from +work and from struggle, either through fear or slackness or weariness, +or even from that pacific temperament which shrinks from contest of any +kind, may have results almost equally fatal. That other prayer of the +Greek poet is for us also. "But I ask that the god will never relax that +struggle which is for the State's true welfare"—"the contest in which +citizen vies with citizen who shall best serve the State."</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='B_POLITICAL_PEACE'></a><h2><!-- Page 58 --><i>B.—POLITICAL PEACE</i></h2> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_VIII'></a><h2>CHAPTER VIII</h2> + +<h4>PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>The question for the British nation is—Can we work our + course pacifically on firm land into the New Era, or must + it be for us as for others, through the black abysses of + Anarchy, hardly escaping, if we do with all our struggles + escape, the jaws of eternal death?</i>—THOMAS CARLYLE.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>It is not only international peace that must be assured. As a necessary +condition for reconstruction comes the need for Peace, peace real and +lasting, and peace all round. There may be times when the nation or the +individual needs the bracing stimulus, if not of war, at least of +competition and of conflict in the realm of thought and in the realm of +action; times when old institutions, old creeds, old systems, old +customs, are fiercely attacked and vigorously defended. The storm clears +the air, and the struggle ends in the survival of the fittest. After the +War the nations, and our own not least, wearied of strife, exhausted by +losses, will need all their energies to repair those losses, to rebuild, +often in quite new form, what the havoc of war has destroyed, and to +adapt themselves to the changed conditions of an altered world. It will +be a time neither for contest nor for rest, but for co-operation, mutual +help in the work, not merely of restoration, but of building up +something better in its place, where the old has been destroyed, or +shown its defects under the strain. For this, Peace is needed, peace not +only between the nations, but peace between different classes and +opposing parties, and even divergent Churches; international, +industrial, political and religious peace. There <!-- Page 59 -->will be so much that +ought by general agreement to be done, the ideals to be set before us +will have so much in common, their realisation will need so much work in +concert, such concurrence as to the practical steps to be taken, such +goodwill among those who must work together with a common aim, that a +"truce of God" between those who were once opponents may be called for. +For a time at least old shibboleths might be forgotten, and the old +so-called "principles," round which so many barren contests of the past +have been waged, might cease to hamper us in adopting the practical +measures which the exigencies of the time demand.</p> + +<p>It is a significant fact, a note of sure and certain hope of the +ultimate result in the struggle against the powers of darkness, that men +are ready now to think and to act on the assumption that complete +victory will be achieved, and that the foundations for reconstruction +may now be laid, even while war is raging most fiercely. This work of +preparation to meet the difficulties that will arise after the War need +not interfere in any way with the paramount necessity of carrying on the +War to a successful issue, or divert the attention of those who are +engaged in that task. It is indeed matter for congratulation that in the +present Parliament, in spite of necessary preoccupation with matters +directly affecting the conduct of the War, a great Parliamentary Reform, +changing and enlarging the basis of representation, has been carried +through, and that the way to a great advance in Education has been made +possible.</p> + +<p>These great changes have been made with something approaching to general +concurrence. On one question unfortunately proposals made as part of +their considered scheme for electoral reform by a representative +conference were set aside. The influence of old party machinery and a +sluggish reluctance to take the trouble to understand either its +character or its importance prevented the introduction of a system of +proportional representation. The representatives of the caucuses scored +a success towards slamming the door of the <!-- Page 60 -->House of Commons in the face +of the detached judgment, moderation of language, and independence of +character which Parliament needs. The electors desire to have such +qualities in their representatives, but care is taken to prevent their +giving effect to it. But it is better to let even that question rest for +a time.</p> + +<p>It would have been most unfortunate if it had been necessary, after the +War, when delay in dealing with many matters which will be most urgent +would be disastrous, to arouse contests about alterations in the +electorate and mode of election. The new Parliament may, after all, turn +out to be fairly representative of the nation, and may set about the +practical work of reconstruction at once. It would have been an +advantage if the Reform of the House of Lords could also have been +disposed of in the present Parliament, but it is not one of the +questions upon which the welfare of the country will immediately depend. +Everyone admits the need for reform; the abolition of the +"backwoods-man" must come; but it is the men of most experience in +public affairs who regularly attend sittings of the House of Lords, and +they contribute even now a valuable element in promoting useful +legislation as well as in revising and amending the Bills initiated in +another place. Most of the amendments of the Law which marked the latter +half of the nineteenth century were first introduced in the House of +Lords.</p> + +<p>During this time of severe test, it cannot be denied that the House of +Lords has gained in the respect of the nation, that its debates have not +only been dignified but often useful and enlightening, nor that, as at +other times in its past history, it has shown itself to be quite as +ready as the other House to be a guardian of law and of liberty. The +business ability of many of its members has also been conspicuous, and +the value of the experience of those who have taken part in the +government of British possessions beyond the seas and of their knowledge +of other countries has been demonstrated.</p> + +<p>Of the Crown and its influence it is unnecessary, <!-- Page 61 -->perhaps unbecoming, +to say much. It has made for the unity of the Empire, not only as a +symbol, but, so far as the strict limitations of our Constitution +permit, as an active force. The existence of the monarchy and the +character of three successive sovereigns, and their real personal +interest in its people, are among the causes why India has been, and +especially why the Native States have been, as a rule, so loyal in this +time of danger, when the support of the whole Empire was so much needed. +In our own country the example set of ever ready and earnest sympathy +with all who are suffering from the effects of the War, feeling its +strain and bearing its burdens, from the highest to the humblest, and +also of that simplicity of life now so vitally important for all in the +time of general self-denial, which is necessary or, at any rate, a duty +for all, has been one of the real factors in knitting all classes of the +nation together in useful service and willing sacrifice. Could anyone +read the royal speech to the nation on July 6th, 1918, and the words of +the Archbishop of Canterbury at St. Paul's, and of the leaders in +Parliament, without feeling what a mighty influence for good there is in +the British monarchy? Those words were not decorous platitudes demanded +by convention, but the expression of genuine and intense feeling.</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>The sober freedom out of which there springs<br /></span> +<span>Our loyal passion for our temperate kings<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>is an inheritance of our country which no theoretical discussions about +forms of government can interfere with, unless we are insane enough to +abandon the practical good sense that has brought the nation safely +through so many perils, in deference to some <i>a priori</i> argument about +the best form of government, and the logical result of some so-called +principles. In politics—always using the term in its broad meaning, and +not as denoting the disputes and manoeuvres of parties, like the +contests between the green and blue factions of Byzantium—there is a +strong presumption that <!-- Page 62 -->whatever is recommended as "logical" is also +foolish. It would be well to prescribe a severe course of Burke for the +<i>a priori</i> theorists, and while they are occupied with it, set ourselves +to the real work. We should not forget, too, that Court influence, which +in some past times fostered corruption in political life, has for eighty +years been as a rule a purifying influence. It would not be easy for any +Minister, pressed by the political exigencies of the hour, to submit, +even for formal approval, to a sovereign who has only the national +interest to think of, perhaps most difficult of all to a high-minded and +clear-headed woman, a course of action that was dishonourable or mean.</p> + +<p>However important the influence of the Crown and the functions of a +Second Chamber may be, it is the House of Commons which is the +corner-stone of the Constitution. Through it the will of the nation must +be expressed, and embodied in definite action. The representatives in +that House are those chosen by the nation by regular and legal methods +to exercise their judgment, to enact laws, and to control acts of the +executive. It is essential not only to maintain, but to restore the +position of the House of Commons, and insure for it the respect and +confidence of the people. It is impossible to deny that respect and +confidence have been shaken, and that the position of the House is +threatened from two opposite quarters. We hear it daily spoken of as +"that talking shop"; it has been said that it would be better, instead +of having a fine statue of Cromwell outside, to have a living Cromwell +inside to purge it thoroughly. The story of the officer who, on +returning to England after long residence in the East, asked his father +if "that nonsense was going on still," represents a feeling which is +widespread. The present House of Commons, the existence of which has +been necessarily prolonged, has been the subject of bitter and +contemptuous criticism. Much of that criticism is unfair. In spite of +the fact that its attention had first to be directed to questions +directly affecting the War, it has passed the largest extension of the +<!-- Page 63 -->franchise ever made, and in doing so without doubt carried out the wish +of the nation. It got rid of the fetters imposed on the free expression +of the will of the electors, and the restrictions placed on the free +selection of candidates of small means, by putting the expenses of +returning officers on public funds, and also by making better provision +for the revision of the register of voters. A number of useful Bills +have been passed, and it has been a means of eliciting information from +the Government which the country ought to have, but which would +otherwise have been withheld. It has voted the necessary supplies for +carrying on the War, and freely and readily assented to the increased +taxation that was essential. Unfortunately it is the practice in a +portion of the Press always to give prominence to the strange antics of +certain members and the vicious attempts made by some to embarrass the +Government in carrying on the War. A scene in the House of Commons is +fully reported; the good work done, especially by certain useful +committees, passes almost unnoticed. It is true, however, that the +character of many of the debates has been regrettable, and that as +regards what is perhaps its most important function, namely, the control +of expenditure, the House has not been able to exercise its functions as +it should.</p> + +<p>It was pointed out years ago that the House of Commons was in practice +ceasing to be what it ought, according to Constitutional theory, to be, +"a deliberative assembly of the representatives of the nation discussing +and forming judgments on national policy, instituting legislation and +determining its form," and was becoming simply "a body for registering +the decrees of a Cabinet." In practice it was assumed to be "the duty of +the minority in opposition to find objections to the proposals of the +Government, representing the majority, and to occupy time in voting +against them as often as possible, and on the other hand that it is the +duty of the majority to refrain from discussion, to applaud Ministers, +and to make sure <!-- Page 64 -->that whatever they propose shall be carried by +undiminished numbers." In this respect the present House is no worse +than its predecessors for the last thirty years; the political truce has +indeed improved matters in some respects. It is at least doubtful +whether under "pre-War conditions" either the Representation of the +People Bill or the Education Bill could have been carried, certainly +they would not have been passed in a form to secure so much general +consent. Instead of such consent, some measure strongly opposed by a +minority might have been forced through by free use of the closure. A +new danger has arisen, however, of a still more serious kind, +threatening the position of the House of Commons. It is that, instead of +national policy being controlled by legislation, settled by a recognised +constitutional body elected according to definite rules and representing +the nation, the real power of initiative and real directing force may +pass to some other body or bodies unknown to the law and representing +only a class or even to certain writers in the popular Press. The House +of Commons, unless its constitutional powers and its independence are +maintained or restored, may become a body for registering and giving +legal sanction to the resolutions of some conference or convention +indefinite in its constitution, but highly organised for the purpose of +making representatives in Parliament mere delegates to carry out the +proposals of the majority of those who themselves had acted as delegates +of a section only of the community.</p> + +<p>The course of revolution in Russia should be a warning to all. Russia is +passing through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, where is heard "the +continual howling and yelling of a people under unutterable misery, who +sit there bound in affliction and iron, and over it hang the +discouraging clouds of confusion; death also does always spread his +wings over it. In a word it is every whit a dreadful being utterly +without order." Had there been in Russia a regularly constituted +assembly possessing adequate power and repre<!-- Page 65 -->senting the nation as a +whole, including the "bourgeoisie"—who also "are God's creatures"—as +well as workmen, instead of irregular bodies appealing to the greed and +hatred of a class, most of the misery through which Russia is passing +might have been prevented, and the prospects of early restoration would +have been assured. The British nation is too sane, too used to orderly +freedom, to adopt either the spirit or the methods of the Bolsheviks, +but we may hear of them even in this country. They may perhaps give +serious trouble and interfere with progress on sound lines. The historic +House of Commons must be the means of carrying out Reconstruction so far +as legislation, and of controlling it so far as State action is +required. Some changes in its methods will be discussed in the chapters +on Reform, but the maintenance of the Constitution as the best +instrument for promoting orderly, peaceful, and real progress is +essential.</p> + +<p>The peace we need would only be uselessly disturbed, and the practical +reforms most urgently required would only be delayed by raising +controversial questions about the form of the Constitution. We may well +let them alone, and get on with something that will be of real benefit.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_IX'></a><h2><!-- Page 66 -->CHAPTER IX</h2> + +<h4>PEACE AND DEMOCRACY</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>There is no more unsafe politician than a + conscientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing more sure to + end in disaster than a theoretic volume of policy that + admits of no pliability for contingencies.</i>—J.R. LOWELL.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>It is often assumed that a change in the form of Government in Germany +would completely alter the attitude and conduct of the nation, and +secure permanent peace, but that alone would not be sufficient. It would +undoubtedly help; for under a more popular Government it would be easier +for a different spirit in the German nation to assert itself. +Democracies, however, have from time to time been aggressive, and have +claimed to dominate their neighbours. A change far deeper than a change +in the form of Government is needed. The claim put forward both by word +and deed to impose the German will on others by organised force of any +kind must be abandoned utterly, if the world is to be really at peace +with Germany and with those whom Germany has been able to compel or to +beguile into alliance with her. The conflict is not simply between +autocracy or oligarchy and democracy, but between different ideals and +diametrically opposed notions of duty. The conception of their State as +an organisation carefully arranged to impose its will on others +regardless of their feelings and their rights must be eradicated. +Democracy and Liberty do not necessarily go together. There may be +democracy without liberty, and it is possible though not probable that +there may be real liberty without the form of democracy. An enlightened +monarch, governing as well as reigning, may express the real will of a +nation more truly than <!-- Page 67 -->the vote of a majority of representatives; and +individual liberty may be more secure under such a monarch than when it +is dependent on the result of divisions taken when party passion is +running high. But such a rule must lack the element of stability. The +Antonines pass away and Commodus and Heliogabalus rule in their place. +Permanent strength and settled liberty are best secured when the acts of +Government are the expression of the conscious will of the nation as a +whole, where the people think out for themselves the general lines of +action and the Government is their minister. It is not enough that there +should be a just rule in which they acquiesce, but it is they themselves +who should act—through agents, no doubt—and learn the habit of forming +right judgments and acting justly. To deny him a share in political +life—that is, in deciding the action of the State to which he +belongs—is to deprive a man of one of those "activities of the soul +which constitute happiness," to take from him one of the things that +makes a full life for those who really live among their fellows. There +may always be a few who live apart, contemplative souls</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span class='i14'>insphered<br /></span> +<span>In regions mild, of calm and serene air,<br /></span> +<span>Above the smoke and stir of this dim spot<br /></span> +<span>Which men call earth.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Some may build themselves a Palace of Art where they may live alone; +some may sink themselves in luxury or repose in sluggish indifference, +careless of the life of others round them, with neither the heart to +feel nor head to understand anything beyond their own immediate wants. +But the highest aim and fullest life for man generally—as "an animal +more social than the bee"—is</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>To go and join head and heart and hand,<br /></span> +<span>Active and firm to fight the bloodless fight<br /></span> +<span>Of science, freedom, and the truth in Christ.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Political action may be one of the means of carrying on that fight. Is +it not one of the "rights of man" to be allowed to join in it?</p> + +<p><!-- Page 68 -->It is, however, not to be forgotten that men acting in the mass, just +as men acting individually, may act under sudden impulse, may do under +the influence of temporary passion, even of a generous emotion, things +which they would regret afterwards, and feel to be an error. Some checks +on such sudden action are most essential in a democracy, because there +is no appeal from its decision. A reverence for tradition, for those +rules of conduct which have stood the test of time, is one restraining +influence, but more formal restraints on sudden decisions and violent +changes are necessary. A single vote of a popular assembly may not +represent the well-considered judgment and permanent will of the people. +Steps may be taken which it is impossible to recall. To insist on an +appeal from "Philip drunk to Philip sober" is not to deprive him of his +real liberty. It is a safeguard, not an infringement of the principles +of true democracy, to provide some body of men of experience who can +exercise an independent judgment, and who, when some violent change is +proposed, have the right and the duty to reply in effect:</p> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span>Old things may not be therefore true,<br /></span> +<span>Oh brother men, nor yet the new;<br /></span> +<span>Ah, still awhile the old thought retain,<br /></span> +<span>And yet consider it again.<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>Such a justification, such a statement of the function of a Second +Chamber, not directly elected, may provoke a histrionic smile among +extreme advocates of so-called popular rights, but has never evoked an +argument which can displace it as based on sound reason and common +sense. There are some changes, too, which ought not to be made without a +specific appeal to the people on that particular issue. To make them as +part of the programme, as one plank in the platform of a party dominant +for the moment, is not to execute but to evade the real will of the +nation. We know by experience how the vote of a popular representative +assembly may represent the opinion of "a bare majority of a bare +majority;" conceivably anything <!-- Page 69 -->over one-eighth of the nation. A +committee is elected by some eager partisans supposed to represent a +party. That party perhaps represents a bare majority of the +constituency. The caucus chooses a candidate whose views suit a bare +majority of its members who hold the most extreme views. He and others +go to Parliament as representing one party, and a majority of such +members decides what policy shall be adopted. Party discipline compels +the acquiescence of the rest. The machine is cleverly constructed to +make the will of certain party managers of mere sections of the +constituencies the dominant factor. No wonder that they denounce +Proportional Representation as a dangerous fad. Undoubtedly the will of +the people must prevail, but the exercise of that will should depend on +and be the result of their own deliberate judgment. Whether what is done +is a blessing or curse depends not on whether it is the act of an +autocrat, of an aristocracy, or of a democracy, but on the character of +the act and the spirit which prompts it. A great audience in London +recently heard the true position summed up in few words—I quote Dr. +Campbell Morgan from memory—"It is said we want to make the world safe +for democracy. What we really need is to make democracy safe for the +world."</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='C_INDUSTRIAL_PEACE'></a><h2><!-- Page 70 --><i>C.—INDUSTRIAL PEACE</i></h2> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_X'></a><h2>CHAPTER X</h2> + +<h4>INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>To secure industrial peace on terms just and honourable + to both sides would be to double the national strength + whether in industry or citizenship.</i>—MEMORANDUM OF THE + GARTON FOUNDATION.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>Under this head it will be convenient to treat not only of the steps to +be taken to prevent disputes or secure their settlement by peaceful +means, and to promote a more hearty co-operation of employer and +employed, but also of various other questions affecting industry, such, +for example, as increased production and increased saving. Without +industrial peace there will be no industrial or commercial prosperity, +and without a fair amount of prosperity it will be very difficult if not +impossible to preserve industrial peace. As the War proceeds these +questions become more and more urgent; after it, they will be more +serious and more pressing than ever. Already the need for taking certain +steps at once and for preparing a future policy is recognised. Anyone +who wishes to have before him a clear statement of the industrial +situation and of the effects of the War upon it, cannot do better than +read, and read with care, the revised memorandum prepared under the +auspices of the Garton Foundation and published in October, 1916. +Singularly impartial and judicious, it does not gloss over the +difficulties and perils which must be faced, but throughout there is a +note of hopefulness—an anticipation of a better state of things—if +while "the forces of change are visibly at work we do not allow <!-- Page 71 -->them to +hurry us blindly with them," but "direct them along the path of ordered +progress." Some of the specific remedies suggested, of the proposals +adumbrated, may be open to criticism—criticism is, indeed, invited—but +it is evident that nothing is suggested that has not been the subject of +careful consideration of the facts. Some of the proposals have already +been put into fairly definite form in the Whitley Report, and have +received the approval of the Government. Industrial Councils are to be +established. The object of them will be to consider "constructive +measures for the improvement of industrial conditions and the increase +of efficiency." They will not be confined to specific points of dispute. +They are to be established in industries which are "highly organised," +where the employer and employed already possess some definite +association or union which represents them respectively. There are to be +national, district, and workshop councils set up. Their object differs +from that of the Conciliation Boards for Arbitration or the Trade Boards +established to settle some specific question such as a minimum wage to +be paid, or some question that has given rise to a dispute between +employers and employed. Such a mode of settlement is a great advance on +leaving differences to be settled by an industrial war—a strike or +lock-out. The Boards will still be needed, just as arbitration tribunals +will be required to settle specific disputes between nations. The aim in +both cases is to substitute arbitration for war (or its equivalent) or +threats of war. Something more is aimed at in the establishment of +Industrial Councils. They contemplate a "continuous and constructive +co-operation of Capital and Management on the one hand and Labour on the +other." They are not tribunals for the settlement of disputes which have +arisen, but joint committees which can discuss and propose methods of +dealing with any question affecting working-conditions generally, e.g., +the introduction of new machinery and its effect on employment and the +status as well as the wages of the workpeople, and even its <!-- Page 72 -->economic +effect generally. Suggestions can be made as to changes which may +"increase output or economise effort" and eliminate waste. The effect of +any alterations on the health of those engaged in any industry would be +within their purview. The idea is to promote co-operation, to make all +recognise certain common interests, not merely to adjust competing +claims. In international affairs the nearest analogy would be a League +of Nations for promoting the common interest of all. While, of course, +the main object of such a league is common action to prevent breaches of +the international peace by restraining wrong-doers, it should not be the +sole object. In the case of Industrial Councils the object is to promote +the general welfare of all engaged in the trade and to increase +productive efficiency, as well as to secure fair terms between the +parties and prevent disputes. If such a Council has been established for +any industry Government Departments will consult it, and not the Trade +Board, on any questions affecting that industry; but the constitution of +the Council should make provision by which Trade Boards can be +consulted. Roughly speaking, "the functions of the Trade Board will be +called into operation mainly in the case of the less organised trades, +and the highly organised trades will be the sphere of the Industrial +Councils." These, in their most developed form, will be national, +district, and local.</p> + +<p>A memorandum which has official sanction states that the chief duty of +the Trade Boards, on the other hand, is to fix minimum rates of wages +which can be imposed by law. They are needed primarily to insure that in +trades where the workers have no official organisation to guard their +interest a living wage shall be secured for all. They are statutory +bodies set up under an Act of Parliament just passed, and will be +connected with the Ministry of Labour, by which their members are +largely nominated. The work of such Boards is being extended.</p> + +<p>Detailed discussion of the character of the work <!-- Page 73 -->which may be expected +to be done by the councils and of its probable effects would be beyond +the scope of this volume, and would require special knowledge of the +industries concerned. It will vary in different industries and in +different places. In some, success may be confidently expected, in +others there will probably be failures. The aim of the proposal is +certainly one to be desired, and the method for attaining it promises +many beneficial results. There appear to be some dangers involved which +it may be well to consider. Useful work may be hindered owing to, first, +the time and attention required for the meetings and discussions of the +various councils, and the risk that clever and fluent talkers may +prolong debate and generate friction and may perhaps exercise an undue +influence. Probably this will not be found a serious danger. Experience +over a considerable district shows that those who are chosen by the +Trade Unions to represent them are usually clear-headed and businesslike +men, who grasp a point quickly and, while carefully guarding the +interests of those whom they represent, are fair-minded and ready to do +all they can to promote the national interest also. Secondly, there may +be a tendency to interfere too much in questions of management, even +where full and detailed knowledge of trade conditions of the moment and +of possible appliances that may be used is required, and prompt action +may be necessary. A man steering a boat in a storm would hardly succeed +if he had to consult a committee before moving the helm. The object of +the councils would not be to undertake the general management of the +business, but should be directed to the relation of workers and +management, to secure efficiency and greater production, a fair +participation in and distribution of the benefits derived from success, +and wholesome conditions for those engaged in the work, and to avoid +dispute by agreeing action beforehand wherever possible. Thirdly, in +this as in most other cases where power is given to representatives of +organised bodies, there <!-- Page 74 -->is a risk of undue interference with the +liberty of those who do not belong to them or who are in a minority. A +dead level of uniformity may be secured, experiments and new lines of +action by enterprising and original minds may be interfered with. The +old problem of reconciling high organisation and corporate action with +individual liberty may present itself in an acute form.</p> + +<p>Already before the War the tendency to crush out individuality was +becoming stronger and stronger, the private firms of manufacturers were +being squeezed out by highly organised combines, or tempted by high +prices offered to hand over their businesses to them. In banking, +similarly, the absorption and amalgamation of smaller banks has been +going on with startling rapidity. The personal relationship between the +customer and the banker, who would grant loans and overdrafts because he +knew the character and position of the borrower in each case, will no +longer exist. The business was safe enough when the manager of a country +bank probably knew whether a customer's butcher's bills were becoming +excessive. Now everything must be referred to London for decision +according to some fixed general rule. The convenience and the +accommodation of the man with a small account count for very little. A +more serious question is the effect which these amalgamations may have +on the relations between bankers and those who are engaged in +manufacturing business.</p> + +<p>The old personal relationship between the mill-owner and his employees, +when his garden adjoined the mill yard, when they spoke of him by his +Christian name, and he knew their family affairs and was ready to help +in time of difficulty and distress and to take a lead in any local +effort or support any local charity, has been rapidly disappearing. +There still are, however, many employers to whom the happiness and +welfare of their workpeople is a matter of deepest concern. They have a +human interest in them, and take a pride in improving the conditions of +their life. They have <!-- Page 75 -->other aims than simply securing as big a dividend +as possible for the eager shareholders of a huge combine. It is, no +doubt, usually large employers of labour who are thus able and willing +to make provision for the welfare of the people in their employ. Some +have established libraries and reading-rooms, and have provided classes +for giving instruction likely to be useful to the boys and young men +engaged in their works. Conditions of labour would be greatly improved +if the example of the best firms in such matters were generally +followed.</p> + +<p>The more complete organisation of trades under powerful councils may +tend to a virtual monopoly being obtained by a limited number of large +and influential firms, and the result may be prejudicial to the consumer +by limiting competition. That is not certainly the object, but it may be +an incidental effect of the organisation which is needed for full +development of the system of councils. In some cases State support and +control acting in conjunction with private firms of great influence is +to be introduced to unify an industry under one management. Support and +control may possibly be necessary in some cases, but the extension of +such methods should be jealously watched. In the manufacture of dyes, +for example, it seems that the Government and a very powerful +manufacturing firm or combination are arranging to act together. Those +outside this combination will have no chance of competing. In this +particular case the scheme may be useful, but careful provision is +necessary to protect customers for the commodities produced. It may +become a very serious thing for manufacturers of piece goods when +struggling to maintain their position in the world markets, and the +slightest addition to cost of production may close a market to them, if +they find that they cannot purchase the dyes they require in the +cheapest market, or those who dye goods for them must increase their +charges, because one organisation can fix prices, and import from abroad +is prohibited in order to protect a special home industry.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 76 -->Possibly it may be necessary for a time to give such protection to +certain industries, involving a preliminary expenditure of a large +capital; but the fact that the dye industry had gone from England to +Germany was, in the opinion of many, due not so much to free and open +competition as to the circumstances that (1) the German producers paid +more attention to systematic chemical research bearing on the industry, +and (2) that our absurd patent law operated to throttle English +production. The founder of the successful firm of Levinstein, Limited, +Mr. Ivan Levinstein, seeing by his own experience how our patent laws +prevented the development of the dye industry in England, devoted years +of work to obtain an alteration of these laws, but with only partial +success. The Government, after very long delays, attempted to deal with +the matter, but it is not yet satisfactorily settled. A Bill on the +subject is now before Parliament. A list can be given of more than a +dozen cases—there may have been many others—in which the +Badische-Anilin Fabrik was plaintiff against firms in this country. The +result was to aid the rapid development of the huge works near Mannheim +now used to manufacture poisonous gases, while the works in this country +were crippled. Strangely enough, it was an English chemist (Sir W. +Perkin) who made the discoveries which led to the development of this +industry; but it is generally possible where competition is keen to take +out subsidiary patents for small improvements which really enable the +subsequent patentee to command the market. Sometimes the root invention +for some reason cannot be made the subject of a valid patent, or the +patent for it expires before its full commercial value has been +realised, and the minor improvements give the holder of patents for them +a virtual monopoly.</p> + +<p>All along the line, too, the big firm is favoured at the expense of the +smaller. The position of the small tradesman is often a very hard one. +The shopkeeper in a village or small town near the metropolis pays heavy +rates for the upkeep of roads which are torn to <!-- Page 77 -->pieces by the heavy +motors of the great distributing firms delivering goods to those who +would otherwise be his customers, perhaps with petrol specially exempted +from taxation. The firm which by widespread advertisements can induce +people to buy an article with some familiar name attached, reaps a +gigantic fortune, while the man who makes the same article and cannot +spend money on advertisement gains a mere pittance. The advertisements +which disfigure the country are not taxed, as in other countries, and +the issue of advertising circulars has been subsidised by the Post +Office, which delivered them at a rate lower than that charged for +delivery of the letters, or even the postcards, of the poorest, though +the trouble involved is the same. The patent laws, again, have been +exploited to protect the large manufacturer, who fences some form of +production by taking out a string of patents often where there is no +meritorious invention at all. The rubbishy specifications are flourished +in the face of a poor competitor, and form a basis for threats which a +man who is not wealthy dare not resist, knowing the heavy cost of +fighting any patent action whether successful or not. "To him that hath +shall be given" ought not to be a maxim to guide legislators or any +department of Government.</p> + +<p>To return from this digression. One great advantage of the councils +would be that those who represent the workmen upon them will probably be +men who are actually engaged in manual work in the trades concerned, or +have been so engaged, and who will look at each question practically. +The agitator who lives on grievances and disputes, the politician "on +the make," or the well-meaning and half-informed enthusiast from +outside, is not likely to find a place on councils whose object it is to +see how interests which investors, managers, and workmen have in common +can best be promoted, and how the share of each in the work and its +profits can be more fairly assigned and distributed instead of attention +being concentrated on matters in which their interests seem to be in +conflict.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 78 -->Another difficulty of more direct importance with regard to the +proposed councils is already arising. The relative powers and position +of the shop stewards chosen by the men in each works and of the unions +representing industry as a whole in any district have to be settled. +There are also overlapping unions competing for influence and support, +and sometimes doing so by making excessive demands. The events of the +next few months may lead either to an accentuation or to a partial +solution of these questions which are perhaps the most serious at +present affecting industrial peace. It is better not to anticipate. +Prophecy might be falsified too soon and too palpably, and the position, +which changes from week to week, is too critical for anyone to discuss +unless he has full and exact knowledge of the facts and clear +understanding of the way in which undercurrents are setting.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XI'></a><h2><!-- Page 79 -->CHAPTER XI</h2> + +<h4>LONG HOURS</h4> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span><i>Our life is turned</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Out of her course wherever man is made</i><br /></span> +<span><i>An offering, or a sacrifice, a tool</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Or implement, a passive thing employed</i><br /></span> +<span><i>As a brute mean, without acknowledgment</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Of common right or interest in the end.</i><br /></span> +<span class='i18'>—WILLIAM WORDSWORTH.<br /></span> +</div></div> +<br /> + +<p>There is no doubt that among the causes of unrest one of the most +serious, probably much more so than either employers or workmen are +generally conscious of, is the long hours of work. Those who have had to +hear questions arising out of labour disputes have noticed the state of +tension produced by the weariness and strain of too prolonged and +continuous work. Even in the domestic circle an overworked man is often +found less amiable and more ready to find fault. A harassed manager and +a deputation of jaded workmen may be really very good fellows and yet +find that some comparatively small question raises strong feeling and +mutual recrimination, and then leads to rash action resulting in open +strife, strikes, and lock-outs, and the judicial proceedings which may +be necessary in consequence of them. "A Skilled Labourer," writing in +the <i>Quarterly Review</i>, mentions as the first of the four principal +grievances of workmen—"the hours are too long." Long hours have been +accepted on both sides partly because during the War the call of the +country for increased output, especially of munitions, was so urgent, +and partly because it was thought that higher profits would thereby be +obtained, and certainly higher wages earned. It seems, however, well +established that longer hours do not necessarily mean in<!-- Page 80 -->creased output. +There is a limit to the time during which a man can do even routine work +effectively. If men were to be regarded only as machines for turning out +work of a certain class, very long hours would be bad business. Where +the work involves special skill and thought the evil results of long +hours, even measured simply by the gross amount done, are still more +serious. Everyone who has had to do with young students and still more +with parents disappointed by their sons' failures must again and again +have found that the cause of failure was too many hours devoted to +reading. The students acquired the habit of sitting over their books +worrying their minds, but really absorbing nothing. A senior wrangler +has been known to find five or six hours a day of real work at +mathematics as much as he could stand. Of course, work involving little +hard physical exertion and hardly any mental effort can go on much +longer, but the very monotony which in some ways makes it easy, has a +deadening effect. A factory operative minding a "mule" being asked: "Is +it not very hard work always watching and piecing threads?" answered, +"No, but it is very dree work." But the evil effects of too long hours +are not confined to the fact that unrest or disputes arise from the +state of feeling produced nor to the diminution of production due to +fatigue. Recurrent strains continued over a long period indeed +deteriorate even things which are inanimate. The "fatigue of metals" has +been the subject of careful investigations. It is time that fatigue of +human beings, even looked at as machines, were more fully considered.<a name='FNanchor_5_5'></a><a href='#Footnote_5_5'><sup>[5]</sup></a></p> + +<p>The great and often permanent physical injury caused by too prolonged +work is specially serious for women. Many women are such willing workers +that they go on overtaxing their strength. Among girls and women +students the fatigue from overstrain in preparing for examinations, from +which boys and men <!-- Page 81 -->may rapidly recover, often results in permanent +physical and even mental degeneration. Many who have watched the effects +of such continuous study would advocate a complete sabbatical year in +which systematic study should be suspended entirely for girls at some +period between fourteen and eighteen.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to have a healthy nation if the majority, or any very +large part of it, work for excessive hours even in the factories where +the best methods are employed to make the conditions as healthy as +possible. Medical men of the highest authority regard the influence of +too prolonged hours of work as one which urgently demands attention. +Enlightened and experienced men of business like Lord Leverhulme have +expressed very strong views on the subject. Man, however, cannot be +looked on as a mere machine for production, nor is even health the only +question for him as a human being. He must have time for other pursuits, +for recreation, for a fuller life. As civilisation and education advance +this need becomes stronger. The duller the work the greater the need for +those who have any natural mental activity to find resources of interest +outside. The pleasure derived from literature and science should be open +to all. No one who knows working people can deny that the demand for it +exists. A fitter on weekly wages used to show in a poor cottage one of +the best collections of British butterflies and moths, made entirely by +himself. Many of them had been captured late at night on Chat Moss. A +hair-dresser has told how to watch the habits of birds was the delight +of his Sunday bicycle rides; his assistant called attention to some +little known poet whose works had a special appeal for him; another said +it was the study in his rare holidays at the seaside and in local +museums of some form of animal life—the name of it, now forgotten, +would convey no meaning to most University graduates—that made his +interest in life. You may find a large audience of workmen interested in +a lecture on Shelley, and some of them as well acquainted with his poems +as the lecturer. Such cases <!-- Page 82 -->as these may perhaps be exceptional, but +given opportunity and sympathetic help and advice, they might be +multiplied almost indefinitely. Other men want time for cultivation of +allotments, which ought to be within the reach of thousands of urban +workers who find in them a perennial source of interest. A growing +number take a keen pleasure in seeing something of the beauties of their +own country. Tramping through the Yorkshire dales and knowing them well, +it was interesting to meet one who knew them better, and to find that he +was a chimney-sweep, who saved up his earnings to spend his holidays +regularly there.</p> + +<p>The success of the Workers' Educational Association shows both the +strength of the demand among the workmen, and sometimes, too, among +working women, for intellectual life and their capacity to make use of +any opportunities offered for regular study. It is to be hoped that its +promoters will not forget that some branches of natural science and +literature, opening new realms of interest removed from the ordinary +cares of life, are at least as important subjects for study as economic +and social problems, and that one of the most important of such problems +is how to give those who must earn their daily bread by work that is +often dull and wearisome, the opportunity of sharing as far as possible +in the intellectual life. We may well wish Mr. Mansbridge and his +friends success as pioneers in the work of reconstruction, and renewed +and extended activity when the pressure of War requirements is removed. +It is to be hoped that the original ideals of the Association may never +be forgotten.</p> + +<p>The aim of the Association is neither technical, i.e., to make workmen +better qualified for their special work, nor to attain a higher general +education with a view to their obtaining employment of a different class +and ceasing to be manual workers. It is to enable them, while continuing +to earn their living by manual work, to participate in the fuller life +given by intellectual activity. There are some subjects which can be +pursued and studied <i>thoroughly</i> with pleasure <!-- Page 83 -->and profit without any +long or exact preliminary training. With some wise guidance in reading +and some stimulating criticism to help him, the workman can really +obtain all that is important from the study of the literature of his own +language—to learn to know and to enjoy the best that has been written. +It is of no importance that he will probably not become a "literary +expert," able to trace the influence of this or that obscure writer of +one age or country on the literature of another. It is to be hoped that +he will not learn the kind of literary jargon affected by so many modern +critics, or attempt in his essays to imitate those who think that +obscurity indicates profundity. There are some sciences, too, especially +certain branches of natural science, which can be pursued by men whose +time is mainly taken up by manual work.</p> + +<p>The idea of erecting an educational ladder by which all will proceed +from the elementary to the secondary school and thence to the +University, is a false one. Any such ladder must continue to be narrow +at the top. It is impossible in any economic conditions that we are +likely to see in our time that the majority of our people will be able +to devote their whole lives to study until the age at which a University +course can be finished. Indeed, for all classes there is a modern +tendency to prolong the school period unduly, to keep boys under the +discipline and following the methods of the secondary school until +nineteen years of age, so that they finish a University course, which is +also becoming more prolonged, after twenty-three, and then at last take +up their vocational training. Neither parents nor the nation can afford +to make such a course the normal one. It is no doubt of the greatest +importance to secure a career for special talent so that poverty shall +not prevent a really able boy or girl following such a course of study +as would enable his or her talents to have their full scope. The old +Grammar Schools, especially in the North of England, afford many +examples of poor boys who by means of their school and University +scholarships were <!-- Page 84 -->enabled to obtain the best training the country could +give, and so attain the highest positions in Church and State. These +must necessarily be the few. It is a cruelty by means of scholarships to +tempt those who have neither the financial means nor exceptional talent +to try for a career in which there will really be no opening for them. +Even with the limited number of scholarships which local authorities +have been able to offer, there have been many cases in which bitter +complaints have been raised that young people had been induced to +prepare themselves for some walk in life in which there was no demand +for their services. Of course, the more knowledge is required in various +industries the more scope there will be for those who have had a long +training, but there is nothing more injurious to the State than to turn +out a number of persons who have had a prolonged academic training, but +who are not able to do something for which there is a demand, and for +which the world is willing to pay. The results of such a course of +action may be seen on a large scale in India. In one of the colleges of +an Indian University in a large manufacturing town, fourteen young +men—very agreeable and frank, outspoken fellows—met at random in one +of the hostels, were asked what, on completing their college course, +they intended to do; twelve answered to become "pleaders," and two hoped +for something in the Government service. None proposed to follow +manufacturing industry, agriculture, or commerce. The legal profession +which they proposed to enter was so crowded that pleaders are said to +have been competing with each other to obtain cases by a kind of Dutch +auction regarding fees, and also to promote litigation wilfully in order +to obtain a living. It is from a kind of "intellectual proletariat" in +all countries, that dangerous political agitators are drawn who take up +political life not to improve the conditions of their fellows, but to +find some sort of a career for themselves, having no useful occupation +to turn to.</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_5_5'></a><a href='#FNanchor_5_5'>[5]</a><div class='note'><p> Since the above lines were written I hear that a Committee +of Inquiry has been appointed by the Government to report on the +subject.</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XII'></a><h2><!-- Page 85 -->CHAPTER XII</h2> + +<h4>WAGES<a name='FNanchor_6_6'></a><a href='#Footnote_6_6'><sup>[6]</sup></a></h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>How shall we better distribute the product of industry, + and allay the unrest of which we hear so much? There's + only one way—by improving our methods of production. To + effect this the earnest and active co-operation between + those engaged in industry must be employed.</i></p> + +<p> <i>... No longer must a man be supported by his union when + he refuses to mind two lathes because the custom of the + factory confines him to one. No longer must an employer + assign as a reason for cutting prices that the man's + wages are too high.... Each side must endeavour better to + understand the outlook of the other.</i>—SIR HUGH BELL.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The second grievance mentioned in the <i>Quarterly</i> article already +referred to is: "The wages are too low." To remedy this grievance, +increased productivity, along with greater economy in working, is the +first essential in order to obtain the funds out of which higher wages +can be paid; the second, to get a fair allocation and distribution of +the profit made. Increased benefit will also be a stimulus to better +work.</p> + +<p>For a crowded country like ours to maintain a leading position in +industry is obviously a necessary condition either of welfare or +progress. It is of first importance to secure work of high quality. A +highly civilised and trained nation must hold its own by the superior +quality of the articles produced as well as by being able to supply both +its own needs and to compete in prices with others by the quantity of +output. It may be possible, for example, to hold the market for fine +spinning when other countries are well able to supply coarse yarns from +their own factories. <!-- Page 86 -->Hitherto this country has been able to maintain a +lead in industry largely through causes which are no longer operative. +Thus, we had (1) a settled Government when Germany and Italy were +divided into a number of small and inefficient and often very badly +governed States, when France was exhausted and unsettled, and when +America was only in its infancy; and (2) the advantage due to the fact +that the great discoveries and inventions which advanced industry were +mostly made in Britain, when industry was developing at the close of the +eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century. Many of these +inventions were made by manual workers who, by intuitive genius, saw +what was needed to meet the requirements that arose in practice. There +was not then that fund of accumulated scientific knowledge and +experience in existence which anyone must have before he can make any +advance or improvement to-day. There was an interesting print published +some forty years ago giving portraits of the Englishmen who had made +contributions to practical science and who might have been assembled +together in one room in 1808. It included many who made their inventions +as manual workers. Murdock, who invented a new lathe, and developed the +use of coal gas, worked until over forty years old for a wage of a pound +a week; Davy had been apprenticed to an apothecary; Bramah, who invented +a new hydraulic press, once worked with a village carpenter; Bolton and +Watt and Nasmyth, the inventor of the steam hammer, were practical +engineers. Never in the world's history has there been such a galaxy of +practical talent and inventive power as those whose portraits are shown +in this picture. Now a larger amount of preliminary knowledge as to what +has already been done and of the sciences is necessary, in most cases at +least, before useful inventions can be made. The more widely this +scientific knowledge can be made available throughout all classes in the +country the greater is the possibility of maintaining our lead. It is +also important to maintain, so far as technical education can give it, +<!-- Page 87 -->skill in carrying out methods already established and improving them, +and also in making the worker more adaptable to new conditions and +altered circumstances instead of being a mere machine able to do one +class of work only, and adhering simply to the one rigid method which he +may have learnt. But knowledge and training are not all that is wanted. +It is essential that all classes connected with industry should realise +that increased production in established and well-understood industries +is essential, and that it can only be obtained, first, by willing and +vigorous work on the part of the workman, aiming at producing as much as +possible in the hours during which labour can be efficiently carried on +without detriment to health or depriving the labourer of the +opportunities of enjoying a life outside his daily routine; and, +secondly, by the increased use of the best machinery and labour-saving +appliances and working such machinery to its fullest capacity. Instead +of that, it has often been the policy to restrict the production of each +man's labour, one reason being lest there should not be enough +employment to go round, and also to view the introduction of machinery +which might displace labour with hostility and suspicion. In order to +give the leisure which the workman needs for a full and healthy life, +and to provide a wage which will enable him to secure the comforts which +he rightly desires, as well as to obtain adequate remuneration for those +who manage businesses, and interest on their money for those whose +capital is to be embarked in them, increased production is necessary; +but it cannot be expected that workmen will realise this or desire the +result unless they know certainly that they will obtain at once a +benefit from it. It has too often been the case that where some new +invention has been made, or new machinery introduced, or the conditions +of trade have enabled an industry to be more profitable, the workman has +not shared in the benefits obtained until he has pressed for an increase +of wages, even to the extent of striking or threatening to strike. The +faults and jealousies leading to re<!-- Page 88 -->stricted production are not all on +one side. Cases have arisen when a manager has let out a piece of work +to a group of workmen at a price which has resulted in a larger output +in a given time at less cost, though the amount paid to each man has +been higher owing to increased diligence, yet the employers raised +objections, because the wages earned were "more than such men ought to +have."</p> + +<p>It is essential if the workers are to make it their aim to increase +production and to use every effort with that object, that they should +know that of a certainty, and at once, they will get a benefit from what +is done. At present it is commonly the case that in order to obtain an +adequate wage the worker works overtime, and presses to have overtime +work, because the rate of pay for overtime is higher, and that during +the normal hours of work he does less. Cases have actually been known in +which the worst class of workmen play during the greater part of the +week, and then have gone, during the War at all events, to work for the +week-end, including Sunday, at a very high rate of wages at some other +place. In the short time of working at abnormal rates they have gained +as high wages as the steady and efficient workman who keeps steadily at +work through the normal hours. As long as such conditions exist we shall +not have the shorter hours which are necessary for healthy and happy +life, and we shall have the friction and irritation which arise from too +long hours of work. A higher rate of wages during shorter hours of work, +when the work is done with vigour and efficiency, and the certainty that +the wage will be increased if results are favourable, are necessary +conditions for industrial welfare and industrial peace. The wage system +should be so designed as to make it clear that the wage is a share in +the industry's earnings which is to advance as these earnings advance. A +"regulated slide of wages rising with the prosperity of the industry as +a whole" would help to secure this without friction. Methods of +industrial remuneration giving an assur<!-- Page 89 -->ance of thus sharing the benefit +of increased or more economical production are required. A valuable work +on such methods, which are already very various, was published by the +late Mr. David Schloss many years ago. New methods will, no doubt, be +found. The problem, however, is one for judicial treatment by those who +have devoted special study to it.</p> + +<p>The methods already tried include the more general adoption of +piece-wage, progressive wage arranged in various ways giving a fixed +rate for the hours worked plus an additional sum proportionate to the +excess of output over a fixed standard, collective piece-work, contract +work, co-operative work, sub-contract, profit-sharing in various forms +including special bonus, product-sharing, and industrial co-operation.</p> + +<p>Each method should be considered on its merits, in the light of the +experience already gained, and having regard to its applicability to +each class of industry. The aim and the principles which must guide +endeavours to achieve it are clearly stated by Mr. Schloss:</p> + +<p>"But while a reduction of hours of labour, say to eight hours in the +day, may readily be admitted to be on grounds both economic or social +highly desirable, yet it is no less desirable that during those eight +hours every working man in the country shall use his best available +tools and machinery, and, performing as much labour as he can perform +without exerting himself to an extent prejudicial to his health or +inconsistent with his reasonable comfort, produce an output as large as +possible. In the interest of the people as a whole it is expedient that +the remuneration of the labour of the industrial classes shall be +increased, and since this remuneration is paid out of the national +income, it is a matter of great importance not only that the working +classes shall succeed in obtaining for themselves a far ampler share in +the national income than they at present receive, but also that the +productive powers of the working classes shall be exercised in a manner +calculated to secure that this income shall be of the largest possible +dimensions."</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_6_6'></a><a href='#FNanchor_6_6'>[6]</a><div class='note'><p> This chapter is intended to refer to what may be regarded +as normal conditions. In some cases the recent rise in wages has been +excessive. The present position is chaotic, and the ill-advised manner +in which the 12-1/2 per cent. advance was made has added to labour +troubles and will cause great difficulty in the future.</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='D_RELIGIOUS_PEACE'></a><h2><!-- Page 90 --><i>D.—RELIGIOUS PEACE</i></h2> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XIII'></a><h2>CHAPTER XIII</h2> + +<h4>CO-OPERATION</h4> + +<div class='poem'><div class='stanza'> +<span><i>Children of men! the Unseen Power, whose eye</i><br /></span> +<span><i>For ever doth accompany mankind,</i><br /></span> +<span><i>Hath looked on no religion scornfully</i><br /></span> +<span class='i2'><i>That man did ever find.</i><br /></span> +<span class='i19'>—MATTHEW ARNOLD.<br /></span> +</div></div> +<br /> + +<p>This is not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of any +theological views or of any system of Church government, but the +question of the influence of religion on the life of the State and the +way in which and conditions under which it can be rightly exercised +cannot be overlooked. There is no doubt whatever that religious +influence might be a most potent and useful factor in Reconstruction, +using the word in the broadest sense. There are some branches of work in +which no other known influence can effect what is required. Leaving +aside for the moment the fact that there are needs of humanity which +religion alone can satisfy, and looking only to social improvement, the +power of religion has been proved again and again, especially in dealing +with the cases that seem most difficult and almost hopeless. In India, +for example, there are certain debased tribes which are habitually +criminal, and have, in fact, by tradition devoted themselves to the +commission of crime. The only agency which has been able to effect a +reclamation and improvement of these tribes is the Salvation Army, +which, by general consent, even of those who have no sympathy with its +particular religious views, has achieved wonderful results. There is no +doubt, too, <!-- Page 91 -->that some of the worst parts of certain seaports in our own +country have been vastly improved by the same agency. This has been done +by a definite appeal made on religious grounds, and those who have made +it have been inspired by religious motives. It required, however, a body +which had peculiar methods of its own to do it. The basis of the action, +also, of such organisations as the Church Army and the Young Men's and +Young Women's Christian Associations is definitely religious, and the +vigorous and successful way in which their work has been carried on by +such associations is due mainly to the influence of religion. It would +be well for our present purpose to treat the question from a position, +whether real or assumed, of absolute detachment from any particular +religious belief, and from any special religious community. Looked at +even from such a detached position, it appears that the first condition +required to enable religious influence to be effectively exercised is to +secure religious peace. It is impossible to deny that there has been a +kind of jealousy and hostility between those who hold different opinions +about theological and ecclesiastical questions which injures the work of +all. Anyone, for example, who was in the habit of meeting educated +Indians at the time of the Kikuyu controversy could not have helped +noticing the harm done to the cause of the Christian religion by that +controversy. There were Indians, whose attitude to Christianity before +might almost have been called wistful admiration, seeing the brighter +hope and fuller life it opened to all classes, and the universal +brotherhood of men which it proclaimed, who then spoke in an altered +tone, and their feeling seemed to be tinged with a half-concealed and +almost contemptuous pity. How much beneficial action might be taken by +religious bodies acting in co-operation! There is a deep truth in a +remark once made by the late Bishop of Manchester, Dr. Moorhouse, when +speaking of possible co-operation on a certain matter between people +belonging to different religious communities: "It <!-- Page 92 -->would be so easy did +we only recognise how large is the area covered by things on which we +agree, how important they are, compared with those on which we differ." +Some have felt so keenly the injury done by religious differences that +schemes have been put forward for corporate union of a number of +different Churches. Such union may or may not be possible, but, even if +it is, is it best to bring about such a union by any compromise under +which one side gives up part of what it regards as useful and important +in exchange for a similar concession on the other? May not a kind of +confederation between different bodies for certain purposes, each +maintaining its separate existence, be better than formal incorporation? +May there not be a unity of spirit and bond of peace between those whose +views differ, without either party giving up the iota to which he may +attach importance? Forms devoutly prized and helpful to one man may be +repellent and a hindrance to others.</p> + +<p>There is much to be learnt from a saying quoted by Sir Edwin Pears in +writing of certain Mahommedan sects: "The paths leading to God are as +numerous as the breaths of His creatures; hence they consider religious +toleration as a duty." Toleration does not mean simply abstinence from +the thumbscrew and the rack or even the repeal of the Conventicle or the +Five Mile Act, but appreciation of the religious opinions and practices +of others, and due respect for them. Without formal union there may not +only be peace and goodwill between bodies which keep up their separate +organisations, they might also act together heartily and effectively +both in philanthropic work and in combating certain evils for which the +influence of religion is the most effective cure. It is a good sign of +the times that a joint volume has already been published on Religion and +Reconstruction, containing essays by a number of those whose views no +doubt differ widely, but who find no difficulty in uniting in a common +undertaking. The book contains essays by Bishop Welldon, Dr. Orchard, +Monsignor Poock, <!-- Page 93 -->and others representing different communions, and they +appear to have had no difficulty at all in a joint enterprise of this +kind.</p> + +<p>Is there any sufficient reason why the leaders of religious thought +belonging to other denominations should not be invited sometimes to +speak in the pulpits of the National Church? They would not use the +occasion for attacking Episcopacy. Conversely it might be a wholesome +thing if a Bishop or other well-known Episcopalian clergyman +occasionally spoke to the great congregations in such familiar London +meeting-places as the Newington Tabernacle or the City Temple. They +might be trusted not to choose Apostolic Succession as their subject. +Joint religious services have already been held, and the practice might +be extended. The Bishop of London has been seen in Hyde Park on the +platform with representative men from the Wesleyans, Independents (it is +pleasanter to use the old name rather than "Congregationalist," which +may be correct, but is hideous), and Presbyterians, with a band from the +Salvation Army in attendance. Such things do good, and are the best +reply to the orators by the Reformers' Tree, whose most effective weapon +is to sneer—not unnaturally—at the enmity amongst Christians. A +"church" parade for the Volunteers has in a village been held in the +Baptist chapel, and many who had never entered a Nonconformist place of +worship before, felt how real "unity of spirit" did exist.</p> + +<p>Another fruitful opportunity for joint work is in the realm of study and +of theological education. This object would be promoted by the +establishment in our Universities of theological faculties where a +part—it may be a large part but not the whole—of the training of those +who intend to enter the ministry or for other reasons to devote +themselves to theological study may be carried on. Such a faculty has +been instituted with marked success in Manchester. No test is imposed +except tests of knowledge, but the faculty has been said to be the most +harmonious in the University. What<!-- Page 94 -->ever body he belongs to, whatever +Church he wishes to serve, the student could not fail to gain profit +from studying the language of the New Testament under a scholar like the +late Professor Moulton, and would never find anything that—to use the +words of the founder of the University—"could be reasonably offensive +to the conscience of any student." Already the effect of such a faculty +in advancing theological study and still more in uniting members of +different communions in the pursuit of truth has been most marked.</p> + +<p>There is one point, however, in considering the influence of religion on +Reconstruction which must be borne in mind. Untold harm has been done in +the past by the intrusion of the lawgiver or the judge into the domain +of religion, and, on the other hand, by the intrusion of the minister of +religion into the domain of the legislator or the magistrate. It is +essential that in dealing with any question of legislation or political +action the clergy and ministers of all denominations, if they take part +at all, should speak as citizens, and not professionally. They, in +virtue of their office, ought not to be, and they have the highest +authority for not claiming to be, judges or lawgivers. They have not, +and ought not to claim, any authority to decide on the lawfulness of +paying tribute to Caesar; any such claim must be strenuously resisted. +The use of religious sanctions as weapons of political warfare is not +wholly obsolete. We hear of it from across St. George's Channel—it +should be condemned like poison gas on the battlefield. And, lastly, it +must never be forgotten that there are certain things with regard to +which attempted suppression by law is certain to result in evil and +disaster. With regard to these things the influence of religion, on the +other hand, may be all-effective if it is kept absolutely distinct from +any question of legislation or of legal penalties. The spheres of +religion and the criminal law must never be confused. Shakespeare, "the +mirror of human nature" for all time, once blended bitter irony with +<!-- Page 95 -->infinite pathos. "Measure for Measure" has its warning for every age. +It would be well to study the ugliest as well as the most beautiful +parts of that drama, and see what it really means, and what is its +lesson.</p> + +<p>Exercised within its proper sphere the influence of religion may still +be as potent a force now as in the past. It may inspire the right frame +of mind in dealing with every question, may encourage hope, sustain +faith, and diffuse charity.</p> + +<p>Reiterated until wearisome we hear the question asked, "What is wrong +with the Church?" sometimes from outside with a tone almost of contempt, +with little, or no care, for remedy if anything be wrong; sometimes from +within with a note of anxiety, uncertain whether it is safe to confess +openly the fact that anything can so be wrong. To the question coming +from within the Church, a voice might answer from the outer galilee, "Is +not what is wrong with the Church—like what is wrong with most of +us—thinking, perhaps talking, too much of itself, considering what +figure it makes in the world, rather than in self-forgetful devotion +giving itself to the work set before it, to delivering some message in +which it intensely believes as necessary for mankind?" It has been +likened to a bride; is not the bride too self-conscious, thinking +whether her garb is not fine enough or too fine, her possessions too +small or too large, her influence too weak or opposition to it too +strong? How much discussion is devoted to the question, what phrases +must be repeated, what forms adopted, to pass the janitor who guards her +doors! As has been truly said, the really useful reform for all of us +would be that each should do his appointed work at least ten per cent. +better than he has done it before. The work to be done should be the +special work assigned to each and for which each is best fitted. We long +for peace, but in settling the constitution of a League of Nations it +will be the jurist not the churchman who will help us. In aiming at +political or industrial peace the practical <!-- Page 96 -->good sense of the +statesman, the employer, and the workman will best point out what is +wanted; the Church, as such, is better out of the way in framing +legislation. But suppose even that we establish securely international +and political, industrial and social peace, is that peace all we need? +Shall we not still in youth be restless, anxious about the future of our +own lives and the lives of those nearest to us, unsettled by ambitions +for what we may not attain, disappointed at the little progress we make; +restless all through life, disturbed by thoughts of what we desire but +cannot have; restless, most of all, in age, knowing that attainment is +no longer possible, and, if we have attained anything, feeling how +little it is worth? Who will take for his proper sphere to show the way +to a peace which may pass the understanding of those who, in +disappointment and loss and vain endeavour, which will go on even if the +dreams of national and social progress and improvement are realised, and +alike in failure or success, will need that peace more and more as long +as the life of man lasts? Sometimes we see among those round us calm +faces the living "index of a mind" at peace, which make us feel that +there are those working in our midst in whom that peace exists. Let her +tell the way to that and the answer would be, "There is nothing wrong +with the Church; she is fulfilling her mission; ever, as of old, will +glad welcome greet the footsteps of him that bringeth good tidings, that +publisheth peace." <a name='FNanchor_7_7'></a><a href='#Footnote_7_7'><sup>[7]</sup></a></p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_7_7'></a><a href='#FNanchor_7_7'>[7]</a><div class='note'><p> The word "Church" is used in the sense which each reader +chooses to attach to it. Definition in such matters leads to +dissension.</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='Part_III'></a><h2><!-- Page 97 -->Part III</h2> + +<h4>RETRENCHMENT</h4> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XIV'></a><h2><!-- Page 98 -->CHAPTER XIV</h2> + +<h4>STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Political economy, as a branch of the science of a + statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects, + first, to provide plentiful revenue or subsistence for + the people or, more properly, to enable them to provide + such a revenue or subsistence for themselves, and, + secondly, to supply the slate or commonwealth with a + revenue sufficient for the public services.</i>—ADAM SMITH.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>Taking first the second of the two objects mentioned by Adam Smith, it +will be convenient under the heading of "Retrenchment" to treat not only +the question of economy in the expenditure of the State, but also the +other side of the account, and consider what general lines of action +should be adopted to make revenue balance expenditure, in the first +place by reducing expenditure, and, in the second, by increasing +revenue, in view of the fact that the absolutely necessary expenditure +will be enormously enhanced to meet the interest on the National Debt. +Assuming that the War were to end in the spring of 1919, the debt will +probably amount to about seven thousand millions after allowing for +loans due from the Allies and Dominions so far as they are likely to be +then recoverable. Taking interest at 5 per cent. with a sinking fund of +only half per cent., it is estimated that the permanent annual charge in +respect of the Debt will then be about 380 millions. No doubt part of +the Debt bears interest at a lower rate than 5 per cent., but a portion +has been borrowed at a higher. This is on the assumption that the War +will end within this financial year. Even if the War does end within the +financial year, much of the expenditure occasioned by it must go on +during the period of demobilisation, and during part of that period the +Debt will probably go <!-- Page 99 -->on growing, as it can hardly be expected that +sufficient revenue can be raised by taxation to meet this continued +expenditure directly due to the War. There will also be for many years +to come a very heavy expenditure on pensions, and, whatever other +savings may be effected, the duty of providing pensions for injured and +disabled sailors and soldiers is paramount, and the provision must be +made generously.</p> + +<p>It seems highly probable, therefore, that the annual Debt service will +ultimately amount to nearly 400 millions, and may be much more if the +War goes on over 1919. It is a gigantic burden to bear. Mr. Bonar Law +has stated in the House of Commons that a loan of one thousand millions +represents the labour of ten million men for a whole year, so we may +take it that the annual charge for the National Debt will require the +whole labour of four million men to meet it, and that this charge will +be continuous for many years. The normal expenditure after the War, +apart from Debt service, has been reckoned to be 270 millions. It will +certainly be more unless rigid economy is practised and all the new +schemes which are being proposed involving expenditure of money are +carefully scrutinised to see whether the expenditure is such as the +country ought to undertake in view of its financial obligations. As the +Debt service will be practically constant and irreducible unless revenue +largely exceeds the total annual expenditure, which is very improbable, +it is clear that a strong effort must be made to reduce this expenditure +and also, so far as possible, to increase the State revenue. Unless this +is done there will be a deficit even after the War, and the Debt will +have to be increased to meet it. There is no question of greater +urgency, and it must be resolutely faced. We shall probably find a +disposition, both in the Government and in Parliament, to shirk it. The +influence of the extension of the electorate will, in all likelihood, be +against rather than in favour of economy. There is a common assumption +that people can get the State to pay for things instead of paying for +them themselves; <!-- Page 100 -->that there is no need to practise personal economy or +to save because the State will provide. Wage-earners who began by +practising some self-denial in order to save have said, "What is the use +of troubling? The man who saves is really no better off than the man who +spends all his earnings, as the State will provide what is required to +meet the needs of the latter."</p> + +<p>What, then, can be done to reduce expenditure? It is impossible to do +more than indicate in outline the machinery by which this expenditure is +or might be controlled. During the War, for various reasons, the regular +and ordinary checks on extravagance and waste have almost ceased to +operate. The situation seems to have been getting worse until the +appointment of a Special Committee of the House of Commons on National +Expenditure in July, 1917. The Committee consisted of men with business +knowledge, and its reports have furnished valuable suggestions. On such +a subject anybody who has not direct access to documents and definite +personal knowledge of the work and expenditure of various departments, +and also some personal experience in State finance, may well hesitate to +express an opinion, and will prefer to quote the views of those who have +fuller information and better means of judging. There has been much +waste; what has gone on has even been described as a "wild orgy of +extravagance." The phrase has been used not only by irresponsible +critics, but by business men whose words carry weight. Let us call two +witnesses out of many available.</p> + +<p>Mr. H. Samuel, in speaking of the work of the Select Committee, as late +as June 19, 1918, said, in the House of Commons, "that the Committee had +formed the opinion that in some cases the staffs of Government +departments had been swollen beyond all estimation; that they were +frequently ill-organised; that there was much waste of labour and +consequently of money in their establishments; that the Treasury had not +risen to the occasion during the War, and the Committee had regretfully +come to the conclusion that the War Office <!-- Page 101 -->had been adopting a +deliberately obstructive attitude." Mr. Runciman on the same occasion +stated that "lax expenditure and loose control over distribution of +public money went far beyond the immediate departments concerned. It +went down into every factory, and the general effect was a scale of +national extravagance from which we should recover after the War only +with the greatest difficulty."</p> + +<p>We shall not recover at all except by immediate, determined and, above +all, methodical action. Small economies, as Mr. Gladstone long ago +pointed out, are not to be despised. It is no doubt right to put up +notices in Government offices not to put coal on the fire after three +o'clock, but these savings will not go far when half a million can be +thrown away on the bogs and rocks round Loch Doon with no useful result +of any kind, and yet nobody seems to be made responsible for this waste, +nor can anyone say why it was allowed. We hear again and again of +improvident contracts and extravagant purchases, and also of absurd cost +incurred in supervising minute details. Why cannot clear general +authority to act on the spot in certain matters be given to some +responsible person, instead of instituting a system of checks which +often cause great delay as well as expense? A water pipe at a camp wants +some slight repair, costing less than half a sovereign. No one there has +authority to give an order, a well-paid official must be sent a day's +journey to inspect, and incurs expenses far exceeding the cost of the +work to be done. Why is good agricultural land taken for a site when +there is plenty of land near which is waste or of little value? Why does +a well-known firm which has a telephone and a post-bag think it worth +while to pay £15,000 for an introduction to a Government Department? Why +have we heard again and again of prices paid for goods greatly in excess +of the price for which they could be obtained from well-established +firms in the trade? Such instances could be multiplied, but enough has +come to light publicly, and been proved, to show how essential it is to +have <!-- Page 102 -->some authority to deal with such matters and stop the leakage +which becomes a torrent. Apparently there has been an improvement lately +in many respects, but we are yet a long way from perfection.</p> + +<p>There will be an immense dead weight of influence against economy owing +to the fact that so many persons are interested in keeping up and +increasing expenditure. As was said in the debate above referred to, "It +looks as if London were becoming a huge bureaucratic town where everyone +will be working in some Government department or other." One might say +everyone of all ages, remembering a remark made by someone entering a +building near Whitehall, and seeing the crowd of girls and boys in the +corridor, "I thought I was coming to a Government office, but it seems +to be a crêche."</p> + +<p>For efficiency as well as for economy a thorough revision of the +executive departments of the Government is necessary. There is no doubt +that the present system has grown up at haphazard. It would be difficult +for anyone to form a clear idea of the duties assigned to or powers +conferred on the various departments, to say who in each department has +authority to do certain acts, or is responsible for seeing that they are +done properly.</p> + +<p>To get the best account of the executive departments in England as they +existed before the War we must go to America. Professor A.L. Lowell's +book may be taken as the standard work on that subject. The chapters on +the Executive Departments, the Treasury, and the Civil Service give a +clear and interesting account of the administrative arrangements of the +British Government. He shows how new departments have grown up from time +to time to meet some new want as it arose, but their powers are often +ill defined. Various Boards were created, but in some cases it became an +established practice that the Board should not meet, or a Committee of +Council was set up and the work carried on under the supposed direction +of "my Lords." It was a mere fiction. There has been no clear and +consistent scheme for distributing the <!-- Page 103 -->work of Government between the +various departments on any intelligible principles.</p> + +<p>All are spending money, some of them enormous sums. Staffs are growing +inordinately, much of the work is duplicated, much consists in +communications with other departments which would be unnecessary if the +work of each were better defined.</p> + +<p>It should be clear in each department who has authority to decide any +particular question, to incur expenditure, to enter into binding +agreements. The executive government of the country is in a chaotic +state, relieved to some extent by the good sense and good feeling of the +members of the great army of officials who carry it on. No one can deny +that the Civil Service is not only pure, but, taken as a whole, its +members individually are both able and industrious. It is better +organisation that is required. Some of the new Ministries ought to be +scrapped directly the War is over, and the business of others continued +only so far as necessary for winding up. But these new departments will +die hard.</p> + +<p>Since the War new departments have grown up like mushrooms, sometimes +without any clear statement of their functions or powers being made, and +there has not been time to settle them at leisure by a course of +practice. The result is overlapping, friction which would be intolerable +but for the good-natured forbearance which English people have for a +state of confusion, waste of time and money in sending minutes, and in +correspondence between different departments, and often delays which +have had most unfortunate results. Does anyone know exactly what are the +respective functions and powers of the Ministry of Reconstruction, the +Ministry of Labour, the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Pensions, the +Ministry of National Service, the Board of Works, the Ministry of Food +Control, the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, the War Trade +Department, the Home Office, the Local Government Board, the Committee +on Food Production, the Restriction of Enemy Supply Committee, the +Priorities Com<!-- Page 104 -->mittees, the Ministry of Munitions, etc., etc. The list +might easily be extended.</p> + +<p>A thorough revision of the executive departments is necessary if +government is to be both efficient and economical. There is plenty of +good material in the Civil Service, and it will always be easy to obtain +more. It is the system or want of system that is wrong.</p> + +<p>The next question is to provide or restore a more effective general +control over expenditure and impose checks on the growing expenditure +which has been so marked in recent years, even before the War.</p> + +<p>The ordinary machinery for dealing with and controlling expenditure is +or should be fourfold.</p> + +<p>(1) The spending departments make definite estimates or are supposed to +do so. Since the War, this has not been the rule. Of course, there are +many cases in which it would have been absolutely impossible to let the +items of proposed expenditure be published or discussed in the House of +Commons; but, as soon as War requirements permit it, proper estimates +should again be prepared and pressure put upon the departments to reduce +them. At present the pressure is all the other way; the heads of the +departments apparently like to have a large establishment as well as to +extend their jurisdiction. It is not merely to give their department +more importance and a claim therefore to higher salaries; sometimes it +is the natural tendency of the vigorous man to enlarge the scope of his +influence. <i>Boni judicis</i>, says the old maxim, <i>ampliare +jurisdictionem</i>. ("It is characteristic of the good judge to extend his +jurisdiction.") It would be a good thing if instead of estimates being +laid directly before a Committee of the whole House of Commons, where +some small item is often the subject of long and acrimonious debate and +millions are passed without comment or consideration in a few minutes, +the estimates of each department were fully considered as a whole by +some small competent Committee of the House, uninfluenced by party +feeling, and representatives of departments could be asked questions on +their estimates.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 105 -->To compare small things with great, a committee of this kind has been +found of the highest value in institutions where there are various +departments requiring large expenditure. It is usually then felt by each +person who sends in an estimate that it is to the credit of his +department not to make claims for expenditure which cannot be justified. +When the scale and character of the expenditure have been scrutinised +and the estimate has been passed, it is much better to leave a very free +hand as to the exact mode of expenditure. Outside control then becomes +irritating, and is itself a cause of extravagance; it means more +accounts, more correspondence, more consideration of papers.</p> + +<p>(2) The Treasury is supposed to have the function of control, but a +change appears to have taken place, and it has now to a great extent +lost its control, and has even itself become a spending body. Professor +A.L. Lowell, in the work above referred to, after speaking of the +Treasury as the department which exhibits in the highest degree the +merits of the British Government, points out that even ten years ago, +"with the waning desire for economy and the growth of other interests, +the Treasury has to some extent lost its predominant position; although +it will no doubt maintain its control over the details of expenditure, +one cannot feel certain that its head will regain the powerful influence +upon general or financial policy exerted thirty years ago." A very +guarded statement, as was becoming in an author writing in another +country at a time when the tendencies to which he alludes were only +beginning to show themselves. Things have advanced during the last ten +years in the direction Professor Lowell indicated as probable, and it is +high time that this advance should be stopped.</p> + +<p>We might venture to ask, indeed, the following questions: (i) Has not +the Treasury during the last ten years lost a large portion of its +control, and since the War almost its whole control over expenditure on +a large scale? (ii) Is the Treasury not more concerned <!-- Page 106 -->with paltry +details than in imposing any real check on the extravagance of spending +departments? (iii) Has not the policy sometimes been actually to +encourage expenditure, and has not there been one case at least, even of +introducing vexatious taxation where the amount collected is far less +than the cost of collection? (iv) What has the Treasury done to prevent +or control "the orgy of extravagance" since the War began? The +department of State which has to do with revenue, with getting as much +as possible and spending only what is necessary, which has the duty of +"making both ends meet," ought to resume its functions and regain its +influence so that the Government may be conducted "on strict business +principles," to use Professor Lowell's phrase, "as it was throughout a +great part of the nineteenth century."</p> + +<p>(3) The Cabinet should exercise more controlling power, and recognise +its collective responsibility for keeping down expenditure. As Professor +Lowell points out, the position of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in +the Cabinet was one of almost commanding influence. In Mr. Gladstone's +time his powerful personality, regularly exercised in favour of national +economy, did certainly have a great effect in preventing extravagance, +and some other Chancellors of the Exchequer no doubt used an influence +in that direction, but can it be safely asserted that there is in the +Cabinet as a whole sufficient attention given to retrenchment?</p> + +<p>(4) Lastly, the House of Commons is supposed to control expenditure. +That control has generally been used, and quite rightly, as a means of +calling attention to grievances, and as giving an opportunity for +criticism of the executive; but the House of Commons should also put +pressure on the executive to curtail expenditure, not so much by +discussing small details which would be far better dealt with by such a +small Estimates Examination Committee as suggested, but by using its +influence generally against an increase of expenditure unless a clear +case for it is made out. During the War, Parliamentary control, at least +until the <!-- Page 107 -->appointment of the Committee above mentioned, seems almost to +have gone. The House of Commons does not now exercise its influence as +it ought, to check extravagance, and probably the more widely the +electorate is extended, as already said, the less will the House of +Commons care to exercise rigid control in favour of economy. It is +always an easy way of getting popularity to be what is called "generous" +when dealing with other people's money. Everyone who looks after the +public interest by trying to prevent expenditure, whether national or +local, which is not imperatively called for, is styled mean and +narrow-minded, and his task is a thankless one. Everyone who wants money +spent will be able to make out a plausible case, either that the amount +is so small or the object is so important that what he asks must be +granted, and he will have some eager constituents to back him up. The +best chance for economy is to have a body of men whose decisions the +House will respect and not overrule, except for really good cause, who +have both the knowledge and the strength of character to go through the +estimates and call attention to the cases in which substantial +reductions could be effected, or proposals for increased expenditure +refused. It will not be an agreeable task, and now probably less popular +than ever. The masses admire lavish expenditure whether by public bodies +or by the private person who spends his money "like a gentleman," and it +is to be feared there will not be much help from the women electors, as +women, although they may practise economy occasionally themselves, +usually regard it as a most objectionable virtue in a man. How often in +families do we find the mother and sisters will admire the +self-indulgent idle youth who spends money freely even if he borrows +from them, rather than the steady, plodding son who, by rigid economy +and personal self-denial, helps to provide them with the means of +livelihood!</p> + +<p>Turning to the other side of the account, what can be done to increase +the revenue of the State? It has <!-- Page 108 -->been estimated that for the year +1919-20 it will amount to £900,000,000, but of this £300,000,000 is +excess profits duty, which can hardly continue—in its present form at +least—beyond the period during which additional expenditure above the +permanent normal requirements is needed, in order to carry out +demobilisation. Putting the permanent charge to meet interest on debt +and the cost of the public services at £670,000,000, there may be a +deficit even if the present rate of taxation is maintained, and the +normal expenditure remains at its existing level. There will be no +surplus for the reduction of debt, or to meet new demands. Some new +sources of revenue must, if possible, be found, and the old ones require +readjustment.</p> + +<p>Income tax, if levied on the present system, has touched the extreme +limit. A rate of taxation willingly borne to meet the cost of war while +danger threatened will be felt more and more burdensome as time goes on. +To meet a higher income tax there will be pressure to increase salaries +paid by the Government and all public authorities. An official salary +fixed at £5,000 a year when income tax was one shilling and sixpence, +may be thought insufficient when it is nearly ten shillings including +super-tax. Persons have incurred liabilities for rent and other fixed +payments which they are not able to reduce. All along the line there +will be claims for higher payments for services rendered or goods +supplied. On the other hand, industrial undertakings will have to pay +more for the capital they must borrow to carry on and develop their +work, and 6 per cent. instead of 4 per cent. will have to be paid for +debenture capital now raised by the best industrial companies. For those +who have money to lend, the burden of tax may thus be practically met by +an increased income, but for those whose money is locked up in permanent +investments there will be no indirect relief in higher rates of +interest. Income tax, house duty, and rates will absorb so much that the +margin for voluntary expenditure will be small even out of incomes that +are nominally high.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 109 -->The death duties, especially where a deceased person leaves a large +family, already cause much hardship. A general increase in the existing +rates of estate duty cannot be made without discouraging thrift. It is a +hardship if it is made impossible for parents to make reasonable +provision for children some of whom may from various causes be unable to +earn for themselves. On the contrary, where there are no children and no +widow to be provided for, death duties might be much increased without +causing hardship. A very much higher legacy duty might be charged in the +case of large sums passing on death to persons other than the widow, +direct descendants, or other near relatives of a deceased person. On +small legacies the present rates should suffice, but there is no moral +claim for distant relatives to be allowed to take large sums. Would +there be any real hardship in imposing a heavy duty of, say, 25 per +cent. on gifts over, say, £1,000 to collateral relations not dependent +on the testator or to strangers? Or there might be a graded scale +according to the remoteness of the relationship. In case of intestacy it +would be often a real advantage to take the <i>whole property</i> for the +State, if there were no relations within the third or fourth degree, +i.e., uncles and aunts, and nephews and nieces being in the third +degree, first cousins in the fourth. Economists for the last hundred +years—Bentham, Mill, and others—have advocated such a change. Nearly +every judge or officer of the Courts who has to do with the +administration of estates would support a change which would do away +with much wasteful litigation and disappoint no reasonable expectations. +No source of revenue should be neglected if it can truly be said that by +imposing the additional taxation proposed there will be (i) no +dislocation of trade or hampering of industry or commerce; (ii) no +discouragement of thrift; (iii) no real hardship; (iv) no great expense +incurred in collection in proportion to the amount raised. It is only +sheer stupidity that refuses to adopt a means of raising even a small +amount when <!-- Page 110 -->the method proposed for doing so would have positively +beneficial results in other ways.</p> + +<p>The land increment duty should be a warning as regards cost of +collection. That cost relatively to the amount produced has been +enormous. But actual cost of collection as returned, represents only a +small part of the expenditure really caused by the tax. The time taken +up in making returns and filling up forms and obtaining the necessary +advice in doing so is a burden on those who own even the smallest landed +property and causes real hardship and injury. It discourages people from +acquiring small properties.</p> + +<p>The only other source of additional revenue in immediate contemplation +appears to be the luxury tax. If this can be levied so as to fall on +articles which are really luxuries, i.e., things not required for full +and healthy life, the effect of such a tax should be wholly beneficial. +If, notwithstanding the tax, people go on buying such luxuries the State +will gain. If, on the other hand, the effect of the tax is to check +expenditure on luxuries it will be a gain to the country, because its +productive power and its purchasing power will be used to obtain +articles which are really valuable and do promote national welfare. The +idea that those who spend money on luxuries are helping trade, and so +benefiting others, ought to have been exploded long ago. If the industry +which has been devoted to producing articles which are really useless +were diverted to producing things of utility, the aggregate of human +happiness would be greatly increased. A difficulty in applying the tax +is that the price of an article is little criterion as to whether it is +a luxury or not.</p> + +<p>There are two other sources from which additional revenue might be +obtained.</p> + +<p>First, to impose again an export duty on coal. Such a duty would help +rather than hinder British industry. That industry is dependent +absolutely on the supply of coal. British Coal Measures are an asset +which enables the country to keep industries going, but it is a wasting +asset. Deeper and better mining <!-- Page 111 -->may have upset calculations made by +Professor Jevons many years ago when he warned the country of the +disastrous consequences of using up our coal supplies, but sooner or +later the pinch will come. An export duty ought to be imposed on coal +directly the present war restrictions can be removed. Our stores of coal +cannot be indefinitely increased by increased industry. If the duty +operated to reduce export of coal British manufacturers would gain, and +be able to produce commodities at less cost. If the demand from abroad +were so strong that export did not diminish, the country would gain to +the whole extent of the duty paid by foreign purchasers. The ordinary +arguments in favour of free trade do not support objection to such an +export duty as this. There will be ample demand for all the coal that +can be produced. Even if there were not, it would be well not to use it +up so quickly. There are some kinds of coal, of which the amount +available is very limited, yet until the War broke out quantities of +such coal were freely sent to other countries, some of it to those who +are now at war with us, and so used to help our enemies, who got the +precious mineral cheap because we refused to allow the imposition of an +export duty. Probably the duty when it was tried was not imposed in the +best way, being charged at a fixed rate per ton instead of on an <i>ad +valorem</i> scale, but this fault could easily be corrected. Special +exceptions in favour of Colonies or Allies, or for the supply of certain +places, might be made by arrangement in consideration of some equivalent +favour, or to meet some particular need.</p> + +<p>The other suggestion involves more difficulties, and is of a more +far-reaching character. Would it not be possible to replace to some +extent the excess profits duty, which cannot be permanent, by a duty on +"excess dividends," that is, on the amounts paid out of the profits of a +business for the use of capital above a certain percentage? The excess +profits duty, in spite of all its anomalies and the difficulties of +assessment, has saved the financial situation during the War; a <!-- Page 112 -->tax on +excess dividends might "save the situation" afterwards. When a business +is successful, paying, as many businesses have recently done, dividends +of 30 to 50 per cent., and sometimes even more, the return made to those +who have invested money in them is clearly excessive. From such +profitable businesses those who have the responsible management no doubt +may generally get better remuneration, possibly the workmen may get a +small bonus or share in such profits, but those who by a mere stroke of +good luck have embarked their money in these businesses, shareholders +who very likely know nothing whatever about the conduct of them, benefit +enormously. Such a tax would not discourage thrift or prevent a person +from getting a reasonable return on his savings. Take the case, say, of +two professional men. Both, by hard work and using up their lives in the +effort, manage to make a fair income and bring up their families. One of +them, to make provision for the future, invests £2,000 in safe +securities with fixed rate of interest, and £2,000 in some company whose +business is of a more or less speculative character, but by good fortune +becomes able to pay a dividend of 30 per cent. The other invests a like +sum in firm securities, and £2,000 in another company which turns out a +failure. Neither of them has anything to do with the conduct of the +business of the company in which he invests, but one has got a tip from +some friend or other who thinks he knows of a good thing. The work of +the two men is exactly the same; it is a mere fluke that one gets a huge +return and the other puts his money into a company which, without any +fault on his part, brings in nothing.</p> + +<p>The tax suggested would be levied on the excessive profits distributed +in respect of the capital embarked in businesses of every kind. It was +pointed out long ago that a tax thus levied on all alike would be paid +wholly by the capitalist and "would neither affect the prices of the +commodities produced nor the distribution of capital." The duty might be +graded according to <!-- Page 113 -->the percentage to be received on the capital of +each investor. It might be reasonable for the first 10 per cent. to pay +only the ordinary rate of income tax. Money in fixed permanent +securities may now produce 5 per cent. or 6 per cent., and the +additional 4 per cent. free from the excess duty would be a fair return +for risk and an inducement to enterprise. The rate of excess duty might +be increased according to the excess of profits above 10 per cent. until +when the profits reached, say, 30 per cent. the duty on the amount in +excess of 20 per cent. might be very high. The effect of the tax would +not be to reduce the spending power of the community; it would only be +that the State instead of the individual would to the extent of the duty +obtain the power of purchasing what it required, and discharging its +liabilities with the money it took from excessive profits. The amount of +the tax, the method of grading and mode of levying it, would require +careful consideration; but if the difficulties and inequalities +introduced by the War excess profits duty could be met, there seems no +reason why the difficulties of the tax thus proposed should not be also +solved; at all events, an attempt should be made to see how it would +work out.</p> + +<p>Where money is rapidly acquired by some stroke of fortune and is not the +result of steady industry the result is constantly unwise and often +harmful expenditure either by those who have acquired it or their +immediate successors. There is an old Lancashire saying as to fortunes +rapidly made, that there are only three generations from clogs to clogs: +"What is unreasonably gathered is also unreasonably spent by the persons +into whose hands it finally falls." It may be spent "in a stupefying +luxury twice harmful both in being indulged in by the rich and witnessed +by the poor."</p> + +<p>There is a great danger to the State at the present time from large +amounts of money rapidly acquired being accumulated in few hands. There +are many <!-- Page 114 -->signs that we are likely to enter a period which may be +described as the reign of the "nouveaux riches." The great financiers, +the persons with enormous interests in huge combines, will exercise more +and more an undue and dangerous influence on fiscal policy and political +life. The old nobility and the class of country gentlemen will have less +power. Their resources will be seriously crippled, and their families +perhaps extinguished through losses in the War. The middle class, which, +in the last century, exercised the strongest influence on political +life, and from which most of our men of letters and science have sprung, +may now be crushed. On the more highly educated part of the middle +classes whose means are limited the burden of the War has fallen most +heavily. Taxation seems deliberately arranged to place as heavy a burden +as possible on those of the middle classes who have children to bring up +and to educate in the way they think best, and who endeavour to provide +means by which their families can occupy the same position in life which +their parents have done. The rate of income tax paid by a bachelor and a +spinster is increased if they marry, although their necessary expenses +will be enormously increased if they have a family to support. A +bachelor with £500 a year may be living in ease and luxury; if he +marries and has four or five children to educate he may find difficulty +in meeting the needs of his family with £1,500. In the same way the +death duties are absurdly small on the estate of the bachelor who leaves +no family, but are a real hardship on the family of the man who dies +leaving a number of children.</p> + +<p>The tendency is towards a rapid accumulation of huge fortunes. In +considering the incidence of taxation Bacon's advice might well be +remembered: "Above all things, good policy is to be used that the +treasure and moneys in a State be not gathered into few hands, for +otherwise the State may have great stock and yet starve, for money is +like muck, not good except it be spread."</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XV'></a><h2><!-- Page 115 -->CHAPTER XV</h2> + +<h4>NATIONAL EXPENDITURE</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>But where is the money to come from? Yes, that is to be + asked. Let us as quite the first business in this our + national crisis look not only into our affairs but into + our accounts and obtain some notion of how we annually + spend our money, and what we are getting for it. Not the + public revenue only; of that some account is rendered + already. But let us do the best we can to set down the + items of the national private expenditure and know what + we spend altogether and how.</i>—JOHN RUSKIN.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The revenue and expenditure of the State have already been discussed; +over that the State has a direct control. Over the expenditure of the +nation the control of the State is only indirect. Though the two +questions should be kept distinct, one affects the other. Both are +vitally important and now more serious than ever in view of the huge +debt and other conditions which will exist after the War. How are we to +provide and pay for the commodities we need for the support of the +nation? Before the War the balance required to pay for the excess of +imports over exports was apparently provided, first, by interest on +investments in other countries—Englishmen having provided capital all +over the world—and, second, by freights. A large amount of these +foreign investments has been sold. How far shall we still be a creditor +country after the War? As regards freights, British shipping has +suffered very heavy losses. One of the first duties both during and +after the War must be to repair the losses and increase British tonnage +available for trade. To this end no effort should be spared, and the +State should do all that is possible to foster shipbuilding, or even +undertake the work itself, if possible without interfering, as +unfortunately it has already done, with the output of private +shipbuilding yards.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 116 -->As regards national as well as State expenditure, it will be essential, +first, to increase the income, and second, to guard against every form +of waste. To increase the income the only way is to increase production +both from the land and the factory (<i>a</i>) of things needed for use at +home, (<i>b</i>) of things which can be sold abroad, i.e., exported in +exchange for the supplies that must be imported. In both cases it is +necessary to consider not merely the increase in the amount produced or +the volume of trade, but how far are the articles produced for home use +or imported from abroad of real value in promoting the healthy life of +the nation, how far are they things that are really needed. Books on +political economy have sometimes stated that only "value in exchange is +to be considered"; "value in use" is still more important. We want to +ascertain the things that will really do us good, and devote our +energies to the production and importation of such things. The teachings +of the physiologist as to food values, the study of hygiene in its +widest sense, must form part of political economy in the true sense as +well as the laws of supply and demand or the theory of wages or of +foreign exchange or currency.</p> + +<p>Some of the methods for obtaining increased production from industry by +better conditions of labour leading to more effective efforts have been +discussed in another chapter; the question of obtaining increased output +from the land so as to produce a larger amount of food for home +consumption will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter dealing with +reconstruction or reform relating to agriculture. Improved forestry may +be regarded as a branch of the same subject.</p> + +<p>With regard to expenditure, it will be incumbent on all classes to act +rigorously so as to prevent waste, but it is not to be expected that the +national expenditure as a whole can be greatly reduced as compared with +the pre-War standard. The expenditure of certain classes of people +might, of course, be greatly <!-- Page 117 -->reduced without any injury to healthy life +or development or in any way impairing real efficiency or even affecting +their happiness; but as regards the majority this is not so. The +conditions of life of the working classes, especially as regards such +matters as housing, require to be improved. It is a wiser expenditure, +not a reduction in expenditure, that must be the aim for them. The +expenditure on drink is, of course, unnecessarily large, and in many +cases absolutely detrimental, and a reduction in this respect is +required for national well-being. The manner of dealing with the +question must be the subject of separate consideration; but it is a +remarkable fact that, though no evil has been more prominent, though for +more than half a century no subject has provoked more discussion, though +none has been the object of more organised attempts at reform, in none +has so little of value been done by State action or legislation, at +least until the establishment of the Board of Control during the War.</p> + +<p>A second source of saving would be to prevent the waste of food which +goes on in all classes. It is not only that food is actually thrown +away, but that too little attempt is made to choose and to use the +healthiest and most nutritious forms of food, and there is an +indisposition to try any unaccustomed form of food. If one were asked +what would be the most useful practical reform at the present time, +probably the best answer would be, "Promote more general use of oatmeal +porridge." Attention to the best choice and use of food would do much to +make a healthy nation, and at the same time effect a saving in +expenditure. "Grow more oats and eat them" would be a wise precept for +the nation to follow. With that, an effort must be made to secure a +fuller supply of milk at lower prices. This is vital for the welfare of +the coming generation. The cost of transport and of distribution of milk +might be reduced by better organisation.</p> + +<p>Allied to this subject is the enormous waste caused by ignorance of +cookery. A really excellent dinner <!-- Page 118 -->in France or in Switzerland is often +made from materials which would be despised in this country. Anyone who +is in the habit of roaming about the country on foot or on a bicycle +will know that in many parts it is impossible to get a decent meal; the +provision made is frequently nasty without being cheap. In rural +districts in France delicious meals can be obtained at a lower price. +Domestic economy should be taught in every school, and to people of +every rank, but the teaching should be practical. I remember wishing to +see in an excellent school something of the teaching of domestic +economy, and found the girls and boys, instead of learning to cook, were +learning what was called science, writing down in copy-books "the +operative principle of tea is theme." This kind of pseudo-science, +teaching people to write a jargon which conveys no meaning to their +minds, is one of the things which is called education, but is really +mental demoralisation. The process may be continued, perhaps, in classes +on "practical citizenship" for adolescents, who will be taught to say +"the operative principle for the amelioration of states is +democratisation." Great improvements in the teaching of domestic economy +have been made during the last few years in many places, but there is no +doubt that an enormous amount of waste is due to ignorance and neglect +in the choice and preparation of food.</p> + +<p>Again, every possible effort should be made to encourage habits of +thrift, and to provide satisfactory modes of investment for small +savings. As regards this question, War conditions have positively had a +beneficial effect. The need for all classes to contribute to War Loans +has been recognised; facilities to enable the small investor to +contribute have been carefully arranged, and the War Savings Committees +have done admirable work in bringing the question home to the people. +The result has been on the whole most satisfactory. Not only has a very +substantial sum been provided towards meeting the cost of the War, but +habits of thrift have been fostered, and the <!-- Page 119 -->sense of having a stake in +the country, a direct financial interest in the national funds, makes +for order and will form an element of stability in national life which +will be invaluable.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the "ingrained prejudice against thrift" among the +majority of all classes, which is a marked characteristic of the English +nation as compared, for example, with the French, the number of holders +of national securities has increased enormously. Before the outbreak of +the War it appears that only 345,100 persons held securities of the +British Government. It was estimated that at the end of the year 1917 +Government securities had been distributed among no fewer than 16 +million persons, including 10 million holdings of War Savings +Certificates.<a name='FNanchor_8_8'></a><a href='#Footnote_8_8'><sup>[8]</sup></a> It was further estimated that "during 1917 over 51 +millions were contributed to the Post Office issues of War securities, +which, together with the net value of nearly 64 millions from War +Savings Certificates and an increase of deposits over withdrawals in the +Post Office Savings Bank of no less than £5,683,000, provides in all a +sum of £120,723,000 odd, the total contributions of small investors +during the year." Since the beginning of the War the contributions of +small investors already amount in all to a grand total of about +£253,000,000.</p> + +<p>Care in expenditure and a habit of saving will, in view of the financial +position after the War, be alike necessary; the nation cannot afford +waste in any form; after the War, as well as during the War, the +national welfare demands that any balance beyond what is required for +healthy life should be saved and made available to meet the national +needs, including not only the fulfilment of the national obligations, +which is an imperative condition for the maintenance of credit and +prosperity, but also the provision of the means for future betterment, +material or moral. We do not wish to reduce useful expenditure, but to +get money for what we need by increasing production and <!-- Page 120 -->by more careful +spending. It will be a time for all classes to refrain from expenditure +on luxuries or ostentation, or in fulfilling those imagined claims which +convention imposes. In different ways almost all classes are fettered by +these conventional obligations. How much of the expenditure of a person +with fairly good income is devoted to things which give him no +additional pleasure and confer no real benefit on himself or others! +Both rich and poor waste great quantities of food, sometimes because +they are afraid of being thought mean if they did not do so. There is a +strange power exercised over our acts and our liberty is curtailed by +the opinions of our neighbours or members of the same class. Much might +be accomplished if we could enlist these conventions on the side of +economy. Why, for example, should it not be considered "worse form" to +take on the plate good food that is not wanted and leave it, than to eat +peas with a knife? How greatly did an alliance with Mrs. Grundy support +morality in mid-Victorian days! If we could turn social observances from +encouraging extravagance to promoting economy, it would go far towards +eliminating national waste.</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_8_8'></a><a href='#FNanchor_8_8'>[8]</a><div class='note'><p> See <i>Economist</i>, July 13, 1918.</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='Part_IV'></a><h2><!-- Page 121 -->Part IV</h2> + +<h4>REFORM</h4> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XVI'></a><h2><!-- Page 122 -->CHAPTER XVI</h2> + +<h4>THE FIELD</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Above all things, order and distribution and singling + out of parts is the life of despatch.</i>—FRANCIS BACON.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>It has been usual to associate the term "reform" mainly with +constitutional changes, and especially with the extension of the +franchise. Fortunately, the present Parliament has dealt with that +question in a manner which makes great further changes unnecessary, and +will leave the new Parliament free to deal with others. Instead of +taking up time with the discussion of alterations in the franchise and +arrangements for elections, the legislative machinery should be ready +for use. But it is not merely to legislation that we have to look. More +and more will depend on the action of executive departments of +Government. Their field of activity has been extended during the War, +and new departments have been established. Some of the new activities +should be continued after the War, others should be stopped as soon as +possible. It will be necessary to discriminate carefully. The powers of +local authorities may be increased, and those authorities may be urged +to more energetic use of them. There will probably be strong demands for +interference by the State and local authorities, and the advantage of +the free action of private individuals is likely to be overlooked, +although where it is possible for a reform to be carried out by private +effort better results are usually obtained, and at less cost than by +action of the State. We are suffering and shall probably continue to +suffer from too much regulation. One of the first reforms will be to +<!-- Page 123 -->get rid of restrictions which the War has for a time rendered +necessary, to restore liberty of action, and to stop the expenditure +occasioned by State interference wherever such interference is no longer +needed.</p> + +<p>Using the term "reform" to include all improvements which can be made +either by restoring former conditions or by introducing beneficial +changes, it will be necessary to look into each question separately and +see in what cases and to what extent action by the State is required to +accomplish the end desired. The most convenient course will be to draw +up a list of subjects which ought to be dealt with, and then see how far +(i) legislation, and (ii) executive action by some department are called +for in each case, and how far private action will be effective.</p> + +<p>The following appear to be the most important and most urgent matters +which require to be considered either during the War or immediately +after peace is declared. All of them will involve some action on the +part of the State, although in many cases that action will be to enable +voluntary associations or private individuals to take up the work and to +aid them in doing so.</p> + +<p>The list, though by no means complete, looks formidable:—</p> + +<p>1. Restore constitutional law and liberty.</p> + +<p>2. Remove the fetters on trade, commerce and industry.</p> + +<p>3. Demobilise the army and decide what naval and military forces will +still have to be maintained, and what provision ought to be made in +regard to military training in the future.</p> + +<p>4. Reform the War Office.<a name='FNanchor_9_9'></a><a href='#Footnote_9_9'><sup>[9]</sup></a> Reconsider the con<!-- Page 124 -->stitution and procedure +of courts martial, and provide for really judicial inquiry into +grievances. Revive and use the Territorial system.</p> + +<p>5. Complete the arrangements for adequate pensions and develop means for +giving such technical training and providing such openings for work as +will enable partially disabled men to earn comfortable subsistence in +addition.</p> + +<p>6. Provide permanent homes and sanatoria for those who are more +seriously injured, and find suitable light employment for those who can +undertake it.</p> + +<p>7. Arrange the best places and provide proper training for discharged +soldiers and sailors (and others) who may be willing to settle on the +land.</p> + +<p>8. Consider how to restore the discharged men to their former places or +accustomed work, and how to meet the needs of the temporary workers who +will be displaced.</p> + +<p>9. Curtail the vast expenditure on the departments organised for War +work, reducing the staffs and finding other work for those who must be +discharged. Dispense altogether with some of the new Ministries. The +question of employment for women after the War will be most urgent.</p> + +<p>10. Organise and correlate the various departments so as to secure more +efficiency, and so assign and arrange the work of each as to avoid +circumlocution, friction and waste.</p> + +<p>11. Reconstitute the Cabinet on clearer lines, and let competence for +the work of each department, instead of recognition of party services, +be the guide in appointing the Minister responsible for each.</p> + +<p>12. Reform the procedure of the House of Commons to check verbosity and +facilitate business.<a name='FNanchor_10_10'></a><a href='#Footnote_10_10'><sup>[10]</sup></a> Delegate certain powers and duties.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 125 -->13. Find means for raising additional revenue and making the incidence +of taxation fairer. In particular, revise the provisions as to income +tax and death duties, so as to increase revenue without adding to the +hardships and burdens due to the present conditions. Some definite steps +with that object are quite practicable.</p> + +<p>14. Examine what industries, if any, are to be specially fostered as +"key industries," and whether this can be done without injury to other +industries or adding to the heavy cost borne by the consumer.</p> + +<p>15. Arrange plans for enabling labour to co-operate fully in settling +the conditions under which industry is to be carried on, and make +provision for preventing disputes, increasing production, allocating +profits fairly, and for reducing hours of work without diminishing +output.</p> + +<p>16. Provide more and better housing, not only to secure the bare +accommodation necessary for health and decency, but also to make +attractive homes.</p> + +<p>17. Increase the productivity of the land and promote agriculture, not +only for financial reasons, but to maintain and induce the growth of a +larger rural population. Stimulate education and research bearing on +agriculture.</p> + +<p>18. Develop industrial villages, and also land settlements and +co-operative farming. Multiply allotments, both urban and rural, so far +as economic conditions permit and there is a supply of people desirous +and capable of working them.</p> + +<p>19. Introduce methods enabling persons without ready capital to acquire +their cottages or small holdings by paying instalments on reasonable +terms. Why not an Ashbourne Act for England?</p> + +<p>20. Control the liquor traffic, not with a view to injure the publican, +but to promote temperance, re<!-- Page 126 -->membering that the business of the +licensed victualler should be to provide wholesome food as well as +drink, not to act merely as manager of a licensed house for extending +the trade, and enhancing the profits of a brewery or distillery.</p> + +<p>21. Simplify the Land Laws and make transfer easier and less costly.</p> + +<p>22. Amend the law relating to marriage, and also on some points +affecting personal status and devolution of property on death.</p> + +<p>23. Consolidate the Statute Law and amend and codify the Criminal Law. +Carry out the amendment of the Patent Law.</p> + +<p>24. Aid the development of Education without destroying the liberty of +teacher or scholar or the variety of methods by too much control, rigid +system, or over-elaborate organisation.</p> + +<p>25. Combat disease, encourage research in preventive medicine, and +extend the application of its results. In particular carry on the +campaign against infectious and contagious diseases, and especially +against venereal disease.</p> + +<p>26. Make better provision for playing-fields and open spaces, preserve +places of historic interest and natural beauty, and make them accessible +for the enjoyment of those who really care for them.</p> + +<p>27. Develop fisheries.</p> + +<p>28. Undertake afforestation systematically.</p> + +<p>29. Improve and cheapen internal transport, especially by reviving +waterways.</p> + +<p>A fairly long programme, but it might be added to. Some of it is +essential, all of it useful; some of it wants carefully guarding; none +of it is beyond the sphere of practical politics. We cannot afford to +neglect any of the items. All the activities of the Government, of the +Legislature, and of private effort will be needed. It is worth notice +that there is not a single question in the whole list that need divide +Parliament or the country on party lines.</p> + +<p>This list deals only with strictly home matters. <!-- Page 127 -->Concurrently it will +be necessary to deal with international questions, such as the formation +of the League for securing peace, the constitution and regulation of +tribunals for settling disputes, the resuscitation of International Law +and reconsideration of its rules. An attempt should be made towards +assimilating, by arrangement, the laws of the mother country and the +colonies and also of different nations, affecting commerce, and also as +regards personal status—nationality, naturalisation, and the validity +of marriages.</p> + +<p>The whole subject of co-operation between different parts of the Empire +in determining its policy and dealing with matters affecting the whole +demands earnest and immediate attention. The totally different question +of the devolution of powers to any parts of the United Kingdom has yet +to be settled. The claims of national sentiment have to be recognised +while the welfare and safety of the whole are secured. What are the +units to be on which powers can be conferred, and what should be their +extent? Who exactly are those whose national claims are being asserted, +and how far are they at unity among themselves? All these questions must +be treated as matters for constructive statesmanship, not as pawns in +party contests. They must be dealt with as practical problems having +regard to the special circumstances of each case, not as opportunities +for embodying some general political theory. There is a commendable +opportunism which knows how to take "occasion by the hand," to do the +wisest thing under the conditions subsisting at the time, as well as a +blameworthy one, which looks out how to use them for personal advantage. +There will be need, too, for the "trimmer on principle"—the man who, +when the boat is going over on one side, deliberately and quickly +transfers his weight to the other, or the steers-man who tacks when the +wind is contrary in order to bring his ship to the port where his +passengers desire to land. Such a man, as was said of Lord Halifax in +the time of Charles II, "must not be confounded with the vulgar crowd of +renegades, for though like <!-- Page 128 -->them he passed from side to side, his +transition was always in the <i>direction opposite to theirs</i>. The party +to which he belonged was the party which at that moment he liked least, +because it was the party of which he had the nearest view. He was, +therefore, always severe upon his violent associates, and was always in +friendly relation with his moderate opponents."</p> + +<p>It is obviously impossible to discuss all these questions in a volume, +still less to propound in detail the steps to be taken in dealing with +them. Most of the more pressing ones will be touched upon and some +suggestions made with regard to them; a few worked out rather more fully +as examples. In some cases the remedies are obvious, and could be +applied without difficulty, in others they require great special +knowledge and careful thought, and their application will involve +serious risks unless very great care and skill are used. To appear +dogmatic in speaking of these subjects is inevitable if one would be +definite; mistakes may be made, but "truth emerges from error more +readily than from confusion."</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_9_9'></a><a href='#FNanchor_9_9'>[9]</a><div class='note'><p> The last report of the Select Committee on Expenditure +shows some of the grounds why this is urgent, and that very strong +resolution will be needed to effect reform. The Prime Minister's +determined action in insisting on unity of command for the Allied forces +has already saved the country from enormous losses and done more than +any other action of the Government to bring victory nearer. Any layman +of average intelligence could see that the step was necessary; where did +the opposition come from? There are politicians who would use their +country's troubles to secure a party triumph.</p></div> + +<a name='Footnote_10_10'></a><a href='#FNanchor_10_10'>[10]</a><div class='note'><p> The abuse of the power of asking questions in Parliament +has become a scandal. There are a few persistent persons whose desire to +embarrass a Government they dislike, in carrying on the War, makes them +indifferent to the injury they may do to the national cause. Some check +is necessary. The right to question Ministers is one of the most +important safeguards against improper action by the executive, but the +House of Commons is discredited by the manner in which that right has +often been exercised of late. A report of proceedings in question-time +constantly brings to mind a scene in "Alice in Wonderland," and the +retort made to the arch-interrogator, "Why do you waste time asking +questions to which there is no answer?"</p></div> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XVII'></a><h2><!-- Page 129 -->CHAPTER XVII</h2> + +<h4>RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>What is long suspended is in danger of being totally + abrogated.</i>—EDMUND BURKE.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>It is hardly too much to say that English Constitutional Law has been +scrapped since the War. Immediately after the establishment of Peace the +first duty will be to restore the old Constitutional Law which has been +suspended to meet the new conditions due to the War, and to revive again +the old safeguards for the liberty and rights of the subject against +arbitrary action by the executive. The nation has rightly acquiesced in +the exercise of powers by the executive during the War in a manner which +nothing but the necessity of the time could justify. Powers to take a +person's property at the will of some executive department without any +definite principle or procedure even for assessing compensation ought at +once to cease when there is no longer immediate urgency for using such +powers to secure the safety of the country. Powers to deprive persons of +their liberty on vague charges, or to try anyone except by ordinary +course of law in the regular Courts, should be discontinued. The Reign +of Law must be re-established to control the executive Government as +well as the private citizen. Nothing is more infectious than a habit of +substituting arbitrary will for law. Tyranny breeds anarchy, and anarchy +tyranny in regular succession, and "the authority of one man over +another not regulated by fixed law or justified by absolute necessity is +tyranny." With the advent of Peace "<i>Dora</i> must disappear."</p> + +<p><!-- Page 130 -->Even before the War there had been a tendency, on the one hand, to +substitute administrative action for regular judicial procedure, and, on +the other, to allow certain associations to act without regard to law, +to injure individuals and infringe their rights without remedy. That +tendency must be checked or liberty will be destroyed. Law and liberty +as well as law and order are correlative terms. A real control over +expenditure must be re-established and made more effective than it was +even before the necessities of war in our unprepared condition made the +present hand-to-mouth procedure to some extent excusable. The +happy-go-lucky way in which new Ministries and new departments with +vague and ill-defined but enormous powers have been created must come to +an end. We should have some definite and recognised method of +authorising changes in the system of Government. To set aside the +Cabinet which, although it had no legal position, had powers sanctioned +and established by long constitutional custom, and to concentrate +authority in a small body selected and increased or diminished from time +to time at the will of a Prime Minister, was probably necessary for +successful prosecution of the War, but nothing else could justify some +of the irregularities that have been committed.</p> + +<p>Doctrines have been put forward sometimes in the Courts during the War +by counsel representing the Crown—i.e., in effect some Ministry—which +would have seemed questionable even in the days of the Stuarts. The +whole of the special War Legislation, both Statutes and Orders of all +kinds, will require to be revised and, unless there is strong reason to +the contrary in any special cases, repealed. The burden of proof should +be on those who think any of this exceptional legislation should be +retained. Of course, care must be taken, especially in matters affecting +commerce and industry, to give due notice of alterations and to change +gradually so as not to prejudice arrangements already made and contracts +in course of fulfilment.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 131 -->Special attention will have to be given to the early removal of those +restraints on trade—prohibition of exports and imports—which have been +frequently necessary, either to retain in the country what is wanted to +satisfy home requirements or to prevent goods from finding their way to +the enemy, or to ensure that the limited tonnage available is used to +bring the commodities which are vital to meet the pressing needs either +of the forces engaged in War or of the civilian population. These +restraints, however, are not only most harassing to merchants and +involve much additional labour when labour is scarce, but if continued +would prevent this country from carrying on the valuable entrepôt trade +for which its geographical position, its financial resources, and its +command of shipping specially fit it. That trade at least depends on the +maintenance of a policy of the open door both for coming in and going +out. England is a good distributing centre—unless by artificial +restrictions we destroy our opportunities. Merchants and manufacturers +have been very patient as a rule under the fetters it has been thought +necessary to impose to meet War conditions; these fetters should be +removed as soon as possible. Unless this is done they will be fatally +handicapped when Hamburg and Bremen again come into competition with +them as distributing centres for the countries now neutral, and even for +those which have been in alliance with us.</p> + +<p>There is sure to be a cry to protect certain industries; in some cases +it may be necessary to do so for a time at least, but every such claim +should be most jealously scrutinised. The interests of any powerful +section of the community always find influential advocates. They can +exercise strong pressure on any Government or on Members of Parliament. +The general interests of the people who have no trade organisation to +support them will be likely to be overlooked. The restoration of freedom +is the first reform that should attend the restoration of Peace.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XVIII'></a><h2><!-- Page 132 -->CHAPTER XVIII</h2> + +<h4>RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Neither one person nor any number of persons is + warranted in saying to another human being of ripe years + that he shall not do with his life for his own benefit + what he chooses to do with it.</i>—JOHN STUART MILL.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The next task will be the restoration of industry to its ordinary +channels, and the return of the men who have been in the army to +civilian occupations. Mr. Bonar Law has said that nothing has ever +happened more wonderful than the way in which the British Empire has +changed its Peace organisation into a War organisation. To reverse the +process and change the War organisation into a Peace organisation may be +still more difficult. In creating the War organisation enormous sums of +money have been expended, the wheels have been lavishly greased to +enable the new machinery to work. That process cannot continue, as with +the reorganisation after Peace there must also be retrenchment. In the +War Cabinet's Report for 1917 it is said that "1917 may be described as +the year in which State control was extended until it covered not only +national activities directly affecting the military effort but every +section of industry, production, transport, and manufacture." To get rid +of some of that control as regards industry as well as commerce, must be +one of the first steps in reconstruction. State interference not only +involves the expense of an enormous army of officials, inspectors, +clerks, accountants, and others, but also causes friction, while the +regulations which it has been found necessary to impose have been one of +the causes of labour unrest. Any State regulations of labour are rightly +watched with the greatest jealousy. Pledges have been given <!-- Page 133 -->that +certain pre-War conditions as regards labour shall be re-established as +soon as possible.</p> + +<p>During the War the exceptional conditions demanded exceptional measures. +To prevent competition for labour in order to fulfil the enormously +profitable contracts when the demand for munitions was so imperative, +special legislation was found absolutely necessary before the end of the +first year of the War. Employers had to be prohibited from engaging +workmen who had been on munitions work within six weeks before taking up +new employment, unless they had a certificate that the workmen had left +with the former employer's consent, or a tribunal held that consent had +been unreasonably withheld. Many persons who were in a position to form +a sound opinion consider that this provision "saved the situation." At +all events, it prevented the workmen, under the influence of the +inducements offered by competing employers, from running from place to +place to find where the highest wage could be obtained, and dislocating +the work in which they had been engaged.</p> + +<p>The provision for manufacture of munitions had to be made very +hurriedly, as it took the Government and the heads of the army a long +time to realise the fact that in a war against the organised forces of +Germany greater quantities of munitions of all sorts, some of an +entirely new kind, would be required by the army and navy. Our infantry +were exposed to the bombardment of the enemy while the British artillery +was unable to reply. Nothing is more wonderful and more creditable to +the Minister who first took charge of the matter, to the heads of +producing firms, and also to the workmen and the leaders of their Trade +unions all over the country, than the way in which new factories were +built, old factories enlarged, and output increased to the utmost. In +the course of a few months rough vacant spaces all over the country were +covered with admirably planned and well organised works. In a short time +employers generally learned to understand and to observe the +restrictions imposed, <!-- Page 134 -->which were for the common good, though often +irritating to individuals.</p> + +<p>There was, however, some dissatisfaction among many of the workmen, and +after two years the provisions as to certificates were repealed, and the +Ministry of Munitions obtained wide powers for giving directions as to +remuneration, and also to prevent munition workers from being taken for +other work. The Ministry also exercised powers for regulating what +workmen of different classes should be allowed to go to various +establishments. Such regulation was and is necessary, but it will be a +relief to British industry when this State control and the restrictions +and regulations it involves can be done away with. The process of +reversion to normal conditions as regards industry will take time, +especially in adapting establishments where the products of the munition +works are articles which are not required in time of peace. Fortunately, +there will be a great demand for labour after the War to resume work +that has been postponed, as well as for new undertakings, especially for +housing and for repairs and renewals in railways, roads, and buildings. +Work that has been put on one side to allow undivided attention to be +given to munitions will require the services of a great number of +persons and help to prevent unemployment which might otherwise arise +when the new army is disbanded.</p> + +<p>Of the questions affecting employment after the War, the position of +discharged soldiers and sailors naturally comes first. They may be +divided into two classes, namely, those who are in any way disabled, and +who are discharged during the War suffering from some kind of injury to +limb or to health, and, secondly, those who will be discharged when the +army is demobilised. For the first class, the honour of the nation +demands that proper and liberal provision should be made by pensions, +having regard to the nature and extent of the injury received. For the +totally disabled there must be an adequate subsistence; for the +partially disabled the object will be, in addition to the pension, <!-- Page 135 -->to +find suitable employment and to train those who wish to take up some new +employment suited to the varied requirements of men who have been +disabled in different ways, and also in which higher remuneration may be +obtained by reason of a skill thus acquired, and the greater demand for +work of the class. It has been estimated that, apart from the provision +for officers, forty millions a year will be required for pensions for +soldiers and sailors. It is an expenditure which the country would least +think of grudging. The Ministry of Pensions, in co-operation with other +Departments concerned, has already taken in hand the question of dealing +with the disabled, not only as regards the regulation and payment of +pensions, but also as to qualifying those who are partially disabled to +take up suitable employment. The work thus begun will have to go on for +a considerable period after the close of the War. So far as inquiries +have at present been made, a large percentage of the partially disabled +men will be able to go back to the employment in which they were engaged +before the War; others will be able to find similar employment without +special training; many will be engaged in various simple light +occupations.</p> + +<p>In selecting men for positions as caretakers, office porters, and others +of a similar kind, good feeling will naturally cause preference to be +given to the men who have met with injury while fighting for their +country. There will be a large number, however, who may wish to take up +employment of a different description from that in which they were +engaged before the War, and they will be glad of the opportunity of +preparing themselves for it. For these men the Ministry, acting in +co-operation with local authorities, and especially with local education +committees, is arranging courses of technical training. During the +period of training a payment, usually about twenty-seven shillings per +week, is made to the men. The character of the training to be given and +the provision to be made for it have been settled with advisory +com<!-- Page 136 -->mittees of persons engaged in and well acquainted with the +requirements of the trade. This kind of co-operation and the practice of +taking the advice of members of the trade from the very beginning, have +been invaluable both in preventing mistakes and in creating goodwill +towards the schemes which have been set on foot. The training, of +course, differs according to the needs of different localities, but +already suitable courses have been provided in different places, in +boot-making, tailoring, furniture-repairing, basket-making, building, +printing, aircraft-manufacturing, dental mechanics, and many other +trades. Men who otherwise might have been condemned to useless lives +with a bare subsistence will, through the measures thus taken, be able +to earn a comfortable wage in some employment where their disablement +does not seriously interfere with their work. What has been done in this +matter should be as widely known as possible, and facilities for +training should be extended to give preparation for other suitable +trades.</p> + +<p>Most of all, it is desirable that as many men as possible should be +trained for agricultural and horticultural work, and should have the +opportunity of healthy outdoor employment. To do such work efficiently, +training for those who have not been brought up to it is, of course, +necessary. This training may be given on farms acquired for the purpose +either by some public authority or by individuals or by philanthropic +associations. Work of the kind has been already started, and should be +extended as fast as any demand for such training is found to exist. +There is, unfortunately, reason to believe that the number of discharged +men able to take up work on the land and desirous of doing so will not +be very large.</p> + +<p>In connection with the permanent employment of these disabled men, +schemes have been set on foot which hold out the most attractive +prospects as affording healthier conditions, brighter and pleasanter +homes, and as enabling useful production to go on with efficiency under +conditions in which the life of the worker may <!-- Page 137 -->be passed in +surroundings which will give some satisfaction to the aesthetic sense. +These schemes include the formation of (i) industrial villages in the +neighbourhood of towns, of which the one at Lancaster, referred to in +the next chapter (p. 145), may be taken as a type, and (ii) new villages +established, or old villages extended in places which are easily +accessible, and not too remote from facilities for the education of +children and from the attractions of a town. In these villages organised +cultivation will be carried on.</p> + +<p>Co-operative farming is already being tried. A very interesting and +hopeful experiment in working a farm on co-operative lines under the +management of a skilled director has been made near Maidstone, where a +farm has been acquired by private effort. It has received a name of good +omen—the Vanguard Farm.</p> + +<p>Another proposal which may lead to very valuable results is the +establishment of nurseries for forest trees on land reclaimed from the +sea, or in other places where the soil is light and can be acquired at +moderate cost. These and similar schemes, though intended in the first +instance specially for partially disabled men, should be permanent. When +fairly started they are expected to be self-supporting.</p> + +<p>It is obviously impossible to treat of all the questions in the long +list given above, and also impossible to deal with any of them +completely. All that can be done is to give a general idea of the kind +of thing that is wanted; then to select a few subjects as furnishing +rather fuller indications of possible lines of action; and then—just as +examples—work out one or two in more detail.</p> + +<p>Two subjects, namely, Housing and Agricultural Development, must be +selected, because their vital importance demands attention from all who +care about the welfare of the nation. Another subject, namely, Law +Reform, is selected because it is comparatively easy to say what ought +to be done and to frame Acts embodying the required reforms.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XIX'></a><h2><!-- Page 138 -->CHAPTER XIX</h2> + +<h4>HOUSING</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Owing to house shortage in Sheffield, two wooden + pigsties are being inhabited, one by a man and his wife + and two children, and the other by a man and his wife. + Both men are discharged soldiers.</i>—DAILY PAPER.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>There will be no rest, and should be none, until every industrious man +or woman who wishes to have a real home can have one, where everyone who +has children can bring them up under conditions where decency can be +maintained and healthy life be possible. It is a question of urgency in +rural as well as in urban districts, in the most remote places equally +with the great cities. In this matter it is no case of having to create +or stimulate a desire for improvement. The demand has existed for years, +but after the War will be more imperative than ever. Somehow or other it +must be supplied more fully. Attempts have been made again and again to +deal with the question. Its importance is recognised and special +inquiries are now being made as to the best means to be adopted. It is +stated that at the present time half a million additional houses for +working people are required, and that 100,000 more should be provided +annually to meet the normal increase of population and to replace houses +which have to be demolished.</p> + +<p>It will be necessary to consider, first, the provision to be made to +meet the existing shortage of house accommodation both in urban and +rural districts. At present a large portion of the population cannot +find a home or even any kind of accommodation that affords reasonable +comfort and decency. Since the War, in some places, such as Barrow, the +conditions have been absolutely intolerable, and when those who <!-- Page 139 -->are +engaged in the army abroad return, the state of things in some districts +may be worse. The President of the Local Government Board recently +stated that 1,103 local authorities in England and Wales had reported +that houses for the working classes were required in their areas, and +that the number of houses they needed probably exceeded 300,000. As +above stated, the total requirement is much greater. The deficiency of +accommodation has been one of the prime causes of labour unrest; the +prices charged for any kind of shelter have been enormous; in some cases +the same bed is occupied by one set of people immediately the prior +occupants have gone to work, and "the bed is never even cold." The +overcrowding of agricultural labourers and their families in miserable +cottages, often out of repair and letting in the rain, has long been a +scandal. Something has been done by benevolent landowners, who build +cottages which they let on terms which bring little return for the money +spent on them; but it is quite impossible to rely either on the working +of the law of supply and demand or on private benevolence for meeting +the difficulty. Strong and immediate action by the State is needed. +Adequate powers should be given to local authorities, and pressure put +upon them, if needed, to ensure that such powers are exercised. Such +action is already being taken, and compulsory powers to acquire land +will be given. In assessing compensation, the great urban landowner who +has done nothing to contribute to the growth of the town or to promote +its industries, ought not to receive the full value of the land, as +enhanced by the necessary expansion of the town and thereby converted +into building land, with an added amount for compulsory purchase. The +manner in which the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act has been worked has +added enormously to the burden of most great public undertakings. The +compensation awarded has often been outrageous, and the expense incurred +in assessing it one of the grossest scandals. It would be easy to give +numerous instances from actual experience.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 140 -->But there is not only need for more accommodation, but also for more +attractive accommodation. There is no reason why the home of a human +family should as a rule be, as it is in most of the towns in England at +present, a hideous object. What has been done at Port Sunlight, at +Bournville and other places shows that, by proper forethought and wise +expenditure, small houses which it is a pleasure instead of a pain to +look upon, can be provided. Another good example of what can be done may +be seen in the change effected in the residences for the poorer classes +made on the property of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners at Walworth in +South London. What is now a pleasant exception ought to be a regular +rule. Means ought also to be taken to ensure that urban workers should +have the opportunity of obtaining an allotment, if not adjoining, at +least within reasonable distance of their homes, where they may grow +fruit and vegetables and enjoy what is, after all, one of the greatest +of the quiet pleasures of life, watching the growth of the plants which +they have cultivated, and enjoying the products.</p> + +<p>Round some towns, the estates of great landowners form a ring fence +barring any growth of the town until, when trade is good and the town is +expanding, extravagant prices can be obtained for the land of which they +have the monopoly. High ground rents are fixed when trade is inflated, +jerry-builders then start erecting houses, borrowing sometimes from +building societies the whole amount required to enable them to build, +and the houses are either sold or let at very high rents. The cottages +are put up in the cheapest possible way consistent with the by-laws of +the local authorities. When a cycle of bad trade occurs the property +falls in value, it goes out of repair, tenants have no interest whatever +in keeping it decent, it falls into a disgusting condition, mortgagees +foreclose. In many cases the building societies that have lent money on +the property to its full value, by arrangement between the secretary of +the society and the speculative builder, have gone into liquidation, and +the industrious <!-- Page 141 -->people who have placed their money in the societies +have lost their investments. And last, there have even been disputes +between the owner of the ground rent who wishes to re-enter and the +local authority as to the payment of charges for making streets in the +district which has fallen into decay. This is no fancy picture. Those +who have had legal practice over a period of years in some of our large +towns will confirm it from their own experience.</p> + +<p>There is no valid reason why, when land is converted from agricultural +land into building land in the neighbourhood of a large town without any +effort on the part of the landowner, a definite portion of such land +should not be set aside for allotments or open spaces without payment, +on the same grounds that a person who is erecting buildings on the land +is obliged to comply with building regulations to secure proper +sanitation, although it might be more profitable to build without any +regard whatever for the health of the prospective tenants. Of course, it +may not always be possible to set aside a portion of any given piece of +land which is sold for building, but in that case the landowner should +contribute an equivalent value out of the proceeds of the land which he +sells towards providing the allotments or open spaces required elsewhere +in the neighbourhood. Such a provision would not be really burdensome, +as no contribution either in land or money would be made except at the +time when a largely increased revenue was to be derived from the land. +It is not to be forgotten that the large urban landlord usually pays no +rates towards meeting the requirements of the town, and receives the +full amount of the rent fixed practically for all time at a period of +inflation, although the rates may have enormously increased to meet the +cost of the things which the municipality has to provide for the needs +of a large and industrious but often very poor population.</p> + +<p>An example has been given of what private enterprise may do in providing +not merely accommodation for working people, but accommodation with +really <!-- Page 142 -->attractive surroundings, in the action taken by the family of +the late Sir Thomas Storey, at Lancaster. They, under the advice of one +of the highest authorities on town planning, Mr. T.H. Mawson, have given +an estate adjoining the town, which will be laid out in an attractive +manner, with avenues arranged to afford pleasing prospects. The primary +object at present is to provide homes in the neighbourhood of a factory +to be erected where disabled soldiers may engage in some kind of +suitable manufacturing work, but the scheme is intended to be permanent. +The houses will be near the factory; there will be playgrounds, +drying-grounds, probably garden allotments, a hostel for single men, a +reading-room, and some place of amusement. The development of industrial +villages by private enterprise, encouraged in every possible way, is one +of the most hopeful things to look forward to in the rebuilding of +Britain. There can be no greater pleasure for anyone who has any vision +of what the future of housing accommodation for the working classes may +be than to read Mr. Mawson's charming volume on "Industrial Villages for +Partially Disabled Soldiers and Sailors as an Imperial Obligation."</p> + +<p>Another useful means of improving the conditions of housing for working +people has been adopted in many places by carrying on the movement +initiated by Octavia Hill. Property has been acquired and placed under +the management of some voluntary association, usually of ladies, who +will collect rents of reasonable amount and see that the property and +its surroundings are kept in proper condition. Various associations of +the kind have been established; the Manchester Housing Company, Limited, +may be taken as an example of such arrangements for managing urban +cottage property. In the last report it is stated that the Company has +owned or managed 114 houses, and the directors are assured that the +sanitary conditions under which the tenants are housed have steadily +conduced to the lowering of the death-rate. The personal interest taken +in the tenants as well as <!-- Page 143 -->in the houses by the managers has had a +marked influence for good. The scheme is self-supporting, and in 1917 a +dividend of 4-1/2 per cent, was paid.</p> + +<p>Lastly, there should be some method, provided by public authority, +through which workers or other persons of small means can become owners +of their houses. Building societies came into existence with this +object, and were put under statutory regulation by the Legislature in +1836, and subsequently by an Act of 1874. In many cases facilities given +by building societies have been very useful in accomplishing the +original objects of such societies; in other cases, for reasons above +indicated, they have been a failure. By using the credit of the +Government money to enable properties to be acquired can be obtained, or +could have been obtained, at a lower rate. Instalments covering interest +at that rate and providing a sinking fund towards the repayment of the +principal would be of substantially less amount than the subscriptions +to the building societies, and would not exceed the rents tenants have +been accustomed to pay without any prospective advantage. Schemes to +practise thrift and to induce people to take a greater interest in their +homes and to enable them to acquire homes which are really attractive on +reasonable terms are to be encouraged by every means which the +Legislature or private individuals can adopt without causing +pauperisation. The object can be achieved on fair business terms and +without substantial risk of loss. Under the Ashbourne and the Wyndham +Acts in Ireland there has been, at all events until recently, +practically no failure to pay the required instalments.</p> + +<p>A committee has been appointed to investigate the housing question, and +its reports will no doubt contain valuable suggestions for dealing +practically and at once with a matter so vitally important to the +rebuilding of Britain.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XX'></a><h2><!-- Page 144 -->CHAPTER XX</h2> + +<h4>AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>In all kingdoms this first and original art + [agriculture]—this foundation of all others—must be + pursued and encouraged, or the rest will faint and be + languid.</i>—ARTHUR YOUNG.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>The most important practical reform of all is to make the land more +productive, to put it to the most profitable use. By profitable use we +do not mean using it so as to bring the owner the largest return in +money per acre, aiming at the largest net profit by reducing expenditure +as much as possible and growing whatever will fetch the highest price at +least cost of production. The really useful object is to lay out and use +all the land of the country in such a way as to produce the greatest +aggregate of commodities which are of real intrinsic value for use or +which can be exchanged for useful commodities coming from other nations; +in particular to produce in our own country as much wholesome food as +possible, and in so doing to support as large an agricultural population +as possible in reasonable comfort and health. To grow in our own country +a larger proportion of the food we consume is necessary, first, in order +to meet our own needs from our own internal resources, and so reduce the +amount which has to be paid to other countries for the commodities they +supply; secondly, in case of war, to avoid the risk of starvation and +reduce the strain on the Navy and on the Mercantile Marine due to the +necessity of bringing the larger part of the essential food of the +country overseas and also, what may be equally important, to avoid the +distress which may be caused owing to the country being unable to +provide the means of payment for the immense proportion of the <!-- Page 145 -->food +required which must be brought from overseas. It was long ago pointed +out that the "trades by which the British people has believed it to be +the highest of destinies to maintain itself cannot now long remain +undisputed in its hands."</p> + +<p>The next object is to increase the agricultural population. It has been +found again and again in other countries as well as our own that a large +and healthy agricultural population is essential to keep up the physique +of a nation. The town folk tend to decay unless constantly replenished +by influx from the country. One good effect of the War has been to +direct attention to the vital importance of this subject, and careful +inquiries have been made and useful steps taken which have had the +effect of greatly increasing the home production of food.</p> + +<p>The subject is treated clearly in a popular way in a book published in +1917 on Agriculture after the War by Sir A.D. Hall, now secretary of the +Board of Agriculture, and in fuller detail in the report of a committee +of which Lord Selborne was chairman. The report was published at the +beginning of 1918; some of the proposals have been already acted upon, +others will no doubt be the basis of future action by the Board of +Agriculture and the Ministry of Reconstruction.</p> + +<p>Before the War the imports of food less re-exports amounted to about 229 +millions annually, or, to put the case in another way, about half of the +total food consumed in the British Islands was brought overseas; but "if +the most essential foodstuff, wheat, is considered, less than one-fifth +of what we required was produced in the country." The position was one +of terrible insecurity; but for the efficiency of the Navy the country +would have been starved into complete submission in this War, and its +prosperity and liberty would have been lost for ever. After the War the +financial question of the continued ability of the nation to pay for the +food we require is probably the most serious we have to face. The first +remedy for the <!-- Page 146 -->existing state of things is the increase of tillage. +Assuming that the same pecuniary profit can be obtained by using any +land for tillage as for pasture or other purposes, it is obvious that it +is right to do everything possible to get that land devoted to tillage, +first, as national insurance for the reasons above stated, and, second, +to support a larger population under healthy conditions. One of the +great causes of discontent, of vagrancy, and of distress in the +sixteenth century was certainly the conversion of large tracts which had +formerly been arable into pasture land, because the land laid down as +pasture would produce a larger profit to the owner though it supported a +much smaller population and required far less labour. A considerable +portion of the rural population was thrown out of employment and the +supply of food was diminished. Again and again the decay of the +agricultural population has been the ground of complaint. Goldsmith +speaks of it beautifully and pathetically in the "Deserted Village," and +the process went on, becoming year after year a greater national peril; +but the Government and Parliament seemed to care little about it, so +that even during the last forty years, according to the statement of Sir +A.D. Hall, "the productivity of the land of Great Britain as a whole has +declined." Although a far larger rent might be obtained from the wealthy +who use a great part of Scotland for shooting than could be obtained +from crofters, national welfare demands that it should be used for +crofts and to raise the population which has supplied our armies with +many of the finest soldiers and the whole Empire with many of its best +colonists. Of course, there are large tracts of such a character that +people cannot support themselves in tolerable comfort by tilling them, +and it is better that land of that kind should be used for sheep if +possible, and, in cases where even this is impossible, for deer forests +or grouse moors, subject to reasonable public rights of access.</p> + +<p>Among the measures which may be taken to in<!-- Page 147 -->crease the home production +of food the following may be mentioned:—</p> + +<p>1.—<i>Improved farming or intensification of agriculture under the +existing system.</i> It is admitted that English, and perhaps still more +Scottish, farming at its best is admirably conducted. Fortunately, very +many of the large landowners are themselves keenly interested in +agriculture and take a pride in promoting it. It is perhaps not +generally known what a useful and valuable trade the country carries on +in the export of pedigree stock. The prices obtained for the best bred +British bulls, rams and boars are very high. An extension over all +suitable parts of the country of the highest type of British farming +would add to the wealth of the country immensely.</p> + +<p>Connected with this subject is the promotion of agricultural education, +and along with that of agricultural research. Very great advances have +been made of recent years, and it would be an utterly false economy to +starve productive work of this kind. It ought to be held a disgrace for +a country landowner not to have some knowledge of agriculture and +interest in it.</p> + +<p>2.—<i>Industrialised farms</i>, i.e., the organisation of large farms to be +managed as business enterprises under the control of a general manager. +If farming was thus carried on on a large scale machinery would be +employed to its full advantage, and there would be economy in buying and +selling wholesale and avoiding waste in preparing for and placing +commodities on the market. The most highly trained, skilled and +energetic management would be obtained for farms of this kind. It is to +be noticed that, although some commodities can equally well be produced +by small culture, it is generally only on a large scale that cereals can +be profitably cultivated.</p> + +<p>3.—<i>Co-operative farming.</i>—The subject is one of special interest, as +co-operative farming in some form was historically the basis of the +whole system of society in many countries. Experiments in co-operative +farming may be tried with advantage. They may take <!-- Page 148 -->various forms. It +will, no doubt, be found that in certain branches of farming, such as +dairy farming in some districts, co-operative action is almost necessary +to success. The experience of Denmark has shown how much can be done to +keep up a definite standard in butter, for example, by sending milk to +some large, well-equipped and well-managed dairy. Such establishments +have also far better opportunities for dealing with transport and +distribution.</p> + +<p>4.—<i>Colonies of Small Holdings.</i>—It is to be hoped that when the +troops are demobilised, and the Small Holdings Acts are put into fuller +operation, the number of small holdings will be increased. A population +of independent yeomen is the best reservoir of the manhood of any +country. No finer race has existed than the statesmen who cultivated the +small farms among the hills of Cumberland and Westmorland.</p> + +<p>5.—<i>There is a great deal of land, both on the seashore and in inland +districts, which might be reclaimed.</i>—The cost of such work would be +heavy, but the return in greater aggregate production and in providing +means to support a larger country population would be most important. +This question will be alluded to briefly in Chapter XXI.</p> + +<p>6.—<i>Important industries</i>, such as basket-making and many others, might +be carried on in rural districts along with their principal work by +those engaged in agriculture or horticulture, just as Swiss peasants by +wood carving, when agricultural operations are impossible, produce a +number of articles for which there is a substantial demand in other +countries.</p> + +<p>7.—Last, and perhaps the most interesting and important step of all, is +<i>to increase allotments.</i> The demand for allotments, both by the +agricultural population in rural districts and by the urban population +who are engaged in industrial or even in commercial pursuits in the +forge towns, is very keen. The effect of the War and the more pressing +need for home-grown food have stimulated the demand, and in trying to +meet it, both the Board of Agriculture and private individuals <!-- Page 149 -->and +local authorities have done splendid work, which ought to be recognised +as one of the most beneficial movements which have taken place within +living memory. More than seventy years ago William Howitt called +attention to the advantages derived from the system of urban allotments +adopted near his own town of Nottingham, and attention has been +subsequently drawn to the subject, but its importance was not fully +realised until the outbreak of the War. An enormous advance has already +been made, and if the right steps are taken for securing more permanence +of tenure, and for obtaining land on fair terms near to the homes of the +workers, a far greater and more lasting advance will be made. The number +of allotments in England and Wales before the War was about 570,000. It +is estimated that now there are upwards of 1,400,000. The urban +allotments have increased enormously, an interest has been added to the +lives of many workers; their supply of wholesome food of their own +growing has been increased and the health of these urban workers +promoted. At present the total area taken up by allotments is about +200,000 acres. If half of these are devoted, say, to growing potatoes +and produce an average of seven tons per acre, the allotment holders in +England and Wales would this year grow "700,000 tons of the most +essential war-time crop practically on the spot where the crop is to be +consumed." It appears that, taking the whole of England and Wales, there +was an allotment holding for one household in twelve before the War. On +May 1st, 1918, one household in five held an allotment. In the county +boroughs before the War one household in thirty-two possessed an +allotment, now the proportion is one household in nine, and the process +is going on. It is the most encouraging development, whether looked at +from the economic point of view or from the point of view of national +health and happiness, that has taken place within living memory. The +urban allotments are regularly worked by persons who are engaged in +various forms of industry during the greater <!-- Page 150 -->part of their time, and it +is found that the allotments must be small, usually about fifteen to an +acre. They ought to be as near as possible to the homes of the people +who work them. One of the reasons pointed out for the slow development +of the system, even where it has been so successful as in Nottingham +long before the War, was the distance of the allotments from the homes +of the workers. In town planning there should be an attempt wherever +possible to arrange for allotments close to the new small dwellings +which are erected. It will be essential, however, to insist (i) on more +permanent tenure for those who work their allotments properly and keep +them in good condition; (ii) that the land required should be obtained +on reasonable terms. Some landowners have themselves voluntarily taken +the matter in hand, but in other cases compulsion will be necessary, +and, as already stated, it will be right that where the land has been +agricultural or vacant land, bringing in a small or even no return, the +price or rent paid for it should be based on its agricultural value plus +some reasonable addition, and not on the enormously enhanced value of +the land as land which has become building land owing to the growth of +the urban population in the neighbourhood. It will be desirable to +arrange by co-operative or municipal action for the supply of seeds, +plants and fertilisers, and also for the sale of any surplus produce not +required by the holder for his own use.</p> + +<p>The admirable work which is being done by the Board of Agriculture in +encouraging allotments ought to be recognised and supported in every +possible way.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XXI'></a><h2><!-- Page 151 -->CHAPTER XXI</h2> + +<h4>AFFORESTATION</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Thou, too, great father of the British floods,</i> <i>With + joyful pride survey'st our lofty woods,</i> <i>Where towering + oaks their growing honours rear</i> <i>And future navies on + thy shores appear.</i>—ALEXANDER POPE.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>We shall use the word afforestation here to denote the steps to be taken +for promoting the growth of timber on a large scale. The original sense +in which it is employed in any historical or legal work is quite +different. There it means turning a track of land into a forest, and a +forest did not mean land covered with timber trees, but a "certain +territory of woody grounds and fruitful pastures, privileged for wild +beasts and fowles of the forest to rest and abide in," in "the +protection of the King for his princely delight and pleasure." It was +subject to special jurisdiction, and special officers were appointed +over it "to the end that it may the better be preserved and kept for a +place of recreation and pastime meet for the royal dignity of a prince." +The Forest Laws were oppressive, and for the purpose of afforestation +many wrongs were committed. In the Crown forests, like Epping Forest and +the New Forest, there were a number of commoners who had special rights +of pasture and of taking certain things from the forest, such as +firewood "that might do them good." It is by the assertion of such +ancient rights of common that Epping Forest has been preserved as a +place of recreation for the people of East London, and that so much of +the New Forest remains open land. The latter is a source of perennial +enjoyment to those who visit it, and maintains the <!-- Page 152 -->successors of the +old forest commoners in prosperity, due largely to the fact that they +can graze ponies there and feed pigs on the acorns and beechmast. +Whatever steps are taken to promote the growth of timber—and much has +been done from time to time in the New Forest with that object—it is +important that these valuable common rights should be preserved, and +that the value of open lands for the health and recreation of the people +should not be overlooked.</p> + +<p>The need for systematic action and for the Government to take steps to +promote the growth of timber in the United Kingdom has been pointed out +from time to time. The Board of Agriculture in 1911 drew up a memorandum +pointing out that "British forestry was far behind that of other leading +European States," and that "the growing of timber had never in this +country been recognised as a business"; that "there had been no +continuity of policy with regard to it." When the War broke out it +appears that only eight per cent, of the total amount of timber required +for home use was grown in the United Kingdom, ninety-two per cent, had +to be brought from oversea. The War showed how perilous and how costly a +thing it is to neglect home production of necessaries.</p> + +<p>When all our shipping was required for other purposes, it was a most +serious matter to take up tonnage with a cargo so bulky as timber, +occupying probably more ship space in proportion to its value than any +other. More timber was required for huts and sheds, for railway +sleepers, and a variety of other purposes. For the construction of +aircraft special kinds of timber were needed. The demand for pit props +in enormous quantities was urgent and continuous. At the same time the +loss of shipping through submarine action became very serious. +Fortunately our French Allies had been more provident in conserving and +promoting their home supplies. Forestry in France had been carefully +fostered by the Government. To take one example alone, the Landes, the +district near the coast <!-- Page 153 -->between Bordeaux and Bayonne, which had once +been a region of dreary marsh, shifting sand, or scanty pasture, had +been turned into splendid forest by wise forethought a century ago, and +yielded great supplies of valuable timber. Science has pointed out many +ways in which small and waste wood also can be used for the production +of a number of substances necessary in peace and still more urgently +required in war. The Landes country was noted for its production of +rosin. Thousands of cups into which it exudes from cuts in the trees are +to be seen when passing through the forests in that region.</p> + +<p>Shortage of tonnage during the War made it necessary to use the home +supply of wood of the United Kingdom to the fullest extent. A controller +of timber supplies was appointed, though, as usual, rather late in the +day. Under his energetic management a very large part of the timber +needed was obtained in this country. It was essential to get all that +was possible, but the result is inevitable "that we shall have to face a +period in which production will be much below even the low figure which +it had reached before the War. Not only have mature crops been felled in +all parts of the United Kingdom, but thousands of acres of young or +immature woods have been felled for pit-wood and other purposes, or have +been thinned to a degree which renders clearing and replanting +absolutely essential."</p> + +<p>One painful result has also been to deprive certain places of the +beautiful trees which gave the countryside there its special charm. +There is no plainer case for taking in hand the question of +reconstruction at once, for framing a clear policy as to the steps to be +used to repair the losses caused by war, and to ensure that in the +future we shall not be so completely dependent on supplies from abroad +through neglect of the possibilities of production at home. A Committee, +under the chairmanship of Mr. F.D. Acland, was appointed in July, 1916, +"to report upon the best means of conserving and developing the woodland +and forestry <!-- Page 154 -->resources of the United Kingdom, having regard to the +experience gained during the War." The report of that Committee, dealing +with the whole subject, was issued in 1918, and is a model of clear +statement, and a mine of information made readily accessible. It gives a +full survey of the present position, and sets forth a "forest policy +recommended" which is definite and worked out in detail. The Committee +find that "the timber position at home is bad, that prospects of supply +from abroad are becoming doubtful, that ample supplies in time of +emergency are a national necessity of the very first importance, that +they can only be secured for certain if the timber be grown at home, and +finally, that it is essential for the State to take a very much more +active part in forestry than it has been content to take in the past." +State action is becoming, perhaps, too much the fashion—free individual +action is generally far better—but in this matter, which is one of +"national insurance," State action is necessary, and reasons of a +conclusive character are given—such as the long period required before +the crop can be matured and any return obtained, and the uncertainty as +to the future conditions and factors on which its ultimate +profitableness will depend—showing why the matter should be taken in +hand by the State. Such action would, of course, not exclude individual +or local action; indeed, private enterprise might also be helped by the +State in many ways, including the giving of expert advice and making the +results of the best scientific research available to all.</p> + +<p>The work of afforestation would provide a healthy and suitable +employment for discharged soldiers who preferred a country life to +resuming their occupations in towns. The number taking up forest work, +however, would probably be very small. There are also some branches of +forest work which would be suitable for partially disabled soldiers. A +very interesting scheme has been framed for establishing forest +nurseries on reclaimed lands. One specially suitable site has been +suggested on the shore of the River Kent at the head <!-- Page 155 -->of Morecambe Bay, +near Grange-over-Sands, where land was reclaimed after the making of the +Furness Railway. The reclaimed land would be suitable for a forest +nursery for raising young trees. The soil is light, so the work would be +healthy and would not be too strenuous. The scheme has been worked out +in detail, and an attractive description of it is given by Mr. Mawson. +There are other places where reclaimed land or other land with light and +suitable soil might be used for such nurseries. Partially disabled men +might also be trained for the lighter kinds of forest work, such, for +example, as the "marking of thinnings." It is of a technical character, +but does not involve any serious physical strain.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XXII'></a><h2><!-- Page 156 -->CHAPTER XXII</h2> + +<h4>LAW REFORM</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>I should not be an advocate for the repeal of any law + because it happened to be in opposition to temporary + prejudices, but I object to certain laws because they are + inconsistent with the deliberate and permanent opinion of + the public.</i>—SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>Compared with some of the other great questions involved in +Reconstruction, mere reforms in the law may often seem almost trivial, +but they have the advantage of being easier to handle than social and +economic reforms. It is not so difficult to state exactly what is +wanted, to embody the proposals in definite shape in a Bill, and to pass +it if the Parliamentary machine is properly used. The incapacity of +Parliament to deal with remedial legislation embodied in a Bill clearly +drawn is often exaggerated. A reform merely in Parliamentary procedure +would go far to remedy the existing congestion. A case could be quoted +from very short Parliamentary experience where a private member, +surprised at getting first place in the ballot, adopted a friend's +suggestion to attempt a long-needed practical reform. The subject has +too much technical difficulty to be explained here, but the Bill was +drafted in an hour or two, passed the House of Commons early one +afternoon without alteration, and the House of Lords with slight verbal +changes. It became law in two or three weeks, and the Act is now used +with beneficial results in the Courts almost daily. A real injustice was +prevented and practical inconvenience removed, but the measure was +nearly wrecked by some theorists who wished to extend the principle of +the Bill logically, as they said, but in a manner which would have made +it virtually <!-- Page 157 -->unworkable, without benefit to a single human being. A +small matter, but instructive.</p> + +<p>Much may be learned from the procedure of Grand Committees. In some, at +least, the average length of speeches is about three minutes, and they +are confined to the definite point in hand. Members vote according to +their view of the merits, knowing what they are voting about, and may +defeat the Government without causing a political crisis. A case has +occurred where the representative of the Government, who knew little of +the subject in question, was left in a minority of one against a solid +vote of the rest of the Committee. "Downstairs" the point might have +been decided the other way by a score or two of members rushing in, as +Sir George Trevelyan once described it, "between two mouthfuls of soup," +asking, "Are we Ayes or Noes?" and shepherded into a division lobby +accordingly.</p> + +<p>Another step needed to aid Law Reform would be the appointment of a +Minister of Justice, whose business it would be to consider proposed +reforms, to see that they were put into proper shape and to assist in +getting them passed. The same Minister might have the duty of attending +to arrangements for the convenient and prompt administration of justice, +but should have no judicial functions of any kind and should not +interfere in any way with the action of the Courts. It is impossible to +guard too jealously against substituting decisions of any department of +Government for the law of the land as declared and administered by the +regular Courts of Justice. Mr. Samuel Garrett, the President of the Law +Society, dealt with the question very fully in January, 1918, in an +address which has since been published. We may view the establishment of +another new Ministry with something like horror, but a strong case is +made out for it here. Definite functions are suggested for such a +Ministry, and it is probable that it might in the long run save expense +as well as promote efficiency. Mr. Garrett very forcibly says:</p> + +<p>"<!-- Page 158 -->Law Reform hangs fire for want of an officer of State armed with the +power of conducting the necessary inquiries and investigations, and +supplying the necessary driving force to initiate and prepare the +requisite legislative measures and to pass them through Parliament, and +with strength to overcome the <i>vis inertiae</i> of a preoccupied and +ill-informed public and the active opposition of vested interests. +Without such an officer the cause of reform is hopeless." It is now and +in the immediate future that such reform is, and will be, most pressing. +A reformed is naturally also a reforming Parliament as it was after +1832.</p> + +<p>There are a large number of reforms in the law which ought to be taken +in hand at once. The nature of the amendments needed is clear; all that +is required is that they should be brought in proper form before +Parliament, and that the Government should use its influence to get them +passed. It would be difficult for the Lord Chancellor to see to this +work efficiently and regularly along with his other duties, and it is +certainly impossible for the Law Officers, whose duty it is to represent +the Crown in the Courts and to advise the Government on questions of +law, to undertake this duty. It could be done if a capable solicitor or +barrister who had experience of cases relating to property, not just a +successful advocate but a lawyer well acquainted with the practical +difficulties which make amendment in the law desirable, were put in +charge of the work.</p> + +<p>It is a complete mistake to imagine that devolution to other bodies of +the legislative powers of Parliament would do what is required in this +respect. Such a delegation as regards many subjects would make confusion +worse confounded. Questions relating to marriage and personal status, +naturalisation, the law of companies, all branches of commercial law, +the law of contracts, and the law relating to devolution of property, +should be dealt with by one body, whose aim should be to assimilate the +law on these subjects over as wide an area as possible. Endless trouble, +<!-- Page 159 -->litigation and uncertainty arise from an unnecessary variety of laws on +such subjects as these. It would be well, indeed, with regard to such +subjects, to endeavour to assimilate the law of the Colonies and of the +Mother Country, and to enter into negotiations with other countries to +facilitate their commercial intercourse by enacting similar laws on +subjects of this kind as far as may be.</p> + +<p>It is impossible, without taking up too much space and entering too much +into technical detail, to do more than indicate in general terms some of +the reforms in the law which demand early attention. The following may +be given as examples:</p> + +<p>(1) The complete revision of the Statute Law, consolidating the law on +each subject as far as possible, and in some cases amending it at the +same time. The present state of English Statute Law is a disgrace to any +civilised nation. There are subjects on which it is almost impossible to +say what the law is, owing, amongst other causes, to the pernicious +habit of legislation by reference from one statute to another. Judges, +the legal advisers to parties in litigation, clerks to local +authorities, and others, ought to have in compendious form before them +the whole Statute Law on a subject under discussion. Much good and very +laborious work has been done under the direction of the Committee on +Statute Law, but their duties should be extended and fuller facilities +afforded for more complete and more rapid revision. These powers should +include that of presenting at the same time to Parliament minor +incidental amendments in the Statute Law which would remove doubts and +inconsistency, and get rid of obsolete provisions. Either a Minister of +Justice or one of the existing Ministers along with his other duties +should be definitely responsible for seeing that the work is done +without undue delay or expense. Probably a small Joint Committee of +Lords and Commons might consider any cases where amendments were made, +and, if they approved of the revised and consolidated Statutes, <!-- Page 160 -->the +Committee stage in both Houses might be dispensed with, and a single +reading of the Bill of revision or even merely "to lay it on the table" +would be quite sufficient to preserve the general authority of +Parliament over legislation of this kind. A small executive department +should be established under the direction of the Minister for dealing +with all details and drafting the proposed Bills. There should be a +permanent head of such a department with a small but efficient staff and +proper accommodation for carrying on the work, which would be +continuous, in order not only to put but to keep the Statute Law in +proper form. The head of such a department should have a very free hand +as regards the mode of carrying on the work, subject to certain general +regulations laid down as to the scope of his duties, and the expense +that might be incurred, and the department should be free from some at +least of the ordinary conditions relating to the Civil Service. With the +advantage of existing experience, such a department might be constituted +on sound lines within a week or two, and its work would result in saving +time and trouble to Courts, to local authorities, to private +individuals, and to various government departments themselves. The cost +of such a department would be covered over and over again by the +improvements effected. It is a comparatively small matter, but the lines +of action are so clear and so definite, and it would be so easy to make +the necessary arrangements in a few days, that it might be taken as an +example of the way to effect a reform promptly.</p> + +<p>The huge mass of emergency legislation which has come into existence +since the War would no doubt require separate consideration. That +exceptional legislation will have to be revised and almost the whole of +it repealed, in some cases at once and in others within a short time +after the close of the War. This question is already engaging the +attention of the Government. It is not an easy task, but the transition +to freedom should be made as rapidly as possible. The action to be +taken, however, in many cases, will very closely <!-- Page 161 -->affect trade, and in +these cases the question is not one primarily for lawyers; even the +officials with most experience will require the advice and guidance of +those who know each trade practically. The more anyone in the discharge +of official duties learns of the course of trade in any commodity the +more he will recognise the necessity for practical knowledge of the +conditions of <i>that</i> trade, and the futility of attempting to deal with +any question affecting it without hearing those who have been actually +engaged in it. What an intelligent open-minded man might expect to +happen is very often exactly what does not in fact happen. It is +tempting to give concrete examples which have forced themselves into +notice, but limitation of space forbids.</p> + +<p>(2) The law on certain subjects should now be codified. This is a +different question from the revision of the Statute Law and the +introduction of something like order into that chaos. It is, however, +probable that a general codification now would do harm, and there are +strong grounds for contending that Case Law, with its capacity for +growth and adaptation to new conditions as they arise and to unforeseen +circumstances, is often more convenient and indeed more scientific than +a code. Criminal Law, however, at least so far as it relates to +indictable offences, ought to be embodied in a definite and complete +code, and in the process of codification certain amendments might be +made.</p> + +<p>(3) The law as to murder and homicide, for example, urgently requires +considerable amendment. The present state of the law classing together +as murder acts of totally different character and decreeing the +punishment of death for all alike is most unsatisfactory, and in some +cases revolting to the moral sense. The whole doctrine of "constructive +murder" should be done away with, and only those acts treated as murder +and punishable with death where the accused intended deliberately the +death of his victim, and was not acting under great provocation or under +the kind of mental distress or anxiety which might be reasonably +supposed <!-- Page 162 -->to affect his—it might indicate the usual nature of such +cases better to say "her"—judgment and power of control.</p> + +<p>There are also a number of alterations in the law relating to the +devolution of property, and to personal status which ought to be made by +the new Parliament at an early date. Most of them have been suggested +long ago, but as no party capital was to be made out of law reforms, +such reforms have generally been neglected unless taken up by a Lord +Chancellor or some other legal authority with political influence. A few +of these alterations may be enumerated.</p> + +<p>(4) The devolution of real estate in case of intestacy should be +assimilated to that of personal estate. The present state of the law is +often a great injustice, especially to women, and women will now be in a +position to demand its amendment. If a man dies intestate, leaving a +wealthy son and half a dozen daughters quite unprovided for, the son +takes all the real property, and the daughters may be left penniless, +but if the property happens to be leasehold for 1,000 years, the +daughters share equally. The present state of the law is a survival of +the time when ownership of freehold land implied personal service.</p> + +<p>(5) Estates tail might be abolished or at least alienation of such +estates made simpler.</p> + +<p>(6) Copyhold tenure with its inconvenient incidents should be converted +into freehold.</p> + +<p>(7) Both as a means of raising revenue, and to prevent useless +litigation without in any way discouraging thrift or disappointing +legitimate expectations, the State should take the whole property as to +which anyone dies intestate without leaving near relations. The whole +subject of Death Duties needs reconsideration; a mere increase of these +duties all round would cause intolerable hardship in some cases and +would discourage people from attempting by careful foresight to make +provision for those dependent on them, but when very large sums devolve +on death to persons who are not dependents, the State might <!-- Page 163 -->take a much +larger portion of a deceased person's property than it does at present. +If a multi-millionaire dies without leaving a wife or lineal +descendants, there would be no hardship in taking fifty per cent. of his +property—not devoted to charitable purposes—for the State. It would +not be difficult to frame provisions to meet the possibility of +settlements being made to evade the duty.</p> + +<p>(8) Legitimation by subsequent marriage would remove many cases of great +hardship, and might aid in inducing fathers to recognise their duties to +children for whose existence they are responsible, and also to the +mothers of such children.</p> + +<p>(9) A regular form of legal adoption should be provided by which, +subject to some form of public sanction to secure that the adopting +parents are fit and able to take such responsibility, persons might give +children, whom they desire to adopt, a recognised legal position. The +losses caused by the War make this question one of increased practical +importance.</p> + +<p>(10) The reform of the law as to marriage ought not to be longer +delayed. The question has already been carefully considered by the +Commission of which Lord Gorell was chairman. This subject will, no +doubt, provoke controversy, and it is impossible to discuss it fully +here, but delay may have serious consequences.</p> + +<p>The above incomplete list will be sufficient to indicate in a fairly +definite way some of the work that has to be done in Law Reform. It is +certainly a heavy task, but in almost all cases the lines on which +reform could be carried out are clear, and it only requires that the +matter should be resolutely taken in hand. If a small expert committee +to consider each branch of the subject and draft the necessary Bills +were appointed, or some Minister were made definitely responsible for +attending to such matters, and if the procedure in Parliament were +reformed as suggested, the congestion in Parliament need not prevent +these reforms from being carried through rapidly.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XXIII'></a><h2><!-- Page 164 -->CHAPTER XXIII</h2> + +<h4>PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>Find us men skilled, make a new Downing Street fit for + the new era.</i>—THOMAS CARLYLE.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>No one will imagine that the long list of questions that have been +mentioned covers the whole field of reconstruction, still less that the +answers suggested are complete. Some of the suggestions made may be +fruitful, others not. Enough has been said to show how huge that task +is, and how it will need for its accomplishment all the knowledge and +wisdom, and all the energy available. It is, therefore, clear that every +proposal which may be made must be examined on its merits, not as it +affects any party or personal interests, and that those who are elected +to decide or appointed to deal with any matter shall in each case be +chosen because of their fitness for the work assigned, not because their +influence or support may be useful to any party or coterie.</p> + +<p>Political life from bottom to top must be purified if reform is to be +carried out on just and sound lines. On this question plain speaking is +essential. For some time elements of corruption have been growing up in +English politics, which it will be one of the first duties of the +electorate and of a new and reformed Parliament to get rid of. The very +word "politician" has become a term of contempt. The country is alive to +the evil and ought to insist that it shall be promptly dealt with. The +task is not an agreeable one. Those who have anything personally to gain +or to lose in political life will naturally shrink from it. At the same +time, nothing is worse than to overstate the case, <!-- Page 165 -->and nothing easier +than to create an atmosphere of suspicion without definite evidence. +Directly the word "purity" is mentioned in any sense, there is a +tendency to put forward something startling, "to pander to the lust for +the lurid." It would be an excellent thing to put a tax on the use of +adjectives, at all events in the discussion of any question of politics +or morals, as fines are sometimes imposed for the unnecessary or +offensive expletives employed as a common form of emphasis.</p> + +<p>One or two definite changes could be made which would go far to promote +political purity. (1) No "honour" should be conferred on any Member of +Parliament while he retains his seat there. It ought to be considered +sufficient honour to belong to that assembly. Gratitude to a Government +for personal favours of this kind, either already conferred or to come, +should not enter as a disturbing element affecting a man's political +action. There is much to be said for the rule that acceptance of an +office of profit under the Crown vacates a seat in the House of Commons. +The rule should apply to the acceptance of any honour. Perhaps an +exception might be made allowing a limited number of members, who had +served at least ten years in Parliament, to be placed on the Privy +Council on the advice of a Select Committee of the House. Such a course +would strengthen the Privy Council by the addition of experienced men +who had won the respect of their fellow-members irrespective of party, +but had never taken office. An appointment so made would neither be the +reward of docility or assiduity in attending divisions, nor a +prophylactic against too critical tongues; it would be a mark of respect +from those whom long association had given the means of judging. There +are some men in every Parliament whose high character and unobtrusive +work through a long period of service have won the special regard of +their fellow-members, even though opposed to them in politics, and an +opportunity of expressing that feeling would be welcomed. The selection +would be a real honour, and <!-- Page 166 -->would be bestowed in recognition of +independence of character and steady useful work. Peerages might still +be conferred on the advice of the Prime Minister, as a peerage renders +the recipient incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and the +existence of Ministries does not depend on votes in the Lords.</p> + +<p>(2) The party whips ought to have nothing to do with the conferment of +honours of any kind, whether on members of the House of Commons or +others. The considerations which must be uppermost in the mind of a +whip, whose duty it is to fill the division lobbies for his party, ought +not to affect the fountain of honour.</p> + +<p>(3) The accounts of the party associations ought to be published. It may +be right for well-to-do people who feel keenly on political questions to +contribute to help party organisation, to aid in providing the money +necessary to enable promising men, who have not the means for paying +their own election expenses, to contest a seat and to enter Parliament. +There is nothing derogatory to a candidate in accepting assistance of +the kind. Many men who were unable to fight an election without it, +would prefer to have it openly stated that they had received such +assistance. Why should a young man whom a poor constituency would like +to adopt, and who can only afford, say, £100 towards the cost of +contesting a seat, object to his constituents knowing that the balance +had been found from funds provided by others who wish well to the cause +he is advocating? If the system is wrong, let it be abolished; if right, +why try to preserve secrecy?</p> + +<p>(4) No one should be allowed to contribute to party funds who has +received a peerage or other "honour" within a given period, and if +anyone has contributed to such funds before receiving an honour the +amount paid should be publicly announced. Everyone has heard, and anyone +acquainted with what goes on could give instances, of cases where a +contribution has been asked from those whose services to the community +are supposed to be recognised by some title of honour.</p> + +<p><!-- Page 167 -->A change is needed in the method of selecting candidates. Two examples +will illustrate the kind of thing that takes place.</p> + +<p>A.B. had made a respectable fortune in a well-known and useful business, +and retired to a comfortable home in Parkshire. His practical good sense +and knowledge of affairs had made him a useful member of the county +council, and he was a regular supporter of all benevolent movements in +the district. A vacancy was expected in the parliamentary representation +of the neighbouring borough of Slowcombe, and A.B., feeling the call to +a larger sphere of usefulness—prompted also by Mrs. A.B., for whose +charming social qualities the society of Slowcombe was unable, and the +antiquated exclusiveness of Parkshire families was unwilling, to afford +sufficient scope—desired to fill the vacancy. The party managers were +approached, and were delighted to find so suitable a candidate, provided +that A.B. would agree to spend at least £—— a year "in nursing the +constituency," which was unable to move without such nursing. It is +better not to name the amount asked lest it should lead to a painful +identification of the real name of the place, and also because it was so +large that it would be discredited by all except the unfortunate +candidates for similar places. A.B. was compelled to answer, "It is more +than I can possibly afford," and added in his own mind, "Would it be +right if I could?" He has had to console himself with growing roses and +breeding pigs, and attending the county bench; no doubt in every way a +valuable member of society, but the larger sphere of usefulness is +closed to him.</p> + +<p>Dyeborough is a town where business methods are better understood. The +late member having resigned, the chairman and agent for one party, +greatly exercised as to the means of providing for the expenses of +attending to the register and maintaining local interest in the +principles of the party, and in the "great cause" which it supports, +wisely communicated with "headquarters." As to what passes there, +religious silence <!-- Page 168 -->should be observed. There is no evidence available, +and to pry into such mysteries were profane, but shortly afterwards it +is announced that Mr. X., with the highest recommendations, will address +the association. The local managers are quietly informed that he is +willing to pay all expenses of the local organisation, to subscribe to +the party clubs, and to spend money freely in the constituency. X. +appears from Weissnichtwo with a bevy of carpet bags and some heavy +cheque books. He is a man of business, has "made money"—meaning usually +acquired money of other people by any means not forbidden by law. The +oratorical arts which served to influence prospective shareholders are +sufficient to fill the prepared caucus with at least an appearance of +enthusiasm, and the open-minded candidate has sufficient democratic +sentiment to adopt every plank in the party programme, or "any other +damned nonsense" that he thinks will be agreeable. The virtuous +Dyeborough yields to the golden shower, and embraces the charming +stranger. It takes his subscriptions with content, and watches his +career with pride. A far-seeing sporting man offers two to one that in +three years the new member will be recognised by a title—of course a +"marketable title" suggests a lawyer—but no one is rash enough to take +up the bet. (No wonder that Proportional Representation or any other +proposal which would interfere with the working of such a convenient +system is rejected by the party politicians.) Everyone has been +satisfied. The local party managers have been relieved from all anxiety, +the local charities and political clubs add handsome subscriptions to +their lists, headquarters and the whips have—to put the case +mildly—not diminished their funds, and can reckon on a safe seat and +steady vote. X. has entered on a career of public service marked at each +step by successive honours. The only drawback is that if he should be +translated to "another place," it would be found that the borough had +become accustomed to such a scale of expenditure from its member that +"no <!-- Page 169 -->one but a very rich and ambitious man would venture to come forward +as a candidate there." It offers, however, a splendid chance for a +Socialist who can make unlimited promises as to the benefits that he and +his friends could confer by taking the money of other people and +distributing it in a liberal spirit. As for X., we must see that talents +so pre-eminent are not lost to the State, and if no Ministerial office +is vacant we must create one, and ask no questions as to its cost or the +nature of its operations.</p> + +<p>Could these claims on the purse as a condition in the selection of +candidates be prevented, a great step would be taken towards purifying +political life. If the question were resolutely faced, the abuse could +be stopped. The late Lord James, when in charge of the Corrupt Practices +Bill, was told that the stringent clause limiting election expenses +would wreck his scheme. He persisted, and afterwards said that it was +that clause which did most to help the Bill through, because so many +country gentlemen who had suffered through agricultural depression gave +it their hearty support as affording a means of freeing them from the +extortionate claims of a set of persons who used an election to obtain +money for imaginary services to the unfortunate candidates.</p> + +<p>To read in the various biographical memoirs and reminiscences which have +been published during the last twenty years how Cabinets have been put +together, may amuse the cynical and evoke interest in those who watch +politics as a game, but is painful to the citizen who wishes to see the +country well governed, and who suffers if it is not. Sometimes, indeed, +the formation of a Ministry seems more like the distribution of loot +among successful campaigners, or a tactical disposition of the officers +for continuing a contest than the provision of the best means and +selection of the best men for each part of the work of governing the +country.</p> + +<p>In spite, however, of some glaring instances where such appointments +have led to disaster or serious loss, the result has, on the whole, been +not so bad as might <!-- Page 170 -->have been expected. Those who have won their way in +the open conflicts in Parliament and the country have been men who have +played a fair game according to the rules. Their personal characters +have stood high. Dishonourable action has been rare, almost unknown. As +a rule, the abilities of those called to the Front Bench have probably +been rather above the average among the country gentlemen, lawyers and +men of business who have been associated with them; a few have shown +conspicuous ability; most by experience of affairs soon gain a special +aptitude in dealing with them. Anyhow the open recognition of party +claims publicly recognised is infinitely better, as Burke urged, and +history from his day to ours proves, than backstairs influence or merely +personal ties, and still more than using official position as a tribute +to wealth, and the advantages which wealth can confer on those who do it +homage. It is the system which is to blame, not the men to be condemned. +Those who denounce the members of a Government most fiercely would be +only too happy to accept an invitation to meet them at dinner. Ask the +most eloquent writer of philippics who has known, say a score of +Ministers on both sides personally, and who is reasonably tolerant, +modest and candid, which of them does he believe really to be either a +knave or a fool; he will answer, "None, though I am not quite sure about +X." We all have our ineradicable antipathies. Fortunately there is +something forensic about English political contests. The astonished +client sees the advocates who have been hottest in conflict walking away +arm in arm. We must make allowance for the requirements of the forum, +and at the same time be thankful that while there may be something +rotten in the state of politics, those who become prominent in political +life are honourable men. To some it may seem half an insult to state the +fact, but the kind of talk both public and private too frequently heard +to-day makes it necessary to insist upon it. Even Members of Parliament +on the opposite side are <!-- Page 171 -->as a rule quite respectable citizens. To +maintaining a correct attitude of antagonism too close knowledge of +opponents may sometimes be a hindrance, and it was not without reason +that one engaged in a violent controversy on being told that if he knew +Y., his antagonist, he would be sure to like him, replied, "That is the +reason why I have always refused an introduction to him."</p> + +<p>Lastly, when the right men have been selected, they should be supported, +their acts and proposals, of course, criticised if necessary, but not +made the subject of perpetual and irritating nagging, or dull refusal to +understand and appreciate what they are doing and aiming at. They may +not expect gratitude. Most people learn in the course of life that +recognition given and gratitude shown for any work done varies inversely +as the trouble they have taken, and the difficulty of the task, even if +it has been successfully carried through, but while they are engaged in +it they must claim not to be hindered and thwarted in their work by +those who can prove that every possible way of doing something which +must be done is wrong, but never show the right way to do it. It is +marvellous how some of those in the most responsible positions manage to +get through their business at all in face of the constant sniping of +those who, like the Scots elder in the story, can neither work nor pray, +but can "object." The splendid service rendered to the country by the +present Prime Minister in bringing about a unity of command was carried +through in face of bitter and persistent opposition set up both by those +who claimed to be guarding the proper position of the military +profession, and also by those who do not regard victory in the War as an +object of their desire.</p> + +<p>In the earlier part of 1918, when speaking of a question above mentioned +to one whose services had been called for by the State to meet special +difficulties, the conversation somehow turned to speaking of our ages, +and he, said of himself: "I wish I were twenty years younger, that I +might see the results <!-- Page 172 -->of what is going on now." It is the natural +attitude of the true worker to think of the "far goal." He has been +called away in the midst of his work, and "from this side" will not see +what is to come in these next twenty years, but the history of this age +will be very incomplete if it does not record and show the deep +significance of the fact that one who undertook a task bristling with +difficulties, affecting the daily life of almost everybody, subjecting +it to many restraints, who never felt under "an obligation to the +popular," won more general regard—it might fairly be said +affection—than any other Minister in so short a time. But if the nation +appreciated the Minister, we may be sure that the Minister appreciated +the nation which accepted inconveniences and restraints with so little +grumbling and such ready acquiescence.</p> + +<p>Does not everything point to the fact that one of the most necessary +reforms is to appoint as Minister for each department the most capable +man to do the work required there, one who has the knowledge and +foresight to direct aright, instead of looking round to see which of the +various offices to be filled will satisfy the "claims" of such and such +a politician?</p> + +<p>Above all, we want to see the Government of the country kept free from +the influence of financial rings or of commercial organisations which +may exercise an undue power in determining national policy. Patriotic +feeling may be exploited to promote the self-interest of sections of the +community. Those who direct the State should never be involved, whether +directly or indirectly, in schemes which have for their object the +acquisition of individual gain at the expense of the nation as a whole.</p> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='Part_V'></a><h2><!-- Page 173 -->Part V</h2> + +<h4>THE GOAL</h4> + + + +<hr style='width: 65%;' /> +<a name='CHAPTER_XXIV'></a><h2><!-- Page 174 -->CHAPTER XXIV</h2> + +<h4>UNION AND REGENERATION</h4> + +<div class='blkquot'><p><i>So from day to day and strength to strength you shall + build up indeed by art, by thought, and by just will an + ecclesia of England of which it shall not be said, "See + what manner of stones are here," but "See what manner of + men.</i>"—JOHN RUSKIN.</p></div> +<br /> + +<p>One subject most vital to all progress on sound lines, which affects not +only present reconstruction, but the whole future of the nation, and +involves not only definite action now but also steady and continuous +action in all future time, has been deliberately omitted. The question +of Education, of the training of the coming generation on right lines, +requires separate treatment in a way more complete and thorough, if it +is to be of any use at all, than can be given to it incidentally among a +large number of other subjects.<a name='FNanchor_11_11'></a><a href='#Footnote_11_11'><sup>[11]</sup></a> The Education Act, which was passed +in 1918 with so much goodwill, will give opportunities for the +development of education, but whether it is a benefit or not will depend +on how it is used and the kind of education given. The example of +Germany shows how education, highly organised at every stage, reduced to +a system in accordance with theories thought out most carefully, may +have disastrous effects. From the Kindergarten to the University the +Germans have had their completely graded system extending to all classes +of society; they have elaborated their theories with care, and applied +them thoroughly at every stage. Thoughtful students of education, both +in this country and in America, have made German methods the subject of +their study, and offered to them when they could the flattery of +imitation. Those who wished to learn the best methods of teaching have +made the works of <!-- Page 175 -->Herbart their text-book; they have studied the work +of Kirchensteiner and attended the lectures of Rein at Jena. To know the +last thesis published in a German university had become a necessary +qualification for recognition as a scholar, and the best passport for an +appointment to many of the higher teaching posts in England. But the +emphatic warning comes from the experience of Germany that even the very +perfection of educational systems and methods may be used so as to be a +curse to the country which has adopted them. Published statistics show +that juvenile crime, often of the most revolting kind, is rampant, and +has been increasing in Germany, that suicides have become common even +amongst the very young. The highly efficient mental drill provided by +German education, even the devotion to knowledge shown by the German +people, whatever benefits it may once have conferred, applied as it now +is, must be recognised as one of the causes why Germany, so long as it +retains its present spirit and its present aims, has come to be rightly +regarded as an enemy to mankind. It is essential that there should be +something more than a keen desire to acquire knowledge of every sort, +and to apply it for practical purposes—the Germans have that +pre-eminently; or a love of order and organisation and a persistent and +plodding industry in carrying out plans that have been carefully thought +out beforehand—the Germans have that also; or an intense devotion to +the Fatherland—the German people have a fervent and perfectly genuine +love for their country. The moral downfall of Germany, and the material +losses which she will suffer whatever the other results of the War may +be, are not simply due either to autocracy or to the domination of an +aristocratic class, or to deficiencies in art—the power to make things +well—or in thought—the power to plan a course of action clearly—but +to the absence of a "just will." The regeneration of Germany means the +substitution of a just for an unjust will, not simply the spread of +democratic ideals, desirable though these may be, nor the substitution +of <!-- Page 176 -->democratic for autocratic or aristocratic government. For our own +nation, too, a "just will" amongst all classes of the community is the +necessary condition for future welfare.</p> + +<p>Another warning is necessary. In elaborate plans for reconstruction and +reorganisation by more deliberate and far-reaching action of the State +and of organised associations there is often a risk of impairing or even +destroying individual liberty. The more complete organisation and +reduction to definite system of education, for example, may result in +hampering free thought and action both of teacher and scholar. For them, +as for an army, it is the "initiative" that counts. In industry, in +commerce, in political life, and also in intellectual and even in +religious life, there is a danger that the free development of the +individual may be checked and healthy growth prevented by +over-regulation. In education especially, "self-determination" within +reasonable limits is as necessary for the well-being of the individual +as it is in government for the well-being of nations. We may dread the +extended exercise of the powers of "directors of education" when they go +beyond administration and include the choice of subjects and of methods. +The best educational movement of our day—the Boy Scouts +Association—was initiated and is carried on without the intervention of +the State or of local authorities.</p> + +<p>In conclusion two other points may be offered for consideration. In our +methods of education do we not find the idea more and more prevalent +that it is necessary for all, in order to be thorough, to devote their +time and energy to exact manipulation? It is true that you cannot make a +good chemist, or even apothecary, without giving days and weeks to exact +use of balances or to watching filter papers and the like but the mere +layman may learn in a short time with profit the meaning of a chemical +equation, and find a kind of diagrammatic knowledge sufficient to meet +all he requires. To discard what is irrelevant to the purpose is one of +the most difficult but most important things <!-- Page 177 -->to be learned. Instead of +using "Euclid" as a means of teaching scholars to reason, they are +expected to use compasses carefully to make circles round—a matter of +no importance whatever for the matter in hand—but it diverts their +attention from the true object of study. There is a lesson for others in +the highly emphasised remark once addressed by a great advocate to his +junior who was taking an over-elaborate note, "Stop that scratching and +attend to the case." But intellectually the worst of all is the danger +that education will be directed to teaching and to learning mere +phrases. It saves thought and provides us with a kind of paper currency +conventionally accepted, though of no real value. In every subject we +study, in every department of life, in law, in politics, and in +religion, the domination of the phrase fetters thought and perverts +action. It is tempting to give examples, but we must forbear.</p> + +<p>"Time is our tedious song should here have ending," but those who can +never see the accomplishment of what they hope for, the old "who dream +dreams," may be forgiven if they try once more to get some vision of the +land which others "if strong and of a good courage" will "go in to +possess." It may, perhaps, in the sunset light seem brighter from far +off than those who first enter it will find it to be, or, it may be, the +distant prospect discloses but a part of what they will conquer.</p> + +<p>Again the question will be asked, What will emerge from this struggle, +this untold bloodshed, these bitter losses and widespread destruction, +what will be the harvest that this "red rain" will make to grow, what +Church will spring from the blood of the martyred youth—a great +multitude which no man can number? Again we may answer, as after the war +half a century ago, so short in its duration, and so limited in its +extent as compared with the World War of to-day, "For the victors Union, +for the vanquished Regeneration." Who will the victors be? Rightly shall +we think first of our own land of Britain with all the dominions that +<!-- Page 178 -->form the Empire built up by the labour and the valour of its sons and +called by its name, united now by the closer bonds of common efforts, +common sacrifices and common resolves, loyal to one throne, the symbol +of its unity, cherishing one record of heroic deeds, the example and the +inspiration for the generations to come; above all, as a country that is +"at unity with itself," free from intestine war of party against party, +creed against creed, and class against class.</p> + +<p>But this War has not been a war of Empire against Empire, of Nation only +against Nation. It has been waged by the alliance of the people all over +the world who believe in justice, in a law which says, "Thou shalt not, +because thou hast the power and the will to thine own advantage, use +that power to dominate others and exercise that will regardless of their +rights." The victors will be all the Nations who are leagued together to +resist such a claim, and the union must be a union of all who joined in +the struggle with that common purpose, united when peace comes in the +prayer and the determination that there shall be war no more. Yet the +prospect opens for a union wider even than that. Those who took no part +in the conflict, some perhaps because the peril was too deadly, their +opportunity of defence too weak, may also join the League. Some, like +the Swiss, have served the cause of humanity by their generous reception +of sick and wounded. Some, like the Norwegians, have themselves suffered +cruel wrongs by the ruthlessness of our foes.</p> + +<p>Lastly, we must look forward to the possibility of a real peace with +Germany, a readmission of Germany to the commonwealth of Nations, a +restoration in the future of friendly intercourse with the German +people.</p> + +<p>Never again shall we of the older generation cross the German frontier +save in answer to some clear call of imperative duty. We should be +more—or perhaps less—than human to wish it. Day after day we have read +or our eyes have seen the reiterated and continued acts of infamy done +under the direction of <!-- Page 179 -->those whom the majority of the German people not +only submit to as their rulers, but follow willingly as their guides.</p> + +<p>Nor for years to come will many of the men of younger age risk the +chance of contact with those who were responsible for or committed such +crimes as they have witnessed from the day when German troops first +entered Belgium four years ago to the sinking of the last hospital ship +or last murder of wounded men and of nurses under the shadow of the Red +Cross.</p> + +<p>But a new generation will follow us who may find and may accept a +welcome from a younger German race who had no part in the sins against +humanity committed by the Germans of to-day. Some, indeed, of that +younger race will have learned from their own fathers who suffered for +them, to detest those crimes.</p> + +<p>For another generation of Englishmen it may be possible once again to +find even in Germany something to enjoy and to admire. They may watch +from the Schlossgarten at Heidelberg the sun go down beyond the Rhine +over Alsace, then again united to France; they may wander again in +friendly talk with some forester under the pines of the Schwarzwald and +listen to the singing of the familiar Volkslieder—Tannenbaum or Haiden +Röslein—by a people who have a natural gift for song; they may in +Nuremberg again look with delight on the marvels in stone wrought by its +craftsmen or seek out the hidden meanings in the mystic art of Albrecht +Dürer; perhaps be whirled along in the Isar "rolling rapidly" through +the baths of Munich or plunge in the crystal depths of the König See; +from the highlands of Bavaria they may lift up their eyes to the long +ranges of the snowy Alps of Tyrol, and, as the decennial cycle comes +round and the reverent peasants re-enact the sacred drama, may make +their pilgrimage to Ammergau and share the thrill passing along the +crowded benches when the children's voices are heard, and they enter, +waving their palm branches, that those who watch their beautiful +counterfeit may recall, with imagination vivid like a <!-- Page 180 -->child's, another +procession of joyous children, nineteen hundred years ago.</p> + +<p>The rest of mankind would be the poorer if it were cut off for ever from +some of the things which Germany has given and might again give to the +world in the realm of thought—in science and literature—and in music; +things which have added and may again add to the knowledge and to the +beauty of life. But let there be no mistake. Such a future is possible +only if the powers which are dominant in Germany are utterly destroyed; +but that is not enough, there must be a regeneration of the German +people. The alternative for Germany must be either exclusion from +intercourse with the rest of mankind save those who desire to share in +her crimes, and who will also share in her outlawry, or a change of +spirit and of purpose in the nation. If such a change comes, we "dare be +known to think" that the renewal of friendly relations with the German +people is an object we desire to attain.</p> + +<p>For us, too, comes the double warning. Strange voices are already heard +among us; some seem like echoes of the German spirit we are fighting to +exorcise, others of that anarchic spirit still more fatal that makes a +lawless democracy the most deadly foe of liberty and ordered progress. +If we in our turn make self-interest, regardless of the rights of +others, our guide, find in hatred, envy and jealousy our stimulus to +action, victory will confer no lasting blessing and the end of this War +will bring no real peace. The recognition of dangers threatened must be +for us the incentive to greater effort, with plans more carefully +thought out and clearer understanding of the true goal we are striving +to reach. Keeping our highest ideals always before us, labouring +steadily day by day, moving forward step by step, though the way may be +long, we may look with confidence to their attainment.</p> + +<p>The earth moves onward, revolving in its course, bearing with it our +older generation towards the inevitable night; it may be to the utter +darkness where "there is no work nor device nor knowledge nor <!-- Page 181 -->wisdom," +or, "as the holy sages once did sing," when that night comes, "Creation" +may "be widen'd in man's view," revealing the infinite depths and +innumerable bright Existences which the light of common day has hidden. +But whatever our destiny may be, let us trust, as we leave the sunshine +of life behind, that those gleams of hope for mankind, "faint beams that +gild the west" as our stormy day closes, are to the younger race which +is following on, the rising of a glorious dawn.</p> +<br /> + +<p>FOOTNOTES:</p> + +<a name='Footnote_11_11'></a><a href='#FNanchor_11_11'>[11]</a><div class='note'><p> Perhaps a volume on Education, supplementary to the +present work, may be issued at some future time.</p></div> + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Rebuilding Britain, by Alfred Hopkinson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REBUILDING BRITAIN *** + +***** This file should be named 14870-h.htm or 14870-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/4/8/7/14870/ + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Dave Morgan and the PG Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Rebuilding Britain + A Survey Of Problems Of Reconstruction After The World War + +Author: Alfred Hopkinson + +Release Date: February 2, 2005 [EBook #14870] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REBUILDING BRITAIN *** + + + + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Dave Morgan and the PG Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + + + + + +Rebuilding Britain + + + +A Survey of Problems of Reconstruction after the World War + + + +By + + + +Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C. + + + +Cassell and Company, Ltd +London, New York and Melbourne +1918 + + + + +CONTENTS + + + +Part I.--The Course + + + 1. ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS + + + +Part II.--Peace + + + A.--INTERNATIONAL PEACE + + 2. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE NEED + 3. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE SCHEME + 4. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE CONDITIONS + 5. LEAGUE OF NATIONS--ITS SCOPE AND AIM + 6. CONCLUSIONS REACHED + 7. VICTORY AND PEACE + + + B.--POLITICAL PEACE + + 8. PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION + 9. PEACE AND DEMOCRACY + + + C.--INDUSTRIAL PEACE + + 10. INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS + 11. LONG HOURS + 12. WAGES + + + D.--RELIGIOUS PEACE + + 13. CO-OPERATION + + + +Part III.--Retrenchment + + + 14. STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME + 15. NATIONAL EXPENDITURE + + + +Part IV.--Reform + + + 16. THE FIELD + 17. RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY + 18. RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY + 19. HOUSING + 20. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT + 21. AFFORESTATION + 22. LAW REFORM + 23. PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE + + + +Part V.--The Goal + + + 24. UNION AND REGENERATION + + + + +Part I + +THE COURSE + + + + +CHAPTER I + +ASPIRATIONS AND FOUNDATIONS + + _I think I see, as it were above the hill-tops of time, + the glimmerings of the dawn of a better and a nobler day + for the country and the people that I love so + well._--JOHN BRIGHT. + + +The suggestion has been made to me that in these days of rapid +development, when proposals, so bewildering in their extent, for change +and for reconstruction are being made, it would be useful to present in +popular form and in the compass of a small volume some general statement +of the character of the varied problems which have arisen and of the +principles which should guide in their solution. Possibly it seemed that +a long and varied life engaged in law, politics, and education, which +also had touched to some slight extent on the actual work of certain +departments of Government, and had offered opportunities for travel in +European countries and in the East, might furnish some qualifications +for such a task. It is not one that can be undertaken without a sense of +inadequate knowledge, and still more inadequate power of expression; but +such a challenge cannot be refused, provided that whoever accepts it +believes that he has some things to say which ought to be said, some +lines of thought which ought to be indicated, something to urge, the +truth of which he is thoroughly convinced of. Without such conviction +prevenient, "we doubt not" that books on serious subjects, even if +clever, and public speech either from platform or pulpit, "do verily +have the nature of sin," and the more eloquent they are the worse the +offence; with it, the very incompleteness and imperfection in the mode +of presentation may even stimulate others to more thought, and to make +up deficiencies all the better for themselves. + +In attempting such a task, it must be recognised that during the last +three years the attention of so many minds has been devoted to problems +of "reconstruction" after the War, so much has been written and said +about them, so many suggestions made and schemes propounded, so many +commissions of inquiry appointed and reports prepared, that an attempt +at full treatment of the questions involved would require a cyclopaedia +rather than a small volume. No one person would be able ever to read +half of the valuable material already collected bearing on these +problems. To deal effectively with them all would demand several +lifetimes of preliminary special training. The difficulty is increased +by the fact that every week brings something new or some change in the +situation. Some new fact comes to light, some book or article is +published, some speech made, some report issued, or even some Act +passed, which calls for consideration, and it may be for comment. + +The effect of the War has undoubtedly been to evoke far more serious +thought on the real problems of life, and also practical activity in +dealing with many of them. The mass of literature, including of course +the considered utterances of men whose words exercise the most influence +in moulding the opinions and guiding the action of others, grows from +day to day. If that literature consisted mainly of bitter and empty +controversy, of the expression of mere opinions, the spinning of +plausible theories or clever presentation of interesting speculations, +it would not be necessary to trouble much about it; but so large a part +contains the statement of important facts or the results of serious +study and of the actual experience of those who are experts in the +special subjects of which they treat, that it is impossible to pass +lightly over what they write or say. There is about a large portion of +this literature an air of reality, an earnest desire to get to the +heart of a matter, to contribute to true knowledge of the various +subjects to which the writers have devoted their attention and to find a +practical solution of the problems involved. Sensationalism or mere +writing for effect is the exception, not the general characteristic of +what is thus being constantly published on various aspects of national +reconstruction. + +It is inevitable, therefore, that in any attempt to treat the subject as +a whole some important suggestions will appear to have been overlooked +or neglected, and that valuable sources of information and useful +proposals will have escaped notice, while in other cases there will +appear to be repetition, even without acknowledgment of what has already +been said, and said better by others. + +The justification for the attempt made in the following pages is that +there are many people who have not the time or inclination to follow up +special questions fully, but may be glad of a summary, and that a mere +sketch-plan of the whole ground to be covered, filled in here and there +in more detail, may have its use as a kind of bird's-eye view by which +the relations of a number of subjects to each other and the general +character of each may be seen. + +For convenience of treatment and as an aid to memory the various +problems to be discussed are arranged under three heads; following the +old Victorian watchwords of the party which claimed to be +progressive--Peace, Retrenchment, Reform. + +The policy once indicated by these terms may in many cases have been +discarded, and no doubt they were often used in a sense very different +from that in which they must serve in our classification. "Peace" and +"Retrenchment" have been used to cover a policy which by reducing the +Navy would have left us naked to our enemies and a prey to starvation +within a few months from the outbreak of war; "Reform" to denote changes +which pedantry or envy may urge, but which could lead to no useful +practical result. In spite of this, the three words do in fact, like +the words Liberty, Equality, Fraternity--whatever crimes may have been +committed in their name--indicate and express three ideas that we must +have definitely before us in considering what the lines of +reconstruction ought to be. + +The spirit--the tone of mind in which the work of reconstruction is +approached--will count for much. First of all, it is essential to have +hope--a real expectation not only that by strenuous effort and wise +foresight the country will meet and overcome the trials which are +inevitable, and the perils which threaten after as well as during the +War, but also that a better and brighter future is in store. Plans must +be framed and action taken under the inspiration of a firm trust that +the ideals we aim at are to be realised, that the "things hoped for" +have a potential actuality. Fatalism in politics--we use the term in the +original sense including ethics--is deadly, whether it is the fatalism +due to a sloppy optimism which is satisfied that somehow things will +come right whatever we do or leave undone, or to a paralysing pessimism +which in cowardly despair accepts the triumph of evil as ordained and +gives up the struggle when the prospects of victory seem dark. It would +be folly not to recognise that not only now, but for years to come there +will be enormous difficulties and terrible dangers to be faced; but it +is possible for our hearts and minds to be filled too much with the +contemplation of them instead of looking to the goal we aim at, and the +steps we must take one by one to reach it. + + Be not over-exquisite + To cast the fashion of uncertain evils. + What need a man forestall his date of grief + And run to meet what he would most avoid? + +There may be rocks and breakers--"a ferment of revolution"--ahead, but +the task of the pilot and the crew is to keep their eyes on the channel +through them, and to work the ship in its course to the haven where they +would be. + +Secondly, there must be a faith to inspire action, based on a belief in +an essential goodness of human nature and in its capacity for +improvement. Unless such a belief were well founded, democracy would be +a thing to be dreaded and resisted by every means in our power. As +ground for his belief in a better day, Bright speaks--and his language +is prophetic--of the people "sublime in their resolution." It is that +resolution which, in spite of our unprepared condition and of all the +mistakes that have been made, as well as of disasters that could not +have been foreseen, and of a power in the enemy far greater and a +wickedness more diabolical than anyone dreamed of, will "bring victory +home." + +To have watched the action of the electorate during the last fifty years +leads to the conclusion that in spite of apparent vacillations it has +been characterised by good sense and good feeling, and that its +judgment, so far as conditions from time to time permitted of its true +expression, has been sound. To go about the country now and see what +earnest and useful work is being quietly done, what loss and suffering +bravely borne, confirms and renews the trust in our fellow-countrymen +which might be shaken if we listened only to the utterances in the Press +and in Parliament. + +"Trust in the people" should be a habit of mind--a rule of action +tacitly adopted--not a party watchword. Tell a man or boy--more than +once--that you trust him, and he will probably take it--and not without +a warrant--that you don't, that in fact you have grave doubts but do not +wholly despair. The phrase might be taboo on the platform to raise cheap +cheers but silently recognised in the Cabinet as a guide in action. How +much better would it have been all through the War, and how much better +now, if there were no concealment, except when information given might +assist the enemy, if we knew at once even when things went wrong! There +have been times when it was necessary, in order to know at all what was +really going on, to read the German reports rather than our own, subject +of course to a discount. The difficulty with those German preparations +is to determine whether the discount for intentional falsification +should be 5 per cent. or 90 per cent. Candour, however, leads us rather +to admit the former as generally nearer the mark when military +operations have been the subject of them, at least until the Germans +began to suffer serious defeats in the field. + +It would have been far better, too, to have assumed--there was real +ground for the assumption--that the nation was ready and willing at once +to make any sacrifice, to submit to privation, to rouse itself to any +effort if only the necessity for it were made clear, and if it could be +satisfied that so far as possible the burdens would be distributed +equally among all. + +Increased taxation properly adjusted has almost been a general demand, +but unfairness in its incidence even on comparatively small matters is +intensely resented. The Food Control Ministry whose orders affect +everybody's daily comfort is positively popular, while the profiteer and +the food-hoarder arouse the bitterest, though perhaps not always +discriminating, indignation. Skilled workmen have been almost driven to +strike, not from want of patriotism, nor from desire for profit out of +the War, but because of the unfairness of leaving their wage at a level +often below that of the unskilled and even of casual importations. The +fatal delays which were sometimes quite unnecessary, in dealing with +complaints have added to the feeling of unrest. Suspicions were even +aroused sometimes that delays were intentional. + +A like spirit of confidence is required in the statement of "War Aims." +The higher our aims are put--if put honestly--the more earnest and +complete is the response. Stated as they were by Mr. Asquith, with his +usual masterly precision of language, they received a practically +unanimous and enthusiastic approval. There was nothing sordid in the +motives which induced the best of our youth to offer their lives for +their country's cause. + +Before the War it was a lack of "Trust in the people" which contributed +to our unprepared condition. How much nearer would victory have +been--possibly, indeed, there would have been no war--if our Government +and leading men had, instead of carping at the great man who had true +insight, stated plainly and calmly that great perils were threatened, +that it was necessary to set our house in order, to make military +training more general, to use all available knowledge in making ready +the machinery which would be necessary in case war was thrust upon us +suddenly! It was not "the people" who were responsible for the fact that +the storm found us so unprepared. They would not have resented being +told the truth, and asked to act accordingly. Even a candidate for +Parliament may sometimes say what he really thinks, and yet not repel +the electors, as witness one who, being asked long ago what was his view +about "one man one vote," answered, "It is a good question for a school +debating society. Let us talk about something important. Our first need +is a strong navy; without that we should be starving, perhaps eating +each other, or submitting to the most degrading terms, within a few +months of the outbreak of war, and the second is the increased +production of food at home to make us more self-supporting in time of +need. Let us think of these things." He was elected by the votes of the +artizans and agricultural labourers in a constituency where at the +election before there had been a great majority for the opposing +candidate, though he had no personal influence, had spent nothing in +"nursing the constituency," and refused to give pledges or act as a +delegate to register the instructions of any caucus. He died, +politically, without abjuring his faith. It was not the electors who +hastened his decease. + +When a democratic Government is definitely established as in England +now, the alternatives for trust are either to hold aloof in despair +awaiting the debacle, to resist to the bitter end with a result like +that which Stephenson said would occur if a cow attempted to stop his +locomotive, or to try humbug and flattery. You do not flatter those you +trust. We are not speaking of that delightful flattery practised by +Irishmen out of exuberant spirits or to create a genial atmosphere, but +which is so easily succeeded by equally picturesque and imaginative +denunciation. To resent is as foolish as to believe either, though we +must admit that it is often a pleasure to be a recipient of the one and +to hear the other _facon de parler_ addressed to our opponents. For the +stolid Saxon it is a good maxim to tell the truth as pleasantly as +possible, but to tell it plainly, and to be honest in admitting defects +and recognising dangers. We are on the whole rather an ignorant +nation--probably not more so than others, if we except the Germans and +possibly the Scandinavians. We are not, as a rule, clear-headed or +accurate thinkers, though we have generally a large fund of practical +good sense. We lack constructive imagination, but have a certain +originality and real power of initiative in dealing with practical +problems as they arise, and much dogged perseverance in "carrying a +thing through." These, like most other general propositions, are subject +to exceptions and open to many objections, but they contain a sufficient +element of truth to be worth noting. + +It is well plainly to recognise that if democracy is to be a blessing +instead of a curse there are three conditions necessary to control and +guide its action. First, with the consciousness of power there must be a +deep sense of responsibility. Secondly, with freedom of action there +must be a law-abiding spirit, a habit of obedience to those laws of +action which control the arbitrary changeful will of the moment. The +prayer of the old Greek poet is one for all time: + + May my lot be to keep a reverence pure in word and deed, + Controlled by laws, lofty, heaven-born, + Of which the father is God alone, + Not by the mortal nature of man begotten + Never in oblivion lulled to sleep! + God is mighty within them and grows not old. + +Thirdly, there should be an ideal of what we aim at, of what we wish the +nation to become and to do, carefully thought out, and consciously set +before us--its attainment the object of our efforts--and with that must +be combined patient attention and steady work in planning and in taking +each practical step which will tend towards its realisation. Mere +captivating phrases are a will-of-the-wisp leading us to that "dangerous +quag" of revolutionary change into which "even if a good man fall he +will find no bottom for his feet to stand on." Reformation and +revolution are "contraries" though not perhaps "contradictories." Either +for the individual or the nation vague aspiration not followed by +beneficent action is the kind of stimulant which destroys virility. It +renders even virtue sterile, and engenders no new birth. + +The Reign of Law is the best protection of Liberty. Arbitrariness--the +term seems the nearest we have to express the idea, but it is not quite +happy, and the use of the more expressive German word "Willkuer" might be +pardoned--is as great a danger in a democracy as in an autocracy, and it +is less capable of remedy. The "divine right of the odd man" "to govern +wrong" is too often assumed as an article of political faith. A new +generation may think that to quote from an early Victorian writer is to +appeal to the "dark ages"; but is there not a warning for all time in +Hallam's words, "the absolute Government of the majority is in general +the most tyrannical of any"? It is possible to decapitate a king who +sets himself above the law, or to deport or destroy a reactionary and +tyrannous aristocracy, but against the crimes or follies of an +unrestrained majority there is no appeal. Chaos, "red ruin, and the +breaking up of laws" follow in their steps. A general and deep sense of +responsibility as well as consciousness of power among "the masses" is a +necessary condition for welfare in a country with democratic government. + +More of the nation's life and development has been concentrated within +the last four years than would occupy fifty years of Europe or a "cycle +of Cathay" in ordinary times. It has borne sorrows and losses which +would have been overwhelming had it been known beforehand how great +they would be; the call for tremendous efforts for which it was totally +unprepared has been answered with steady resolve and heroic sacrifice. +Faith in human nature has been confirmed. Where there has been failure +it has not been through want of courage or any shrinking from duty on +the part of the rank and file, but rather from deficiencies in +leadership. Imaginative grasp of a position, clear and accurate +thinking, leading to prompt and definite action, can hardly be claimed +as special characteristics of our race, but once satisfied that a thing +has got to be done, that it is "up to them" to do it, checks or defeats, +labour or risks do not count. Sooner or later the task is performed. The +"recoil" of the British again and again after being pressed back is the +striking feature in their history. The spring is not easily wound up, +but it has enormous power, and the events of to-day show that it has not +lost its elasticity. But how much more might have been accomplished, how +much loss and suffering prevented, had knowledge awakened more interest +and a prophetic imagination guided and inspired action directed to a +definite goal, had we set our ideals clearly before us and carefully +thought out the steps to be taken one by one towards their realisation! + +The recognition of these conditions is needed now, and will in the +coming changes be needed more and more. Enthusiasm and sanity must be +united to carry us safely forward. Tradition and custom will count for +less either in maintaining or in preventing what is evil. Many old modes +of thought, many old habits which checked us in the downward as well as +hindered us in the upward path, will have been destroyed by the fire +through which we have been passing. We need a conscious plan more than +ever for rebuilding and good workmanship in execution detail by detail. + + Image the whole, then execute the parts. + Fancy the fabric + Quite ere you build, ere steel strike fire from quartz, + Ere mortar dab brick. + +Then take the trowel and see that brick by brick each course is truly +laid. + +But we are not building a new city on unoccupied ground; there are some +foundations truly laid which have withstood the fire and storm and which +cannot be disturbed without both risk and useless toil. There are still +edifices standing to which time has given a beauty and tradition a +sanctity which newer creations cannot possess. They cannot be removed +without irreparable loss. Like any other metaphor, that of rebuilding a +city as compared with the action of a state, of a nation, after a time +of change and trouble, is misleading if pressed too far. Progress for a +nation must rather be the growth and development of a living organism +adapting itself to new conditions or altered environment. We should "lop +the moulder'd branch away," amputate the diseased tissue, as the true +Conservative policy, and tend and foster the healthy growths with utmost +care, as the true method for the Liberal who aims at improvement and +fuller life. + +One other thing must be said of the spirit in which the work of +Reconstruction should be undertaken, which goes to the root of the whole +matter, and a word must be used which we would have avoided if +possible--"the word is too often profaned for me to profane it." But +search for a substitute has been unavailing. + +There are some words which are better unspoken, except in case of +necessity, that become soiled by common use. The too ready employment of +them may savour indeed of that unctuous tone which makes ordinary +Englishmen and boys squirm. "Conscience" is one. When a man speaks of +his conscience you at once, and quite rightly, begin to suspect him. He +is probably going to refuse some hard task which others are undertaking, +to do something which is offensive to his fellows, or at best, in sheer +obstinacy to insist on a course of conduct which he knows cannot be +justified by reason. Someone has defined "conscience" as the +"deification of our prejudices"; the giving of a kind of divine +authority to something we will insist on doing though it brings no +good, even causes harm, to ourselves and offends and injures others, or +the giving a name which should be sacred as commanding what we want to +do for other reasons. A staunch Nonconformist--one of the clearest +thinkers and probably the finest preacher of the last generation--how he +would have hated the phrase, but one cannot pause for another!--truly +said of the passive resisters in his day, "There is a deal more of +politics than of conscience in their action." Yet there are times when +even the word conscience may have to be used, and no other will suffice. +Another is "Duty"--so often put forward as the excuse for people doing +something stupid, probably something they have been in the habit of +doing and seem unable to give up, but which is really only a nuisance to +themselves and also to others. Yet there are under the abused words +ideas which should be the guide of life. + +The third is "Love"--an earnest and intense desire for the welfare of +our fellow-men, keen joy in their happiness, keen sorrow in their +troubles. The word is out and shall not, except perhaps in a quotation, +be used again. To use the word lightly or without grave reason seems +almost a breach of the third clause of the Decalogue, remembering what +is said to be its equivalent by one who of all men who have lived had +the most intimate means of knowing. All work of reconstruction must be +inspired by a spirit of true philanthropy; without that the labour is in +vain. There is no other motive power that can move the world in the path +of true progress. + +It will be said that this is both obvious and to be ignored--a platitude +with a flavour of cant. Is it? Do we not hear again and again the appeal +to envy and hatred as motives of action, a desire in social life to pull +down, if levelling up is not immediately practicable? Is not jealousy of +the success of others, whether individuals or classes or states, again +and again what really prompts a policy? Even in dealing with the +countries which are our declared enemies, the desire to injure ought +not to be our guide. If and when they relinquish the aims and cease from +such acts as forced us into war with them and make restitution for the +wrongs they have committed, the right policy is, as far as possible, +having clue regard to the just claims and interest of our friends, to do +what will be for their true benefit also in the long run. No doubt there +is a disgraceful and fatal policy, sometimes adopted by English +Governments, to be resolutely withstood--the policy of trying "to +conciliate our enemies by giving away our friends." We shall hear of it +again in dealing both with Ireland and with certain colonies when +Germany claims their return. On the other hand, the first maxim in all +negotiation, the first principle of sound diplomacy, is always to give +to the other side, and give without grudging, all he wants, provided it +does not interfere with what it is important for your side to secure. +Never be afraid of giving the opposing party too much, provided you get +what your side really ought to have. How often has one heard in +discussing a settlement the objection raised that the other party is +getting too much! It is an old-time fallacy to think that practical good +sense and the highest philanthropy are antagonistic; only be certain +that if in any case they seem to be so, the latter is to prevail. + +With a good map you may safely have Mr. Worldly Wiseman's company to the +village of Morality, and visit the "judicious gentleman named Legality" +and "his charming son Civility"--yet find a straight road thence to the +Celestial City without deviating to the "great town" of Carnal Policy. +An apology perhaps is due in the twentieth century for using the +language of an earlier day; but everyone naturally thinks in the +language in which he was brought up, and education is now no doubt +sufficiently general to make allusion recognisable and translation easy. +There are still some survivals from a past generation who prefer even +the "minor prophets" as literature to the most "up-to-date" modern +utterances, though they have long ago relinquished the idea that there +is the slightest personal merit in doing so. Even when the older +language was half forgotten there were within our memory some who would +use it if they could, and perhaps did so when they felt strongly, as a +Scotsman in strange lands may, when deeply moved, revert to what +convention insists on calling his "native doric." + +The question may fairly be put to all who are dealing with proposals for +reconstruction: "Is the aim you have in view definitely and clearly to +promote the general benefit?" Most would no doubt be able quite honestly +to answer, "Yes, that is my desire"; but we must go a step farther, "Are +you willing to make that object paramount? If it were proved that in +order to provide decent housing for a number of workers your dividends +would be reduced, are you prepared still to urge that the required +accommodation shall be provided? If the removal or the imposition of a +particular tariff will benefit the community as a whole, are you +prepared to vote for such a change, though owing to it the business in +which you are personally interested may make less profit?" There are +some men whose conduct shows that an answer could be given by them in +the affirmative. When the great majority can so answer with truth, we +need have no fear that the rebuilding of Britain, even if mistakes are +made, will be on sound foundations. + +To sum up: in considering each proposal we must first examine the spirit +and the aim. Try the spirit, test the aims put before us by every means +in our power; venture to measure them by the moral canons of the great +thinkers and seers which have stood the test of time. Adopt the rules to +which the acts of those who have benefited mankind have conformed or +which have received the consent of the best--the "golden" rule, hard +though it be to apply rightly and thoroughly, or Kant's principle that +each act of the individual (or community) is to be tested by the +standard whether or no it can be made of universal application, whether +it can command approval if taken as a guide for their actions by other +men or other nations as well as our own. Goodwill and Charity, to be +strong and true, must begin at home, but for their full fruition require +a field which has no bounds. + + That man's the best Cosmopolite + Who loves his native country best. + + + + +Part II + +PEACE + + + + +_A.--INTERNATIONAL PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER II + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE NEED + + _Unless a nation, like an individual, have some purpose, + some ideal, some motive which lies outside of and beyond + self-interest and self-aggrandisement, war must continue + on the face of this earth until the day when the last and + strongest man shall look out upon a world that has been + depopulated in its pursuit of a false ideal._--NICHOLAS + MURRAY BUTLER. + + +Paramount in importance above everything else is the establishment and +maintenance of peace between nations. No remedies for disease, no rules +for healthy life will avail, if the arteries through which the +life-blood is pouring away remain open still or are only temporarily +closed and liable after a brief interval to burst out anew. The vitality +of the nation would be gone beyond recovery if another generation of its +best manhood were to be sacrificed and its materiall resources again +squandered to meet the necessities of a great war. + +Every day that the War lasts forces on us more clearly the fact that +Science, not only natural science--physics and chemistry--but also the +scientific organisation of the State as an instrument of war, has so +developed the means of destruction as either to blot out humanity or to +leave the greater part of mankind in abject and bitter slavery to the +powers that can wield most effectively the instruments of death and of +torture, if war between the leading nations breaks out again after an +interval of seeming peace. How warfare has changed within living memory! +Five-and-twenty years ago the highest authority on naval construction +spoke with contempt of the submarine as a factor in war at sea. No one +then had solved the old world problem of aerial flight. Some of the most +distinguished men of science regarded the attempts which were then being +made as hopeless. It then seemed still to be a mere dream of poets. +Wireless telegraphy was only a matter of speculation, a thing which a +few only thought of as a possibility of the future. Man has indeed +plucked the fruit of the tree of knowledge for his own destruction. What +may be the result of another quarter of a century of like advancement of +the knowledge of the means of spreading "death throughout the world and +bitter woe"? It may not be, as Dr. Murray Butler says, that the +strongest man will remain alone in a depopulated world. The strongest +may succumb to the inventions for destruction and the survivors may be a +few of those maimed or weakened by disease whom the storm has passed +over as too obscure, of too little importance even for the messengers of +Death to remember and to relieve from their misery. This is not +rhetorical exaggeration. The weapons of offence regularly win in their +race with the weapons of defence. Fortresses that took years to +construct are shattered in a day. The ironclad is sunk by the torpedo. +How very little margin lay between this country and starvation through +action of submarines! Suppose the enemy had possessed five times as many +submarines from the first, would our defensive measures have prevailed? +How small an extension in the enemy's power in the air would have +enabled him in a single night to leave London a mass of ruins, its whole +population which had not fled dying in torment from poisonous gases! +Another five-and-twenty years of advance in scientific knowledge equal +to that of the last five-and-twenty years may easily make such a result +possible. + +But some man--one of those who never look beyond the next year and their +own street, and expects always to carry on business as usual--will say +that the nations will be exhausted and tired of war, and this War will +be the last. Dare any country trust to that unless a new spirit is +infused into the nations and definite steps are taken to prevent war? +Did those who had the best means of knowledge--the Government of the +day--imagine that such a war as this would break out suddenly? If they +did, they would be guilty of a crime almost unparalleled in leaving us +so unprepared and fiddling with such questions--"Welsh Disestablishment" +and the like--as occupied their time and attention and excited the +political controversies of the months and years immediately preceding +the War. + +Assume even that no new war does break out again actually, dare any +nation neglect to keep up its naval and military armaments on a scale +far greater than before? How is the burden to be met when every penny +that can be raised as revenue will be needed to meet the charge on our +gigantic debt and the necessary claims for carrying on Government, to +say nothing of improving the conditions of life? We cannot, nor can +other nations, go on using up capital and borrowing indefinitely. The +choice is between assured peace and certain ruin, even if no war +actually occurs. How can peace be assured? It would be well for some of +those with the requisite historical knowledge and insight to trace +carefully the causes which have led to war in the past, to attempt a +diagnosis of the disease which has again and again devastated the world. +A vain classification might perhaps be made into religious wars, +dynastic wars, trade wars; but is there not one element common almost to +all, namely, the will to power, the desire and intention of some man or +set of men to impose their will on others, regardless of justice, which +forbids the exercise of force to prevent each thinking, speaking, acting +as he will, provided he does not injure the rights of others? It was the +assertion of a claim to dominate which led to the eighty years' war when +Spain tried to impose her yoke on the Netherlands, and blended with +desire for gain a crusade against the faiths which rejected the +supremacy of Rome. Was the Thirty years War a religious war or a +struggle between rulers to assert and extend their powers? Take any one +of the series of long wars, such as those of Louis XIV. or of Napoleon, +under what head of such a classification do they fall? Does not the +common element above mentioned apply to all of them? + +The urgency of taking definite steps to secure peace has been recognised +already, much thought has been devoted to it, and schemes even in some +detail have been suggested for dealing with it. The idea of a League of +Nations to secure peace is occupying the attention of many of the wisest +minds and of the statesmen who hold the most responsible positions. It +is meeting with strong popular support, at all events in Britain and in +the United States. France and Italy are examining the proposal. It is +well, however, where attractive phrases are used and schemes proposed, +to subject them carefully to the double test: how far they cover the +ground and meet the real difficulties; and, secondly, how they would +work out in practice in the circumstances which are likely to arise. We +want to look at the question as a whole, to see exactly what we have to +aim at, sometimes to reiterate what seem almost useless truisms. The +obvious is too often overlooked. First we need to recognise the actual +facts, then let the right spirit grow up and become general, and after +that attempt to plan the best machinery and test its probable effect and +efficiency by seeing how it would be expected to work in various special +cases. + +There are now in the world two fundamentally different ways of looking +at international relations. On the one hand, we have the assertions +expressed definitely in words by many Germans and acted upon +consistently without qualification by the German Government, that +justice is the interest of the stronger; that power and force may be, +and indeed ought to be, exerted by a State without any check on moral +grounds; that a strong nation must realise itself, develop and use its +strength without regard to the so-called rights of the weaker; that +"those should take who have the power, and those should keep who can." +To them Reason, Common Sense, even the Divine Law seem to say: "Assert +thyself; have the will to power." Where such a spirit exists there can +be no binding force in agreements, rules of international law are a +farce, but convenient perhaps at times for embarrassing the action of +opponents who wish to treat them with respect. The dictates of humanity +may be set aside at discretion. With that spirit argument is useless. +With those who are inspired by it there can be no compromise, no truce. +It must be met by force inspired by moral earnestness. In that struggle +the alternative for the world is victory or death. Every man who falls +fighting against such a foe dies a martyr, witnessing by his death that +so far as in him lies the embodied powers of evil shall not prevail. +Unless the Power which thus claims to dominate is defeated it is useless +to talk of peace. On the other hand, it is essential to recognise, and +keep ever before us, the spirit which is opposed to this claim for +domination, this denial of the existence of justice, and to renew in the +whole nation the spirit in which it entered into the War. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE SCHEME + + _If any peace after the War is to be permanent there must + be a settlement not only between territorial claims but + an arrangement with regard to the machinery by which + peace will be maintained in the future._ + + +Perhaps the most convenient way to gain a more definite idea of what the +proposal for a League of Nations really means, to understand both its +advantages and the difficulties involved in it, may be to follow the +debate on the subject initiated by Lord Parmoor in the House of Lords in +March of 1918. It shows that the idea of a League of Nations to prevent +war is taking definite shape, and is not regarded by practical +men--statesmen with experience of the actual conduct of international +affairs, and lawyers who as members of the judicial committee of the +Privy Council have had to devote their attention to questions of +international law--as outside the range of practical politics. It shows +also that the idea will stand the test of discussion and calm criticism. + +Lord Lansdowne--to whom, whatever may be thought of some recent +utterances, the country owes a debt of gratitude too little recognised, +especially for his conduct of foreign affairs at a most difficult period +during the Boer War--stated his opinion that "in a league pronouncing a +sentence of international outlawry upon any one country that broke away +from its obligations you would have a material guarantee for the +maintenance of peace." He pointed out how "the existence of such a +league might perhaps have prevented the War in July of 1914, as it was +impossible in that time of clamour and confusion when one suggestion +after another made by those who, like Sir Edward Grey, were working for +peace was rejected, to put forward a definite proposal for dealing with +the dispute in a manner provided for by previous agreement." Lord +Parker, whose authority carries the greatest weight with jurists +everywhere, having the true lawyer's instinct for putting vague +proposals into definite shape, actually presented a draft of heads of +agreement for the establishment of a League.[1] These heads would, to +say the least, form the basis for discussion leading to practical +results. One or two of his proposed clauses may be quoted as expressing +in definite language the fundamental principles which must be the basis +of any such League. The first may appear perhaps only a "pious opinion." +It is really very much more. Assent to it means the complete repudiation +of the ideas which have guided German policy--the ideas which made world +war inevitable, and which will inevitably lead to war in the future +unless they are abandoned. Any nation which assents to the clause tells +the world that it expressly rejects those ideas and agrees that its +action shall be guided by principles diametrically opposed to them. +Assent to a declaration of the kind suggested would certainly affect the +spirit in which international questions are approached in future, and +probably the resulting action also. It runs: + +"The League to recognise that war from whatever cause is a danger to our +common civilisation, and that international disputes ought to be settled +on principles of right and justice and not by force of arms." The last +clause dealing with the admission of new members of the League is the +complement of this. There is to be power "to admit a nation as a member +of the League, if satisfied in each case that the nation bona fide +accepts the principle on which the League is founded, and bona fide +intends that international disputes shall thereafter be settled by +peaceful means." It is contemplated, and rightly contemplated, that +there should be a possibility for the Central Empires to join the League +sooner or later, but it can only be on terms of their rulers at the time +saying expressly, "We abjure in the sight of the world and of our own +people those principles of action which German rulers and leaders of +thought have been inculcating for two generations." The choice for +Germany would be either to stand excommunicated from the brotherhood of +nations for ever, or to say plainly, "I declare what my professors and +schoolmasters have for half a century had to teach to be false; the +doctrines of Treitschke and of his disciple von Bernhardi are anathema; +it is infamous to adopt the statement of the German writer that 'It is +of no importance to me whether an action is just or unjust,' or that 'If +I am powerful enough to perform any deed, then I am justified in doing +it.' I renounce such leaders and teachers and all their words and works, +so that I will not follow or be led by them." It may be urged that the +recantation might not be sincere, but it would discredit the authority +of those who attempt to revive the damnable doctrines.[2] + +The great difficulty, of course, arises as to the means of enforcing the +agreement against war, of finding some proper and effective sanction to +secure its observance. It may be well to note that throughout this +discussion the word sanction is used in the strict legal sense, meaning +some definite penalty or punishment to be inflicted on a wrong-doer. It +is the existence of such a "sanction" which is the clearest way of +enforcing obedience, and gives a rule of conduct the force of law. + +Two definite proposals are made in Lord Parker's scheme. (1) "If an act +of war be committed against any member of the League, the Council is to +notify it, and thereupon every member should (_a_) break off diplomatic +relations with the nation guilty of such act; (_b_) prohibit and take +effective steps to prevent all trade and commerce between itself and the +guilty party; (_c_) place an embargo upon all ships and property of the +guilty nation found in its territorial waters or within its +territories." + +A very similar suggestion, though not quite so definite, was made by the +present writer in an article on "Sanction in International Law," which +appeared in the Italian Journal "Scientia" in 1916. "The nations might +agree that any belligerent which wilfully violates or invades neutral +territory shall be treated as a moral leper. Without actually going to +war they should cease to have dealings with the invader, forbid all +intercourse of their subjects with the country which violates the +neutral territory." + +For the sake of brevity this may be called the "economic boycott," but +it is really very much more than simply economic pressure. It is a +common habit in political discussions to confuse very different things, +to which the same name is given, and the term "economic boycott" is +being used to cover three proposals of very different character. (_a_) +It may mean a permanent exclusion of Germany from the markets of the +world to punish its people for supporting the crimes of its rulers and +incidentally to secure for ourselves a valuable extension of trade by +reason of the exclusion of a rival. (_b_) It may mean a temporary +measure to insure that agreed terms of peace are observed by those who +disregard "mere scraps of paper," to act as a guarantee that restitution +shall be made for wrongs done, to check the revival and extension of the +enemy's armaments, to make the German people feel the disadvantages and +loss caused by their action, and the desirability of joining with +others in repudiating war as a means of settling disputes or asserting +national claims. (_c_) It may mean a sanction for breach of the +stipulations contained in the agreement on which the League of Nations +is founded, i.e., a punishment to be inflicted on anyone who infringes +the agreement he has made--a means of insuring performance of its terms. +It is in this last sense that it is used in the present discussion. + +(2) The second sanction proposed in the scheme is of a still more +serious character. The clause to embody it runs as follows: + +"Certain members of the League specified in a schedule and to consist of +the chief military and naval powers, should agree, if required to do so +by a resolution of the League, to commence war against the guilty +nation, and to prosecute such war by land and sea until the guilty +nation shall have accepted terms which shall be approved by the League." + +This proposal might more effectually prevent wrong-doing, but, even if +carefully guarded as Lord Parker proposes, appears open to serious +objections. There seems grave reason to fear that while intended to +prevent war, it might really be the cause of disputes, and possibly of +war of the most deadly kind. Such a stipulation might cast a terrible +burden on a strong naval power like Great Britain, and have most +disastrous consequences. We are bound to maintain a strong navy to keep +open communication between the different parts of the Empire and also to +protect our food supplies. Without sea power Britain could in a few +months be starved into submission to any terms in case of war, but to +maintain a large navy to be at the beck and call of a Council +representing all the nations who cared to join the proposed League would +be intolerable. Suppose, for example, the United States demanded +satisfaction for some outrage on American subjects, or suppose American +subjects were threatened with massacre in some unsettled country such as +Mexico, and in order to obtain satisfaction or to protect its subjects +sent some warships to a Mexican port and landed an armed force, not with +any object of aggression, but to prevent irreparable injuries. Suppose +Great Britain was of opinion that the American demand was amply +justified, but that a majority of representatives of the League, or +even, as Lord Parker's scheme suggests, a majority of the powers named +in the Schedule, took a contrary view and called on Great Britain to +fulfil the agreement to use her naval force and commence and prosecute +to the bitter end a war against the United States because its Government +had acted at once instead of waiting while the representatives of a +score of other nations were discussing whether any action was +permissible. Would not the alternative between breaking the engagement +and undertaking a bitter and ruinous war against a powerful and friendly +nation put us in an intolerable position? Half a dozen States in the +League might for one reason or another wish to resist the claim of the +United States for redress. Names of States which might possibly so +combine could be given, but it is better to refrain. It is not +inconceivable that German penetration and intrigue at some future time +might promote a combination of the kind. All sorts of influences might +be brought to bear on certain of the States and on their +representatives. Dynastic claims might even affect them. + +Unless it be with some country which she can trust and whose Government +and its aims she can thoroughly rely upon, and then only for some +limited and specific purpose, Great Britain, or any other naval or +military power, ought not to bind itself to go to war and employ its +forces. We must be free to reduce those forces or to refrain from +employing them in making war. An engagement which might in +circumstances, the real character of which no one can foresee at +present, compel us to undertake a war at the bidding of others is a +thing to which we ought never to consent. Engagements to make war are +not a safe way of promoting peace. They may possibly be justified where +there is some clearly specified object, some defined case in which +nations ally themselves to prevent some particular wrong, such, for +example, as guaranteeing the neutrality of Belgium. Even for a single +specific agreement of this kind a very strong case is required, but that +is a totally different thing from agreeing to provide a kind of world +police to enforce and execute the orders of a Council of heterogeneous +States under conditions the nature of which no one can predict now. We +cannot tell beforehand with any certainty what will be the real +character of the proposed League Council, nor what motives may inspire +its members at some future time, nor whom the majority of them will in +fact represent. It does not necessarily follow that there can be no +sanction of any kind to enforce the rules of International Law or the +decisions of a League of Nations to prevent a breach of international +peace, no penalty attaching to those who disregard those rules or are +guilty of breaking that peace. As already stated, the economic boycott, +every member of the League agreeing to treat an aggressor as an outlaw, +and without actually going to war ceasing to have any dealings with him, +and forbidding all intercourse of its subjects with the peace-breaker, +is likely to be really effective. Lord Shaw, whose interest in the +subject is no new thing, and who has devoted long and careful +consideration to it, later in the debate gave the weight of his +authority as to the efficacy of such measures. "Let it," he said, "be +known once and for all that from the moment a nation becomes a traitor +to the League it becomes, _ipso facto_, an economic outlaw, then the +motive both for being included within and for remaining within the +League will be increased a hundredfold, and wholly for the benefit of +mankind." + +Of course, logically many of the objections which can be urged against +an agreement to make war might also be urged against an agreement for a +boycott of this kind, but in practice the risks in the case of the +boycott would be far less serious. Members of a club might well agree to +expel and to cut a member who assaults another, but it would be a +different matter to agree that, they should be able to order the +strongest man in the club to go to his house and thrash the offender +until he makes such compensation as may seem satisfactory to them. A man +who objected to be put on a "schedule" of members liable to be deputed +for such a mission would not necessarily be a coward. He might possibly +think that the member assaulted did in fact deserve a horse-whipping, +though he might deprecate such a proceeding, and consider that the +affair, or the dispute between the parties, ought to have been dealt +with by the club committee as a case for expulsion. A hatred of +injustice, resentment against wrong, if it really exists in nations and +individuals, will make itself felt. Without it, formal agreements will +be found to be of little use. The objections to a League of Nations +having power practically to order certain of its members to make war do +not in any way prevent the establishment of international tribunals +being followed by useful results. Without any express sanctions to +enforce them as above suggested, their decisions will usually be obeyed +in practice. There is and will be plenty of scope for the action of such +tribunals. A nation may hate war, may recognise its perils and the +inevitable losses involved, but may feel that an unwarrantable claim is +being made against it which it is bound to resist. It may, however, be +perfectly willing to submit the point to any tribunal which even +purports to be impartial, and abide by its decision. In this way some +systems of law have grown up. They began by regulating procedure. Each +of two parties claimed something as his property, was ready to fight to +maintain his right; but such contests might result in injustice, and +were certainly injurious to the peace of the State. In early Roman Law +each party who claimed the object in dispute touched it with his spear, +showing his readiness to fight for it; then some respected citizen--_vir +pietate gravis_--stepped in, and each party, without fear that his +refraining from fighting would expose him to future encroachments on his +rights, could agree to abide by his decision. As time goes on, what was +merely the casual intervention of an arbitrator becomes an habitual +rule, and eventually the fixed law of the land. Custom develops by +general consent into law. Trial by combat may become obsolete in +practice even long before it becomes illegal. There are many cases in +which a man (or a nation) dare not give way, though he knows that it +will cost him more to fight the case. A rough Lancashire manufacturer +was once advised against fighting a difficult case on the ground that +the result was uncertain, and the costs would in any event be very +heavy, more than the value of the matter in dispute. He said afterwards +to his solicitor with some force, "If I give in in this, that ---- will +come into my kitchen, kick me, and ask what business I have there. No, +I'll fight him now." He brought his action and won, and found the +prediction as to costs was only too fully borne out, even though +judgment in the Court of Appeal was finally given in his favour. The man +who says he will not fight in any circumstances invites injuries, though +the man who fights when he could honourably avoid it is pretty sure to +rue his decision. + +Where two high-spirited persons are engaged in a dispute, and each is +ready to maintain his cause with the sword, the intervention of a third +may save both from the disasters of a battle. The words of the Douglas +when intervening in a heated contest, "The first who strikes shall be my +foe," may sometimes be a model for the real peacemaker. But he would +certainly have resented the idea of agreeing to keep prepared, ready +armed to fight at the bidding of a number of other chiefs, anyone who +used force to prevent or punish some injury to himself. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 1: The death of Lord Parker, which occurred soon after these +words were written, has deprived the country of the services of one of +the few great jurists at a time when they are most sorely needed. There +are many good lawyers, many judicial minds acute in seizing the really +relevant points in a complicated case, but very few, perhaps none, who +united to legal learning and judicial penetration so broad a grasp of +principle and appreciation of the larger issues involved in decisions +given.] + +[Footnote 2: A passage in Mr. Brailsford's book on a "League of +Nations," published some months before the debate took place, but which +I had not seen when the above lines were written, puts the point most +forcibly: + +"We set out to destroy Prussian militarism. It will be destroyed at the +moment when a German Government pledges itself to enter a league based +on arbitration and conciliation."] + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--THE CONDITIONS + + +After an adjourned debate on June 27th, 1918, in which Lord Curzon +pointed out several practical difficulties that would have to be faced, +the House of Lords, surely not a body to be carried away by any +ephemeral current of popular feeling[3] or captivated by a vague phrase, +passed with practical unanimity a resolution in these terms, "That this +House approves of the principle of a League of Nations, and commends to +His Majesty's Government a study of the conditions required for its +realisation." It in effect declared the "preamble proved," and proposed +that "the clauses" should be considered. At the suggestion of Lord +Bryce--a true friend of peace, if ever there was one--certain words +contained in the original resolution proposing that there should be a +tribunal constituted "whose orders shall be enforceable by adequate +sanction" were omitted. The question of sanction is, no doubt, a crucial +one, but it seemed better to substitute the more general words urging an +inquiry into the conditions necessary for the establishment of a League, +in fact to see generally--looking at the question as a whole--what +definite and practical steps should be taken to bring the League into +existence and define its constitution, aims and powers. In passing such +a resolution the House of Lords was expressing the feeling of the +nation. Its great importance was that by an assembly so critical, +containing men of such varied experience and-with special knowledge both +of law and of foreign affairs, a resolution supporting the idea of a +League was accepted with real unanimity. + +It would be most unfortunate if the approval of the proposal to give the +League powers to direct the use of the naval and military forces of +certain of its members were to be made a condition precedent to approval +of the principle of a League and as necessarily implied in it. Earnest +advocates of that principle may dissent entirely from Viscount Grey's +statement in his pamphlet, published about the time when the debate took +place, that "those States that have power must be ready to use all the +force, economic, military or naval, that they possess." "_Anything less +than this is of no value._" They may hold, on the contrary, that a +League might be of great value without any agreement binding certain of +its members to employ--which implies an obligation to maintain--naval +and military forces and armaments at the bidding of the League Council +on a scale and in the manner which would either be settled from time to +time by representatives of other nations or be the subject of some +preliminary agreement. Settling the terms of such an agreement might +involve serious disputes and delay the establishment of the League +indefinitely. The moral influence due to the existence of a League +embracing all nations which regard war as an evil to be stopped if +possible, would be great. A Declaration of Faith, in which those who +hold a common belief give expression to it, has its effect. An agreement +between nations or individuals, even where there is no legal sanction, +would be regarded as something that they will try to carry out. The +breach of such an agreement would excite the "resentment which is the +life-blood of law." Still the risk of disregard of the obligations is +great unless there is a definite material sanction, an evil imposed by +force on a wrong-doer, and no doubt it will be urged that some +objections to employ military and naval power to enforce the obligations +imposed by the League may be raised against the less drastic proposal +for an economic boycott, but in actual working the two things, as +already pointed out, differ enormously. The suggested economic boycott +imposes a similar obligation on all members of the League; all alike can +immediately forbid all intercourse by their subjects with the aggressor, +instead of imposing on certain members the duty of going to war. +Secondly, it does not imply the maintenance of great armaments by any +State. + +It is constantly found that a penalty of smaller amount, a less severe +punishment, is more likely to prevent a wrong than a heavier one, +provided that it is prompt and certain. Had Germany known a few months +sooner that Britain would assuredly go to war and put into such war her +whole resources if Belgium were invaded, it is not improbable that that +outrage would never have been committed; but had Germany also known that +the moment her troops crossed the Belgian frontier every German ship in +the United States would be interned, every American citizen punished as +a criminal by the United States Government if he traded with Germany, +that "intercourse" with the aggressor would be at once forbidden, and +that these restraints would be continued until complete restitution had +been made, is it not morally certain that Belgium would not have been +invaded? War might have been prevented. In fear of such an injury to +German trade and commerce, the bankers of Berlin and Frankfort would +have denounced war; the merchants of Hamburg and Bremen would have been +the strongest advocates of peace. A like test might be applied to other +cases of aggression. The effects of breaking off diplomatic--and, still +more, commercial--relationships, although no shot is fired and no +regiment mobilised, and of mere neutrality differ _toto coelo_. The very +people who are least influenced by moral restraints, who scorn justice, +will be most influenced by the financial losses and the destruction of +their trade. + +It was, no doubt, right "to commend a study of the question" to His +Majesty's Government, but it is also well to commend to the Government +the desirability of consultation with those outside the Government +departments who have given study to it already. Like other problems, it +should be considered in advance during the War. As Lord Shaw forcibly +pointed out, "The project does not mean the slackening of our efforts or +a weakening of our forces or timidity in our policy in the present War. +If it did I would not be associated with it for one hour." + +To quote Lord Grey's words, Germany has to be convinced that force does +not pay, that the aims and policy of her military rulers inflict +intolerable and also unnecessary suffering upon her. The regeneration of +Germany, a real new birth, is necessary if the peace of the world is to +be secured; and surely by now we might have learned that such +regeneration will never come unless Germany is beaten in this War. As +Lord Grey says, "Recent military success and the ascendancy of Prussian +militarism have reduced the advocates of anything but force to silence" +in Germany. As these words are written comes the report of the sinking +of the hospital ship _Llandovery Castle_, followed by cold-blooded and +deliberate murder. The mass of German crime grows daily. + +The "economic boycott" above referred to differs absolutely in its aim +and character from the proposal to impose a permanent and continuous +boycott on German commerce to maintain and extend British or other trade +at the expense of Germany. Phrases are sometimes used here which seem to +be almost a repetition of those so dear to the Pan-German party. +"Destroy British commerce that German may replace it," is echoed back as +"Destroy German commerce that British may replace it." The whole idea +that the progress and extension of the trade and industry of one country +is an injury to another is radically false. A spirit of jealousy, +regarding the prosperity of others as involving injury to ourselves, is +a curse to the individual, to the class, or to the nation which is +imbued with it. + +To put these questions on the highest moral basis--on a true religious +basis, if you will--is not cant, but only a recognition of the real +facts. The world will without doubt everlastingly perish unless this +true faith is maintained and acted upon. Self-interest and +self-aggrandisement as dominant motives inevitably lead to destruction, +hastened by every advance in the knowledge and in the efficiency of +those who take them as their guides. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 3: These words were written before July 9th, and perhaps now +require some modification.] + + + + +CHAPTER V + +LEAGUE OF NATIONS--ITS SCOPE AND AIM + + _Just so while it is highly important to have + controversies between nations settled by arbitration + rather than by war, and the growth of sentiment in favour + of that peaceable method of settlement is one of the + great advances in civilisation of this generation; yet + the true basis of peace among men is to be found in a + just and considerate spirit among the people who rule our + modern democracies, in their regard for the rights of + other countries and in their desire to be fair and kindly + in the treatment of the subjects which give rise to + international controversies. The basis of peace and order + is "the self-restraint of the thousands of people who + make up the community, and their willingness to obey the + law and regard the rights of others._"--ELIHU ROOT. + + +No League of Peace, however, can be sufficient guarantee against a power +which is highly organised, vigorous and united, if it desires war. +Either such a power must be so defeated and so weakened as to be unable +to renew hostilities, or its character so altered as to make it give up +the desire for aggression and domination. As Mr. Gerard points out, "It +is only by an evolution of Germany herself towards Liberalism that the +world will be given such guarantees of future peace as will justify the +termination of this War. Liberalism in this sense does not mean violent +revolution, but does mean a spirit opposed to that which animates the +present Government of Germany, and will continue to do so if no change +is made in that Government." "The whole world," as Mr. Gerard says, +"feels that peace made with its present Government would not be lasting, +that such a peace would mean the detachment of some of the Allies from +the present world alliance against Germany, preparation by Germany in +light of her needs as disclosed by the War, and the declaration of a new +war in which there would be no battle of the Marne to turn back the tide +of German world conquest." No such change of government can be imposed +from without. Every German would resent, and rightly, any such +interference. Mr. Balfour has declared expressly that a claim to change +the form of government in Germany is not one of our war aims. The change +must be a change of spirit, which will not come unless facts prove that +the violent assertion of the claim to domination, to override justice +where self-interest appears to be served thereby, has led to disaster, +and is in reality opposed to self-interest in the long run. As a means +of carrying out the ideas of Germany in its relations with other +countries, it must be admitted that its Government is a singularly +effective machine. It is those ideas which must be given up if a real +change is to be made. The clever devil could have invented nothing +better than the highly organised machinery of the German Government for +doing his work. There are two conditions, at all events, which are +necessary in regard to any such change if permanent peace is to result. + +First, that we should not look for a disruption of settled and orderly +government in Germany. The anarchy of Russia does not make for world +peace. Would not a reasonable man, however liberal his views, prefer for +his country the rule of the Kaiser and his devotees to the rule of a +Lenin and of Bolsheviks? + +Second, it must be clear that we do not desire the destruction of +Germany--a futile desire, even if not wicked--but its regeneration. No +doubt for a time, whatever happens in Germany, it will be impossible to +forget the crimes that have been committed. British sailors will +naturally refuse all association with those who have been guilty of the +series of murders at sea. Any attempt, however, to exclude Germany from +the markets of the world, permanently to destroy German commerce for all +time, would make permanent peace impossible. To make that a war aim +would be to strengthen every evil influence in Germany, and if done with +the object of securing gain to ourselves by forcible means, would +degrade us almost to the level of those who forced this War upon the +world. It was the purity of our aims that united all the best elements +of the nation in entering upon and in prosecuting the War, and in facing +its losses. It was that which has confirmed the stability of the +alliance, and from the beginning of the War made the best and most +enlightened Americans earnest supporters of our cause, and has finally +brought in the whole American nation, sworn to see the accomplishment of +those aims. The aims with which Britain entered on the War appealed +irresistibly to the people of the whole Empire, and not least to the +imagination of the Indian races. An Indian friend of wide experience and +calm and independent judgment wrote to me at the time, saying he had +never seen anything like the spirit of intense loyalty called out by the +belief of Indians that Britain was taking up a heavy burden to protect +weaker nations from aggression and to maintain justice.[4] Let us keep +those aims pure to the end. It would, of course, be affectation to +suggest that our object in the War is now simply a chivalrous desire to +protect the weak or maintain justice. We now know that it is also to +preserve our own existence as a nation, and that it would be better for +us and our children that Britain should be sunk beneath the sea than +that Germany should achieve a complete victory. + +It must be reiterated that until Germans and Austrians can be admitted +to free intercourse with other nations we can have no complete world +peace. For such admission the conditions precedent above stated are +essential. But if these are complied with, we must make our choice +between the possibility of general peace with a League of Nations +embracing all and a state of "veiled and suspended warfare." This +pregnant phrase caught my eye after the foregoing paragraphs were +written. It is one to be remembered. + +Although there is no sign at present of a changed spirit in the German +rulers, or in the party which is now dominant in Germany, the prospect +of an alteration in the spirit of the German people is not hopeless, +unless they emerge from the War victorious. A significant passage from a +German paper is quoted by Sir Dugald Clerk in the most valuable and +encouraging address on the "Stability of Britain," delivered by him to +the Royal Society of Arts in 1916. "So the Germans are awakening to a +consciousness of the futility of their dream of domination founded upon +the idea of might, irrespective of the rights of other nations, and they +will ultimately be forced to accept the idea, so strange to them +hitherto, that honesty between nations is as necessary as between man +and man." The whole address should be read as an antidote by any who +take a "gloomy joy in depreciation," as a tonic by those who are +depressed by our failures and apprehensive of our future. + +To maintain a real peace based on goodwill, we want to get rid of the +jealous spirit which regards the prosperity of one nation as an injury +to others. "The economic and financial strength of this country is +founded upon the welfare not merely of the British people, but +practically of all countries." "Commerce is not a war. It will be found +that wealth increases simultaneously in industrious nations." "We must +not even forget that a poverty-stricken Germany and Austria would react +on the whole world." "Punish the Germans and Austrians by all +means--they thoroughly deserve it--but do not imagine that by cutting +those nations out of the world's commerce the other nations can be +rendered more wealthy." These general statements do not exclude, of +course, the possibility that it may be found necessary for a time by +"economic pressure" to secure performance by the enemy of certain terms, +nor that, during a period of reconstruction and readjustment, the +conditions affecting certain industries may not demand some special +temporary protection for them. There may for a time have to be +restrictions on certain imports from the enemy countries, and on certain +exports to them, but all such proposals ought to be very jealously +scrutinised, not only in regard to their effect on the particular trades +directly affected, but on the country as a whole. The use of such +weapons often injures those who use them more than those against whom +they are used. Would not a German Minister of Propaganda, or a German +Committee on War Aims, wishing to stimulate active support for the War +among the German masses, be well advised to circulate some of the +resolutions that have been passed by certain bodies in England and +scatter them broadcast in Central Europe, with a few careful glosses and +comments to point the moral? They would be a valuable asset for a German +"ginger group." The open door into and out of this country for +commodities generally has made it an emporium for world trade, and been +one of the main causes why, in spite of deficient home production of +necessaries, we have been able to stand the economic strain of the War. +Striking off the fetters that it has been found necessary to +impose--sometimes with undue strictness and pedantic minuteness--on +British commerce and industry will be one of the first things to be +hoped for from peace. It is impossible to give detailed examples here. +Ask any merchant, he will give you specific instances of the need for a +recovered freedom. Questions are so closely involved with each other +that we may seem to be mixing up national trade interests with the ideal +striving for peace and goodwill. Yet, after all, self-interest rightly +understood and regard for the interests of others, with an honest wish +for their welfare, are not feelings mutually exclusive. There is high +authority for saying that "serving the Lord" is not incompatible with +"diligence in business." + +It is quite possible to lay too much stress on the necessity for +definite and formal sanctions to enforce agreements. There are cases in +which the enforcement of a definite penalty for a wrongful act or for +breach of an agreement is very difficult, but in which the "sense of +moral obligation," "respect for public opinion," and "reliance on +principles of mutual consent" do regularly operate so strongly that the +rules of conduct laid down are in fact observed. On the Manchester +Exchange thousands of agreements involving millions of money are made, +the breach of which could not be made the ground of a successful action +at law. The number of cases of repudiation of such agreements is almost +negligible. To plead the Statute of Frauds in an action for non-delivery +or non-acceptance of goods under such informal agreements might be a +defence in the law courts, but would not save the defendant from the +indeterminate but effective penalties due to the feeling of his fellows +that he was acting dishonourably. It is instructive to notice that in +dealing with the question of industrial disputes, which are in many ways +analogous to international, at least where they arise between organised +bodies of employers and of workpeople, the Whitley Committee, in a +supplemental report issued in January, 1918, expressed the opinion: (1) +that no attempt should be made to establish compulsory arbitration or +compulsory legislation to prevent strikes and lock-outs; (2) that there +should be standing arbitration councils or panels of arbitrators to whom +disputes arising could be voluntarily referred; (3) that provision +should be made for independent inquiry and report as to the merits of +trade disputes; (4) that legal penalties for breach of an award or of an +agreement made to settle a trade dispute should not be imposed; (5) that +the decisions of industrial tribunals and arbitrators should be +co-ordinated as far as possible, and that there should be opportunity +for interchange of opinion between the arbitrators whose awards should +be circulated. A body of customary law on the subject would thus grow up +without legal sanction, but of great value in promoting uniformity and +preventing the ill-feeling which would arise from conflicting decisions +in different cases involving similar questions. Those who have taken any +part in deciding questions affecting wages or trade conditions have +found the need of some standard to appeal to, and felt the danger likely +to arise from giving decisions either less or more favourable to either +party than had been given in other districts in similar circumstances. +In an analogous way, decisions of the prize court of one country are +quoted in the courts of other countries, although they are not binding +on them. International Law did exist, and had an important practical +influence. Diplomatists did appeal to it, and the prize tribunals, in +administering the law, stated distinctly that they would be guided by +and would apply the principles of that law, even if the orders issued by +the administrative Government of their own country were at variance with +it. The decision of the Privy Council in the case of the _Zamora_ +establishes the principle that the law which prize courts will follow is +International Law, and that they will do so though some Order in Council +may conflict with it. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 4: How strong this belief was among many of those who had +often been in opposition to the British Government was shown at a +meeting in Bombay early in the War. The enthusiastic speech of the +chairman, the late Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, one of the ablest and most +persistent critics of British rule in India for very many years, is one +to be remembered.] + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +CONCLUSIONS REACHED + + +We may now state in order certain definite conclusions which appear to +follow from the arguments urged above:-- + +1.--It is to be expected that during the next thirty years, a period +less than that which has elapsed since the Franco-German War, the +scientific knowledge of the means of carrying on offensive warfare will +have made such advances and become so generally applied, that, if +another world war breaks out, not only will material damage be caused +which can never be repaired, but the best part of the human race will +either be destroyed or suffer deterioration as disastrous as complete +destruction, and that this result will be accompanied by appalling +misery. + +2.--Unless there is a real assurance of peace, even if actual war does +not break out, the maintenance of armaments and the preparation for war +would place a burden which would be absolutely intolerable on the +leading nations of mankind. + +3.--Owing to the close connection through modern means of communication +between one nation and another and the way in which their interests are +interlocked, a war between two States is liable to develop into a world +war. If one nation endeavours to promote its interests by imposing its +will by force on another, the other nations must either stand by while +the injury is done, in which case it is almost certain that the injury +will be repeated by subsequent attacks on some of them, or the nations +must league themselves together to prevent aggression and the assertion +of the claim to ascendancy. + +4.--The complete defeat of Germany, and the punishment thereby +inflicted on the German rulers and the people who have supported them, +will be the best vindication of the principles of international justice +possible, and will operate as a sanction for international morality and +a warning against future aggressions or claims to dominate put forward +by Germany or any other State. + +5.--The defeat of Germany in the present War, followed by subsequent +pressure on Germany through economic boycott or else by a clearly proved +change in the principles and aims of the German nation, accompanied by a +definite repudiation of the persons and the policy and organisation +which have led to the War, is absolutely essential for the future peace +of the world. + +6.--The formation of a League of Nations willing to bind themselves +together for common objects, of which the prevention of war is the most +important, may not only be the most effective way of securing peace but +also provide a means for the consideration and adoption of measures +intended for the common welfare of all. Such a League may, probably +must, come into existence, and its aims and methods be formulated, +before Germany and her Allies could be admitted to it; but as soon as +Germany and her Allies can give adequate assurances that they will adopt +and be bound by the principles laid down as the foundation of the +League, they should be admitted to it. Until this is possible the League +must partake of the nature of a defensive alliance rather than of a +world-wide league of peace. + +7.--Whether any definite sanction for enforcing the principles on which +the League is founded and the stipulations which it contains can be +imposed or not, the League may be of great value by giving the weight of +international opinion expressly to those principles. Public opinion of +the nations so expressed might often be effective even though not +enforced by a definite sanction. + +8.--Of the two definite sanctions proposed, namely, (_a_) the so-called +"economic boycott" and (_b_) the use of the naval and military forces of +the leagued States or of certain States selected from them by +arrangement, the economic boycott which can readily be applied by all +members of the League alike, and that without keeping up any large +armaments, is likely to be effective and is free from the most serious +objections against the other sanction suggested. + +9.--So many difficulties would arise in fixing the terms of any +stipulations as to the employment of military and naval forces to carry +into effect the requirements of the League, that to make such provisions +a necessary preliminary condition to the existence of the League from +the outset might indefinitely delay the formation of such a League, and, +further, the discussion of such terms would be likely to lead to +friction. The obligation imposed on certain States might involve a very +heavy burden, first, in keeping up armaments and possibly, later, in +actually going to war. Such stipulations, for reasons above stated and +illustrated, might place the leading powers in a position of great +embarrassment, and might actually themselves become the cause of serious +wars. + +10.--The practice of making Secret Treaties by which the Sovereigns, the +Foreign Ministers, or the diplomatists of any nation can bind it ought +to be discontinued. The experience of the action of this country as well +as of others during the present War, as well as before it, supports this +conclusion. Negotiations must no doubt be carried on through the +ordinary diplomatic channels, but before a complete and binding +agreement is entered into, the duly constituted representatives of the +popular will should know and give their sanction to what is being done. +On the other hand, for unauthorised persons or any self-constituted +bodies or conferences to attempt to pre-judge such questions and to +carry on negotiations either with regular or irregular representatives +of other nations is pernicious. Such action is likely both to lead to +confusion and to hamper the action of the authorised representatives of +the nation, and is really opposed to sound principles of democracy, +which must be based on the duly expressed will of the nation as a whole, +and not of any section. + +11.--Much may be done in settling the terms of peace after the War by +acting so as to remove probable causes of war in the future. The +adoption of some of the methods used in the past, as, for example, at +the Congress at Vienna, is sure to lead to future difficulties. Terms of +peace should not be matters for the kind of bargaining between the +powerful States by which one gives up something in consideration of +another giving up something else in exchange, and the contracting +parties treat smaller States or weaker nations as "pawns" in the game. +Each territory about which any question arises, each subject which has +to be dealt with, should be treated independently in accordance with the +requirements of justice, and especially having regard to the welfare of +the people most directly affected by it. No claim, for example, on the +part of Germany to be compensated for evacuating and making reparation +to Belgium by having some advantage in some other part of the world +should be entertained for a moment. To do so would be equivalent to +bargaining with a criminal as to the compensation to be paid to him for +giving up what he has acquired by his crimes. It is, however, legitimate +in considering the question of self-determination by the people of any +territory to consider how far such people have established or can +establish a peaceful and orderly government, and how far the +arrangements to be made as regards any country or district will affect +the safety of contiguous countries or may give rise to future disputes +and really be productive of war. + +12.--Whether a League is established or not, treaties for submitting +disputes to arbitration, and if possible to tribunals permanently +constituted, will still be valuable in the future as in the past. The +decisions of regular tribunals composed of impartial persons who inspire +respect will gradually form a body of customary law, and be precedents +guiding action in the future. The attempt of Germany to override not +only precedents but also express agreements with regard to the conduct +of war, if it fails, does not discredit the value of such attempts as +were made at The Hague to embody in definite form the international law +on the subjects with which they endeavoured to deal. A careful revision +of the provisions agreed to at The Hague in light of subsequent +knowledge is desirable. They only become a dead letter if one nation +utterly disregards them and does so without incurring a penalty in some +form. + +13.--It is not desirable to attempt to go into exact detail in all the +arrangements so made. For example, the attempt to enumerate a list of +articles which are to be deemed contraband, as was tried in the +Declaration of London, has led to preposterous results. Articles which +at one time were of no use in war have become, through the advance in +scientific knowledge, the material for making the most deadly and most +cruel instruments in the course of the present War. + +14.--An attempt must be made to secure at least partial disarmament. +Provision as to the disarmament of Germany should be one of the terms of +peace. The extent and character of any arrangements as to general +disarmament require separate and detailed consideration. It would +naturally be one of the subjects to be discussed by any League which may +be formed. It is well to note from the outset (a) that a fleet is +essential to the British Empire for purely defensive purposes, and for +maintaining connection between the different parts of the Empire, but a +great reduction in the size of the fleet may be possible by arrangement. +The Allied Powers will recognise that it was the existence of the +British fleet that saved them from defeat, and in some cases from utter +destruction. (6) That for a nation to train its citizens as a defensive +force on the Swiss model may actually tend to preserve peace, and also +have a very useful influence on the morale of a nation. A defensive +force of this kind would not have the character or the aims which make +a great professional army a menace to peace. + +15.--Lastly, it is undesirable and would be futile to attempt to set up +a "supernational sovereign authority." The scope of any League--its +powers and its objects--should be clearly defined, and the independent +sovereign States should bind themselves, as contracting parties, to +carry out the terms agreed, and all should agree beforehand as to the +steps they would take to prevent or to punish any violation of those +terms. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +VICTORY AND PEACE + + _Toi qui nous apportas l'epee_-- + _Le glaive de Justice_-- + _Et nous ordonnas de l'acheter_ + _Fut ce an prix de nos tuniques,_ + _Toi qui renversas les tables des marchants_ + _Installes sous Tes portiques,_ + _Donne a nos bras la foi et la rage a nos coeurs_ + _Afin que la Victoire couronne de fleurs_ + _Le front de nos enfants._-- + EMILE CAMMAERTS, "Priere Paques," 1915. + + +A few still perhaps remain of those who, as under-graduates at the time +of the Franco-German War, remember Dean Stanley's first sermons after +many years of exclusion from the Oxford University pulpit. Using in one +of them his favourite plan of giving life to ancient literature by +modern illustrations and conversely making modern tendencies clearer by +references to ancient thought, he took the words of the Hebrew prophet, +applying them to the troubles and strife of the time. "Who is this that +cometh from Edom with dyed garments from Bozrah?" What will emerge from +the bloodshed of war and the chaos of communal revolution? The answer +was given--"It may be, it must be a united Germany; it may be, it must +be a regenerate France." + +Truly it has been a regenerate France that, with firm resolve and calm +courage, has suffered and withstood invasion, far different from the +France which in 1870 went to war with light heart, excited and +unprepared, anticipating easy victory. War shattered the Empire and the +true soul of France was found. + +Well might the "Song before Sunrise" again greet the purified France:-- + + Who is this that rises red with wounds and splendid. + All her breast and brow made beautiful with scars? + +May we soon be able to add the conclusion!-- + + In her eyes the light and fire of long pain ended, + In her lips a song as of the morning stars. + +The prophecy in both parts was fulfilled. Germany did indeed become +united, united not only by closer political ties between all its +divisions, but united in its aims and in its methods, conscious of union +and of strength, marvellous in its power of organisation, fitting each +member into his special position in the consolidated state, and moulding +him for the place he was to occupy; drilled from earliest youth how to +act and how to think, his commonest acts done, and very gestures made, +according to rule. Yet they, too, had their ideals. I remember in 1871, +the year after the Franco-German War, meeting a party of Germans who +were unveiling a tablet by the Pasterze Glacier in memory of a comrade +fallen in the war--Karl Hoffman, a pioneer of mountaineering in the +Glockner district--and hearing their impassioned speeches. The mountains +of Austrian Tyrol were to them "die Alpen seines Vaterlandes," and the +song with the refrain, "Lieb Vaterland muss groesser sein" echoed from +the rocks, "My beloved Fatherland must be greater"; may not this be the +expression of a noble patriotism? But it so easily turns to "my country +must have more, must take more," and becomes the very watchword of +greed. "Deutschland ueber Alles" might perhaps mean first to the German +"My country before everything to me." _Corruptio optimi pessima_, it +easily becomes "Germany over all,"--the country which dominates an +inferior world and is thus the condensed motto of supreme insolence. +"Insolence breeds the tyrant," and the doom the ancient poet prophesies +is the divine ordinance to be fulfilled by the action of man. +"Insolence, swollen with vain thought, mounts to the highest place, and +is hurled down to the doom decreed." + +Insolence seems the nearest equivalent for the Greek word [Greek: +hybris], which implies much more. Some translate it "pride." It is a +sense of superiority, greater strength, higher culture, leading to a +claim to dominate the minds and the lives, the destinies, of others, and +then in its arrogant self-assertion to override all laws and all +restraints imposed by justice. It is the exact opposite of the Christian +precept: "Let each esteem other better than himself." This, like some +other Christian precepts, may never have been meant to express the whole +truth, but only that side which men are naturally apt to neglect. It was +hardly necessary to insist that men should defend themselves against +attack, maintain their rights, and keep their self-respect. There are +some crimes, too, which it required no special revelation to condemn; +man revolts from them as _contra naturam_. One of these crimes is +refusal to aid their fellow-countrymen who are fighting against +aggression. + +With the spirit that claims to dominate in its "will to power," to +override the eternal laws of justice, there can be no compromise. Until +that spirit is vanquished, the answer to the question, "Is it peace?" +must be, "What hast thou to do with peace, so long as thy brutal acts +and thy tyrannies are so many?" The order is given to smite. With profit +now we may recall the old narrative,--"And he smote thrice, and stayed. +And the man of God was wroth with him, and said, Thou shouldest have +smitten five or six times; then hadst thou smitten" the enemy till thou +hadst destroyed his evil will. The work must be completed thoroughly; +but that task once accomplished, to continue war, whether open or +veiled, either to satisfy national hatred and the mere wish for +vengeance, or, still more, in the desire of gain, would be to become--to +use George Herbert's words--"parcel devils in damnation" with those who +have driven or beguiled Germany to crime against humanity and to her own +undoing. It is but too easy for heroic effort and firm determination to +defend the right, to be corrupted either by a spirit of insolence or +greed. Even as we sow the seeds for a fruitful harvest of good, the +arch-enemy may be sowing the tares. On the other hand, to cease from +work and from struggle, either through fear or slackness or weariness, +or even from that pacific temperament which shrinks from contest of any +kind, may have results almost equally fatal. That other prayer of the +Greek poet is for us also. "But I ask that the god will never relax that +struggle which is for the State's true welfare"--"the contest in which +citizen vies with citizen who shall best serve the State." + + + + +_B.--POLITICAL PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +PEACE AND THE CONSTITUTION + + _The question for the British nation is--Can we work our + course pacifically on firm land into the New Era, or must + it be for us as for others, through the black abysses of + Anarchy, hardly escaping, if we do with all our struggles + escape, the jaws of eternal death?_--THOMAS CARLYLE. + + +It is not only international peace that must be assured. As a necessary +condition for reconstruction comes the need for Peace, peace real and +lasting, and peace all round. There may be times when the nation or the +individual needs the bracing stimulus, if not of war, at least of +competition and of conflict in the realm of thought and in the realm of +action; times when old institutions, old creeds, old systems, old +customs, are fiercely attacked and vigorously defended. The storm clears +the air, and the struggle ends in the survival of the fittest. After the +War the nations, and our own not least, wearied of strife, exhausted by +losses, will need all their energies to repair those losses, to rebuild, +often in quite new form, what the havoc of war has destroyed, and to +adapt themselves to the changed conditions of an altered world. It will +be a time neither for contest nor for rest, but for co-operation, mutual +help in the work, not merely of restoration, but of building up +something better in its place, where the old has been destroyed, or +shown its defects under the strain. For this, Peace is needed, peace not +only between the nations, but peace between different classes and +opposing parties, and even divergent Churches; international, +industrial, political and religious peace. There will be so much that +ought by general agreement to be done, the ideals to be set before us +will have so much in common, their realisation will need so much work in +concert, such concurrence as to the practical steps to be taken, such +goodwill among those who must work together with a common aim, that a +"truce of God" between those who were once opponents may be called for. +For a time at least old shibboleths might be forgotten, and the old +so-called "principles," round which so many barren contests of the past +have been waged, might cease to hamper us in adopting the practical +measures which the exigencies of the time demand. + +It is a significant fact, a note of sure and certain hope of the +ultimate result in the struggle against the powers of darkness, that men +are ready now to think and to act on the assumption that complete +victory will be achieved, and that the foundations for reconstruction +may now be laid, even while war is raging most fiercely. This work of +preparation to meet the difficulties that will arise after the War need +not interfere in any way with the paramount necessity of carrying on the +War to a successful issue, or divert the attention of those who are +engaged in that task. It is indeed matter for congratulation that in the +present Parliament, in spite of necessary preoccupation with matters +directly affecting the conduct of the War, a great Parliamentary Reform, +changing and enlarging the basis of representation, has been carried +through, and that the way to a great advance in Education has been made +possible. + +These great changes have been made with something approaching to general +concurrence. On one question unfortunately proposals made as part of +their considered scheme for electoral reform by a representative +conference were set aside. The influence of old party machinery and a +sluggish reluctance to take the trouble to understand either its +character or its importance prevented the introduction of a system of +proportional representation. The representatives of the caucuses scored +a success towards slamming the door of the House of Commons in the face +of the detached judgment, moderation of language, and independence of +character which Parliament needs. The electors desire to have such +qualities in their representatives, but care is taken to prevent their +giving effect to it. But it is better to let even that question rest for +a time. + +It would have been most unfortunate if it had been necessary, after the +War, when delay in dealing with many matters which will be most urgent +would be disastrous, to arouse contests about alterations in the +electorate and mode of election. The new Parliament may, after all, turn +out to be fairly representative of the nation, and may set about the +practical work of reconstruction at once. It would have been an +advantage if the Reform of the House of Lords could also have been +disposed of in the present Parliament, but it is not one of the +questions upon which the welfare of the country will immediately depend. +Everyone admits the need for reform; the abolition of the +"backwoods-man" must come; but it is the men of most experience in +public affairs who regularly attend sittings of the House of Lords, and +they contribute even now a valuable element in promoting useful +legislation as well as in revising and amending the Bills initiated in +another place. Most of the amendments of the Law which marked the latter +half of the nineteenth century were first introduced in the House of +Lords. + +During this time of severe test, it cannot be denied that the House of +Lords has gained in the respect of the nation, that its debates have not +only been dignified but often useful and enlightening, nor that, as at +other times in its past history, it has shown itself to be quite as +ready as the other House to be a guardian of law and of liberty. The +business ability of many of its members has also been conspicuous, and +the value of the experience of those who have taken part in the +government of British possessions beyond the seas and of their knowledge +of other countries has been demonstrated. + +Of the Crown and its influence it is unnecessary, perhaps unbecoming, +to say much. It has made for the unity of the Empire, not only as a +symbol, but, so far as the strict limitations of our Constitution +permit, as an active force. The existence of the monarchy and the +character of three successive sovereigns, and their real personal +interest in its people, are among the causes why India has been, and +especially why the Native States have been, as a rule, so loyal in this +time of danger, when the support of the whole Empire was so much needed. +In our own country the example set of ever ready and earnest sympathy +with all who are suffering from the effects of the War, feeling its +strain and bearing its burdens, from the highest to the humblest, and +also of that simplicity of life now so vitally important for all in the +time of general self-denial, which is necessary or, at any rate, a duty +for all, has been one of the real factors in knitting all classes of the +nation together in useful service and willing sacrifice. Could anyone +read the royal speech to the nation on July 6th, 1918, and the words of +the Archbishop of Canterbury at St. Paul's, and of the leaders in +Parliament, without feeling what a mighty influence for good there is in +the British monarchy? Those words were not decorous platitudes demanded +by convention, but the expression of genuine and intense feeling. + + The sober freedom out of which there springs + Our loyal passion for our temperate kings + +is an inheritance of our country which no theoretical discussions about +forms of government can interfere with, unless we are insane enough to +abandon the practical good sense that has brought the nation safely +through so many perils, in deference to some _a priori_ argument about +the best form of government, and the logical result of some so-called +principles. In politics--always using the term in its broad meaning, and +not as denoting the disputes and manoeuvres of parties, like the +contests between the green and blue factions of Byzantium--there is a +strong presumption that whatever is recommended as "logical" is also +foolish. It would be well to prescribe a severe course of Burke for the +_a priori_ theorists, and while they are occupied with it, set ourselves +to the real work. We should not forget, too, that Court influence, which +in some past times fostered corruption in political life, has for eighty +years been as a rule a purifying influence. It would not be easy for any +Minister, pressed by the political exigencies of the hour, to submit, +even for formal approval, to a sovereign who has only the national +interest to think of, perhaps most difficult of all to a high-minded and +clear-headed woman, a course of action that was dishonourable or mean. + +However important the influence of the Crown and the functions of a +Second Chamber may be, it is the House of Commons which is the +corner-stone of the Constitution. Through it the will of the nation must +be expressed, and embodied in definite action. The representatives in +that House are those chosen by the nation by regular and legal methods +to exercise their judgment, to enact laws, and to control acts of the +executive. It is essential not only to maintain, but to restore the +position of the House of Commons, and insure for it the respect and +confidence of the people. It is impossible to deny that respect and +confidence have been shaken, and that the position of the House is +threatened from two opposite quarters. We hear it daily spoken of as +"that talking shop"; it has been said that it would be better, instead +of having a fine statue of Cromwell outside, to have a living Cromwell +inside to purge it thoroughly. The story of the officer who, on +returning to England after long residence in the East, asked his father +if "that nonsense was going on still," represents a feeling which is +widespread. The present House of Commons, the existence of which has +been necessarily prolonged, has been the subject of bitter and +contemptuous criticism. Much of that criticism is unfair. In spite of +the fact that its attention had first to be directed to questions +directly affecting the War, it has passed the largest extension of the +franchise ever made, and in doing so without doubt carried out the wish +of the nation. It got rid of the fetters imposed on the free expression +of the will of the electors, and the restrictions placed on the free +selection of candidates of small means, by putting the expenses of +returning officers on public funds, and also by making better provision +for the revision of the register of voters. A number of useful Bills +have been passed, and it has been a means of eliciting information from +the Government which the country ought to have, but which would +otherwise have been withheld. It has voted the necessary supplies for +carrying on the War, and freely and readily assented to the increased +taxation that was essential. Unfortunately it is the practice in a +portion of the Press always to give prominence to the strange antics of +certain members and the vicious attempts made by some to embarrass the +Government in carrying on the War. A scene in the House of Commons is +fully reported; the good work done, especially by certain useful +committees, passes almost unnoticed. It is true, however, that the +character of many of the debates has been regrettable, and that as +regards what is perhaps its most important function, namely, the control +of expenditure, the House has not been able to exercise its functions as +it should. + +It was pointed out years ago that the House of Commons was in practice +ceasing to be what it ought, according to Constitutional theory, to be, +"a deliberative assembly of the representatives of the nation discussing +and forming judgments on national policy, instituting legislation and +determining its form," and was becoming simply "a body for registering +the decrees of a Cabinet." In practice it was assumed to be "the duty of +the minority in opposition to find objections to the proposals of the +Government, representing the majority, and to occupy time in voting +against them as often as possible, and on the other hand that it is the +duty of the majority to refrain from discussion, to applaud Ministers, +and to make sure that whatever they propose shall be carried by +undiminished numbers." In this respect the present House is no worse +than its predecessors for the last thirty years; the political truce has +indeed improved matters in some respects. It is at least doubtful +whether under "pre-War conditions" either the Representation of the +People Bill or the Education Bill could have been carried, certainly +they would not have been passed in a form to secure so much general +consent. Instead of such consent, some measure strongly opposed by a +minority might have been forced through by free use of the closure. A +new danger has arisen, however, of a still more serious kind, +threatening the position of the House of Commons. It is that, instead of +national policy being controlled by legislation, settled by a recognised +constitutional body elected according to definite rules and representing +the nation, the real power of initiative and real directing force may +pass to some other body or bodies unknown to the law and representing +only a class or even to certain writers in the popular Press. The House +of Commons, unless its constitutional powers and its independence are +maintained or restored, may become a body for registering and giving +legal sanction to the resolutions of some conference or convention +indefinite in its constitution, but highly organised for the purpose of +making representatives in Parliament mere delegates to carry out the +proposals of the majority of those who themselves had acted as delegates +of a section only of the community. + +The course of revolution in Russia should be a warning to all. Russia is +passing through the Valley of the Shadow of Death, where is heard "the +continual howling and yelling of a people under unutterable misery, who +sit there bound in affliction and iron, and over it hang the +discouraging clouds of confusion; death also does always spread his +wings over it. In a word it is every whit a dreadful being utterly +without order." Had there been in Russia a regularly constituted +assembly possessing adequate power and representing the nation as a +whole, including the "bourgeoisie"--who also "are God's creatures"--as +well as workmen, instead of irregular bodies appealing to the greed and +hatred of a class, most of the misery through which Russia is passing +might have been prevented, and the prospects of early restoration would +have been assured. The British nation is too sane, too used to orderly +freedom, to adopt either the spirit or the methods of the Bolsheviks, +but we may hear of them even in this country. They may perhaps give +serious trouble and interfere with progress on sound lines. The historic +House of Commons must be the means of carrying out Reconstruction so far +as legislation, and of controlling it so far as State action is +required. Some changes in its methods will be discussed in the chapters +on Reform, but the maintenance of the Constitution as the best +instrument for promoting orderly, peaceful, and real progress is +essential. + +The peace we need would only be uselessly disturbed, and the practical +reforms most urgently required would only be delayed by raising +controversial questions about the form of the Constitution. We may well +let them alone, and get on with something that will be of real benefit. + + + + +CHAPTER IX + +PEACE AND DEMOCRACY + + _There is no more unsafe politician than a + conscientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing more sure to + end in disaster than a theoretic volume of policy that + admits of no pliability for contingencies._--J.R. LOWELL. + + +It is often assumed that a change in the form of Government in Germany +would completely alter the attitude and conduct of the nation, and +secure permanent peace, but that alone would not be sufficient. It would +undoubtedly help; for under a more popular Government it would be easier +for a different spirit in the German nation to assert itself. +Democracies, however, have from time to time been aggressive, and have +claimed to dominate their neighbours. A change far deeper than a change +in the form of Government is needed. The claim put forward both by word +and deed to impose the German will on others by organised force of any +kind must be abandoned utterly, if the world is to be really at peace +with Germany and with those whom Germany has been able to compel or to +beguile into alliance with her. The conflict is not simply between +autocracy or oligarchy and democracy, but between different ideals and +diametrically opposed notions of duty. The conception of their State as +an organisation carefully arranged to impose its will on others +regardless of their feelings and their rights must be eradicated. +Democracy and Liberty do not necessarily go together. There may be +democracy without liberty, and it is possible though not probable that +there may be real liberty without the form of democracy. An enlightened +monarch, governing as well as reigning, may express the real will of a +nation more truly than the vote of a majority of representatives; and +individual liberty may be more secure under such a monarch than when it +is dependent on the result of divisions taken when party passion is +running high. But such a rule must lack the element of stability. The +Antonines pass away and Commodus and Heliogabalus rule in their place. +Permanent strength and settled liberty are best secured when the acts of +Government are the expression of the conscious will of the nation as a +whole, where the people think out for themselves the general lines of +action and the Government is their minister. It is not enough that there +should be a just rule in which they acquiesce, but it is they themselves +who should act--through agents, no doubt--and learn the habit of forming +right judgments and acting justly. To deny him a share in political +life--that is, in deciding the action of the State to which he +belongs--is to deprive a man of one of those "activities of the soul +which constitute happiness," to take from him one of the things that +makes a full life for those who really live among their fellows. There +may always be a few who live apart, contemplative souls + + insphered + In regions mild, of calm and serene air, + Above the smoke and stir of this dim spot + Which men call earth. + +Some may build themselves a Palace of Art where they may live alone; +some may sink themselves in luxury or repose in sluggish indifference, +careless of the life of others round them, with neither the heart to +feel nor head to understand anything beyond their own immediate wants. +But the highest aim and fullest life for man generally--as "an animal +more social than the bee"--is + + To go and join head and heart and hand, + Active and firm to fight the bloodless fight + Of science, freedom, and the truth in Christ. + +Political action may be one of the means of carrying on that fight. Is +it not one of the "rights of man" to be allowed to join in it? + +It is, however, not to be forgotten that men acting in the mass, just +as men acting individually, may act under sudden impulse, may do under +the influence of temporary passion, even of a generous emotion, things +which they would regret afterwards, and feel to be an error. Some checks +on such sudden action are most essential in a democracy, because there +is no appeal from its decision. A reverence for tradition, for those +rules of conduct which have stood the test of time, is one restraining +influence, but more formal restraints on sudden decisions and violent +changes are necessary. A single vote of a popular assembly may not +represent the well-considered judgment and permanent will of the people. +Steps may be taken which it is impossible to recall. To insist on an +appeal from "Philip drunk to Philip sober" is not to deprive him of his +real liberty. It is a safeguard, not an infringement of the principles +of true democracy, to provide some body of men of experience who can +exercise an independent judgment, and who, when some violent change is +proposed, have the right and the duty to reply in effect: + + Old things may not be therefore true, + Oh brother men, nor yet the new; + Ah, still awhile the old thought retain, + And yet consider it again. + +Such a justification, such a statement of the function of a Second +Chamber, not directly elected, may provoke a histrionic smile among +extreme advocates of so-called popular rights, but has never evoked an +argument which can displace it as based on sound reason and common +sense. There are some changes, too, which ought not to be made without a +specific appeal to the people on that particular issue. To make them as +part of the programme, as one plank in the platform of a party dominant +for the moment, is not to execute but to evade the real will of the +nation. We know by experience how the vote of a popular representative +assembly may represent the opinion of "a bare majority of a bare +majority;" conceivably anything over one-eighth of the nation. A +committee is elected by some eager partisans supposed to represent a +party. That party perhaps represents a bare majority of the +constituency. The caucus chooses a candidate whose views suit a bare +majority of its members who hold the most extreme views. He and others +go to Parliament as representing one party, and a majority of such +members decides what policy shall be adopted. Party discipline compels +the acquiescence of the rest. The machine is cleverly constructed to +make the will of certain party managers of mere sections of the +constituencies the dominant factor. No wonder that they denounce +Proportional Representation as a dangerous fad. Undoubtedly the will of +the people must prevail, but the exercise of that will should depend on +and be the result of their own deliberate judgment. Whether what is done +is a blessing or curse depends not on whether it is the act of an +autocrat, of an aristocracy, or of a democracy, but on the character of +the act and the spirit which prompts it. A great audience in London +recently heard the true position summed up in few words--I quote Dr. +Campbell Morgan from memory--"It is said we want to make the world safe +for democracy. What we really need is to make democracy safe for the +world." + + + + +_C.--INDUSTRIAL PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER X + +INDUSTRIAL COUNCILS + + _To secure industrial peace on terms just and honourable + to both sides would be to double the national strength + whether in industry or citizenship._--MEMORANDUM OF THE + GARTON FOUNDATION. + + +Under this head it will be convenient to treat not only of the steps to +be taken to prevent disputes or secure their settlement by peaceful +means, and to promote a more hearty co-operation of employer and +employed, but also of various other questions affecting industry, such, +for example, as increased production and increased saving. Without +industrial peace there will be no industrial or commercial prosperity, +and without a fair amount of prosperity it will be very difficult if not +impossible to preserve industrial peace. As the War proceeds these +questions become more and more urgent; after it, they will be more +serious and more pressing than ever. Already the need for taking certain +steps at once and for preparing a future policy is recognised. Anyone +who wishes to have before him a clear statement of the industrial +situation and of the effects of the War upon it, cannot do better than +read, and read with care, the revised memorandum prepared under the +auspices of the Garton Foundation and published in October, 1916. +Singularly impartial and judicious, it does not gloss over the +difficulties and perils which must be faced, but throughout there is a +note of hopefulness--an anticipation of a better state of things--if +while "the forces of change are visibly at work we do not allow them to +hurry us blindly with them," but "direct them along the path of ordered +progress." Some of the specific remedies suggested, of the proposals +adumbrated, may be open to criticism--criticism is, indeed, invited--but +it is evident that nothing is suggested that has not been the subject of +careful consideration of the facts. Some of the proposals have already +been put into fairly definite form in the Whitley Report, and have +received the approval of the Government. Industrial Councils are to be +established. The object of them will be to consider "constructive +measures for the improvement of industrial conditions and the increase +of efficiency." They will not be confined to specific points of dispute. +They are to be established in industries which are "highly organised," +where the employer and employed already possess some definite +association or union which represents them respectively. There are to be +national, district, and workshop councils set up. Their object differs +from that of the Conciliation Boards for Arbitration or the Trade Boards +established to settle some specific question such as a minimum wage to +be paid, or some question that has given rise to a dispute between +employers and employed. Such a mode of settlement is a great advance on +leaving differences to be settled by an industrial war--a strike or +lock-out. The Boards will still be needed, just as arbitration tribunals +will be required to settle specific disputes between nations. The aim in +both cases is to substitute arbitration for war (or its equivalent) or +threats of war. Something more is aimed at in the establishment of +Industrial Councils. They contemplate a "continuous and constructive +co-operation of Capital and Management on the one hand and Labour on the +other." They are not tribunals for the settlement of disputes which have +arisen, but joint committees which can discuss and propose methods of +dealing with any question affecting working-conditions generally, e.g., +the introduction of new machinery and its effect on employment and the +status as well as the wages of the workpeople, and even its economic +effect generally. Suggestions can be made as to changes which may +"increase output or economise effort" and eliminate waste. The effect of +any alterations on the health of those engaged in any industry would be +within their purview. The idea is to promote co-operation, to make all +recognise certain common interests, not merely to adjust competing +claims. In international affairs the nearest analogy would be a League +of Nations for promoting the common interest of all. While, of course, +the main object of such a league is common action to prevent breaches of +the international peace by restraining wrong-doers, it should not be the +sole object. In the case of Industrial Councils the object is to promote +the general welfare of all engaged in the trade and to increase +productive efficiency, as well as to secure fair terms between the +parties and prevent disputes. If such a Council has been established for +any industry Government Departments will consult it, and not the Trade +Board, on any questions affecting that industry; but the constitution of +the Council should make provision by which Trade Boards can be +consulted. Roughly speaking, "the functions of the Trade Board will be +called into operation mainly in the case of the less organised trades, +and the highly organised trades will be the sphere of the Industrial +Councils." These, in their most developed form, will be national, +district, and local. + +A memorandum which has official sanction states that the chief duty of +the Trade Boards, on the other hand, is to fix minimum rates of wages +which can be imposed by law. They are needed primarily to insure that in +trades where the workers have no official organisation to guard their +interest a living wage shall be secured for all. They are statutory +bodies set up under an Act of Parliament just passed, and will be +connected with the Ministry of Labour, by which their members are +largely nominated. The work of such Boards is being extended. + +Detailed discussion of the character of the work which may be expected +to be done by the councils and of its probable effects would be beyond +the scope of this volume, and would require special knowledge of the +industries concerned. It will vary in different industries and in +different places. In some, success may be confidently expected, in +others there will probably be failures. The aim of the proposal is +certainly one to be desired, and the method for attaining it promises +many beneficial results. There appear to be some dangers involved which +it may be well to consider. Useful work may be hindered owing to, first, +the time and attention required for the meetings and discussions of the +various councils, and the risk that clever and fluent talkers may +prolong debate and generate friction and may perhaps exercise an undue +influence. Probably this will not be found a serious danger. Experience +over a considerable district shows that those who are chosen by the +Trade Unions to represent them are usually clear-headed and businesslike +men, who grasp a point quickly and, while carefully guarding the +interests of those whom they represent, are fair-minded and ready to do +all they can to promote the national interest also. Secondly, there may +be a tendency to interfere too much in questions of management, even +where full and detailed knowledge of trade conditions of the moment and +of possible appliances that may be used is required, and prompt action +may be necessary. A man steering a boat in a storm would hardly succeed +if he had to consult a committee before moving the helm. The object of +the councils would not be to undertake the general management of the +business, but should be directed to the relation of workers and +management, to secure efficiency and greater production, a fair +participation in and distribution of the benefits derived from success, +and wholesome conditions for those engaged in the work, and to avoid +dispute by agreeing action beforehand wherever possible. Thirdly, in +this as in most other cases where power is given to representatives of +organised bodies, there is a risk of undue interference with the +liberty of those who do not belong to them or who are in a minority. A +dead level of uniformity may be secured, experiments and new lines of +action by enterprising and original minds may be interfered with. The +old problem of reconciling high organisation and corporate action with +individual liberty may present itself in an acute form. + +Already before the War the tendency to crush out individuality was +becoming stronger and stronger, the private firms of manufacturers were +being squeezed out by highly organised combines, or tempted by high +prices offered to hand over their businesses to them. In banking, +similarly, the absorption and amalgamation of smaller banks has been +going on with startling rapidity. The personal relationship between the +customer and the banker, who would grant loans and overdrafts because he +knew the character and position of the borrower in each case, will no +longer exist. The business was safe enough when the manager of a country +bank probably knew whether a customer's butcher's bills were becoming +excessive. Now everything must be referred to London for decision +according to some fixed general rule. The convenience and the +accommodation of the man with a small account count for very little. A +more serious question is the effect which these amalgamations may have +on the relations between bankers and those who are engaged in +manufacturing business. + +The old personal relationship between the mill-owner and his employees, +when his garden adjoined the mill yard, when they spoke of him by his +Christian name, and he knew their family affairs and was ready to help +in time of difficulty and distress and to take a lead in any local +effort or support any local charity, has been rapidly disappearing. +There still are, however, many employers to whom the happiness and +welfare of their workpeople is a matter of deepest concern. They have a +human interest in them, and take a pride in improving the conditions of +their life. They have other aims than simply securing as big a dividend +as possible for the eager shareholders of a huge combine. It is, no +doubt, usually large employers of labour who are thus able and willing +to make provision for the welfare of the people in their employ. Some +have established libraries and reading-rooms, and have provided classes +for giving instruction likely to be useful to the boys and young men +engaged in their works. Conditions of labour would be greatly improved +if the example of the best firms in such matters were generally +followed. + +The more complete organisation of trades under powerful councils may +tend to a virtual monopoly being obtained by a limited number of large +and influential firms, and the result may be prejudicial to the consumer +by limiting competition. That is not certainly the object, but it may be +an incidental effect of the organisation which is needed for full +development of the system of councils. In some cases State support and +control acting in conjunction with private firms of great influence is +to be introduced to unify an industry under one management. Support and +control may possibly be necessary in some cases, but the extension of +such methods should be jealously watched. In the manufacture of dyes, +for example, it seems that the Government and a very powerful +manufacturing firm or combination are arranging to act together. Those +outside this combination will have no chance of competing. In this +particular case the scheme may be useful, but careful provision is +necessary to protect customers for the commodities produced. It may +become a very serious thing for manufacturers of piece goods when +struggling to maintain their position in the world markets, and the +slightest addition to cost of production may close a market to them, if +they find that they cannot purchase the dyes they require in the +cheapest market, or those who dye goods for them must increase their +charges, because one organisation can fix prices, and import from abroad +is prohibited in order to protect a special home industry. + +Possibly it may be necessary for a time to give such protection to +certain industries, involving a preliminary expenditure of a large +capital; but the fact that the dye industry had gone from England to +Germany was, in the opinion of many, due not so much to free and open +competition as to the circumstances that (1) the German producers paid +more attention to systematic chemical research bearing on the industry, +and (2) that our absurd patent law operated to throttle English +production. The founder of the successful firm of Levinstein, Limited, +Mr. Ivan Levinstein, seeing by his own experience how our patent laws +prevented the development of the dye industry in England, devoted years +of work to obtain an alteration of these laws, but with only partial +success. The Government, after very long delays, attempted to deal with +the matter, but it is not yet satisfactorily settled. A Bill on the +subject is now before Parliament. A list can be given of more than a +dozen cases--there may have been many others--in which the +Badische-Anilin Fabrik was plaintiff against firms in this country. The +result was to aid the rapid development of the huge works near Mannheim +now used to manufacture poisonous gases, while the works in this country +were crippled. Strangely enough, it was an English chemist (Sir W. +Perkin) who made the discoveries which led to the development of this +industry; but it is generally possible where competition is keen to take +out subsidiary patents for small improvements which really enable the +subsequent patentee to command the market. Sometimes the root invention +for some reason cannot be made the subject of a valid patent, or the +patent for it expires before its full commercial value has been +realised, and the minor improvements give the holder of patents for them +a virtual monopoly. + +All along the line, too, the big firm is favoured at the expense of the +smaller. The position of the small tradesman is often a very hard one. +The shopkeeper in a village or small town near the metropolis pays heavy +rates for the upkeep of roads which are torn to pieces by the heavy +motors of the great distributing firms delivering goods to those who +would otherwise be his customers, perhaps with petrol specially exempted +from taxation. The firm which by widespread advertisements can induce +people to buy an article with some familiar name attached, reaps a +gigantic fortune, while the man who makes the same article and cannot +spend money on advertisement gains a mere pittance. The advertisements +which disfigure the country are not taxed, as in other countries, and +the issue of advertising circulars has been subsidised by the Post +Office, which delivered them at a rate lower than that charged for +delivery of the letters, or even the postcards, of the poorest, though +the trouble involved is the same. The patent laws, again, have been +exploited to protect the large manufacturer, who fences some form of +production by taking out a string of patents often where there is no +meritorious invention at all. The rubbishy specifications are flourished +in the face of a poor competitor, and form a basis for threats which a +man who is not wealthy dare not resist, knowing the heavy cost of +fighting any patent action whether successful or not. "To him that hath +shall be given" ought not to be a maxim to guide legislators or any +department of Government. + +To return from this digression. One great advantage of the councils +would be that those who represent the workmen upon them will probably be +men who are actually engaged in manual work in the trades concerned, or +have been so engaged, and who will look at each question practically. +The agitator who lives on grievances and disputes, the politician "on +the make," or the well-meaning and half-informed enthusiast from +outside, is not likely to find a place on councils whose object it is to +see how interests which investors, managers, and workmen have in common +can best be promoted, and how the share of each in the work and its +profits can be more fairly assigned and distributed instead of attention +being concentrated on matters in which their interests seem to be in +conflict. + +Another difficulty of more direct importance with regard to the +proposed councils is already arising. The relative powers and position +of the shop stewards chosen by the men in each works and of the unions +representing industry as a whole in any district have to be settled. +There are also overlapping unions competing for influence and support, +and sometimes doing so by making excessive demands. The events of the +next few months may lead either to an accentuation or to a partial +solution of these questions which are perhaps the most serious at +present affecting industrial peace. It is better not to anticipate. +Prophecy might be falsified too soon and too palpably, and the position, +which changes from week to week, is too critical for anyone to discuss +unless he has full and exact knowledge of the facts and clear +understanding of the way in which undercurrents are setting. + + + + +CHAPTER XI + +LONG HOURS + + _Our life is turned_ + _Out of her course wherever man is made_ + _An offering, or a sacrifice, a tool_ + _Or implement, a passive thing employed_ + _As a brute mean, without acknowledgment_ + _Of common right or interest in the end._ + --WILLIAM WORDSWORTH. + + +There is no doubt that among the causes of unrest one of the most +serious, probably much more so than either employers or workmen are +generally conscious of, is the long hours of work. Those who have had to +hear questions arising out of labour disputes have noticed the state of +tension produced by the weariness and strain of too prolonged and +continuous work. Even in the domestic circle an overworked man is often +found less amiable and more ready to find fault. A harassed manager and +a deputation of jaded workmen may be really very good fellows and yet +find that some comparatively small question raises strong feeling and +mutual recrimination, and then leads to rash action resulting in open +strife, strikes, and lock-outs, and the judicial proceedings which may +be necessary in consequence of them. "A Skilled Labourer," writing in +the _Quarterly Review_, mentions as the first of the four principal +grievances of workmen--"the hours are too long." Long hours have been +accepted on both sides partly because during the War the call of the +country for increased output, especially of munitions, was so urgent, +and partly because it was thought that higher profits would thereby be +obtained, and certainly higher wages earned. It seems, however, well +established that longer hours do not necessarily mean increased output. +There is a limit to the time during which a man can do even routine work +effectively. If men were to be regarded only as machines for turning out +work of a certain class, very long hours would be bad business. Where +the work involves special skill and thought the evil results of long +hours, even measured simply by the gross amount done, are still more +serious. Everyone who has had to do with young students and still more +with parents disappointed by their sons' failures must again and again +have found that the cause of failure was too many hours devoted to +reading. The students acquired the habit of sitting over their books +worrying their minds, but really absorbing nothing. A senior wrangler +has been known to find five or six hours a day of real work at +mathematics as much as he could stand. Of course, work involving little +hard physical exertion and hardly any mental effort can go on much +longer, but the very monotony which in some ways makes it easy, has a +deadening effect. A factory operative minding a "mule" being asked: "Is +it not very hard work always watching and piecing threads?" answered, +"No, but it is very dree work." But the evil effects of too long hours +are not confined to the fact that unrest or disputes arise from the +state of feeling produced nor to the diminution of production due to +fatigue. Recurrent strains continued over a long period indeed +deteriorate even things which are inanimate. The "fatigue of metals" has +been the subject of careful investigations. It is time that fatigue of +human beings, even looked at as machines, were more fully considered.[5] + +The great and often permanent physical injury caused by too prolonged +work is specially serious for women. Many women are such willing workers +that they go on overtaxing their strength. Among girls and women +students the fatigue from overstrain in preparing for examinations, from +which boys and men may rapidly recover, often results in permanent +physical and even mental degeneration. Many who have watched the effects +of such continuous study would advocate a complete sabbatical year in +which systematic study should be suspended entirely for girls at some +period between fourteen and eighteen. + +It is impossible to have a healthy nation if the majority, or any very +large part of it, work for excessive hours even in the factories where +the best methods are employed to make the conditions as healthy as +possible. Medical men of the highest authority regard the influence of +too prolonged hours of work as one which urgently demands attention. +Enlightened and experienced men of business like Lord Leverhulme have +expressed very strong views on the subject. Man, however, cannot be +looked on as a mere machine for production, nor is even health the only +question for him as a human being. He must have time for other pursuits, +for recreation, for a fuller life. As civilisation and education advance +this need becomes stronger. The duller the work the greater the need for +those who have any natural mental activity to find resources of interest +outside. The pleasure derived from literature and science should be open +to all. No one who knows working people can deny that the demand for it +exists. A fitter on weekly wages used to show in a poor cottage one of +the best collections of British butterflies and moths, made entirely by +himself. Many of them had been captured late at night on Chat Moss. A +hair-dresser has told how to watch the habits of birds was the delight +of his Sunday bicycle rides; his assistant called attention to some +little known poet whose works had a special appeal for him; another said +it was the study in his rare holidays at the seaside and in local +museums of some form of animal life--the name of it, now forgotten, +would convey no meaning to most University graduates--that made his +interest in life. You may find a large audience of workmen interested in +a lecture on Shelley, and some of them as well acquainted with his poems +as the lecturer. Such cases as these may perhaps be exceptional, but +given opportunity and sympathetic help and advice, they might be +multiplied almost indefinitely. Other men want time for cultivation of +allotments, which ought to be within the reach of thousands of urban +workers who find in them a perennial source of interest. A growing +number take a keen pleasure in seeing something of the beauties of their +own country. Tramping through the Yorkshire dales and knowing them well, +it was interesting to meet one who knew them better, and to find that he +was a chimney-sweep, who saved up his earnings to spend his holidays +regularly there. + +The success of the Workers' Educational Association shows both the +strength of the demand among the workmen, and sometimes, too, among +working women, for intellectual life and their capacity to make use of +any opportunities offered for regular study. It is to be hoped that its +promoters will not forget that some branches of natural science and +literature, opening new realms of interest removed from the ordinary +cares of life, are at least as important subjects for study as economic +and social problems, and that one of the most important of such problems +is how to give those who must earn their daily bread by work that is +often dull and wearisome, the opportunity of sharing as far as possible +in the intellectual life. We may well wish Mr. Mansbridge and his +friends success as pioneers in the work of reconstruction, and renewed +and extended activity when the pressure of War requirements is removed. +It is to be hoped that the original ideals of the Association may never +be forgotten. + +The aim of the Association is neither technical, i.e., to make workmen +better qualified for their special work, nor to attain a higher general +education with a view to their obtaining employment of a different class +and ceasing to be manual workers. It is to enable them, while continuing +to earn their living by manual work, to participate in the fuller life +given by intellectual activity. There are some subjects which can be +pursued and studied _thoroughly_ with pleasure and profit without any +long or exact preliminary training. With some wise guidance in reading +and some stimulating criticism to help him, the workman can really +obtain all that is important from the study of the literature of his own +language--to learn to know and to enjoy the best that has been written. +It is of no importance that he will probably not become a "literary +expert," able to trace the influence of this or that obscure writer of +one age or country on the literature of another. It is to be hoped that +he will not learn the kind of literary jargon affected by so many modern +critics, or attempt in his essays to imitate those who think that +obscurity indicates profundity. There are some sciences, too, especially +certain branches of natural science, which can be pursued by men whose +time is mainly taken up by manual work. + +The idea of erecting an educational ladder by which all will proceed +from the elementary to the secondary school and thence to the +University, is a false one. Any such ladder must continue to be narrow +at the top. It is impossible in any economic conditions that we are +likely to see in our time that the majority of our people will be able +to devote their whole lives to study until the age at which a University +course can be finished. Indeed, for all classes there is a modern +tendency to prolong the school period unduly, to keep boys under the +discipline and following the methods of the secondary school until +nineteen years of age, so that they finish a University course, which is +also becoming more prolonged, after twenty-three, and then at last take +up their vocational training. Neither parents nor the nation can afford +to make such a course the normal one. It is no doubt of the greatest +importance to secure a career for special talent so that poverty shall +not prevent a really able boy or girl following such a course of study +as would enable his or her talents to have their full scope. The old +Grammar Schools, especially in the North of England, afford many +examples of poor boys who by means of their school and University +scholarships were enabled to obtain the best training the country could +give, and so attain the highest positions in Church and State. These +must necessarily be the few. It is a cruelty by means of scholarships to +tempt those who have neither the financial means nor exceptional talent +to try for a career in which there will really be no opening for them. +Even with the limited number of scholarships which local authorities +have been able to offer, there have been many cases in which bitter +complaints have been raised that young people had been induced to +prepare themselves for some walk in life in which there was no demand +for their services. Of course, the more knowledge is required in various +industries the more scope there will be for those who have had a long +training, but there is nothing more injurious to the State than to turn +out a number of persons who have had a prolonged academic training, but +who are not able to do something for which there is a demand, and for +which the world is willing to pay. The results of such a course of +action may be seen on a large scale in India. In one of the colleges of +an Indian University in a large manufacturing town, fourteen young +men--very agreeable and frank, outspoken fellows--met at random in one +of the hostels, were asked what, on completing their college course, +they intended to do; twelve answered to become "pleaders," and two hoped +for something in the Government service. None proposed to follow +manufacturing industry, agriculture, or commerce. The legal profession +which they proposed to enter was so crowded that pleaders are said to +have been competing with each other to obtain cases by a kind of Dutch +auction regarding fees, and also to promote litigation wilfully in order +to obtain a living. It is from a kind of "intellectual proletariat" in +all countries, that dangerous political agitators are drawn who take up +political life not to improve the conditions of their fellows, but to +find some sort of a career for themselves, having no useful occupation +to turn to. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 5: Since the above lines were written I hear that a Committee +of Inquiry has been appointed by the Government to report on the +subject.] + + + + +CHAPTER XII + +WAGES[6] + + _How shall we better distribute the product of industry, + and allay the unrest of which we hear so much? There's + only one way--by improving our methods of production. To + effect this the earnest and active co-operation between + those engaged in industry must be employed._ + + _... No longer must a man be supported by his union when + he refuses to mind two lathes because the custom of the + factory confines him to one. No longer must an employer + assign as a reason for cutting prices that the man's + wages are too high.... Each side must endeavour better to + understand the outlook of the other._--SIR HUGH BELL. + + +The second grievance mentioned in the _Quarterly_ article already +referred to is: "The wages are too low." To remedy this grievance, +increased productivity, along with greater economy in working, is the +first essential in order to obtain the funds out of which higher wages +can be paid; the second, to get a fair allocation and distribution of +the profit made. Increased benefit will also be a stimulus to better +work. + +For a crowded country like ours to maintain a leading position in +industry is obviously a necessary condition either of welfare or +progress. It is of first importance to secure work of high quality. A +highly civilised and trained nation must hold its own by the superior +quality of the articles produced as well as by being able to supply both +its own needs and to compete in prices with others by the quantity of +output. It may be possible, for example, to hold the market for fine +spinning when other countries are well able to supply coarse yarns from +their own factories. Hitherto this country has been able to maintain a +lead in industry largely through causes which are no longer operative. +Thus, we had (1) a settled Government when Germany and Italy were +divided into a number of small and inefficient and often very badly +governed States, when France was exhausted and unsettled, and when +America was only in its infancy; and (2) the advantage due to the fact +that the great discoveries and inventions which advanced industry were +mostly made in Britain, when industry was developing at the close of the +eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century. Many of these +inventions were made by manual workers who, by intuitive genius, saw +what was needed to meet the requirements that arose in practice. There +was not then that fund of accumulated scientific knowledge and +experience in existence which anyone must have before he can make any +advance or improvement to-day. There was an interesting print published +some forty years ago giving portraits of the Englishmen who had made +contributions to practical science and who might have been assembled +together in one room in 1808. It included many who made their inventions +as manual workers. Murdock, who invented a new lathe, and developed the +use of coal gas, worked until over forty years old for a wage of a pound +a week; Davy had been apprenticed to an apothecary; Bramah, who invented +a new hydraulic press, once worked with a village carpenter; Bolton and +Watt and Nasmyth, the inventor of the steam hammer, were practical +engineers. Never in the world's history has there been such a galaxy of +practical talent and inventive power as those whose portraits are shown +in this picture. Now a larger amount of preliminary knowledge as to what +has already been done and of the sciences is necessary, in most cases at +least, before useful inventions can be made. The more widely this +scientific knowledge can be made available throughout all classes in the +country the greater is the possibility of maintaining our lead. It is +also important to maintain, so far as technical education can give it, +skill in carrying out methods already established and improving them, +and also in making the worker more adaptable to new conditions and +altered circumstances instead of being a mere machine able to do one +class of work only, and adhering simply to the one rigid method which he +may have learnt. But knowledge and training are not all that is wanted. +It is essential that all classes connected with industry should realise +that increased production in established and well-understood industries +is essential, and that it can only be obtained, first, by willing and +vigorous work on the part of the workman, aiming at producing as much as +possible in the hours during which labour can be efficiently carried on +without detriment to health or depriving the labourer of the +opportunities of enjoying a life outside his daily routine; and, +secondly, by the increased use of the best machinery and labour-saving +appliances and working such machinery to its fullest capacity. Instead +of that, it has often been the policy to restrict the production of each +man's labour, one reason being lest there should not be enough +employment to go round, and also to view the introduction of machinery +which might displace labour with hostility and suspicion. In order to +give the leisure which the workman needs for a full and healthy life, +and to provide a wage which will enable him to secure the comforts which +he rightly desires, as well as to obtain adequate remuneration for those +who manage businesses, and interest on their money for those whose +capital is to be embarked in them, increased production is necessary; +but it cannot be expected that workmen will realise this or desire the +result unless they know certainly that they will obtain at once a +benefit from it. It has too often been the case that where some new +invention has been made, or new machinery introduced, or the conditions +of trade have enabled an industry to be more profitable, the workman has +not shared in the benefits obtained until he has pressed for an increase +of wages, even to the extent of striking or threatening to strike. The +faults and jealousies leading to restricted production are not all on +one side. Cases have arisen when a manager has let out a piece of work +to a group of workmen at a price which has resulted in a larger output +in a given time at less cost, though the amount paid to each man has +been higher owing to increased diligence, yet the employers raised +objections, because the wages earned were "more than such men ought to +have." + +It is essential if the workers are to make it their aim to increase +production and to use every effort with that object, that they should +know that of a certainty, and at once, they will get a benefit from what +is done. At present it is commonly the case that in order to obtain an +adequate wage the worker works overtime, and presses to have overtime +work, because the rate of pay for overtime is higher, and that during +the normal hours of work he does less. Cases have actually been known in +which the worst class of workmen play during the greater part of the +week, and then have gone, during the War at all events, to work for the +week-end, including Sunday, at a very high rate of wages at some other +place. In the short time of working at abnormal rates they have gained +as high wages as the steady and efficient workman who keeps steadily at +work through the normal hours. As long as such conditions exist we shall +not have the shorter hours which are necessary for healthy and happy +life, and we shall have the friction and irritation which arise from too +long hours of work. A higher rate of wages during shorter hours of work, +when the work is done with vigour and efficiency, and the certainty that +the wage will be increased if results are favourable, are necessary +conditions for industrial welfare and industrial peace. The wage system +should be so designed as to make it clear that the wage is a share in +the industry's earnings which is to advance as these earnings advance. A +"regulated slide of wages rising with the prosperity of the industry as +a whole" would help to secure this without friction. Methods of +industrial remuneration giving an assurance of thus sharing the benefit +of increased or more economical production are required. A valuable work +on such methods, which are already very various, was published by the +late Mr. David Schloss many years ago. New methods will, no doubt, be +found. The problem, however, is one for judicial treatment by those who +have devoted special study to it. + +The methods already tried include the more general adoption of +piece-wage, progressive wage arranged in various ways giving a fixed +rate for the hours worked plus an additional sum proportionate to the +excess of output over a fixed standard, collective piece-work, contract +work, co-operative work, sub-contract, profit-sharing in various forms +including special bonus, product-sharing, and industrial co-operation. + +Each method should be considered on its merits, in the light of the +experience already gained, and having regard to its applicability to +each class of industry. The aim and the principles which must guide +endeavours to achieve it are clearly stated by Mr. Schloss: + +"But while a reduction of hours of labour, say to eight hours in the +day, may readily be admitted to be on grounds both economic or social +highly desirable, yet it is no less desirable that during those eight +hours every working man in the country shall use his best available +tools and machinery, and, performing as much labour as he can perform +without exerting himself to an extent prejudicial to his health or +inconsistent with his reasonable comfort, produce an output as large as +possible. In the interest of the people as a whole it is expedient that +the remuneration of the labour of the industrial classes shall be +increased, and since this remuneration is paid out of the national +income, it is a matter of great importance not only that the working +classes shall succeed in obtaining for themselves a far ampler share in +the national income than they at present receive, but also that the +productive powers of the working classes shall be exercised in a manner +calculated to secure that this income shall be of the largest possible +dimensions." + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 6: This chapter is intended to refer to what may be regarded +as normal conditions. In some cases the recent rise in wages has been +excessive. The present position is chaotic, and the ill-advised manner +in which the 12-1/2 per cent. advance was made has added to labour +troubles and will cause great difficulty in the future.] + + + + +_D.--RELIGIOUS PEACE_ + + + + +CHAPTER XIII + +CO-OPERATION + + _Children of men! the Unseen Power, whose eye_ + _For ever doth accompany mankind,_ + _Hath looked on no religion scornfully_ + _That man did ever find._ + --MATTHEW ARNOLD. + + +This is not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of any +theological views or of any system of Church government, but the +question of the influence of religion on the life of the State and the +way in which and conditions under which it can be rightly exercised +cannot be overlooked. There is no doubt whatever that religious +influence might be a most potent and useful factor in Reconstruction, +using the word in the broadest sense. There are some branches of work in +which no other known influence can effect what is required. Leaving +aside for the moment the fact that there are needs of humanity which +religion alone can satisfy, and looking only to social improvement, the +power of religion has been proved again and again, especially in dealing +with the cases that seem most difficult and almost hopeless. In India, +for example, there are certain debased tribes which are habitually +criminal, and have, in fact, by tradition devoted themselves to the +commission of crime. The only agency which has been able to effect a +reclamation and improvement of these tribes is the Salvation Army, +which, by general consent, even of those who have no sympathy with its +particular religious views, has achieved wonderful results. There is no +doubt, too, that some of the worst parts of certain seaports in our own +country have been vastly improved by the same agency. This has been done +by a definite appeal made on religious grounds, and those who have made +it have been inspired by religious motives. It required, however, a body +which had peculiar methods of its own to do it. The basis of the action, +also, of such organisations as the Church Army and the Young Men's and +Young Women's Christian Associations is definitely religious, and the +vigorous and successful way in which their work has been carried on by +such associations is due mainly to the influence of religion. It would +be well for our present purpose to treat the question from a position, +whether real or assumed, of absolute detachment from any particular +religious belief, and from any special religious community. Looked at +even from such a detached position, it appears that the first condition +required to enable religious influence to be effectively exercised is to +secure religious peace. It is impossible to deny that there has been a +kind of jealousy and hostility between those who hold different opinions +about theological and ecclesiastical questions which injures the work of +all. Anyone, for example, who was in the habit of meeting educated +Indians at the time of the Kikuyu controversy could not have helped +noticing the harm done to the cause of the Christian religion by that +controversy. There were Indians, whose attitude to Christianity before +might almost have been called wistful admiration, seeing the brighter +hope and fuller life it opened to all classes, and the universal +brotherhood of men which it proclaimed, who then spoke in an altered +tone, and their feeling seemed to be tinged with a half-concealed and +almost contemptuous pity. How much beneficial action might be taken by +religious bodies acting in co-operation! There is a deep truth in a +remark once made by the late Bishop of Manchester, Dr. Moorhouse, when +speaking of possible co-operation on a certain matter between people +belonging to different religious communities: "It would be so easy did +we only recognise how large is the area covered by things on which we +agree, how important they are, compared with those on which we differ." +Some have felt so keenly the injury done by religious differences that +schemes have been put forward for corporate union of a number of +different Churches. Such union may or may not be possible, but, even if +it is, is it best to bring about such a union by any compromise under +which one side gives up part of what it regards as useful and important +in exchange for a similar concession on the other? May not a kind of +confederation between different bodies for certain purposes, each +maintaining its separate existence, be better than formal incorporation? +May there not be a unity of spirit and bond of peace between those whose +views differ, without either party giving up the iota to which he may +attach importance? Forms devoutly prized and helpful to one man may be +repellent and a hindrance to others. + +There is much to be learnt from a saying quoted by Sir Edwin Pears in +writing of certain Mahommedan sects: "The paths leading to God are as +numerous as the breaths of His creatures; hence they consider religious +toleration as a duty." Toleration does not mean simply abstinence from +the thumbscrew and the rack or even the repeal of the Conventicle or the +Five Mile Act, but appreciation of the religious opinions and practices +of others, and due respect for them. Without formal union there may not +only be peace and goodwill between bodies which keep up their separate +organisations, they might also act together heartily and effectively +both in philanthropic work and in combating certain evils for which the +influence of religion is the most effective cure. It is a good sign of +the times that a joint volume has already been published on Religion and +Reconstruction, containing essays by a number of those whose views no +doubt differ widely, but who find no difficulty in uniting in a common +undertaking. The book contains essays by Bishop Welldon, Dr. Orchard, +Monsignor Poock, and others representing different communions, and they +appear to have had no difficulty at all in a joint enterprise of this +kind. + +Is there any sufficient reason why the leaders of religious thought +belonging to other denominations should not be invited sometimes to +speak in the pulpits of the National Church? They would not use the +occasion for attacking Episcopacy. Conversely it might be a wholesome +thing if a Bishop or other well-known Episcopalian clergyman +occasionally spoke to the great congregations in such familiar London +meeting-places as the Newington Tabernacle or the City Temple. They +might be trusted not to choose Apostolic Succession as their subject. +Joint religious services have already been held, and the practice might +be extended. The Bishop of London has been seen in Hyde Park on the +platform with representative men from the Wesleyans, Independents (it is +pleasanter to use the old name rather than "Congregationalist," which +may be correct, but is hideous), and Presbyterians, with a band from the +Salvation Army in attendance. Such things do good, and are the best +reply to the orators by the Reformers' Tree, whose most effective weapon +is to sneer--not unnaturally--at the enmity amongst Christians. A +"church" parade for the Volunteers has in a village been held in the +Baptist chapel, and many who had never entered a Nonconformist place of +worship before, felt how real "unity of spirit" did exist. + +Another fruitful opportunity for joint work is in the realm of study and +of theological education. This object would be promoted by the +establishment in our Universities of theological faculties where a +part--it may be a large part but not the whole--of the training of those +who intend to enter the ministry or for other reasons to devote +themselves to theological study may be carried on. Such a faculty has +been instituted with marked success in Manchester. No test is imposed +except tests of knowledge, but the faculty has been said to be the most +harmonious in the University. Whatever body he belongs to, whatever +Church he wishes to serve, the student could not fail to gain profit +from studying the language of the New Testament under a scholar like the +late Professor Moulton, and would never find anything that--to use the +words of the founder of the University--"could be reasonably offensive +to the conscience of any student." Already the effect of such a faculty +in advancing theological study and still more in uniting members of +different communions in the pursuit of truth has been most marked. + +There is one point, however, in considering the influence of religion on +Reconstruction which must be borne in mind. Untold harm has been done in +the past by the intrusion of the lawgiver or the judge into the domain +of religion, and, on the other hand, by the intrusion of the minister of +religion into the domain of the legislator or the magistrate. It is +essential that in dealing with any question of legislation or political +action the clergy and ministers of all denominations, if they take part +at all, should speak as citizens, and not professionally. They, in +virtue of their office, ought not to be, and they have the highest +authority for not claiming to be, judges or lawgivers. They have not, +and ought not to claim, any authority to decide on the lawfulness of +paying tribute to Caesar; any such claim must be strenuously resisted. +The use of religious sanctions as weapons of political warfare is not +wholly obsolete. We hear of it from across St. George's Channel--it +should be condemned like poison gas on the battlefield. And, lastly, it +must never be forgotten that there are certain things with regard to +which attempted suppression by law is certain to result in evil and +disaster. With regard to these things the influence of religion, on the +other hand, may be all-effective if it is kept absolutely distinct from +any question of legislation or of legal penalties. The spheres of +religion and the criminal law must never be confused. Shakespeare, "the +mirror of human nature" for all time, once blended bitter irony with +infinite pathos. "Measure for Measure" has its warning for every age. +It would be well to study the ugliest as well as the most beautiful +parts of that drama, and see what it really means, and what is its +lesson. + +Exercised within its proper sphere the influence of religion may still +be as potent a force now as in the past. It may inspire the right frame +of mind in dealing with every question, may encourage hope, sustain +faith, and diffuse charity. + +Reiterated until wearisome we hear the question asked, "What is wrong +with the Church?" sometimes from outside with a tone almost of contempt, +with little, or no care, for remedy if anything be wrong; sometimes from +within with a note of anxiety, uncertain whether it is safe to confess +openly the fact that anything can so be wrong. To the question coming +from within the Church, a voice might answer from the outer galilee, "Is +not what is wrong with the Church--like what is wrong with most of +us--thinking, perhaps talking, too much of itself, considering what +figure it makes in the world, rather than in self-forgetful devotion +giving itself to the work set before it, to delivering some message in +which it intensely believes as necessary for mankind?" It has been +likened to a bride; is not the bride too self-conscious, thinking +whether her garb is not fine enough or too fine, her possessions too +small or too large, her influence too weak or opposition to it too +strong? How much discussion is devoted to the question, what phrases +must be repeated, what forms adopted, to pass the janitor who guards her +doors! As has been truly said, the really useful reform for all of us +would be that each should do his appointed work at least ten per cent. +better than he has done it before. The work to be done should be the +special work assigned to each and for which each is best fitted. We long +for peace, but in settling the constitution of a League of Nations it +will be the jurist not the churchman who will help us. In aiming at +political or industrial peace the practical good sense of the +statesman, the employer, and the workman will best point out what is +wanted; the Church, as such, is better out of the way in framing +legislation. But suppose even that we establish securely international +and political, industrial and social peace, is that peace all we need? +Shall we not still in youth be restless, anxious about the future of our +own lives and the lives of those nearest to us, unsettled by ambitions +for what we may not attain, disappointed at the little progress we make; +restless all through life, disturbed by thoughts of what we desire but +cannot have; restless, most of all, in age, knowing that attainment is +no longer possible, and, if we have attained anything, feeling how +little it is worth? Who will take for his proper sphere to show the way +to a peace which may pass the understanding of those who, in +disappointment and loss and vain endeavour, which will go on even if the +dreams of national and social progress and improvement are realised, and +alike in failure or success, will need that peace more and more as long +as the life of man lasts? Sometimes we see among those round us calm +faces the living "index of a mind" at peace, which make us feel that +there are those working in our midst in whom that peace exists. Let her +tell the way to that and the answer would be, "There is nothing wrong +with the Church; she is fulfilling her mission; ever, as of old, will +glad welcome greet the footsteps of him that bringeth good tidings, that +publisheth peace." [7] + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 7: The word "Church" is used in the sense which each reader +chooses to attach to it. Definition in such matters leads to +dissension.] + + + + +Part III + +RETRENCHMENT + + + + +CHAPTER XIV + +STATE EXPENDITURE AND INCOME + + _Political economy, as a branch of the science of a + statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects, + first, to provide plentiful revenue or subsistence for + the people or, more properly, to enable them to provide + such a revenue or subsistence for themselves, and, + secondly, to supply the slate or commonwealth with a + revenue sufficient for the public services._--ADAM SMITH. + + +Taking first the second of the two objects mentioned by Adam Smith, it +will be convenient under the heading of "Retrenchment" to treat not only +the question of economy in the expenditure of the State, but also the +other side of the account, and consider what general lines of action +should be adopted to make revenue balance expenditure, in the first +place by reducing expenditure, and, in the second, by increasing +revenue, in view of the fact that the absolutely necessary expenditure +will be enormously enhanced to meet the interest on the National Debt. +Assuming that the War were to end in the spring of 1919, the debt will +probably amount to about seven thousand millions after allowing for +loans due from the Allies and Dominions so far as they are likely to be +then recoverable. Taking interest at 5 per cent. with a sinking fund of +only half per cent., it is estimated that the permanent annual charge in +respect of the Debt will then be about 380 millions. No doubt part of +the Debt bears interest at a lower rate than 5 per cent., but a portion +has been borrowed at a higher. This is on the assumption that the War +will end within this financial year. Even if the War does end within the +financial year, much of the expenditure occasioned by it must go on +during the period of demobilisation, and during part of that period the +Debt will probably go on growing, as it can hardly be expected that +sufficient revenue can be raised by taxation to meet this continued +expenditure directly due to the War. There will also be for many years +to come a very heavy expenditure on pensions, and, whatever other +savings may be effected, the duty of providing pensions for injured and +disabled sailors and soldiers is paramount, and the provision must be +made generously. + +It seems highly probable, therefore, that the annual Debt service will +ultimately amount to nearly 400 millions, and may be much more if the +War goes on over 1919. It is a gigantic burden to bear. Mr. Bonar Law +has stated in the House of Commons that a loan of one thousand millions +represents the labour of ten million men for a whole year, so we may +take it that the annual charge for the National Debt will require the +whole labour of four million men to meet it, and that this charge will +be continuous for many years. The normal expenditure after the War, +apart from Debt service, has been reckoned to be 270 millions. It will +certainly be more unless rigid economy is practised and all the new +schemes which are being proposed involving expenditure of money are +carefully scrutinised to see whether the expenditure is such as the +country ought to undertake in view of its financial obligations. As the +Debt service will be practically constant and irreducible unless revenue +largely exceeds the total annual expenditure, which is very improbable, +it is clear that a strong effort must be made to reduce this expenditure +and also, so far as possible, to increase the State revenue. Unless this +is done there will be a deficit even after the War, and the Debt will +have to be increased to meet it. There is no question of greater +urgency, and it must be resolutely faced. We shall probably find a +disposition, both in the Government and in Parliament, to shirk it. The +influence of the extension of the electorate will, in all likelihood, be +against rather than in favour of economy. There is a common assumption +that people can get the State to pay for things instead of paying for +them themselves; that there is no need to practise personal economy or +to save because the State will provide. Wage-earners who began by +practising some self-denial in order to save have said, "What is the use +of troubling? The man who saves is really no better off than the man who +spends all his earnings, as the State will provide what is required to +meet the needs of the latter." + +What, then, can be done to reduce expenditure? It is impossible to do +more than indicate in outline the machinery by which this expenditure is +or might be controlled. During the War, for various reasons, the regular +and ordinary checks on extravagance and waste have almost ceased to +operate. The situation seems to have been getting worse until the +appointment of a Special Committee of the House of Commons on National +Expenditure in July, 1917. The Committee consisted of men with business +knowledge, and its reports have furnished valuable suggestions. On such +a subject anybody who has not direct access to documents and definite +personal knowledge of the work and expenditure of various departments, +and also some personal experience in State finance, may well hesitate to +express an opinion, and will prefer to quote the views of those who have +fuller information and better means of judging. There has been much +waste; what has gone on has even been described as a "wild orgy of +extravagance." The phrase has been used not only by irresponsible +critics, but by business men whose words carry weight. Let us call two +witnesses out of many available. + +Mr. H. Samuel, in speaking of the work of the Select Committee, as late +as June 19, 1918, said, in the House of Commons, "that the Committee had +formed the opinion that in some cases the staffs of Government +departments had been swollen beyond all estimation; that they were +frequently ill-organised; that there was much waste of labour and +consequently of money in their establishments; that the Treasury had not +risen to the occasion during the War, and the Committee had regretfully +come to the conclusion that the War Office had been adopting a +deliberately obstructive attitude." Mr. Runciman on the same occasion +stated that "lax expenditure and loose control over distribution of +public money went far beyond the immediate departments concerned. It +went down into every factory, and the general effect was a scale of +national extravagance from which we should recover after the War only +with the greatest difficulty." + +We shall not recover at all except by immediate, determined and, above +all, methodical action. Small economies, as Mr. Gladstone long ago +pointed out, are not to be despised. It is no doubt right to put up +notices in Government offices not to put coal on the fire after three +o'clock, but these savings will not go far when half a million can be +thrown away on the bogs and rocks round Loch Doon with no useful result +of any kind, and yet nobody seems to be made responsible for this waste, +nor can anyone say why it was allowed. We hear again and again of +improvident contracts and extravagant purchases, and also of absurd cost +incurred in supervising minute details. Why cannot clear general +authority to act on the spot in certain matters be given to some +responsible person, instead of instituting a system of checks which +often cause great delay as well as expense? A water pipe at a camp wants +some slight repair, costing less than half a sovereign. No one there has +authority to give an order, a well-paid official must be sent a day's +journey to inspect, and incurs expenses far exceeding the cost of the +work to be done. Why is good agricultural land taken for a site when +there is plenty of land near which is waste or of little value? Why does +a well-known firm which has a telephone and a post-bag think it worth +while to pay L15,000 for an introduction to a Government Department? Why +have we heard again and again of prices paid for goods greatly in excess +of the price for which they could be obtained from well-established +firms in the trade? Such instances could be multiplied, but enough has +come to light publicly, and been proved, to show how essential it is to +have some authority to deal with such matters and stop the leakage +which becomes a torrent. Apparently there has been an improvement lately +in many respects, but we are yet a long way from perfection. + +There will be an immense dead weight of influence against economy owing +to the fact that so many persons are interested in keeping up and +increasing expenditure. As was said in the debate above referred to, "It +looks as if London were becoming a huge bureaucratic town where everyone +will be working in some Government department or other." One might say +everyone of all ages, remembering a remark made by someone entering a +building near Whitehall, and seeing the crowd of girls and boys in the +corridor, "I thought I was coming to a Government office, but it seems +to be a creche." + +For efficiency as well as for economy a thorough revision of the +executive departments of the Government is necessary. There is no doubt +that the present system has grown up at haphazard. It would be difficult +for anyone to form a clear idea of the duties assigned to or powers +conferred on the various departments, to say who in each department has +authority to do certain acts, or is responsible for seeing that they are +done properly. + +To get the best account of the executive departments in England as they +existed before the War we must go to America. Professor A.L. Lowell's +book may be taken as the standard work on that subject. The chapters on +the Executive Departments, the Treasury, and the Civil Service give a +clear and interesting account of the administrative arrangements of the +British Government. He shows how new departments have grown up from time +to time to meet some new want as it arose, but their powers are often +ill defined. Various Boards were created, but in some cases it became an +established practice that the Board should not meet, or a Committee of +Council was set up and the work carried on under the supposed direction +of "my Lords." It was a mere fiction. There has been no clear and +consistent scheme for distributing the work of Government between the +various departments on any intelligible principles. + +All are spending money, some of them enormous sums. Staffs are growing +inordinately, much of the work is duplicated, much consists in +communications with other departments which would be unnecessary if the +work of each were better defined. + +It should be clear in each department who has authority to decide any +particular question, to incur expenditure, to enter into binding +agreements. The executive government of the country is in a chaotic +state, relieved to some extent by the good sense and good feeling of the +members of the great army of officials who carry it on. No one can deny +that the Civil Service is not only pure, but, taken as a whole, its +members individually are both able and industrious. It is better +organisation that is required. Some of the new Ministries ought to be +scrapped directly the War is over, and the business of others continued +only so far as necessary for winding up. But these new departments will +die hard. + +Since the War new departments have grown up like mushrooms, sometimes +without any clear statement of their functions or powers being made, and +there has not been time to settle them at leisure by a course of +practice. The result is overlapping, friction which would be intolerable +but for the good-natured forbearance which English people have for a +state of confusion, waste of time and money in sending minutes, and in +correspondence between different departments, and often delays which +have had most unfortunate results. Does anyone know exactly what are the +respective functions and powers of the Ministry of Reconstruction, the +Ministry of Labour, the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Pensions, the +Ministry of National Service, the Board of Works, the Ministry of Food +Control, the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, the War Trade +Department, the Home Office, the Local Government Board, the Committee +on Food Production, the Restriction of Enemy Supply Committee, the +Priorities Committees, the Ministry of Munitions, etc., etc. The list +might easily be extended. + +A thorough revision of the executive departments is necessary if +government is to be both efficient and economical. There is plenty of +good material in the Civil Service, and it will always be easy to obtain +more. It is the system or want of system that is wrong. + +The next question is to provide or restore a more effective general +control over expenditure and impose checks on the growing expenditure +which has been so marked in recent years, even before the War. + +The ordinary machinery for dealing with and controlling expenditure is +or should be fourfold. + +(1) The spending departments make definite estimates or are supposed to +do so. Since the War, this has not been the rule. Of course, there are +many cases in which it would have been absolutely impossible to let the +items of proposed expenditure be published or discussed in the House of +Commons; but, as soon as War requirements permit it, proper estimates +should again be prepared and pressure put upon the departments to reduce +them. At present the pressure is all the other way; the heads of the +departments apparently like to have a large establishment as well as to +extend their jurisdiction. It is not merely to give their department +more importance and a claim therefore to higher salaries; sometimes it +is the natural tendency of the vigorous man to enlarge the scope of his +influence. _Boni judicis_, says the old maxim, _ampliare +jurisdictionem_. ("It is characteristic of the good judge to extend his +jurisdiction.") It would be a good thing if instead of estimates being +laid directly before a Committee of the whole House of Commons, where +some small item is often the subject of long and acrimonious debate and +millions are passed without comment or consideration in a few minutes, +the estimates of each department were fully considered as a whole by +some small competent Committee of the House, uninfluenced by party +feeling, and representatives of departments could be asked questions on +their estimates. + +To compare small things with great, a committee of this kind has been +found of the highest value in institutions where there are various +departments requiring large expenditure. It is usually then felt by each +person who sends in an estimate that it is to the credit of his +department not to make claims for expenditure which cannot be justified. +When the scale and character of the expenditure have been scrutinised +and the estimate has been passed, it is much better to leave a very free +hand as to the exact mode of expenditure. Outside control then becomes +irritating, and is itself a cause of extravagance; it means more +accounts, more correspondence, more consideration of papers. + +(2) The Treasury is supposed to have the function of control, but a +change appears to have taken place, and it has now to a great extent +lost its control, and has even itself become a spending body. Professor +A.L. Lowell, in the work above referred to, after speaking of the +Treasury as the department which exhibits in the highest degree the +merits of the British Government, points out that even ten years ago, +"with the waning desire for economy and the growth of other interests, +the Treasury has to some extent lost its predominant position; although +it will no doubt maintain its control over the details of expenditure, +one cannot feel certain that its head will regain the powerful influence +upon general or financial policy exerted thirty years ago." A very +guarded statement, as was becoming in an author writing in another +country at a time when the tendencies to which he alludes were only +beginning to show themselves. Things have advanced during the last ten +years in the direction Professor Lowell indicated as probable, and it is +high time that this advance should be stopped. + +We might venture to ask, indeed, the following questions: (i) Has not +the Treasury during the last ten years lost a large portion of its +control, and since the War almost its whole control over expenditure on +a large scale? (ii) Is the Treasury not more concerned with paltry +details than in imposing any real check on the extravagance of spending +departments? (iii) Has not the policy sometimes been actually to +encourage expenditure, and has not there been one case at least, even of +introducing vexatious taxation where the amount collected is far less +than the cost of collection? (iv) What has the Treasury done to prevent +or control "the orgy of extravagance" since the War began? The +department of State which has to do with revenue, with getting as much +as possible and spending only what is necessary, which has the duty of +"making both ends meet," ought to resume its functions and regain its +influence so that the Government may be conducted "on strict business +principles," to use Professor Lowell's phrase, "as it was throughout a +great part of the nineteenth century." + +(3) The Cabinet should exercise more controlling power, and recognise +its collective responsibility for keeping down expenditure. As Professor +Lowell points out, the position of the Chancellor of the Exchequer in +the Cabinet was one of almost commanding influence. In Mr. Gladstone's +time his powerful personality, regularly exercised in favour of national +economy, did certainly have a great effect in preventing extravagance, +and some other Chancellors of the Exchequer no doubt used an influence +in that direction, but can it be safely asserted that there is in the +Cabinet as a whole sufficient attention given to retrenchment? + +(4) Lastly, the House of Commons is supposed to control expenditure. +That control has generally been used, and quite rightly, as a means of +calling attention to grievances, and as giving an opportunity for +criticism of the executive; but the House of Commons should also put +pressure on the executive to curtail expenditure, not so much by +discussing small details which would be far better dealt with by such a +small Estimates Examination Committee as suggested, but by using its +influence generally against an increase of expenditure unless a clear +case for it is made out. During the War, Parliamentary control, at least +until the appointment of the Committee above mentioned, seems almost to +have gone. The House of Commons does not now exercise its influence as +it ought, to check extravagance, and probably the more widely the +electorate is extended, as already said, the less will the House of +Commons care to exercise rigid control in favour of economy. It is +always an easy way of getting popularity to be what is called "generous" +when dealing with other people's money. Everyone who looks after the +public interest by trying to prevent expenditure, whether national or +local, which is not imperatively called for, is styled mean and +narrow-minded, and his task is a thankless one. Everyone who wants money +spent will be able to make out a plausible case, either that the amount +is so small or the object is so important that what he asks must be +granted, and he will have some eager constituents to back him up. The +best chance for economy is to have a body of men whose decisions the +House will respect and not overrule, except for really good cause, who +have both the knowledge and the strength of character to go through the +estimates and call attention to the cases in which substantial +reductions could be effected, or proposals for increased expenditure +refused. It will not be an agreeable task, and now probably less popular +than ever. The masses admire lavish expenditure whether by public bodies +or by the private person who spends his money "like a gentleman," and it +is to be feared there will not be much help from the women electors, as +women, although they may practise economy occasionally themselves, +usually regard it as a most objectionable virtue in a man. How often in +families do we find the mother and sisters will admire the +self-indulgent idle youth who spends money freely even if he borrows +from them, rather than the steady, plodding son who, by rigid economy +and personal self-denial, helps to provide them with the means of +livelihood! + +Turning to the other side of the account, what can be done to increase +the revenue of the State? It has been estimated that for the year +1919-20 it will amount to L900,000,000, but of this L300,000,000 is +excess profits duty, which can hardly continue--in its present form at +least--beyond the period during which additional expenditure above the +permanent normal requirements is needed, in order to carry out +demobilisation. Putting the permanent charge to meet interest on debt +and the cost of the public services at L670,000,000, there may be a +deficit even if the present rate of taxation is maintained, and the +normal expenditure remains at its existing level. There will be no +surplus for the reduction of debt, or to meet new demands. Some new +sources of revenue must, if possible, be found, and the old ones require +readjustment. + +Income tax, if levied on the present system, has touched the extreme +limit. A rate of taxation willingly borne to meet the cost of war while +danger threatened will be felt more and more burdensome as time goes on. +To meet a higher income tax there will be pressure to increase salaries +paid by the Government and all public authorities. An official salary +fixed at L5,000 a year when income tax was one shilling and sixpence, +may be thought insufficient when it is nearly ten shillings including +super-tax. Persons have incurred liabilities for rent and other fixed +payments which they are not able to reduce. All along the line there +will be claims for higher payments for services rendered or goods +supplied. On the other hand, industrial undertakings will have to pay +more for the capital they must borrow to carry on and develop their +work, and 6 per cent. instead of 4 per cent. will have to be paid for +debenture capital now raised by the best industrial companies. For those +who have money to lend, the burden of tax may thus be practically met by +an increased income, but for those whose money is locked up in permanent +investments there will be no indirect relief in higher rates of +interest. Income tax, house duty, and rates will absorb so much that the +margin for voluntary expenditure will be small even out of incomes that +are nominally high. + +The death duties, especially where a deceased person leaves a large +family, already cause much hardship. A general increase in the existing +rates of estate duty cannot be made without discouraging thrift. It is a +hardship if it is made impossible for parents to make reasonable +provision for children some of whom may from various causes be unable to +earn for themselves. On the contrary, where there are no children and no +widow to be provided for, death duties might be much increased without +causing hardship. A very much higher legacy duty might be charged in the +case of large sums passing on death to persons other than the widow, +direct descendants, or other near relatives of a deceased person. On +small legacies the present rates should suffice, but there is no moral +claim for distant relatives to be allowed to take large sums. Would +there be any real hardship in imposing a heavy duty of, say, 25 per +cent. on gifts over, say, L1,000 to collateral relations not dependent +on the testator or to strangers? Or there might be a graded scale +according to the remoteness of the relationship. In case of intestacy it +would be often a real advantage to take the _whole property_ for the +State, if there were no relations within the third or fourth degree, +i.e., uncles and aunts, and nephews and nieces being in the third +degree, first cousins in the fourth. Economists for the last hundred +years--Bentham, Mill, and others--have advocated such a change. Nearly +every judge or officer of the Courts who has to do with the +administration of estates would support a change which would do away +with much wasteful litigation and disappoint no reasonable expectations. +No source of revenue should be neglected if it can truly be said that by +imposing the additional taxation proposed there will be (i) no +dislocation of trade or hampering of industry or commerce; (ii) no +discouragement of thrift; (iii) no real hardship; (iv) no great expense +incurred in collection in proportion to the amount raised. It is only +sheer stupidity that refuses to adopt a means of raising even a small +amount when the method proposed for doing so would have positively +beneficial results in other ways. + +The land increment duty should be a warning as regards cost of +collection. That cost relatively to the amount produced has been +enormous. But actual cost of collection as returned, represents only a +small part of the expenditure really caused by the tax. The time taken +up in making returns and filling up forms and obtaining the necessary +advice in doing so is a burden on those who own even the smallest landed +property and causes real hardship and injury. It discourages people from +acquiring small properties. + +The only other source of additional revenue in immediate contemplation +appears to be the luxury tax. If this can be levied so as to fall on +articles which are really luxuries, i.e., things not required for full +and healthy life, the effect of such a tax should be wholly beneficial. +If, notwithstanding the tax, people go on buying such luxuries the State +will gain. If, on the other hand, the effect of the tax is to check +expenditure on luxuries it will be a gain to the country, because its +productive power and its purchasing power will be used to obtain +articles which are really valuable and do promote national welfare. The +idea that those who spend money on luxuries are helping trade, and so +benefiting others, ought to have been exploded long ago. If the industry +which has been devoted to producing articles which are really useless +were diverted to producing things of utility, the aggregate of human +happiness would be greatly increased. A difficulty in applying the tax +is that the price of an article is little criterion as to whether it is +a luxury or not. + +There are two other sources from which additional revenue might be +obtained. + +First, to impose again an export duty on coal. Such a duty would help +rather than hinder British industry. That industry is dependent +absolutely on the supply of coal. British Coal Measures are an asset +which enables the country to keep industries going, but it is a wasting +asset. Deeper and better mining may have upset calculations made by +Professor Jevons many years ago when he warned the country of the +disastrous consequences of using up our coal supplies, but sooner or +later the pinch will come. An export duty ought to be imposed on coal +directly the present war restrictions can be removed. Our stores of coal +cannot be indefinitely increased by increased industry. If the duty +operated to reduce export of coal British manufacturers would gain, and +be able to produce commodities at less cost. If the demand from abroad +were so strong that export did not diminish, the country would gain to +the whole extent of the duty paid by foreign purchasers. The ordinary +arguments in favour of free trade do not support objection to such an +export duty as this. There will be ample demand for all the coal that +can be produced. Even if there were not, it would be well not to use it +up so quickly. There are some kinds of coal, of which the amount +available is very limited, yet until the War broke out quantities of +such coal were freely sent to other countries, some of it to those who +are now at war with us, and so used to help our enemies, who got the +precious mineral cheap because we refused to allow the imposition of an +export duty. Probably the duty when it was tried was not imposed in the +best way, being charged at a fixed rate per ton instead of on an _ad +valorem_ scale, but this fault could easily be corrected. Special +exceptions in favour of Colonies or Allies, or for the supply of certain +places, might be made by arrangement in consideration of some equivalent +favour, or to meet some particular need. + +The other suggestion involves more difficulties, and is of a more +far-reaching character. Would it not be possible to replace to some +extent the excess profits duty, which cannot be permanent, by a duty on +"excess dividends," that is, on the amounts paid out of the profits of a +business for the use of capital above a certain percentage? The excess +profits duty, in spite of all its anomalies and the difficulties of +assessment, has saved the financial situation during the War; a tax on +excess dividends might "save the situation" afterwards. When a business +is successful, paying, as many businesses have recently done, dividends +of 30 to 50 per cent., and sometimes even more, the return made to those +who have invested money in them is clearly excessive. From such +profitable businesses those who have the responsible management no doubt +may generally get better remuneration, possibly the workmen may get a +small bonus or share in such profits, but those who by a mere stroke of +good luck have embarked their money in these businesses, shareholders +who very likely know nothing whatever about the conduct of them, benefit +enormously. Such a tax would not discourage thrift or prevent a person +from getting a reasonable return on his savings. Take the case, say, of +two professional men. Both, by hard work and using up their lives in the +effort, manage to make a fair income and bring up their families. One of +them, to make provision for the future, invests L2,000 in safe +securities with fixed rate of interest, and L2,000 in some company whose +business is of a more or less speculative character, but by good fortune +becomes able to pay a dividend of 30 per cent. The other invests a like +sum in firm securities, and L2,000 in another company which turns out a +failure. Neither of them has anything to do with the conduct of the +business of the company in which he invests, but one has got a tip from +some friend or other who thinks he knows of a good thing. The work of +the two men is exactly the same; it is a mere fluke that one gets a huge +return and the other puts his money into a company which, without any +fault on his part, brings in nothing. + +The tax suggested would be levied on the excessive profits distributed +in respect of the capital embarked in businesses of every kind. It was +pointed out long ago that a tax thus levied on all alike would be paid +wholly by the capitalist and "would neither affect the prices of the +commodities produced nor the distribution of capital." The duty might be +graded according to the percentage to be received on the capital of +each investor. It might be reasonable for the first 10 per cent. to pay +only the ordinary rate of income tax. Money in fixed permanent +securities may now produce 5 per cent. or 6 per cent., and the +additional 4 per cent. free from the excess duty would be a fair return +for risk and an inducement to enterprise. The rate of excess duty might +be increased according to the excess of profits above 10 per cent. until +when the profits reached, say, 30 per cent. the duty on the amount in +excess of 20 per cent. might be very high. The effect of the tax would +not be to reduce the spending power of the community; it would only be +that the State instead of the individual would to the extent of the duty +obtain the power of purchasing what it required, and discharging its +liabilities with the money it took from excessive profits. The amount of +the tax, the method of grading and mode of levying it, would require +careful consideration; but if the difficulties and inequalities +introduced by the War excess profits duty could be met, there seems no +reason why the difficulties of the tax thus proposed should not be also +solved; at all events, an attempt should be made to see how it would +work out. + +Where money is rapidly acquired by some stroke of fortune and is not the +result of steady industry the result is constantly unwise and often +harmful expenditure either by those who have acquired it or their +immediate successors. There is an old Lancashire saying as to fortunes +rapidly made, that there are only three generations from clogs to clogs: +"What is unreasonably gathered is also unreasonably spent by the persons +into whose hands it finally falls." It may be spent "in a stupefying +luxury twice harmful both in being indulged in by the rich and witnessed +by the poor." + +There is a great danger to the State at the present time from large +amounts of money rapidly acquired being accumulated in few hands. There +are many signs that we are likely to enter a period which may be +described as the reign of the "nouveaux riches." The great financiers, +the persons with enormous interests in huge combines, will exercise more +and more an undue and dangerous influence on fiscal policy and political +life. The old nobility and the class of country gentlemen will have less +power. Their resources will be seriously crippled, and their families +perhaps extinguished through losses in the War. The middle class, which, +in the last century, exercised the strongest influence on political +life, and from which most of our men of letters and science have sprung, +may now be crushed. On the more highly educated part of the middle +classes whose means are limited the burden of the War has fallen most +heavily. Taxation seems deliberately arranged to place as heavy a burden +as possible on those of the middle classes who have children to bring up +and to educate in the way they think best, and who endeavour to provide +means by which their families can occupy the same position in life which +their parents have done. The rate of income tax paid by a bachelor and a +spinster is increased if they marry, although their necessary expenses +will be enormously increased if they have a family to support. A +bachelor with L500 a year may be living in ease and luxury; if he +marries and has four or five children to educate he may find difficulty +in meeting the needs of his family with L1,500. In the same way the +death duties are absurdly small on the estate of the bachelor who leaves +no family, but are a real hardship on the family of the man who dies +leaving a number of children. + +The tendency is towards a rapid accumulation of huge fortunes. In +considering the incidence of taxation Bacon's advice might well be +remembered: "Above all things, good policy is to be used that the +treasure and moneys in a State be not gathered into few hands, for +otherwise the State may have great stock and yet starve, for money is +like muck, not good except it be spread." + + + + +CHAPTER XV + +NATIONAL EXPENDITURE + + _But where is the money to come from? Yes, that is to be + asked. Let us as quite the first business in this our + national crisis look not only into our affairs but into + our accounts and obtain some notion of how we annually + spend our money, and what we are getting for it. Not the + public revenue only; of that some account is rendered + already. But let us do the best we can to set down the + items of the national private expenditure and know what + we spend altogether and how._--JOHN RUSKIN. + + +The revenue and expenditure of the State have already been discussed; +over that the State has a direct control. Over the expenditure of the +nation the control of the State is only indirect. Though the two +questions should be kept distinct, one affects the other. Both are +vitally important and now more serious than ever in view of the huge +debt and other conditions which will exist after the War. How are we to +provide and pay for the commodities we need for the support of the +nation? Before the War the balance required to pay for the excess of +imports over exports was apparently provided, first, by interest on +investments in other countries--Englishmen having provided capital all +over the world--and, second, by freights. A large amount of these +foreign investments has been sold. How far shall we still be a creditor +country after the War? As regards freights, British shipping has +suffered very heavy losses. One of the first duties both during and +after the War must be to repair the losses and increase British tonnage +available for trade. To this end no effort should be spared, and the +State should do all that is possible to foster shipbuilding, or even +undertake the work itself, if possible without interfering, as +unfortunately it has already done, with the output of private +shipbuilding yards. + +As regards national as well as State expenditure, it will be essential, +first, to increase the income, and second, to guard against every form +of waste. To increase the income the only way is to increase production +both from the land and the factory (_a_) of things needed for use at +home, (_b_) of things which can be sold abroad, i.e., exported in +exchange for the supplies that must be imported. In both cases it is +necessary to consider not merely the increase in the amount produced or +the volume of trade, but how far are the articles produced for home use +or imported from abroad of real value in promoting the healthy life of +the nation, how far are they things that are really needed. Books on +political economy have sometimes stated that only "value in exchange is +to be considered"; "value in use" is still more important. We want to +ascertain the things that will really do us good, and devote our +energies to the production and importation of such things. The teachings +of the physiologist as to food values, the study of hygiene in its +widest sense, must form part of political economy in the true sense as +well as the laws of supply and demand or the theory of wages or of +foreign exchange or currency. + +Some of the methods for obtaining increased production from industry by +better conditions of labour leading to more effective efforts have been +discussed in another chapter; the question of obtaining increased output +from the land so as to produce a larger amount of food for home +consumption will be mentioned in a subsequent chapter dealing with +reconstruction or reform relating to agriculture. Improved forestry may +be regarded as a branch of the same subject. + +With regard to expenditure, it will be incumbent on all classes to act +rigorously so as to prevent waste, but it is not to be expected that the +national expenditure as a whole can be greatly reduced as compared with +the pre-War standard. The expenditure of certain classes of people +might, of course, be greatly reduced without any injury to healthy life +or development or in any way impairing real efficiency or even affecting +their happiness; but as regards the majority this is not so. The +conditions of life of the working classes, especially as regards such +matters as housing, require to be improved. It is a wiser expenditure, +not a reduction in expenditure, that must be the aim for them. The +expenditure on drink is, of course, unnecessarily large, and in many +cases absolutely detrimental, and a reduction in this respect is +required for national well-being. The manner of dealing with the +question must be the subject of separate consideration; but it is a +remarkable fact that, though no evil has been more prominent, though for +more than half a century no subject has provoked more discussion, though +none has been the object of more organised attempts at reform, in none +has so little of value been done by State action or legislation, at +least until the establishment of the Board of Control during the War. + +A second source of saving would be to prevent the waste of food which +goes on in all classes. It is not only that food is actually thrown +away, but that too little attempt is made to choose and to use the +healthiest and most nutritious forms of food, and there is an +indisposition to try any unaccustomed form of food. If one were asked +what would be the most useful practical reform at the present time, +probably the best answer would be, "Promote more general use of oatmeal +porridge." Attention to the best choice and use of food would do much to +make a healthy nation, and at the same time effect a saving in +expenditure. "Grow more oats and eat them" would be a wise precept for +the nation to follow. With that, an effort must be made to secure a +fuller supply of milk at lower prices. This is vital for the welfare of +the coming generation. The cost of transport and of distribution of milk +might be reduced by better organisation. + +Allied to this subject is the enormous waste caused by ignorance of +cookery. A really excellent dinner in France or in Switzerland is often +made from materials which would be despised in this country. Anyone who +is in the habit of roaming about the country on foot or on a bicycle +will know that in many parts it is impossible to get a decent meal; the +provision made is frequently nasty without being cheap. In rural +districts in France delicious meals can be obtained at a lower price. +Domestic economy should be taught in every school, and to people of +every rank, but the teaching should be practical. I remember wishing to +see in an excellent school something of the teaching of domestic +economy, and found the girls and boys, instead of learning to cook, were +learning what was called science, writing down in copy-books "the +operative principle of tea is theme." This kind of pseudo-science, +teaching people to write a jargon which conveys no meaning to their +minds, is one of the things which is called education, but is really +mental demoralisation. The process may be continued, perhaps, in classes +on "practical citizenship" for adolescents, who will be taught to say +"the operative principle for the amelioration of states is +democratisation." Great improvements in the teaching of domestic economy +have been made during the last few years in many places, but there is no +doubt that an enormous amount of waste is due to ignorance and neglect +in the choice and preparation of food. + +Again, every possible effort should be made to encourage habits of +thrift, and to provide satisfactory modes of investment for small +savings. As regards this question, War conditions have positively had a +beneficial effect. The need for all classes to contribute to War Loans +has been recognised; facilities to enable the small investor to +contribute have been carefully arranged, and the War Savings Committees +have done admirable work in bringing the question home to the people. +The result has been on the whole most satisfactory. Not only has a very +substantial sum been provided towards meeting the cost of the War, but +habits of thrift have been fostered, and the sense of having a stake in +the country, a direct financial interest in the national funds, makes +for order and will form an element of stability in national life which +will be invaluable. + +Notwithstanding the "ingrained prejudice against thrift" among the +majority of all classes, which is a marked characteristic of the English +nation as compared, for example, with the French, the number of holders +of national securities has increased enormously. Before the outbreak of +the War it appears that only 345,100 persons held securities of the +British Government. It was estimated that at the end of the year 1917 +Government securities had been distributed among no fewer than 16 +million persons, including 10 million holdings of War Savings +Certificates.[8] It was further estimated that "during 1917 over 51 +millions were contributed to the Post Office issues of War securities, +which, together with the net value of nearly 64 millions from War +Savings Certificates and an increase of deposits over withdrawals in the +Post Office Savings Bank of no less than L5,683,000, provides in all a +sum of L120,723,000 odd, the total contributions of small investors +during the year." Since the beginning of the War the contributions of +small investors already amount in all to a grand total of about +L253,000,000. + +Care in expenditure and a habit of saving will, in view of the financial +position after the War, be alike necessary; the nation cannot afford +waste in any form; after the War, as well as during the War, the +national welfare demands that any balance beyond what is required for +healthy life should be saved and made available to meet the national +needs, including not only the fulfilment of the national obligations, +which is an imperative condition for the maintenance of credit and +prosperity, but also the provision of the means for future betterment, +material or moral. We do not wish to reduce useful expenditure, but to +get money for what we need by increasing production and by more careful +spending. It will be a time for all classes to refrain from expenditure +on luxuries or ostentation, or in fulfilling those imagined claims which +convention imposes. In different ways almost all classes are fettered by +these conventional obligations. How much of the expenditure of a person +with fairly good income is devoted to things which give him no +additional pleasure and confer no real benefit on himself or others! +Both rich and poor waste great quantities of food, sometimes because +they are afraid of being thought mean if they did not do so. There is a +strange power exercised over our acts and our liberty is curtailed by +the opinions of our neighbours or members of the same class. Much might +be accomplished if we could enlist these conventions on the side of +economy. Why, for example, should it not be considered "worse form" to +take on the plate good food that is not wanted and leave it, than to eat +peas with a knife? How greatly did an alliance with Mrs. Grundy support +morality in mid-Victorian days! If we could turn social observances from +encouraging extravagance to promoting economy, it would go far towards +eliminating national waste. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 8: See _Economist_, July 13, 1918.] + + + + +Part IV + +REFORM + + + + +CHAPTER XVI + +THE FIELD + + _Above all things, order and distribution and singling + out of parts is the life of despatch._--FRANCIS BACON. + + +It has been usual to associate the term "reform" mainly with +constitutional changes, and especially with the extension of the +franchise. Fortunately, the present Parliament has dealt with that +question in a manner which makes great further changes unnecessary, and +will leave the new Parliament free to deal with others. Instead of +taking up time with the discussion of alterations in the franchise and +arrangements for elections, the legislative machinery should be ready +for use. But it is not merely to legislation that we have to look. More +and more will depend on the action of executive departments of +Government. Their field of activity has been extended during the War, +and new departments have been established. Some of the new activities +should be continued after the War, others should be stopped as soon as +possible. It will be necessary to discriminate carefully. The powers of +local authorities may be increased, and those authorities may be urged +to more energetic use of them. There will probably be strong demands for +interference by the State and local authorities, and the advantage of +the free action of private individuals is likely to be overlooked, +although where it is possible for a reform to be carried out by private +effort better results are usually obtained, and at less cost than by +action of the State. We are suffering and shall probably continue to +suffer from too much regulation. One of the first reforms will be to +get rid of restrictions which the War has for a time rendered +necessary, to restore liberty of action, and to stop the expenditure +occasioned by State interference wherever such interference is no longer +needed. + +Using the term "reform" to include all improvements which can be made +either by restoring former conditions or by introducing beneficial +changes, it will be necessary to look into each question separately and +see in what cases and to what extent action by the State is required to +accomplish the end desired. The most convenient course will be to draw +up a list of subjects which ought to be dealt with, and then see how far +(i) legislation, and (ii) executive action by some department are called +for in each case, and how far private action will be effective. + +The following appear to be the most important and most urgent matters +which require to be considered either during the War or immediately +after peace is declared. All of them will involve some action on the +part of the State, although in many cases that action will be to enable +voluntary associations or private individuals to take up the work and to +aid them in doing so. + +The list, though by no means complete, looks formidable:-- + +1. Restore constitutional law and liberty. + +2. Remove the fetters on trade, commerce and industry. + +3. Demobilise the army and decide what naval and military forces will +still have to be maintained, and what provision ought to be made in +regard to military training in the future. + +4. Reform the War Office.[9] Reconsider the constitution and procedure +of courts martial, and provide for really judicial inquiry into +grievances. Revive and use the Territorial system. + +5. Complete the arrangements for adequate pensions and develop means for +giving such technical training and providing such openings for work as +will enable partially disabled men to earn comfortable subsistence in +addition. + +6. Provide permanent homes and sanatoria for those who are more +seriously injured, and find suitable light employment for those who can +undertake it. + +7. Arrange the best places and provide proper training for discharged +soldiers and sailors (and others) who may be willing to settle on the +land. + +8. Consider how to restore the discharged men to their former places or +accustomed work, and how to meet the needs of the temporary workers who +will be displaced. + +9. Curtail the vast expenditure on the departments organised for War +work, reducing the staffs and finding other work for those who must be +discharged. Dispense altogether with some of the new Ministries. The +question of employment for women after the War will be most urgent. + +10. Organise and correlate the various departments so as to secure more +efficiency, and so assign and arrange the work of each as to avoid +circumlocution, friction and waste. + +11. Reconstitute the Cabinet on clearer lines, and let competence for +the work of each department, instead of recognition of party services, +be the guide in appointing the Minister responsible for each. + +12. Reform the procedure of the House of Commons to check verbosity and +facilitate business.[10] Delegate certain powers and duties. + +13. Find means for raising additional revenue and making the incidence +of taxation fairer. In particular, revise the provisions as to income +tax and death duties, so as to increase revenue without adding to the +hardships and burdens due to the present conditions. Some definite steps +with that object are quite practicable. + +14. Examine what industries, if any, are to be specially fostered as +"key industries," and whether this can be done without injury to other +industries or adding to the heavy cost borne by the consumer. + +15. Arrange plans for enabling labour to co-operate fully in settling +the conditions under which industry is to be carried on, and make +provision for preventing disputes, increasing production, allocating +profits fairly, and for reducing hours of work without diminishing +output. + +16. Provide more and better housing, not only to secure the bare +accommodation necessary for health and decency, but also to make +attractive homes. + +17. Increase the productivity of the land and promote agriculture, not +only for financial reasons, but to maintain and induce the growth of a +larger rural population. Stimulate education and research bearing on +agriculture. + +18. Develop industrial villages, and also land settlements and +co-operative farming. Multiply allotments, both urban and rural, so far +as economic conditions permit and there is a supply of people desirous +and capable of working them. + +19. Introduce methods enabling persons without ready capital to acquire +their cottages or small holdings by paying instalments on reasonable +terms. Why not an Ashbourne Act for England? + +20. Control the liquor traffic, not with a view to injure the publican, +but to promote temperance, remembering that the business of the +licensed victualler should be to provide wholesome food as well as +drink, not to act merely as manager of a licensed house for extending +the trade, and enhancing the profits of a brewery or distillery. + +21. Simplify the Land Laws and make transfer easier and less costly. + +22. Amend the law relating to marriage, and also on some points +affecting personal status and devolution of property on death. + +23. Consolidate the Statute Law and amend and codify the Criminal Law. +Carry out the amendment of the Patent Law. + +24. Aid the development of Education without destroying the liberty of +teacher or scholar or the variety of methods by too much control, rigid +system, or over-elaborate organisation. + +25. Combat disease, encourage research in preventive medicine, and +extend the application of its results. In particular carry on the +campaign against infectious and contagious diseases, and especially +against venereal disease. + +26. Make better provision for playing-fields and open spaces, preserve +places of historic interest and natural beauty, and make them accessible +for the enjoyment of those who really care for them. + +27. Develop fisheries. + +28. Undertake afforestation systematically. + +29. Improve and cheapen internal transport, especially by reviving +waterways. + +A fairly long programme, but it might be added to. Some of it is +essential, all of it useful; some of it wants carefully guarding; none +of it is beyond the sphere of practical politics. We cannot afford to +neglect any of the items. All the activities of the Government, of the +Legislature, and of private effort will be needed. It is worth notice +that there is not a single question in the whole list that need divide +Parliament or the country on party lines. + +This list deals only with strictly home matters. Concurrently it will +be necessary to deal with international questions, such as the formation +of the League for securing peace, the constitution and regulation of +tribunals for settling disputes, the resuscitation of International Law +and reconsideration of its rules. An attempt should be made towards +assimilating, by arrangement, the laws of the mother country and the +colonies and also of different nations, affecting commerce, and also as +regards personal status--nationality, naturalisation, and the validity +of marriages. + +The whole subject of co-operation between different parts of the Empire +in determining its policy and dealing with matters affecting the whole +demands earnest and immediate attention. The totally different question +of the devolution of powers to any parts of the United Kingdom has yet +to be settled. The claims of national sentiment have to be recognised +while the welfare and safety of the whole are secured. What are the +units to be on which powers can be conferred, and what should be their +extent? Who exactly are those whose national claims are being asserted, +and how far are they at unity among themselves? All these questions must +be treated as matters for constructive statesmanship, not as pawns in +party contests. They must be dealt with as practical problems having +regard to the special circumstances of each case, not as opportunities +for embodying some general political theory. There is a commendable +opportunism which knows how to take "occasion by the hand," to do the +wisest thing under the conditions subsisting at the time, as well as a +blameworthy one, which looks out how to use them for personal advantage. +There will be need, too, for the "trimmer on principle"--the man who, +when the boat is going over on one side, deliberately and quickly +transfers his weight to the other, or the steers-man who tacks when the +wind is contrary in order to bring his ship to the port where his +passengers desire to land. Such a man, as was said of Lord Halifax in +the time of Charles II, "must not be confounded with the vulgar crowd of +renegades, for though like them he passed from side to side, his +transition was always in the _direction opposite to theirs_. The party +to which he belonged was the party which at that moment he liked least, +because it was the party of which he had the nearest view. He was, +therefore, always severe upon his violent associates, and was always in +friendly relation with his moderate opponents." + +It is obviously impossible to discuss all these questions in a volume, +still less to propound in detail the steps to be taken in dealing with +them. Most of the more pressing ones will be touched upon and some +suggestions made with regard to them; a few worked out rather more fully +as examples. In some cases the remedies are obvious, and could be +applied without difficulty, in others they require great special +knowledge and careful thought, and their application will involve +serious risks unless very great care and skill are used. To appear +dogmatic in speaking of these subjects is inevitable if one would be +definite; mistakes may be made, but "truth emerges from error more +readily than from confusion." + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 9: The last report of the Select Committee on Expenditure +shows some of the grounds why this is urgent, and that very strong +resolution will be needed to effect reform. The Prime Minister's +determined action in insisting on unity of command for the Allied forces +has already saved the country from enormous losses and done more than +any other action of the Government to bring victory nearer. Any layman +of average intelligence could see that the step was necessary; where did +the opposition come from? There are politicians who would use their +country's troubles to secure a party triumph.] + +[Footnote 10: The abuse of the power of asking questions in Parliament +has become a scandal. There are a few persistent persons whose desire to +embarrass a Government they dislike, in carrying on the War, makes them +indifferent to the injury they may do to the national cause. Some check +is necessary. The right to question Ministers is one of the most +important safeguards against improper action by the executive, but the +House of Commons is discredited by the manner in which that right has +often been exercised of late. A report of proceedings in question-time +constantly brings to mind a scene in "Alice in Wonderland," and the +retort made to the arch-interrogator, "Why do you waste time asking +questions to which there is no answer?"] + + + + +CHAPTER XVII + +RESTORATION OF LAW AND LIBERTY + + _What is long suspended is in danger of being totally + abrogated._--EDMUND BURKE. + + +It is hardly too much to say that English Constitutional Law has been +scrapped since the War. Immediately after the establishment of Peace the +first duty will be to restore the old Constitutional Law which has been +suspended to meet the new conditions due to the War, and to revive again +the old safeguards for the liberty and rights of the subject against +arbitrary action by the executive. The nation has rightly acquiesced in +the exercise of powers by the executive during the War in a manner which +nothing but the necessity of the time could justify. Powers to take a +person's property at the will of some executive department without any +definite principle or procedure even for assessing compensation ought at +once to cease when there is no longer immediate urgency for using such +powers to secure the safety of the country. Powers to deprive persons of +their liberty on vague charges, or to try anyone except by ordinary +course of law in the regular Courts, should be discontinued. The Reign +of Law must be re-established to control the executive Government as +well as the private citizen. Nothing is more infectious than a habit of +substituting arbitrary will for law. Tyranny breeds anarchy, and anarchy +tyranny in regular succession, and "the authority of one man over +another not regulated by fixed law or justified by absolute necessity is +tyranny." With the advent of Peace "_Dora_ must disappear." + +Even before the War there had been a tendency, on the one hand, to +substitute administrative action for regular judicial procedure, and, on +the other, to allow certain associations to act without regard to law, +to injure individuals and infringe their rights without remedy. That +tendency must be checked or liberty will be destroyed. Law and liberty +as well as law and order are correlative terms. A real control over +expenditure must be re-established and made more effective than it was +even before the necessities of war in our unprepared condition made the +present hand-to-mouth procedure to some extent excusable. The +happy-go-lucky way in which new Ministries and new departments with +vague and ill-defined but enormous powers have been created must come to +an end. We should have some definite and recognised method of +authorising changes in the system of Government. To set aside the +Cabinet which, although it had no legal position, had powers sanctioned +and established by long constitutional custom, and to concentrate +authority in a small body selected and increased or diminished from time +to time at the will of a Prime Minister, was probably necessary for +successful prosecution of the War, but nothing else could justify some +of the irregularities that have been committed. + +Doctrines have been put forward sometimes in the Courts during the War +by counsel representing the Crown--i.e., in effect some Ministry--which +would have seemed questionable even in the days of the Stuarts. The +whole of the special War Legislation, both Statutes and Orders of all +kinds, will require to be revised and, unless there is strong reason to +the contrary in any special cases, repealed. The burden of proof should +be on those who think any of this exceptional legislation should be +retained. Of course, care must be taken, especially in matters affecting +commerce and industry, to give due notice of alterations and to change +gradually so as not to prejudice arrangements already made and contracts +in course of fulfilment. + +Special attention will have to be given to the early removal of those +restraints on trade--prohibition of exports and imports--which have been +frequently necessary, either to retain in the country what is wanted to +satisfy home requirements or to prevent goods from finding their way to +the enemy, or to ensure that the limited tonnage available is used to +bring the commodities which are vital to meet the pressing needs either +of the forces engaged in War or of the civilian population. These +restraints, however, are not only most harassing to merchants and +involve much additional labour when labour is scarce, but if continued +would prevent this country from carrying on the valuable entrepot trade +for which its geographical position, its financial resources, and its +command of shipping specially fit it. That trade at least depends on the +maintenance of a policy of the open door both for coming in and going +out. England is a good distributing centre--unless by artificial +restrictions we destroy our opportunities. Merchants and manufacturers +have been very patient as a rule under the fetters it has been thought +necessary to impose to meet War conditions; these fetters should be +removed as soon as possible. Unless this is done they will be fatally +handicapped when Hamburg and Bremen again come into competition with +them as distributing centres for the countries now neutral, and even for +those which have been in alliance with us. + +There is sure to be a cry to protect certain industries; in some cases +it may be necessary to do so for a time at least, but every such claim +should be most jealously scrutinised. The interests of any powerful +section of the community always find influential advocates. They can +exercise strong pressure on any Government or on Members of Parliament. +The general interests of the people who have no trade organisation to +support them will be likely to be overlooked. The restoration of freedom +is the first reform that should attend the restoration of Peace. + + + + +CHAPTER XVIII + +RESTORATION OF INDUSTRY + + _Neither one person nor any number of persons is + warranted in saying to another human being of ripe years + that he shall not do with his life for his own benefit + what he chooses to do with it._--JOHN STUART MILL. + + +The next task will be the restoration of industry to its ordinary +channels, and the return of the men who have been in the army to +civilian occupations. Mr. Bonar Law has said that nothing has ever +happened more wonderful than the way in which the British Empire has +changed its Peace organisation into a War organisation. To reverse the +process and change the War organisation into a Peace organisation may be +still more difficult. In creating the War organisation enormous sums of +money have been expended, the wheels have been lavishly greased to +enable the new machinery to work. That process cannot continue, as with +the reorganisation after Peace there must also be retrenchment. In the +War Cabinet's Report for 1917 it is said that "1917 may be described as +the year in which State control was extended until it covered not only +national activities directly affecting the military effort but every +section of industry, production, transport, and manufacture." To get rid +of some of that control as regards industry as well as commerce, must be +one of the first steps in reconstruction. State interference not only +involves the expense of an enormous army of officials, inspectors, +clerks, accountants, and others, but also causes friction, while the +regulations which it has been found necessary to impose have been one of +the causes of labour unrest. Any State regulations of labour are rightly +watched with the greatest jealousy. Pledges have been given that +certain pre-War conditions as regards labour shall be re-established as +soon as possible. + +During the War the exceptional conditions demanded exceptional measures. +To prevent competition for labour in order to fulfil the enormously +profitable contracts when the demand for munitions was so imperative, +special legislation was found absolutely necessary before the end of the +first year of the War. Employers had to be prohibited from engaging +workmen who had been on munitions work within six weeks before taking up +new employment, unless they had a certificate that the workmen had left +with the former employer's consent, or a tribunal held that consent had +been unreasonably withheld. Many persons who were in a position to form +a sound opinion consider that this provision "saved the situation." At +all events, it prevented the workmen, under the influence of the +inducements offered by competing employers, from running from place to +place to find where the highest wage could be obtained, and dislocating +the work in which they had been engaged. + +The provision for manufacture of munitions had to be made very +hurriedly, as it took the Government and the heads of the army a long +time to realise the fact that in a war against the organised forces of +Germany greater quantities of munitions of all sorts, some of an +entirely new kind, would be required by the army and navy. Our infantry +were exposed to the bombardment of the enemy while the British artillery +was unable to reply. Nothing is more wonderful and more creditable to +the Minister who first took charge of the matter, to the heads of +producing firms, and also to the workmen and the leaders of their Trade +unions all over the country, than the way in which new factories were +built, old factories enlarged, and output increased to the utmost. In +the course of a few months rough vacant spaces all over the country were +covered with admirably planned and well organised works. In a short time +employers generally learned to understand and to observe the +restrictions imposed, which were for the common good, though often +irritating to individuals. + +There was, however, some dissatisfaction among many of the workmen, and +after two years the provisions as to certificates were repealed, and the +Ministry of Munitions obtained wide powers for giving directions as to +remuneration, and also to prevent munition workers from being taken for +other work. The Ministry also exercised powers for regulating what +workmen of different classes should be allowed to go to various +establishments. Such regulation was and is necessary, but it will be a +relief to British industry when this State control and the restrictions +and regulations it involves can be done away with. The process of +reversion to normal conditions as regards industry will take time, +especially in adapting establishments where the products of the munition +works are articles which are not required in time of peace. Fortunately, +there will be a great demand for labour after the War to resume work +that has been postponed, as well as for new undertakings, especially for +housing and for repairs and renewals in railways, roads, and buildings. +Work that has been put on one side to allow undivided attention to be +given to munitions will require the services of a great number of +persons and help to prevent unemployment which might otherwise arise +when the new army is disbanded. + +Of the questions affecting employment after the War, the position of +discharged soldiers and sailors naturally comes first. They may be +divided into two classes, namely, those who are in any way disabled, and +who are discharged during the War suffering from some kind of injury to +limb or to health, and, secondly, those who will be discharged when the +army is demobilised. For the first class, the honour of the nation +demands that proper and liberal provision should be made by pensions, +having regard to the nature and extent of the injury received. For the +totally disabled there must be an adequate subsistence; for the +partially disabled the object will be, in addition to the pension, to +find suitable employment and to train those who wish to take up some new +employment suited to the varied requirements of men who have been +disabled in different ways, and also in which higher remuneration may be +obtained by reason of a skill thus acquired, and the greater demand for +work of the class. It has been estimated that, apart from the provision +for officers, forty millions a year will be required for pensions for +soldiers and sailors. It is an expenditure which the country would least +think of grudging. The Ministry of Pensions, in co-operation with other +Departments concerned, has already taken in hand the question of dealing +with the disabled, not only as regards the regulation and payment of +pensions, but also as to qualifying those who are partially disabled to +take up suitable employment. The work thus begun will have to go on for +a considerable period after the close of the War. So far as inquiries +have at present been made, a large percentage of the partially disabled +men will be able to go back to the employment in which they were engaged +before the War; others will be able to find similar employment without +special training; many will be engaged in various simple light +occupations. + +In selecting men for positions as caretakers, office porters, and others +of a similar kind, good feeling will naturally cause preference to be +given to the men who have met with injury while fighting for their +country. There will be a large number, however, who may wish to take up +employment of a different description from that in which they were +engaged before the War, and they will be glad of the opportunity of +preparing themselves for it. For these men the Ministry, acting in +co-operation with local authorities, and especially with local education +committees, is arranging courses of technical training. During the +period of training a payment, usually about twenty-seven shillings per +week, is made to the men. The character of the training to be given and +the provision to be made for it have been settled with advisory +committees of persons engaged in and well acquainted with the +requirements of the trade. This kind of co-operation and the practice of +taking the advice of members of the trade from the very beginning, have +been invaluable both in preventing mistakes and in creating goodwill +towards the schemes which have been set on foot. The training, of +course, differs according to the needs of different localities, but +already suitable courses have been provided in different places, in +boot-making, tailoring, furniture-repairing, basket-making, building, +printing, aircraft-manufacturing, dental mechanics, and many other +trades. Men who otherwise might have been condemned to useless lives +with a bare subsistence will, through the measures thus taken, be able +to earn a comfortable wage in some employment where their disablement +does not seriously interfere with their work. What has been done in this +matter should be as widely known as possible, and facilities for +training should be extended to give preparation for other suitable +trades. + +Most of all, it is desirable that as many men as possible should be +trained for agricultural and horticultural work, and should have the +opportunity of healthy outdoor employment. To do such work efficiently, +training for those who have not been brought up to it is, of course, +necessary. This training may be given on farms acquired for the purpose +either by some public authority or by individuals or by philanthropic +associations. Work of the kind has been already started, and should be +extended as fast as any demand for such training is found to exist. +There is, unfortunately, reason to believe that the number of discharged +men able to take up work on the land and desirous of doing so will not +be very large. + +In connection with the permanent employment of these disabled men, +schemes have been set on foot which hold out the most attractive +prospects as affording healthier conditions, brighter and pleasanter +homes, and as enabling useful production to go on with efficiency under +conditions in which the life of the worker may be passed in +surroundings which will give some satisfaction to the aesthetic sense. +These schemes include the formation of (i) industrial villages in the +neighbourhood of towns, of which the one at Lancaster, referred to in +the next chapter (p. 145), may be taken as a type, and (ii) new villages +established, or old villages extended in places which are easily +accessible, and not too remote from facilities for the education of +children and from the attractions of a town. In these villages organised +cultivation will be carried on. + +Co-operative farming is already being tried. A very interesting and +hopeful experiment in working a farm on co-operative lines under the +management of a skilled director has been made near Maidstone, where a +farm has been acquired by private effort. It has received a name of good +omen--the Vanguard Farm. + +Another proposal which may lead to very valuable results is the +establishment of nurseries for forest trees on land reclaimed from the +sea, or in other places where the soil is light and can be acquired at +moderate cost. These and similar schemes, though intended in the first +instance specially for partially disabled men, should be permanent. When +fairly started they are expected to be self-supporting. + +It is obviously impossible to treat of all the questions in the long +list given above, and also impossible to deal with any of them +completely. All that can be done is to give a general idea of the kind +of thing that is wanted; then to select a few subjects as furnishing +rather fuller indications of possible lines of action; and then--just as +examples--work out one or two in more detail. + +Two subjects, namely, Housing and Agricultural Development, must be +selected, because their vital importance demands attention from all who +care about the welfare of the nation. Another subject, namely, Law +Reform, is selected because it is comparatively easy to say what ought +to be done and to frame Acts embodying the required reforms. + + + + +CHAPTER XIX + +HOUSING + + _Owing to house shortage in Sheffield, two wooden + pigsties are being inhabited, one by a man and his wife + and two children, and the other by a man and his wife. + Both men are discharged soldiers._--DAILY PAPER. + + +There will be no rest, and should be none, until every industrious man +or woman who wishes to have a real home can have one, where everyone who +has children can bring them up under conditions where decency can be +maintained and healthy life be possible. It is a question of urgency in +rural as well as in urban districts, in the most remote places equally +with the great cities. In this matter it is no case of having to create +or stimulate a desire for improvement. The demand has existed for years, +but after the War will be more imperative than ever. Somehow or other it +must be supplied more fully. Attempts have been made again and again to +deal with the question. Its importance is recognised and special +inquiries are now being made as to the best means to be adopted. It is +stated that at the present time half a million additional houses for +working people are required, and that 100,000 more should be provided +annually to meet the normal increase of population and to replace houses +which have to be demolished. + +It will be necessary to consider, first, the provision to be made to +meet the existing shortage of house accommodation both in urban and +rural districts. At present a large portion of the population cannot +find a home or even any kind of accommodation that affords reasonable +comfort and decency. Since the War, in some places, such as Barrow, the +conditions have been absolutely intolerable, and when those who are +engaged in the army abroad return, the state of things in some districts +may be worse. The President of the Local Government Board recently +stated that 1,103 local authorities in England and Wales had reported +that houses for the working classes were required in their areas, and +that the number of houses they needed probably exceeded 300,000. As +above stated, the total requirement is much greater. The deficiency of +accommodation has been one of the prime causes of labour unrest; the +prices charged for any kind of shelter have been enormous; in some cases +the same bed is occupied by one set of people immediately the prior +occupants have gone to work, and "the bed is never even cold." The +overcrowding of agricultural labourers and their families in miserable +cottages, often out of repair and letting in the rain, has long been a +scandal. Something has been done by benevolent landowners, who build +cottages which they let on terms which bring little return for the money +spent on them; but it is quite impossible to rely either on the working +of the law of supply and demand or on private benevolence for meeting +the difficulty. Strong and immediate action by the State is needed. +Adequate powers should be given to local authorities, and pressure put +upon them, if needed, to ensure that such powers are exercised. Such +action is already being taken, and compulsory powers to acquire land +will be given. In assessing compensation, the great urban landowner who +has done nothing to contribute to the growth of the town or to promote +its industries, ought not to receive the full value of the land, as +enhanced by the necessary expansion of the town and thereby converted +into building land, with an added amount for compulsory purchase. The +manner in which the Lands Clauses Consolidation Act has been worked has +added enormously to the burden of most great public undertakings. The +compensation awarded has often been outrageous, and the expense incurred +in assessing it one of the grossest scandals. It would be easy to give +numerous instances from actual experience. + +But there is not only need for more accommodation, but also for more +attractive accommodation. There is no reason why the home of a human +family should as a rule be, as it is in most of the towns in England at +present, a hideous object. What has been done at Port Sunlight, at +Bournville and other places shows that, by proper forethought and wise +expenditure, small houses which it is a pleasure instead of a pain to +look upon, can be provided. Another good example of what can be done may +be seen in the change effected in the residences for the poorer classes +made on the property of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners at Walworth in +South London. What is now a pleasant exception ought to be a regular +rule. Means ought also to be taken to ensure that urban workers should +have the opportunity of obtaining an allotment, if not adjoining, at +least within reasonable distance of their homes, where they may grow +fruit and vegetables and enjoy what is, after all, one of the greatest +of the quiet pleasures of life, watching the growth of the plants which +they have cultivated, and enjoying the products. + +Round some towns, the estates of great landowners form a ring fence +barring any growth of the town until, when trade is good and the town is +expanding, extravagant prices can be obtained for the land of which they +have the monopoly. High ground rents are fixed when trade is inflated, +jerry-builders then start erecting houses, borrowing sometimes from +building societies the whole amount required to enable them to build, +and the houses are either sold or let at very high rents. The cottages +are put up in the cheapest possible way consistent with the by-laws of +the local authorities. When a cycle of bad trade occurs the property +falls in value, it goes out of repair, tenants have no interest whatever +in keeping it decent, it falls into a disgusting condition, mortgagees +foreclose. In many cases the building societies that have lent money on +the property to its full value, by arrangement between the secretary of +the society and the speculative builder, have gone into liquidation, and +the industrious people who have placed their money in the societies +have lost their investments. And last, there have even been disputes +between the owner of the ground rent who wishes to re-enter and the +local authority as to the payment of charges for making streets in the +district which has fallen into decay. This is no fancy picture. Those +who have had legal practice over a period of years in some of our large +towns will confirm it from their own experience. + +There is no valid reason why, when land is converted from agricultural +land into building land in the neighbourhood of a large town without any +effort on the part of the landowner, a definite portion of such land +should not be set aside for allotments or open spaces without payment, +on the same grounds that a person who is erecting buildings on the land +is obliged to comply with building regulations to secure proper +sanitation, although it might be more profitable to build without any +regard whatever for the health of the prospective tenants. Of course, it +may not always be possible to set aside a portion of any given piece of +land which is sold for building, but in that case the landowner should +contribute an equivalent value out of the proceeds of the land which he +sells towards providing the allotments or open spaces required elsewhere +in the neighbourhood. Such a provision would not be really burdensome, +as no contribution either in land or money would be made except at the +time when a largely increased revenue was to be derived from the land. +It is not to be forgotten that the large urban landlord usually pays no +rates towards meeting the requirements of the town, and receives the +full amount of the rent fixed practically for all time at a period of +inflation, although the rates may have enormously increased to meet the +cost of the things which the municipality has to provide for the needs +of a large and industrious but often very poor population. + +An example has been given of what private enterprise may do in providing +not merely accommodation for working people, but accommodation with +really attractive surroundings, in the action taken by the family of +the late Sir Thomas Storey, at Lancaster. They, under the advice of one +of the highest authorities on town planning, Mr. T.H. Mawson, have given +an estate adjoining the town, which will be laid out in an attractive +manner, with avenues arranged to afford pleasing prospects. The primary +object at present is to provide homes in the neighbourhood of a factory +to be erected where disabled soldiers may engage in some kind of +suitable manufacturing work, but the scheme is intended to be permanent. +The houses will be near the factory; there will be playgrounds, +drying-grounds, probably garden allotments, a hostel for single men, a +reading-room, and some place of amusement. The development of industrial +villages by private enterprise, encouraged in every possible way, is one +of the most hopeful things to look forward to in the rebuilding of +Britain. There can be no greater pleasure for anyone who has any vision +of what the future of housing accommodation for the working classes may +be than to read Mr. Mawson's charming volume on "Industrial Villages for +Partially Disabled Soldiers and Sailors as an Imperial Obligation." + +Another useful means of improving the conditions of housing for working +people has been adopted in many places by carrying on the movement +initiated by Octavia Hill. Property has been acquired and placed under +the management of some voluntary association, usually of ladies, who +will collect rents of reasonable amount and see that the property and +its surroundings are kept in proper condition. Various associations of +the kind have been established; the Manchester Housing Company, Limited, +may be taken as an example of such arrangements for managing urban +cottage property. In the last report it is stated that the Company has +owned or managed 114 houses, and the directors are assured that the +sanitary conditions under which the tenants are housed have steadily +conduced to the lowering of the death-rate. The personal interest taken +in the tenants as well as in the houses by the managers has had a +marked influence for good. The scheme is self-supporting, and in 1917 a +dividend of 4-1/2 per cent, was paid. + +Lastly, there should be some method, provided by public authority, +through which workers or other persons of small means can become owners +of their houses. Building societies came into existence with this +object, and were put under statutory regulation by the Legislature in +1836, and subsequently by an Act of 1874. In many cases facilities given +by building societies have been very useful in accomplishing the +original objects of such societies; in other cases, for reasons above +indicated, they have been a failure. By using the credit of the +Government money to enable properties to be acquired can be obtained, or +could have been obtained, at a lower rate. Instalments covering interest +at that rate and providing a sinking fund towards the repayment of the +principal would be of substantially less amount than the subscriptions +to the building societies, and would not exceed the rents tenants have +been accustomed to pay without any prospective advantage. Schemes to +practise thrift and to induce people to take a greater interest in their +homes and to enable them to acquire homes which are really attractive on +reasonable terms are to be encouraged by every means which the +Legislature or private individuals can adopt without causing +pauperisation. The object can be achieved on fair business terms and +without substantial risk of loss. Under the Ashbourne and the Wyndham +Acts in Ireland there has been, at all events until recently, +practically no failure to pay the required instalments. + +A committee has been appointed to investigate the housing question, and +its reports will no doubt contain valuable suggestions for dealing +practically and at once with a matter so vitally important to the +rebuilding of Britain. + + + + +CHAPTER XX + +AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT + + _In all kingdoms this first and original art + [agriculture]--this foundation of all others--must be + pursued and encouraged, or the rest will faint and be + languid._--ARTHUR YOUNG. + + +The most important practical reform of all is to make the land more +productive, to put it to the most profitable use. By profitable use we +do not mean using it so as to bring the owner the largest return in +money per acre, aiming at the largest net profit by reducing expenditure +as much as possible and growing whatever will fetch the highest price at +least cost of production. The really useful object is to lay out and use +all the land of the country in such a way as to produce the greatest +aggregate of commodities which are of real intrinsic value for use or +which can be exchanged for useful commodities coming from other nations; +in particular to produce in our own country as much wholesome food as +possible, and in so doing to support as large an agricultural population +as possible in reasonable comfort and health. To grow in our own country +a larger proportion of the food we consume is necessary, first, in order +to meet our own needs from our own internal resources, and so reduce the +amount which has to be paid to other countries for the commodities they +supply; secondly, in case of war, to avoid the risk of starvation and +reduce the strain on the Navy and on the Mercantile Marine due to the +necessity of bringing the larger part of the essential food of the +country overseas and also, what may be equally important, to avoid the +distress which may be caused owing to the country being unable to +provide the means of payment for the immense proportion of the food +required which must be brought from overseas. It was long ago pointed +out that the "trades by which the British people has believed it to be +the highest of destinies to maintain itself cannot now long remain +undisputed in its hands." + +The next object is to increase the agricultural population. It has been +found again and again in other countries as well as our own that a large +and healthy agricultural population is essential to keep up the physique +of a nation. The town folk tend to decay unless constantly replenished +by influx from the country. One good effect of the War has been to +direct attention to the vital importance of this subject, and careful +inquiries have been made and useful steps taken which have had the +effect of greatly increasing the home production of food. + +The subject is treated clearly in a popular way in a book published in +1917 on Agriculture after the War by Sir A.D. Hall, now secretary of the +Board of Agriculture, and in fuller detail in the report of a committee +of which Lord Selborne was chairman. The report was published at the +beginning of 1918; some of the proposals have been already acted upon, +others will no doubt be the basis of future action by the Board of +Agriculture and the Ministry of Reconstruction. + +Before the War the imports of food less re-exports amounted to about 229 +millions annually, or, to put the case in another way, about half of the +total food consumed in the British Islands was brought overseas; but "if +the most essential foodstuff, wheat, is considered, less than one-fifth +of what we required was produced in the country." The position was one +of terrible insecurity; but for the efficiency of the Navy the country +would have been starved into complete submission in this War, and its +prosperity and liberty would have been lost for ever. After the War the +financial question of the continued ability of the nation to pay for the +food we require is probably the most serious we have to face. The first +remedy for the existing state of things is the increase of tillage. +Assuming that the same pecuniary profit can be obtained by using any +land for tillage as for pasture or other purposes, it is obvious that it +is right to do everything possible to get that land devoted to tillage, +first, as national insurance for the reasons above stated, and, second, +to support a larger population under healthy conditions. One of the +great causes of discontent, of vagrancy, and of distress in the +sixteenth century was certainly the conversion of large tracts which had +formerly been arable into pasture land, because the land laid down as +pasture would produce a larger profit to the owner though it supported a +much smaller population and required far less labour. A considerable +portion of the rural population was thrown out of employment and the +supply of food was diminished. Again and again the decay of the +agricultural population has been the ground of complaint. Goldsmith +speaks of it beautifully and pathetically in the "Deserted Village," and +the process went on, becoming year after year a greater national peril; +but the Government and Parliament seemed to care little about it, so +that even during the last forty years, according to the statement of Sir +A.D. Hall, "the productivity of the land of Great Britain as a whole has +declined." Although a far larger rent might be obtained from the wealthy +who use a great part of Scotland for shooting than could be obtained +from crofters, national welfare demands that it should be used for +crofts and to raise the population which has supplied our armies with +many of the finest soldiers and the whole Empire with many of its best +colonists. Of course, there are large tracts of such a character that +people cannot support themselves in tolerable comfort by tilling them, +and it is better that land of that kind should be used for sheep if +possible, and, in cases where even this is impossible, for deer forests +or grouse moors, subject to reasonable public rights of access. + +Among the measures which may be taken to increase the home production +of food the following may be mentioned:-- + +1.--_Improved farming or intensification of agriculture under the +existing system._ It is admitted that English, and perhaps still more +Scottish, farming at its best is admirably conducted. Fortunately, very +many of the large landowners are themselves keenly interested in +agriculture and take a pride in promoting it. It is perhaps not +generally known what a useful and valuable trade the country carries on +in the export of pedigree stock. The prices obtained for the best bred +British bulls, rams and boars are very high. An extension over all +suitable parts of the country of the highest type of British farming +would add to the wealth of the country immensely. + +Connected with this subject is the promotion of agricultural education, +and along with that of agricultural research. Very great advances have +been made of recent years, and it would be an utterly false economy to +starve productive work of this kind. It ought to be held a disgrace for +a country landowner not to have some knowledge of agriculture and +interest in it. + +2.--_Industrialised farms_, i.e., the organisation of large farms to be +managed as business enterprises under the control of a general manager. +If farming was thus carried on on a large scale machinery would be +employed to its full advantage, and there would be economy in buying and +selling wholesale and avoiding waste in preparing for and placing +commodities on the market. The most highly trained, skilled and +energetic management would be obtained for farms of this kind. It is to +be noticed that, although some commodities can equally well be produced +by small culture, it is generally only on a large scale that cereals can +be profitably cultivated. + +3.--_Co-operative farming._--The subject is one of special interest, as +co-operative farming in some form was historically the basis of the +whole system of society in many countries. Experiments in co-operative +farming may be tried with advantage. They may take various forms. It +will, no doubt, be found that in certain branches of farming, such as +dairy farming in some districts, co-operative action is almost necessary +to success. The experience of Denmark has shown how much can be done to +keep up a definite standard in butter, for example, by sending milk to +some large, well-equipped and well-managed dairy. Such establishments +have also far better opportunities for dealing with transport and +distribution. + +4.--_Colonies of Small Holdings._--It is to be hoped that when the +troops are demobilised, and the Small Holdings Acts are put into fuller +operation, the number of small holdings will be increased. A population +of independent yeomen is the best reservoir of the manhood of any +country. No finer race has existed than the statesmen who cultivated the +small farms among the hills of Cumberland and Westmorland. + +5.--_There is a great deal of land, both on the seashore and in inland +districts, which might be reclaimed._--The cost of such work would be +heavy, but the return in greater aggregate production and in providing +means to support a larger country population would be most important. +This question will be alluded to briefly in Chapter XXI. + +6.--_Important industries_, such as basket-making and many others, might +be carried on in rural districts along with their principal work by +those engaged in agriculture or horticulture, just as Swiss peasants by +wood carving, when agricultural operations are impossible, produce a +number of articles for which there is a substantial demand in other +countries. + +7.--Last, and perhaps the most interesting and important step of all, is +_to increase allotments._ The demand for allotments, both by the +agricultural population in rural districts and by the urban population +who are engaged in industrial or even in commercial pursuits in the +forge towns, is very keen. The effect of the War and the more pressing +need for home-grown food have stimulated the demand, and in trying to +meet it, both the Board of Agriculture and private individuals and +local authorities have done splendid work, which ought to be recognised +as one of the most beneficial movements which have taken place within +living memory. More than seventy years ago William Howitt called +attention to the advantages derived from the system of urban allotments +adopted near his own town of Nottingham, and attention has been +subsequently drawn to the subject, but its importance was not fully +realised until the outbreak of the War. An enormous advance has already +been made, and if the right steps are taken for securing more permanence +of tenure, and for obtaining land on fair terms near to the homes of the +workers, a far greater and more lasting advance will be made. The number +of allotments in England and Wales before the War was about 570,000. It +is estimated that now there are upwards of 1,400,000. The urban +allotments have increased enormously, an interest has been added to the +lives of many workers; their supply of wholesome food of their own +growing has been increased and the health of these urban workers +promoted. At present the total area taken up by allotments is about +200,000 acres. If half of these are devoted, say, to growing potatoes +and produce an average of seven tons per acre, the allotment holders in +England and Wales would this year grow "700,000 tons of the most +essential war-time crop practically on the spot where the crop is to be +consumed." It appears that, taking the whole of England and Wales, there +was an allotment holding for one household in twelve before the War. On +May 1st, 1918, one household in five held an allotment. In the county +boroughs before the War one household in thirty-two possessed an +allotment, now the proportion is one household in nine, and the process +is going on. It is the most encouraging development, whether looked at +from the economic point of view or from the point of view of national +health and happiness, that has taken place within living memory. The +urban allotments are regularly worked by persons who are engaged in +various forms of industry during the greater part of their time, and it +is found that the allotments must be small, usually about fifteen to an +acre. They ought to be as near as possible to the homes of the people +who work them. One of the reasons pointed out for the slow development +of the system, even where it has been so successful as in Nottingham +long before the War, was the distance of the allotments from the homes +of the workers. In town planning there should be an attempt wherever +possible to arrange for allotments close to the new small dwellings +which are erected. It will be essential, however, to insist (i) on more +permanent tenure for those who work their allotments properly and keep +them in good condition; (ii) that the land required should be obtained +on reasonable terms. Some landowners have themselves voluntarily taken +the matter in hand, but in other cases compulsion will be necessary, +and, as already stated, it will be right that where the land has been +agricultural or vacant land, bringing in a small or even no return, the +price or rent paid for it should be based on its agricultural value plus +some reasonable addition, and not on the enormously enhanced value of +the land as land which has become building land owing to the growth of +the urban population in the neighbourhood. It will be desirable to +arrange by co-operative or municipal action for the supply of seeds, +plants and fertilisers, and also for the sale of any surplus produce not +required by the holder for his own use. + +The admirable work which is being done by the Board of Agriculture in +encouraging allotments ought to be recognised and supported in every +possible way. + + + + +CHAPTER XXI + +AFFORESTATION + + _Thou, too, great father of the British floods,_ _With + joyful pride survey'st our lofty woods,_ _Where towering + oaks their growing honours rear_ _And future navies on + thy shores appear._--ALEXANDER POPE. + + +We shall use the word afforestation here to denote the steps to be taken +for promoting the growth of timber on a large scale. The original sense +in which it is employed in any historical or legal work is quite +different. There it means turning a track of land into a forest, and a +forest did not mean land covered with timber trees, but a "certain +territory of woody grounds and fruitful pastures, privileged for wild +beasts and fowles of the forest to rest and abide in," in "the +protection of the King for his princely delight and pleasure." It was +subject to special jurisdiction, and special officers were appointed +over it "to the end that it may the better be preserved and kept for a +place of recreation and pastime meet for the royal dignity of a prince." +The Forest Laws were oppressive, and for the purpose of afforestation +many wrongs were committed. In the Crown forests, like Epping Forest and +the New Forest, there were a number of commoners who had special rights +of pasture and of taking certain things from the forest, such as +firewood "that might do them good." It is by the assertion of such +ancient rights of common that Epping Forest has been preserved as a +place of recreation for the people of East London, and that so much of +the New Forest remains open land. The latter is a source of perennial +enjoyment to those who visit it, and maintains the successors of the +old forest commoners in prosperity, due largely to the fact that they +can graze ponies there and feed pigs on the acorns and beechmast. +Whatever steps are taken to promote the growth of timber--and much has +been done from time to time in the New Forest with that object--it is +important that these valuable common rights should be preserved, and +that the value of open lands for the health and recreation of the people +should not be overlooked. + +The need for systematic action and for the Government to take steps to +promote the growth of timber in the United Kingdom has been pointed out +from time to time. The Board of Agriculture in 1911 drew up a memorandum +pointing out that "British forestry was far behind that of other leading +European States," and that "the growing of timber had never in this +country been recognised as a business"; that "there had been no +continuity of policy with regard to it." When the War broke out it +appears that only eight per cent, of the total amount of timber required +for home use was grown in the United Kingdom, ninety-two per cent, had +to be brought from oversea. The War showed how perilous and how costly a +thing it is to neglect home production of necessaries. + +When all our shipping was required for other purposes, it was a most +serious matter to take up tonnage with a cargo so bulky as timber, +occupying probably more ship space in proportion to its value than any +other. More timber was required for huts and sheds, for railway +sleepers, and a variety of other purposes. For the construction of +aircraft special kinds of timber were needed. The demand for pit props +in enormous quantities was urgent and continuous. At the same time the +loss of shipping through submarine action became very serious. +Fortunately our French Allies had been more provident in conserving and +promoting their home supplies. Forestry in France had been carefully +fostered by the Government. To take one example alone, the Landes, the +district near the coast between Bordeaux and Bayonne, which had once +been a region of dreary marsh, shifting sand, or scanty pasture, had +been turned into splendid forest by wise forethought a century ago, and +yielded great supplies of valuable timber. Science has pointed out many +ways in which small and waste wood also can be used for the production +of a number of substances necessary in peace and still more urgently +required in war. The Landes country was noted for its production of +rosin. Thousands of cups into which it exudes from cuts in the trees are +to be seen when passing through the forests in that region. + +Shortage of tonnage during the War made it necessary to use the home +supply of wood of the United Kingdom to the fullest extent. A controller +of timber supplies was appointed, though, as usual, rather late in the +day. Under his energetic management a very large part of the timber +needed was obtained in this country. It was essential to get all that +was possible, but the result is inevitable "that we shall have to face a +period in which production will be much below even the low figure which +it had reached before the War. Not only have mature crops been felled in +all parts of the United Kingdom, but thousands of acres of young or +immature woods have been felled for pit-wood and other purposes, or have +been thinned to a degree which renders clearing and replanting +absolutely essential." + +One painful result has also been to deprive certain places of the +beautiful trees which gave the countryside there its special charm. +There is no plainer case for taking in hand the question of +reconstruction at once, for framing a clear policy as to the steps to be +used to repair the losses caused by war, and to ensure that in the +future we shall not be so completely dependent on supplies from abroad +through neglect of the possibilities of production at home. A Committee, +under the chairmanship of Mr. F.D. Acland, was appointed in July, 1916, +"to report upon the best means of conserving and developing the woodland +and forestry resources of the United Kingdom, having regard to the +experience gained during the War." The report of that Committee, dealing +with the whole subject, was issued in 1918, and is a model of clear +statement, and a mine of information made readily accessible. It gives a +full survey of the present position, and sets forth a "forest policy +recommended" which is definite and worked out in detail. The Committee +find that "the timber position at home is bad, that prospects of supply +from abroad are becoming doubtful, that ample supplies in time of +emergency are a national necessity of the very first importance, that +they can only be secured for certain if the timber be grown at home, and +finally, that it is essential for the State to take a very much more +active part in forestry than it has been content to take in the past." +State action is becoming, perhaps, too much the fashion--free individual +action is generally far better--but in this matter, which is one of +"national insurance," State action is necessary, and reasons of a +conclusive character are given--such as the long period required before +the crop can be matured and any return obtained, and the uncertainty as +to the future conditions and factors on which its ultimate +profitableness will depend--showing why the matter should be taken in +hand by the State. Such action would, of course, not exclude individual +or local action; indeed, private enterprise might also be helped by the +State in many ways, including the giving of expert advice and making the +results of the best scientific research available to all. + +The work of afforestation would provide a healthy and suitable +employment for discharged soldiers who preferred a country life to +resuming their occupations in towns. The number taking up forest work, +however, would probably be very small. There are also some branches of +forest work which would be suitable for partially disabled soldiers. A +very interesting scheme has been framed for establishing forest +nurseries on reclaimed lands. One specially suitable site has been +suggested on the shore of the River Kent at the head of Morecambe Bay, +near Grange-over-Sands, where land was reclaimed after the making of the +Furness Railway. The reclaimed land would be suitable for a forest +nursery for raising young trees. The soil is light, so the work would be +healthy and would not be too strenuous. The scheme has been worked out +in detail, and an attractive description of it is given by Mr. Mawson. +There are other places where reclaimed land or other land with light and +suitable soil might be used for such nurseries. Partially disabled men +might also be trained for the lighter kinds of forest work, such, for +example, as the "marking of thinnings." It is of a technical character, +but does not involve any serious physical strain. + + + + +CHAPTER XXII + +LAW REFORM + + _I should not be an advocate for the repeal of any law + because it happened to be in opposition to temporary + prejudices, but I object to certain laws because they are + inconsistent with the deliberate and permanent opinion of + the public._--SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH. + + +Compared with some of the other great questions involved in +Reconstruction, mere reforms in the law may often seem almost trivial, +but they have the advantage of being easier to handle than social and +economic reforms. It is not so difficult to state exactly what is +wanted, to embody the proposals in definite shape in a Bill, and to pass +it if the Parliamentary machine is properly used. The incapacity of +Parliament to deal with remedial legislation embodied in a Bill clearly +drawn is often exaggerated. A reform merely in Parliamentary procedure +would go far to remedy the existing congestion. A case could be quoted +from very short Parliamentary experience where a private member, +surprised at getting first place in the ballot, adopted a friend's +suggestion to attempt a long-needed practical reform. The subject has +too much technical difficulty to be explained here, but the Bill was +drafted in an hour or two, passed the House of Commons early one +afternoon without alteration, and the House of Lords with slight verbal +changes. It became law in two or three weeks, and the Act is now used +with beneficial results in the Courts almost daily. A real injustice was +prevented and practical inconvenience removed, but the measure was +nearly wrecked by some theorists who wished to extend the principle of +the Bill logically, as they said, but in a manner which would have made +it virtually unworkable, without benefit to a single human being. A +small matter, but instructive. + +Much may be learned from the procedure of Grand Committees. In some, at +least, the average length of speeches is about three minutes, and they +are confined to the definite point in hand. Members vote according to +their view of the merits, knowing what they are voting about, and may +defeat the Government without causing a political crisis. A case has +occurred where the representative of the Government, who knew little of +the subject in question, was left in a minority of one against a solid +vote of the rest of the Committee. "Downstairs" the point might have +been decided the other way by a score or two of members rushing in, as +Sir George Trevelyan once described it, "between two mouthfuls of soup," +asking, "Are we Ayes or Noes?" and shepherded into a division lobby +accordingly. + +Another step needed to aid Law Reform would be the appointment of a +Minister of Justice, whose business it would be to consider proposed +reforms, to see that they were put into proper shape and to assist in +getting them passed. The same Minister might have the duty of attending +to arrangements for the convenient and prompt administration of justice, +but should have no judicial functions of any kind and should not +interfere in any way with the action of the Courts. It is impossible to +guard too jealously against substituting decisions of any department of +Government for the law of the land as declared and administered by the +regular Courts of Justice. Mr. Samuel Garrett, the President of the Law +Society, dealt with the question very fully in January, 1918, in an +address which has since been published. We may view the establishment of +another new Ministry with something like horror, but a strong case is +made out for it here. Definite functions are suggested for such a +Ministry, and it is probable that it might in the long run save expense +as well as promote efficiency. Mr. Garrett very forcibly says: + +"Law Reform hangs fire for want of an officer of State armed with the +power of conducting the necessary inquiries and investigations, and +supplying the necessary driving force to initiate and prepare the +requisite legislative measures and to pass them through Parliament, and +with strength to overcome the _vis inertiae_ of a preoccupied and +ill-informed public and the active opposition of vested interests. +Without such an officer the cause of reform is hopeless." It is now and +in the immediate future that such reform is, and will be, most pressing. +A reformed is naturally also a reforming Parliament as it was after +1832. + +There are a large number of reforms in the law which ought to be taken +in hand at once. The nature of the amendments needed is clear; all that +is required is that they should be brought in proper form before +Parliament, and that the Government should use its influence to get them +passed. It would be difficult for the Lord Chancellor to see to this +work efficiently and regularly along with his other duties, and it is +certainly impossible for the Law Officers, whose duty it is to represent +the Crown in the Courts and to advise the Government on questions of +law, to undertake this duty. It could be done if a capable solicitor or +barrister who had experience of cases relating to property, not just a +successful advocate but a lawyer well acquainted with the practical +difficulties which make amendment in the law desirable, were put in +charge of the work. + +It is a complete mistake to imagine that devolution to other bodies of +the legislative powers of Parliament would do what is required in this +respect. Such a delegation as regards many subjects would make confusion +worse confounded. Questions relating to marriage and personal status, +naturalisation, the law of companies, all branches of commercial law, +the law of contracts, and the law relating to devolution of property, +should be dealt with by one body, whose aim should be to assimilate the +law on these subjects over as wide an area as possible. Endless trouble, +litigation and uncertainty arise from an unnecessary variety of laws on +such subjects as these. It would be well, indeed, with regard to such +subjects, to endeavour to assimilate the law of the Colonies and of the +Mother Country, and to enter into negotiations with other countries to +facilitate their commercial intercourse by enacting similar laws on +subjects of this kind as far as may be. + +It is impossible, without taking up too much space and entering too much +into technical detail, to do more than indicate in general terms some of +the reforms in the law which demand early attention. The following may +be given as examples: + +(1) The complete revision of the Statute Law, consolidating the law on +each subject as far as possible, and in some cases amending it at the +same time. The present state of English Statute Law is a disgrace to any +civilised nation. There are subjects on which it is almost impossible to +say what the law is, owing, amongst other causes, to the pernicious +habit of legislation by reference from one statute to another. Judges, +the legal advisers to parties in litigation, clerks to local +authorities, and others, ought to have in compendious form before them +the whole Statute Law on a subject under discussion. Much good and very +laborious work has been done under the direction of the Committee on +Statute Law, but their duties should be extended and fuller facilities +afforded for more complete and more rapid revision. These powers should +include that of presenting at the same time to Parliament minor +incidental amendments in the Statute Law which would remove doubts and +inconsistency, and get rid of obsolete provisions. Either a Minister of +Justice or one of the existing Ministers along with his other duties +should be definitely responsible for seeing that the work is done +without undue delay or expense. Probably a small Joint Committee of +Lords and Commons might consider any cases where amendments were made, +and, if they approved of the revised and consolidated Statutes, the +Committee stage in both Houses might be dispensed with, and a single +reading of the Bill of revision or even merely "to lay it on the table" +would be quite sufficient to preserve the general authority of +Parliament over legislation of this kind. A small executive department +should be established under the direction of the Minister for dealing +with all details and drafting the proposed Bills. There should be a +permanent head of such a department with a small but efficient staff and +proper accommodation for carrying on the work, which would be +continuous, in order not only to put but to keep the Statute Law in +proper form. The head of such a department should have a very free hand +as regards the mode of carrying on the work, subject to certain general +regulations laid down as to the scope of his duties, and the expense +that might be incurred, and the department should be free from some at +least of the ordinary conditions relating to the Civil Service. With the +advantage of existing experience, such a department might be constituted +on sound lines within a week or two, and its work would result in saving +time and trouble to Courts, to local authorities, to private +individuals, and to various government departments themselves. The cost +of such a department would be covered over and over again by the +improvements effected. It is a comparatively small matter, but the lines +of action are so clear and so definite, and it would be so easy to make +the necessary arrangements in a few days, that it might be taken as an +example of the way to effect a reform promptly. + +The huge mass of emergency legislation which has come into existence +since the War would no doubt require separate consideration. That +exceptional legislation will have to be revised and almost the whole of +it repealed, in some cases at once and in others within a short time +after the close of the War. This question is already engaging the +attention of the Government. It is not an easy task, but the transition +to freedom should be made as rapidly as possible. The action to be +taken, however, in many cases, will very closely affect trade, and in +these cases the question is not one primarily for lawyers; even the +officials with most experience will require the advice and guidance of +those who know each trade practically. The more anyone in the discharge +of official duties learns of the course of trade in any commodity the +more he will recognise the necessity for practical knowledge of the +conditions of _that_ trade, and the futility of attempting to deal with +any question affecting it without hearing those who have been actually +engaged in it. What an intelligent open-minded man might expect to +happen is very often exactly what does not in fact happen. It is +tempting to give concrete examples which have forced themselves into +notice, but limitation of space forbids. + +(2) The law on certain subjects should now be codified. This is a +different question from the revision of the Statute Law and the +introduction of something like order into that chaos. It is, however, +probable that a general codification now would do harm, and there are +strong grounds for contending that Case Law, with its capacity for +growth and adaptation to new conditions as they arise and to unforeseen +circumstances, is often more convenient and indeed more scientific than +a code. Criminal Law, however, at least so far as it relates to +indictable offences, ought to be embodied in a definite and complete +code, and in the process of codification certain amendments might be +made. + +(3) The law as to murder and homicide, for example, urgently requires +considerable amendment. The present state of the law classing together +as murder acts of totally different character and decreeing the +punishment of death for all alike is most unsatisfactory, and in some +cases revolting to the moral sense. The whole doctrine of "constructive +murder" should be done away with, and only those acts treated as murder +and punishable with death where the accused intended deliberately the +death of his victim, and was not acting under great provocation or under +the kind of mental distress or anxiety which might be reasonably +supposed to affect his--it might indicate the usual nature of such +cases better to say "her"--judgment and power of control. + +There are also a number of alterations in the law relating to the +devolution of property, and to personal status which ought to be made by +the new Parliament at an early date. Most of them have been suggested +long ago, but as no party capital was to be made out of law reforms, +such reforms have generally been neglected unless taken up by a Lord +Chancellor or some other legal authority with political influence. A few +of these alterations may be enumerated. + +(4) The devolution of real estate in case of intestacy should be +assimilated to that of personal estate. The present state of the law is +often a great injustice, especially to women, and women will now be in a +position to demand its amendment. If a man dies intestate, leaving a +wealthy son and half a dozen daughters quite unprovided for, the son +takes all the real property, and the daughters may be left penniless, +but if the property happens to be leasehold for 1,000 years, the +daughters share equally. The present state of the law is a survival of +the time when ownership of freehold land implied personal service. + +(5) Estates tail might be abolished or at least alienation of such +estates made simpler. + +(6) Copyhold tenure with its inconvenient incidents should be converted +into freehold. + +(7) Both as a means of raising revenue, and to prevent useless +litigation without in any way discouraging thrift or disappointing +legitimate expectations, the State should take the whole property as to +which anyone dies intestate without leaving near relations. The whole +subject of Death Duties needs reconsideration; a mere increase of these +duties all round would cause intolerable hardship in some cases and +would discourage people from attempting by careful foresight to make +provision for those dependent on them, but when very large sums devolve +on death to persons who are not dependents, the State might take a much +larger portion of a deceased person's property than it does at present. +If a multi-millionaire dies without leaving a wife or lineal +descendants, there would be no hardship in taking fifty per cent. of his +property--not devoted to charitable purposes--for the State. It would +not be difficult to frame provisions to meet the possibility of +settlements being made to evade the duty. + +(8) Legitimation by subsequent marriage would remove many cases of great +hardship, and might aid in inducing fathers to recognise their duties to +children for whose existence they are responsible, and also to the +mothers of such children. + +(9) A regular form of legal adoption should be provided by which, +subject to some form of public sanction to secure that the adopting +parents are fit and able to take such responsibility, persons might give +children, whom they desire to adopt, a recognised legal position. The +losses caused by the War make this question one of increased practical +importance. + +(10) The reform of the law as to marriage ought not to be longer +delayed. The question has already been carefully considered by the +Commission of which Lord Gorell was chairman. This subject will, no +doubt, provoke controversy, and it is impossible to discuss it fully +here, but delay may have serious consequences. + +The above incomplete list will be sufficient to indicate in a fairly +definite way some of the work that has to be done in Law Reform. It is +certainly a heavy task, but in almost all cases the lines on which +reform could be carried out are clear, and it only requires that the +matter should be resolutely taken in hand. If a small expert committee +to consider each branch of the subject and draft the necessary Bills +were appointed, or some Minister were made definitely responsible for +attending to such matters, and if the procedure in Parliament were +reformed as suggested, the congestion in Parliament need not prevent +these reforms from being carried through rapidly. + + + + +CHAPTER XXIII + +PURIFICATION OF POLITICAL LIFE + + _Find us men skilled, make a new Downing Street fit for + the new era._--THOMAS CARLYLE. + + +No one will imagine that the long list of questions that have been +mentioned covers the whole field of reconstruction, still less that the +answers suggested are complete. Some of the suggestions made may be +fruitful, others not. Enough has been said to show how huge that task +is, and how it will need for its accomplishment all the knowledge and +wisdom, and all the energy available. It is, therefore, clear that every +proposal which may be made must be examined on its merits, not as it +affects any party or personal interests, and that those who are elected +to decide or appointed to deal with any matter shall in each case be +chosen because of their fitness for the work assigned, not because their +influence or support may be useful to any party or coterie. + +Political life from bottom to top must be purified if reform is to be +carried out on just and sound lines. On this question plain speaking is +essential. For some time elements of corruption have been growing up in +English politics, which it will be one of the first duties of the +electorate and of a new and reformed Parliament to get rid of. The very +word "politician" has become a term of contempt. The country is alive to +the evil and ought to insist that it shall be promptly dealt with. The +task is not an agreeable one. Those who have anything personally to gain +or to lose in political life will naturally shrink from it. At the same +time, nothing is worse than to overstate the case, and nothing easier +than to create an atmosphere of suspicion without definite evidence. +Directly the word "purity" is mentioned in any sense, there is a +tendency to put forward something startling, "to pander to the lust for +the lurid." It would be an excellent thing to put a tax on the use of +adjectives, at all events in the discussion of any question of politics +or morals, as fines are sometimes imposed for the unnecessary or +offensive expletives employed as a common form of emphasis. + +One or two definite changes could be made which would go far to promote +political purity. (1) No "honour" should be conferred on any Member of +Parliament while he retains his seat there. It ought to be considered +sufficient honour to belong to that assembly. Gratitude to a Government +for personal favours of this kind, either already conferred or to come, +should not enter as a disturbing element affecting a man's political +action. There is much to be said for the rule that acceptance of an +office of profit under the Crown vacates a seat in the House of Commons. +The rule should apply to the acceptance of any honour. Perhaps an +exception might be made allowing a limited number of members, who had +served at least ten years in Parliament, to be placed on the Privy +Council on the advice of a Select Committee of the House. Such a course +would strengthen the Privy Council by the addition of experienced men +who had won the respect of their fellow-members irrespective of party, +but had never taken office. An appointment so made would neither be the +reward of docility or assiduity in attending divisions, nor a +prophylactic against too critical tongues; it would be a mark of respect +from those whom long association had given the means of judging. There +are some men in every Parliament whose high character and unobtrusive +work through a long period of service have won the special regard of +their fellow-members, even though opposed to them in politics, and an +opportunity of expressing that feeling would be welcomed. The selection +would be a real honour, and would be bestowed in recognition of +independence of character and steady useful work. Peerages might still +be conferred on the advice of the Prime Minister, as a peerage renders +the recipient incapable of sitting in the House of Commons, and the +existence of Ministries does not depend on votes in the Lords. + +(2) The party whips ought to have nothing to do with the conferment of +honours of any kind, whether on members of the House of Commons or +others. The considerations which must be uppermost in the mind of a +whip, whose duty it is to fill the division lobbies for his party, ought +not to affect the fountain of honour. + +(3) The accounts of the party associations ought to be published. It may +be right for well-to-do people who feel keenly on political questions to +contribute to help party organisation, to aid in providing the money +necessary to enable promising men, who have not the means for paying +their own election expenses, to contest a seat and to enter Parliament. +There is nothing derogatory to a candidate in accepting assistance of +the kind. Many men who were unable to fight an election without it, +would prefer to have it openly stated that they had received such +assistance. Why should a young man whom a poor constituency would like +to adopt, and who can only afford, say, L100 towards the cost of +contesting a seat, object to his constituents knowing that the balance +had been found from funds provided by others who wish well to the cause +he is advocating? If the system is wrong, let it be abolished; if right, +why try to preserve secrecy? + +(4) No one should be allowed to contribute to party funds who has +received a peerage or other "honour" within a given period, and if +anyone has contributed to such funds before receiving an honour the +amount paid should be publicly announced. Everyone has heard, and anyone +acquainted with what goes on could give instances, of cases where a +contribution has been asked from those whose services to the community +are supposed to be recognised by some title of honour. + +A change is needed in the method of selecting candidates. Two examples +will illustrate the kind of thing that takes place. + +A.B. had made a respectable fortune in a well-known and useful business, +and retired to a comfortable home in Parkshire. His practical good sense +and knowledge of affairs had made him a useful member of the county +council, and he was a regular supporter of all benevolent movements in +the district. A vacancy was expected in the parliamentary representation +of the neighbouring borough of Slowcombe, and A.B., feeling the call to +a larger sphere of usefulness--prompted also by Mrs. A.B., for whose +charming social qualities the society of Slowcombe was unable, and the +antiquated exclusiveness of Parkshire families was unwilling, to afford +sufficient scope--desired to fill the vacancy. The party managers were +approached, and were delighted to find so suitable a candidate, provided +that A.B. would agree to spend at least L---- a year "in nursing the +constituency," which was unable to move without such nursing. It is +better not to name the amount asked lest it should lead to a painful +identification of the real name of the place, and also because it was so +large that it would be discredited by all except the unfortunate +candidates for similar places. A.B. was compelled to answer, "It is more +than I can possibly afford," and added in his own mind, "Would it be +right if I could?" He has had to console himself with growing roses and +breeding pigs, and attending the county bench; no doubt in every way a +valuable member of society, but the larger sphere of usefulness is +closed to him. + +Dyeborough is a town where business methods are better understood. The +late member having resigned, the chairman and agent for one party, +greatly exercised as to the means of providing for the expenses of +attending to the register and maintaining local interest in the +principles of the party, and in the "great cause" which it supports, +wisely communicated with "headquarters." As to what passes there, +religious silence should be observed. There is no evidence available, +and to pry into such mysteries were profane, but shortly afterwards it +is announced that Mr. X., with the highest recommendations, will address +the association. The local managers are quietly informed that he is +willing to pay all expenses of the local organisation, to subscribe to +the party clubs, and to spend money freely in the constituency. X. +appears from Weissnichtwo with a bevy of carpet bags and some heavy +cheque books. He is a man of business, has "made money"--meaning usually +acquired money of other people by any means not forbidden by law. The +oratorical arts which served to influence prospective shareholders are +sufficient to fill the prepared caucus with at least an appearance of +enthusiasm, and the open-minded candidate has sufficient democratic +sentiment to adopt every plank in the party programme, or "any other +damned nonsense" that he thinks will be agreeable. The virtuous +Dyeborough yields to the golden shower, and embraces the charming +stranger. It takes his subscriptions with content, and watches his +career with pride. A far-seeing sporting man offers two to one that in +three years the new member will be recognised by a title--of course a +"marketable title" suggests a lawyer--but no one is rash enough to take +up the bet. (No wonder that Proportional Representation or any other +proposal which would interfere with the working of such a convenient +system is rejected by the party politicians.) Everyone has been +satisfied. The local party managers have been relieved from all anxiety, +the local charities and political clubs add handsome subscriptions to +their lists, headquarters and the whips have--to put the case +mildly--not diminished their funds, and can reckon on a safe seat and +steady vote. X. has entered on a career of public service marked at each +step by successive honours. The only drawback is that if he should be +translated to "another place," it would be found that the borough had +become accustomed to such a scale of expenditure from its member that +"no one but a very rich and ambitious man would venture to come forward +as a candidate there." It offers, however, a splendid chance for a +Socialist who can make unlimited promises as to the benefits that he and +his friends could confer by taking the money of other people and +distributing it in a liberal spirit. As for X., we must see that talents +so pre-eminent are not lost to the State, and if no Ministerial office +is vacant we must create one, and ask no questions as to its cost or the +nature of its operations. + +Could these claims on the purse as a condition in the selection of +candidates be prevented, a great step would be taken towards purifying +political life. If the question were resolutely faced, the abuse could +be stopped. The late Lord James, when in charge of the Corrupt Practices +Bill, was told that the stringent clause limiting election expenses +would wreck his scheme. He persisted, and afterwards said that it was +that clause which did most to help the Bill through, because so many +country gentlemen who had suffered through agricultural depression gave +it their hearty support as affording a means of freeing them from the +extortionate claims of a set of persons who used an election to obtain +money for imaginary services to the unfortunate candidates. + +To read in the various biographical memoirs and reminiscences which have +been published during the last twenty years how Cabinets have been put +together, may amuse the cynical and evoke interest in those who watch +politics as a game, but is painful to the citizen who wishes to see the +country well governed, and who suffers if it is not. Sometimes, indeed, +the formation of a Ministry seems more like the distribution of loot +among successful campaigners, or a tactical disposition of the officers +for continuing a contest than the provision of the best means and +selection of the best men for each part of the work of governing the +country. + +In spite, however, of some glaring instances where such appointments +have led to disaster or serious loss, the result has, on the whole, been +not so bad as might have been expected. Those who have won their way in +the open conflicts in Parliament and the country have been men who have +played a fair game according to the rules. Their personal characters +have stood high. Dishonourable action has been rare, almost unknown. As +a rule, the abilities of those called to the Front Bench have probably +been rather above the average among the country gentlemen, lawyers and +men of business who have been associated with them; a few have shown +conspicuous ability; most by experience of affairs soon gain a special +aptitude in dealing with them. Anyhow the open recognition of party +claims publicly recognised is infinitely better, as Burke urged, and +history from his day to ours proves, than backstairs influence or merely +personal ties, and still more than using official position as a tribute +to wealth, and the advantages which wealth can confer on those who do it +homage. It is the system which is to blame, not the men to be condemned. +Those who denounce the members of a Government most fiercely would be +only too happy to accept an invitation to meet them at dinner. Ask the +most eloquent writer of philippics who has known, say a score of +Ministers on both sides personally, and who is reasonably tolerant, +modest and candid, which of them does he believe really to be either a +knave or a fool; he will answer, "None, though I am not quite sure about +X." We all have our ineradicable antipathies. Fortunately there is +something forensic about English political contests. The astonished +client sees the advocates who have been hottest in conflict walking away +arm in arm. We must make allowance for the requirements of the forum, +and at the same time be thankful that while there may be something +rotten in the state of politics, those who become prominent in political +life are honourable men. To some it may seem half an insult to state the +fact, but the kind of talk both public and private too frequently heard +to-day makes it necessary to insist upon it. Even Members of Parliament +on the opposite side are as a rule quite respectable citizens. To +maintaining a correct attitude of antagonism too close knowledge of +opponents may sometimes be a hindrance, and it was not without reason +that one engaged in a violent controversy on being told that if he knew +Y., his antagonist, he would be sure to like him, replied, "That is the +reason why I have always refused an introduction to him." + +Lastly, when the right men have been selected, they should be supported, +their acts and proposals, of course, criticised if necessary, but not +made the subject of perpetual and irritating nagging, or dull refusal to +understand and appreciate what they are doing and aiming at. They may +not expect gratitude. Most people learn in the course of life that +recognition given and gratitude shown for any work done varies inversely +as the trouble they have taken, and the difficulty of the task, even if +it has been successfully carried through, but while they are engaged in +it they must claim not to be hindered and thwarted in their work by +those who can prove that every possible way of doing something which +must be done is wrong, but never show the right way to do it. It is +marvellous how some of those in the most responsible positions manage to +get through their business at all in face of the constant sniping of +those who, like the Scots elder in the story, can neither work nor pray, +but can "object." The splendid service rendered to the country by the +present Prime Minister in bringing about a unity of command was carried +through in face of bitter and persistent opposition set up both by those +who claimed to be guarding the proper position of the military +profession, and also by those who do not regard victory in the War as an +object of their desire. + +In the earlier part of 1918, when speaking of a question above mentioned +to one whose services had been called for by the State to meet special +difficulties, the conversation somehow turned to speaking of our ages, +and he, said of himself: "I wish I were twenty years younger, that I +might see the results of what is going on now." It is the natural +attitude of the true worker to think of the "far goal." He has been +called away in the midst of his work, and "from this side" will not see +what is to come in these next twenty years, but the history of this age +will be very incomplete if it does not record and show the deep +significance of the fact that one who undertook a task bristling with +difficulties, affecting the daily life of almost everybody, subjecting +it to many restraints, who never felt under "an obligation to the +popular," won more general regard--it might fairly be said +affection--than any other Minister in so short a time. But if the nation +appreciated the Minister, we may be sure that the Minister appreciated +the nation which accepted inconveniences and restraints with so little +grumbling and such ready acquiescence. + +Does not everything point to the fact that one of the most necessary +reforms is to appoint as Minister for each department the most capable +man to do the work required there, one who has the knowledge and +foresight to direct aright, instead of looking round to see which of the +various offices to be filled will satisfy the "claims" of such and such +a politician? + +Above all, we want to see the Government of the country kept free from +the influence of financial rings or of commercial organisations which +may exercise an undue power in determining national policy. Patriotic +feeling may be exploited to promote the self-interest of sections of the +community. Those who direct the State should never be involved, whether +directly or indirectly, in schemes which have for their object the +acquisition of individual gain at the expense of the nation as a whole. + + + + +Part V + +THE GOAL + + + + +CHAPTER XXIV + +UNION AND REGENERATION + + _So from day to day and strength to strength you shall + build up indeed by art, by thought, and by just will an + ecclesia of England of which it shall not be said, "See + what manner of stones are here," but "See what manner of + men._"--JOHN RUSKIN. + + +One subject most vital to all progress on sound lines, which affects not +only present reconstruction, but the whole future of the nation, and +involves not only definite action now but also steady and continuous +action in all future time, has been deliberately omitted. The question +of Education, of the training of the coming generation on right lines, +requires separate treatment in a way more complete and thorough, if it +is to be of any use at all, than can be given to it incidentally among a +large number of other subjects.[11] The Education Act, which was passed +in 1918 with so much goodwill, will give opportunities for the +development of education, but whether it is a benefit or not will depend +on how it is used and the kind of education given. The example of +Germany shows how education, highly organised at every stage, reduced to +a system in accordance with theories thought out most carefully, may +have disastrous effects. From the Kindergarten to the University the +Germans have had their completely graded system extending to all classes +of society; they have elaborated their theories with care, and applied +them thoroughly at every stage. Thoughtful students of education, both +in this country and in America, have made German methods the subject of +their study, and offered to them when they could the flattery of +imitation. Those who wished to learn the best methods of teaching have +made the works of Herbart their text-book; they have studied the work +of Kirchensteiner and attended the lectures of Rein at Jena. To know the +last thesis published in a German university had become a necessary +qualification for recognition as a scholar, and the best passport for an +appointment to many of the higher teaching posts in England. But the +emphatic warning comes from the experience of Germany that even the very +perfection of educational systems and methods may be used so as to be a +curse to the country which has adopted them. Published statistics show +that juvenile crime, often of the most revolting kind, is rampant, and +has been increasing in Germany, that suicides have become common even +amongst the very young. The highly efficient mental drill provided by +German education, even the devotion to knowledge shown by the German +people, whatever benefits it may once have conferred, applied as it now +is, must be recognised as one of the causes why Germany, so long as it +retains its present spirit and its present aims, has come to be rightly +regarded as an enemy to mankind. It is essential that there should be +something more than a keen desire to acquire knowledge of every sort, +and to apply it for practical purposes--the Germans have that +pre-eminently; or a love of order and organisation and a persistent and +plodding industry in carrying out plans that have been carefully thought +out beforehand--the Germans have that also; or an intense devotion to +the Fatherland--the German people have a fervent and perfectly genuine +love for their country. The moral downfall of Germany, and the material +losses which she will suffer whatever the other results of the War may +be, are not simply due either to autocracy or to the domination of an +aristocratic class, or to deficiencies in art--the power to make things +well--or in thought--the power to plan a course of action clearly--but +to the absence of a "just will." The regeneration of Germany means the +substitution of a just for an unjust will, not simply the spread of +democratic ideals, desirable though these may be, nor the substitution +of democratic for autocratic or aristocratic government. For our own +nation, too, a "just will" amongst all classes of the community is the +necessary condition for future welfare. + +Another warning is necessary. In elaborate plans for reconstruction and +reorganisation by more deliberate and far-reaching action of the State +and of organised associations there is often a risk of impairing or even +destroying individual liberty. The more complete organisation and +reduction to definite system of education, for example, may result in +hampering free thought and action both of teacher and scholar. For them, +as for an army, it is the "initiative" that counts. In industry, in +commerce, in political life, and also in intellectual and even in +religious life, there is a danger that the free development of the +individual may be checked and healthy growth prevented by +over-regulation. In education especially, "self-determination" within +reasonable limits is as necessary for the well-being of the individual +as it is in government for the well-being of nations. We may dread the +extended exercise of the powers of "directors of education" when they go +beyond administration and include the choice of subjects and of methods. +The best educational movement of our day--the Boy Scouts +Association--was initiated and is carried on without the intervention of +the State or of local authorities. + +In conclusion two other points may be offered for consideration. In our +methods of education do we not find the idea more and more prevalent +that it is necessary for all, in order to be thorough, to devote their +time and energy to exact manipulation? It is true that you cannot make a +good chemist, or even apothecary, without giving days and weeks to exact +use of balances or to watching filter papers and the like but the mere +layman may learn in a short time with profit the meaning of a chemical +equation, and find a kind of diagrammatic knowledge sufficient to meet +all he requires. To discard what is irrelevant to the purpose is one of +the most difficult but most important things to be learned. Instead of +using "Euclid" as a means of teaching scholars to reason, they are +expected to use compasses carefully to make circles round--a matter of +no importance whatever for the matter in hand--but it diverts their +attention from the true object of study. There is a lesson for others in +the highly emphasised remark once addressed by a great advocate to his +junior who was taking an over-elaborate note, "Stop that scratching and +attend to the case." But intellectually the worst of all is the danger +that education will be directed to teaching and to learning mere +phrases. It saves thought and provides us with a kind of paper currency +conventionally accepted, though of no real value. In every subject we +study, in every department of life, in law, in politics, and in +religion, the domination of the phrase fetters thought and perverts +action. It is tempting to give examples, but we must forbear. + +"Time is our tedious song should here have ending," but those who can +never see the accomplishment of what they hope for, the old "who dream +dreams," may be forgiven if they try once more to get some vision of the +land which others "if strong and of a good courage" will "go in to +possess." It may, perhaps, in the sunset light seem brighter from far +off than those who first enter it will find it to be, or, it may be, the +distant prospect discloses but a part of what they will conquer. + +Again the question will be asked, What will emerge from this struggle, +this untold bloodshed, these bitter losses and widespread destruction, +what will be the harvest that this "red rain" will make to grow, what +Church will spring from the blood of the martyred youth--a great +multitude which no man can number? Again we may answer, as after the war +half a century ago, so short in its duration, and so limited in its +extent as compared with the World War of to-day, "For the victors Union, +for the vanquished Regeneration." Who will the victors be? Rightly shall +we think first of our own land of Britain with all the dominions that +form the Empire built up by the labour and the valour of its sons and +called by its name, united now by the closer bonds of common efforts, +common sacrifices and common resolves, loyal to one throne, the symbol +of its unity, cherishing one record of heroic deeds, the example and the +inspiration for the generations to come; above all, as a country that is +"at unity with itself," free from intestine war of party against party, +creed against creed, and class against class. + +But this War has not been a war of Empire against Empire, of Nation only +against Nation. It has been waged by the alliance of the people all over +the world who believe in justice, in a law which says, "Thou shalt not, +because thou hast the power and the will to thine own advantage, use +that power to dominate others and exercise that will regardless of their +rights." The victors will be all the Nations who are leagued together to +resist such a claim, and the union must be a union of all who joined in +the struggle with that common purpose, united when peace comes in the +prayer and the determination that there shall be war no more. Yet the +prospect opens for a union wider even than that. Those who took no part +in the conflict, some perhaps because the peril was too deadly, their +opportunity of defence too weak, may also join the League. Some, like +the Swiss, have served the cause of humanity by their generous reception +of sick and wounded. Some, like the Norwegians, have themselves suffered +cruel wrongs by the ruthlessness of our foes. + +Lastly, we must look forward to the possibility of a real peace with +Germany, a readmission of Germany to the commonwealth of Nations, a +restoration in the future of friendly intercourse with the German +people. + +Never again shall we of the older generation cross the German frontier +save in answer to some clear call of imperative duty. We should be +more--or perhaps less--than human to wish it. Day after day we have read +or our eyes have seen the reiterated and continued acts of infamy done +under the direction of those whom the majority of the German people not +only submit to as their rulers, but follow willingly as their guides. + +Nor for years to come will many of the men of younger age risk the +chance of contact with those who were responsible for or committed such +crimes as they have witnessed from the day when German troops first +entered Belgium four years ago to the sinking of the last hospital ship +or last murder of wounded men and of nurses under the shadow of the Red +Cross. + +But a new generation will follow us who may find and may accept a +welcome from a younger German race who had no part in the sins against +humanity committed by the Germans of to-day. Some, indeed, of that +younger race will have learned from their own fathers who suffered for +them, to detest those crimes. + +For another generation of Englishmen it may be possible once again to +find even in Germany something to enjoy and to admire. They may watch +from the Schlossgarten at Heidelberg the sun go down beyond the Rhine +over Alsace, then again united to France; they may wander again in +friendly talk with some forester under the pines of the Schwarzwald and +listen to the singing of the familiar Volkslieder--Tannenbaum or Haiden +Roeslein--by a people who have a natural gift for song; they may in +Nuremberg again look with delight on the marvels in stone wrought by its +craftsmen or seek out the hidden meanings in the mystic art of Albrecht +Duerer; perhaps be whirled along in the Isar "rolling rapidly" through +the baths of Munich or plunge in the crystal depths of the Koenig See; +from the highlands of Bavaria they may lift up their eyes to the long +ranges of the snowy Alps of Tyrol, and, as the decennial cycle comes +round and the reverent peasants re-enact the sacred drama, may make +their pilgrimage to Ammergau and share the thrill passing along the +crowded benches when the children's voices are heard, and they enter, +waving their palm branches, that those who watch their beautiful +counterfeit may recall, with imagination vivid like a child's, another +procession of joyous children, nineteen hundred years ago. + +The rest of mankind would be the poorer if it were cut off for ever from +some of the things which Germany has given and might again give to the +world in the realm of thought--in science and literature--and in music; +things which have added and may again add to the knowledge and to the +beauty of life. But let there be no mistake. Such a future is possible +only if the powers which are dominant in Germany are utterly destroyed; +but that is not enough, there must be a regeneration of the German +people. The alternative for Germany must be either exclusion from +intercourse with the rest of mankind save those who desire to share in +her crimes, and who will also share in her outlawry, or a change of +spirit and of purpose in the nation. If such a change comes, we "dare be +known to think" that the renewal of friendly relations with the German +people is an object we desire to attain. + +For us, too, comes the double warning. Strange voices are already heard +among us; some seem like echoes of the German spirit we are fighting to +exorcise, others of that anarchic spirit still more fatal that makes a +lawless democracy the most deadly foe of liberty and ordered progress. +If we in our turn make self-interest, regardless of the rights of +others, our guide, find in hatred, envy and jealousy our stimulus to +action, victory will confer no lasting blessing and the end of this War +will bring no real peace. The recognition of dangers threatened must be +for us the incentive to greater effort, with plans more carefully +thought out and clearer understanding of the true goal we are striving +to reach. Keeping our highest ideals always before us, labouring +steadily day by day, moving forward step by step, though the way may be +long, we may look with confidence to their attainment. + +The earth moves onward, revolving in its course, bearing with it our +older generation towards the inevitable night; it may be to the utter +darkness where "there is no work nor device nor knowledge nor wisdom," +or, "as the holy sages once did sing," when that night comes, "Creation" +may "be widen'd in man's view," revealing the infinite depths and +innumerable bright Existences which the light of common day has hidden. +But whatever our destiny may be, let us trust, as we leave the sunshine +of life behind, that those gleams of hope for mankind, "faint beams that +gild the west" as our stormy day closes, are to the younger race which +is following on, the rising of a glorious dawn. + + +FOOTNOTES: + +[Footnote 11: Perhaps a volume on Education, supplementary to the +present work, may be issued at some future time.] + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Rebuilding Britain, by Alfred Hopkinson + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK REBUILDING BRITAIN *** + +***** This file should be named 14870.txt or 14870.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/4/8/7/14870/ + +Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Dave Morgan and the PG Online Distributed +Proofreading Team. + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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