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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka and
+the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf, by Oscar Ludvig Olson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf
+       A Contribution To The History Of Saga Development In England And The
+       Scandinavian Countries
+       
+
+Author: Oscar Ludvig Olson
+
+Release Date: February 2, 2005 [EBook #14878]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: UTF-8
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HROLFS SAGA KRAKA ***
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+The University of Chicago.
+
+The Relation of the _Hrólfs Saga_ _Kraka_ and the _Bjarkarímur_ to
+_Beowulf_.
+
+A Contribution to the History of Saga Development in England and the
+Scandinavian Countries.
+
+A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS
+AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
+(DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH).
+
+BY
+
+OSCAR LUDVIG OLSON
+
+A Private Edition
+
+Distributed By The University of Chicago Libraries
+
+A Trade Edition Is Published By The Society for
+the Advancement of Scandinavian Study.
+
+1916
+
+THE RELATION OF THE HRÓLFS SAGA KRAKA AND THE BJARKARÍMUR TO BEOWULF.
+
+A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF SAGA DEVELOPMENT IN ENGLAND AND THE
+SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES.
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+It was at the suggestion of Professor John M. Manly that I took up the
+study which has resulted in the following dissertation, and from him I
+have received much encouragement and valuable assistance on numerous
+occasions. I have profited by suggestions received from Professor Tom
+Peete Cross and Professor James R. Hulbert; and Professor Chester N.
+Gould has been unstinting in his kindness in permitting me to draw on
+his knowledge of the Old Norse language and literature. In addition to
+the aid received from these gentlemen, professors in the University of
+Chicago, I have received bibliographical information and helpful
+suggestions from Professor Frederick Klaeber, of the University of
+Minnesota; I have been aided in various ways by Professor George T.
+Flom, of the University of Illinois, particularly in preparing the
+manuscript for the press; and from others I have had assistance in
+reading proof. To all these gentlemen I am very grateful, and I take
+this opportunity to extend to them my sincere thanks.
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTORY.
+
+
+The following pages are the result of an investigation that has grown
+out of a study of _Beowulf_. The investigation has been prosecuted
+mainly with a view to ascertaining as definitely as possible the
+relationship between the Anglo-Saxon poem and the _Hrólfs Saga Kraka_,
+and has involved special consideration of two portions of the saga,
+namely, the _Bọðvarsþáttr_, and the _Fróðaþáttr_, and such portions of
+the early literature in England and the Scandinavian countries as seem
+to bear some relationship to the stories contained in these two
+portions of the saga. Some of the results achieved may seem to be
+outside the limits of the main theme. But they are not without value
+in this connection, for they throw light on the manner in which the
+_Hrólfssaga_ and some of the other compositions in question came to
+assume the form in which we now find them. Thus these results assist
+us in determining the extent to which the saga and the _Bjarkarímur_
+are related to _Beowulf_.
+
+As the field under consideration has been the object of investigation by
+a number of scholars, much that otherwise would need to be explained to
+prepare the way for what is to be presented lies ready at hand, and this
+is used as a foundation on which to build further.
+
+In order to give the reader who is interested in the subject, but has
+not made a special study of it, an idea of the problems involved, and
+the solutions that have been offered, the discussion is preceded by a
+brief summary of the principal conclusions reached by various scholars.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
+
+_Aarb._--_Aarböger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1894._
+
+_Ark._--_Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi._
+
+_Ang._--_Anglia._
+
+_Ant. Tid._--_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift._
+
+_Beow._--_Beowulf._ The line numbering used is that of A.J. Wyatt's
+edition.
+
+_Beow._, Child--_Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment_, translated by
+C.G. Child, 1904.
+
+_Beow. Stud._--_Beowulf-Studien_, by Gregor Sarrazin, 1888.
+
+_Beow. Unt._--_Beowulf, Untersuchungen_, by Bernhard ten Brink, 1888.
+
+_Beow. Unt. Ang._--_Beowulf, Untersuchungen über das angelsächsische
+Epos und die älteste Geschichte der germanischen Seevölker_, by Karl
+Müllenhoff, 1889.
+
+_Camb. Hist. Lit._--_The Cambridge History of English Literature._
+
+_Chron._--_Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland_, by Raphael
+Holinshed, edition of 1808.
+
+_Helt._--_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, by Axel Otrik, vol. I, 1903; vol. II,
+1910.
+
+_Dan. Nor. Rig._--_Danske og norske Riger paa de britiske Öer i
+Danevældens Tidsalder_, by Johannes C.H. Steenstrup, 1882.
+
+_Eng. Nov._--_The Development of the English Novel_, by Wilbur L. Cross,
+1914.
+
+_Dictionary of National Biography_.
+
+_Eng. Stud._--_Englische Studien_.
+
+_Ext. Ch. Rol._--_Extraits de la Chanson de Roland_, by Gaston Paris,
+1912.
+
+_Gest. Dan._--_Gesta Danorum_, by Saxo Grammaticus, edited by A. Holder,
+1886.
+
+_Elton's Saxo_--_The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo
+Grammaticus,_ translated by Oliver Elton, 1894.
+
+_Gesch. Alteng. Lit._--_Geschichte der altenglischen Litteratur_, by
+Alois Brandl (Paul's _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_, 1908).
+
+_Heimsk._--_Heimskringla, eller Norges Kongesagaer_, by Snorre
+Sturlasson, edited by C.R. Unger, 1868.
+
+_Hist. Reg. Wald._--_Historia Regis Waldei_, by Johannes Bramis, edited
+by R. Imelmann, 1912.
+
+_Hist. Mer._--_Historia Meriadoci_, edited by J.D. Bruce, 1913.
+
+_Hrs. Bjark._--_Hrólfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkarímur_, edited by Finnur
+Jónsson. 1904.
+
+_Icel. Leg._--_Icelandic Legends_, collected by Jón Arnason, translated
+by George E. Powell and Eiríkur Magnússon, 1864.
+
+_Mort. d'Arth._--_Morte d'Arthur_, by Sir Thomas Malory, Globe edition,
+1871.
+
+_Norroen Fornkvæði_, edited by Sophus Bugge, 1867.
+
+_Nor. Tales_--_Norse Fairy Tales_, selected and adapted from the
+translations of Sir George Webbe Dasent, 1910.
+
+_Folk. Huld. Even._--_Norske Folke-og Huldre-Eventyr i Udvalg_, by P.
+Chr. Asbjörnsen, revised edition by Moltke Moe, 1910.
+
+_Event. Sagn_--_Norske Folkeeventyr og Sagn_, by O.T. Olsen, 1912.
+
+_Nor. Hist._--_Det norske Folks Historie_, by P.A. Munch, 1852.
+
+_Sagn--Norske Sagn_, Christiania, 1902.
+
+_Notes, Beow.--Notes on Beowulf_, by Thomas Arnold, 1898.
+
+_Oldn. Lit. Hist.--Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie_,
+by Finnur Jónsson.
+
+_Grundr._--Paul's _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie._
+
+_P. B. B._--Paul and Braune's _Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen
+Litteratur._
+
+_Pop. Tales--Popular Tales from the North_, by George Webbe Dasent,
+1859.
+
+_P. M. L. A.--Publications of the Modern Language Association of
+America._
+
+_Grettis.--The Saga of Grettir the Strong, Everyman's Library._
+
+_Sc. Folkl.--Scandinavian Folk-lore_, by William A. Craigie, 1896.
+
+_Sc. Rer. Dan.--Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, edited by Jakob Langebek,
+1772.
+
+_Macb._--Shakespeare's _Tragedy of Macbeth_, edited by William J. Rolfe,
+1905.
+
+_Skjs.--_Skjọldungasaga (_Aarböger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og
+Historie_, 1894).
+
+_Sn. Ed.--Snorri Sturluson, Edda_, edited by Finnur Jónsson, 1900.
+
+_St. germ. Sag.--Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte_; I _Beowulf_,
+by Friedrich Panzer, 1910.
+
+_St. Sag. Eng--Studien zur Sagengeschichte Englands_; I Teil, _Die
+Wikingersagen_, by Max Deutschbein, 1906.
+
+_Vọlsungasaga (Fornaldarsogur Norðrlanda_, edited by Valdimar
+Asmundarson, vol. I, 1891).
+
+_Widsith_ (_The Oldest English Epic--Beowulf, Widsith_, etc.--translated
+by Francis B. Gummere, 1909).
+
+_Yel. Fair. Bk.--The Yellow Fairy Book_, by Andrew Lang.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+  Preface                               I
+
+  Introductory                          1
+
+  Bibliography and Abbreviations        3
+
+  The Relation of the Hrólfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarímur to Beowulf
+
+    I Bọðvarsþáttr                      7
+
+    II Fróðaþáttr                      61
+
+    III General Summary                98
+
+
+
+THE RELATION OF THE HRÓLFS SAGA KRAKA AND THE BJARKARÍMUR TO BEOWULF.
+
+I
+
+_BỌÐVARSÞÁTTR._
+
+The question whether Saxo Grammaticus' account of Biarco's fight with a
+bear or the account in the _Hrólfssaga_ of Bjarki's fight with a winged
+monster is the earlier version of the story has been the subject of much
+discussion, as has also the possible identity of Bjarki's (Biarco's)
+exploit with one or both of Beowulf's exploits (his slaying of Grendel
+and the dragon). The latter problem is still further complicated by the
+introduction of two beasts in the _Bjarkarímur_ where Saxo and the
+_Hrólfssaga_ have only one, and the introduction in _Beowulf_ of
+Grendel's mother, who makes her appearance in order to defend her
+offspring and also is slain.
+
+In this dissertation an attempt will not be made to clear up the whole
+of this complicated matter. But an attempt will be made to solve some of
+the problems involved. It will be shown that the stories in the
+_Bjarkarímur_ of the slaying of the wolf and the bear at the court of
+Hrolf Kraki[1] are based on the story in the _Hrólfssaga_ of the slaying
+of the winged[2] monster. The explanation of the origin of the dragon
+and the interpretation of the whole dragon story in the _Hrólfssaga_,
+both of which have hitherto been wanting, will be given. From this it
+will be seen that this story in the _Hrólfssaga_ is based on the story,
+related in the second book of Saxo's _Gesta Danorum_[3], of Bjarki's
+slaying the bear.
+
+_Earlier Opinions in Regard to the_ BỌÐVARSÞÁTTR, _the_ BJARKARÍMUR,
+_and Related Matters_.
+
+Gisli Brynjulfsson, the first writer, apparently, to call attention to
+the similarity between Beowulf's combat with Grendel and Bjarki's combat
+with the winged monster, identified the story in the _Hrólfssaga_ of
+Bjarki's fight with the winged monster with the story in _Beowulf_ of
+Beowulf's fight with Grendel. That it was a sea-monster (havjætte) that
+caused the trouble in Denmark, while it was a mountain-troll that caused
+the trouble in Norway, he thought was as characteristic as anything
+could be.[4]
+
+Gregor Sarrazin would identify Bjarki with Beowulf. He calls
+attention to striking similarities between the stories about the two men
+and attempts to identify the word "Bọðvar," etymologically, with the
+word "Beowulf." The translator, as he calls the author of _Beowulf_,
+may, through misconception, have regarded "var," the second part of the
+name "Bọðvar," as "vargr" and translated it faithfully into AS. "wulf."
+This, combined with other changes, which he discusses and illustrates,
+that might have taken place in the name in its passage from very early
+Danish to Anglo-Saxon, could have caused the Scandinavian name "Bọðvar"
+to be rendered "Bēowulf" in Anglo-Saxon.[5]
+
+Sophus Bugge thought that saga-characteristics earlier ascribed to
+Beowulf had been transferred, in Danish tradition, to Bjarki. The story
+of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster he regarded as acquired from
+contact with the story of Beowulf's fight with the dragon. He showed
+that the words "Bọðvar" and "Bēowulf" are not etymologically related,
+but that "Bọðvar" is the genitive of "bọð," meaning "battle," so that
+"Bọðvar Bjarki" means "Battle Bjarki." He called attention to the fact
+that Saxo regarded Bothvar's real name as Bjarki (Lat. Biarco), that the
+_Bjarkamál_ was called after that name, and, furthermore, that Saxo
+ascribed to Bjarki the words "belligeri cepi cognomen".[6]
+
+Sarrazin regards the story of Bjarki's journey from Sweden to Denmark
+and subsequent exploit there, with which he identifies the corresponding
+journey and exploit of Beowulf, as an embodiment of the Balder and Frey
+cult. He thinks it may be interpreted as the southward journey of the
+sun in the autumn and its contest with frost and mists when it reaches
+its southern limit (i.e., Denmark, according to the ancient conception
+of the people of the Scandinavian peninsula); or it may be interpreted
+as the introduction of the Balder-cult from Sweden into Denmark.[7]
+
+Bernhard ten Brink agreed with Karl Müllenhoff,[8] that, on the one
+hand, there is really no similarity between the Beowulf story and Saxo's
+account of Bjarki, in which the blood-drinking episode is the main
+point, and, on the other, between Saxo's account and that in the
+_Hrólfssaga_, which has too much the nature of a fairy tale to be
+ancient tradition. He agreed with Bugge, that Bjarik's combat with the
+winged monster shows contact with the story of Beowulf's fight with the
+dragon.[9]
+
+Sarrazin, replying to ten Brink, scouts the idea that a poem, such as
+_Beowulf_, which was completely unknown in England after the eleventh
+century, should, after this time, be well known in Scandinavian
+countries and exert a notable influence there.[10]
+
+G. Binz does not think that Sarrazin's attempt to identify Bjarki with
+Beowulf is sufficiently substantiated and shows by a list of names,[11]
+dating from the twelfth century and found in the Northumbrian _Liber
+Vitae_, that the story about Bjarki was probably known at an early date
+in northern England.[12]
+
+Sarrazin thinks that perhaps Beowulf married Freawaru, Hrothgar's
+daughter, as, similarly, Bjarki, according to the _Hrólfssaga_, married
+Drifa, the daughter of Hrothgar's nephew, Hrolf Kraki; that the troll
+which supports Hrolf Kraki's enemies in Hrolf's last battle is a
+reminiscence of the dragon in _Beowulf_; and that, owing to the change
+of taste and other causes that occurred in the course of time, the
+Beowulf story developed into the form in which it is found in the Bjarki
+story in the _Hrólfssaga_.[13]
+
+Thomas Arnold concedes that there may be a faint connection between the
+Bjarki story and the Beowulf story, but he rejects Sarrazin's theory
+that the Anglo-Saxon poem is a translation from the Scandinavian (see p.
+8).[14]
+
+B. Symons takes the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster to
+be a fusion of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and that of his
+fight with the dragon.[15]
+
+R.C. Boer identifies Bjarki with Beaw. In the West-Saxon line of kings,
+Beaw succeeded Scyld; in the poem _Beowulf_, Beowulf, the Danish king,
+succeeded Scyld; in Saxo's account, Frothi I succeeded Scyld. Frothi is
+represented as having killed a dragon.
+
+According to the _Hrólfssaga_, Bjarki killed a dragon. As Beaw in one
+account occupies the same position in the royal line as Frothi in
+another and Beowulf, the Dane, in a third, Boer thinks that Bjarki's
+exploit and Frothi's exploit are the same one and that to Beowulf, the
+Dane, the same exploit was also once attributed. In Saxo's account,
+Bjarki is a king's retainer; and Boer thinks his exploit has been
+differentiated from that of Frothi, who is a king. In _Beowulf_, he
+thinks, the exploit has been transferred from Beowulf, the Danish king,
+to Beowulf, the Geat, and that the differentiation of the deed into two
+exploits has been retained--Beowulf, as a king's retainer, slaying
+Grendel, and later, as a king, killing a dragon. This identifies
+Bjarki's slaying of the winged monster with Beowulf's slaying of
+Grendel. In Saxo's account of Bjarki, Boer thinks that the dragon has
+been stripped of its wings and changed to a bear.[16]
+
+Finnur Jónsson regards the story in the _Hrólfssaga_ of Bjarki's slaying
+the winged monster as a reflection, though a feeble one, of the Grendel
+story in _Beowulf_.[17]
+
+Axel Olrik, who, more extensively than any other writer, has entered
+into the whole matter, of which the problems here under consideration
+form a part, does not think there is any connection between _Beowulf_
+and the _Hrólfssaga_.[18] He regards the stories in the _Bjarkarímur_ of
+Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear as earlier
+compositions than the corresponding story in the _Hrólfssaga._[19] The
+addition of "Bothvar" to Bjarki's name he thinks was acquired among the
+Scandinavians in the north of England,[20] where the Bjarki story, by
+contact with the story of Siward, Earl of Northumberland, acquired the
+further addition of Bjarki's reputed bear-ancestry.[21] The stories in
+the _Grettissaga_, _Flateyjarbók_, and _Egilssaga_ to which counterparts
+are found in _Beowulf_, he believes to have been acquired by contact
+either with the Beowulf legend or, perhaps, with the Anglo-Saxon epic
+itself.[22]
+
+Finnur Jónsson thinks that the stories in the _Bjarkarímur_ of Bjarki's
+slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later compositions
+than the story in the _Hrólfssaga_ of Bjarki's slaying the winged
+monster, and supports this opinion by maintaining that the monster in
+the saga is a reminiscence, though altered and faded, of Grendel in
+_Beowulf_.[23]
+
+Sarrazin regards the cowardly, useless Hott, Bjarki's companion, as a
+personification of the sword Hrunting, which fails Beowulf in his fight
+with Grendel's mother. But Hjalti, as Hott is called after he has become
+brave and strong, he regards as a personification of the giant-sword
+with which Beowulf dispatches Grendel's mother. Sarrazin would also
+identify the giant-sword, which is said to have a golden hilt (gylden
+hilt), with the sword Gullinhjalti in the _Hrólfssaga_.[24]
+
+Max Deutschbein sees a connection between the Bjarki story and the
+_Gesta Herwardi_ that would tend to establish the story in the
+_Bjarkarímur_ as earlier than the corresponding story in the
+_Hrólfssaga_.[25]
+
+H. Munro Chadwick, basing his opinion on the similarity between the
+career of Bjarki and that of Beowulf, thinks there is good reason for
+believing that Beowulf was the same person as Bothvar Bjarki.[26]
+
+Alois Brandl does not think that Beowulf and Bjarki were the same
+person. He calls attention to the difficulty involved in the fact,
+which, he says, Olrik has emphasized, that "Bjarki" is etymologically
+unrelated to "Biár"; and of troll fights, he says, there are many in
+Scandinavian literature.[27]
+
+William Witherle Lawrence thinks that "we may have to do with late
+influence of _Beowulf_ upon the _Hrólfssaga_".[28] He identifies "gylden
+hilt" with Gullinhjalti.[29] He regards the stories in the _Bjarkarímur_
+of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear as earlier
+compositions than the story in the _Hrólfssaga_ of Bjarki's slaying the
+winged monster,[30] which, in agreement with Olrik, he regards as "a
+special late elaboration peculiar to the _Hrólfssaga_." He regards
+Saxo's story as earlier than the stories in the _Bjarkarímur_.[31] He
+refers to Mogk as believing that the Bjarki story in the saga is a
+werewolf myth into which the Grendel motive is woven.[32] He quotes a
+passage from Heusler, in which Heusler states that he regards the story
+in the _Bjarkarímur_ of the fight with the bear as earlier than the
+story in the saga of the fight with the winged monster and that,
+furthermore, Beowulf's fight with Grendel has been transferred to
+Bjarki.[33] Lawrence also calls attention to the fact that Gering thinks
+there is unmistakable similarity between the Grendel story and the story
+of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster.[34]
+
+Friedrich Panzer identifies Bjarki with Beowulf and regards the story in
+question in the _Hrólfssaga_ as a later composition than the
+corresponding stories in the _Bjarkarímur_, which he identifies with the
+Grendel story.[35] "Gylden hilt" he identifies with Gullinhjalti;[36]
+and Hott-Hjalti, whom Sarrazin regards as a personification of swords in
+_Beowulf_, he identifies with Hondscio, Beowulf's companion who is
+devoured by Grendel.[37]
+
+
+_The Story in the_ HRÓLFSSAGA _of Bjarki's Slaying the Winged Monster_.
+
+It appears to the writer that the key to the explanation of much that
+has been the subject of dispute, or has remained unexplained, in the
+story about Bothvar Bjarki in the _Hrólfssaga_ is the influence of the
+fictitious (in part, also historical) life of Siward, Earl of
+Northumberland under Canute the Great and succeeding kings.
+
+The life of Siward, briefly summarized from the _Dictionary of National
+Biography_,[38] is as follows.
+
+Siward, Earl of Northumberland, called Digera, or the strong, a Dane, is
+said to have been the son of a Danish jarl named Biörn. According to
+legend he was descended from a white bear and a lady, etc.[39] As a
+matter of fact, he probably came to England with Canute and received the
+earldom of Deira after the death of Eadwulf Cutel, the Earl of
+Northumbria, when the Northumbrian earldom appears to have been divided.
+He married Ælflæd, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of Bernicia, the nephew of
+Eadwulf Cutel. In 1041 he was employed by Hardecanute, along with Earls
+Godwin and Leofric, to ravage Worcestershire. Later he became Earl of
+Northumberland and probably also of Huntingdon.
+
+He upheld Edward the Confessor in his quarrels with Godwin in 1051. In
+pursuance of the king's command, Siward invaded Scotland both by sea and
+land with a large force in 1054. The King of Scotland was Macbeth, who
+had slain his predecessor, Duncan I, the husband of a sister or cousin
+of the earl, and Siward's invasion was evidently undertaken on behalf of
+Duncan's son Malcolm. A fierce battle took place on July 27th; the Scots
+were routed, Macbeth fled, and Malcolm appears to have been established
+as King of Cumbria in the district south of the Firths of Forth and
+Clyde. Siward died at York in 1055. Siward and his son Osbeorn, called
+by Shakespeare "Young Siward," appear in _Macbeth_.
+
+The legendary life of Siward is found in two Latin versions in
+Langebek's _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, vol. III. These two versions
+Olrik designates as A (anonymous; p. 288) and B (Bromton; p. 300).[40]
+According to B, an earl of royal descent in the kingdom of the Danes had
+an only daughter, who went with her maidens for a walk in a neighboring
+wood. They met a bear, whereupon the maidens fled and the daughter was
+seized by the bear and carried off. In the course of time she gave birth
+to a son, whose name was Bern and who bore marks, in the shape of a
+bear's ears, of his paternity. Bern had a son, whose name was Siward.
+According to A, Siward is removed by three generations more from his
+bear-ancestor, the line of descent being Ursus (the bear), Spratlingus,
+Ulsius (should be Ulfius), Beorn (with the cognomen Beresun), Siward.
+
+According to A, where the account is a little more detailed than in B,
+Siward, who was given the cognomen Diere (large), was a brave and
+powerful man, who, disdaining the succession to his father's earldom in
+Denmark, set sail with one vessel and fifty chosen companions, and
+arrived at the Orkney Islands. On one of the islands was a dragon that
+had done much damage by killing men and cattle. To show his strength and
+bravery, Siward entered into a combat with the dragon and drove it from
+the island. Thence he set sail for Northumberland, and there, he heard,
+there was another dragon. During the search for this dragon, he met an
+old man sitting on a hill. He inquired of the man as to the whereabouts
+of the dragon. But the man, calling him by name, told him that he sought
+the dragon in vain, and directed him to continue his journey and proceed
+till he came to a river called Thames, on whose bank was situated a city
+by the name of London. "And there," he said, "you will find the king of
+that region, who will enlist you in his service and in a short time
+bestow land upon you." As a token of the trustworthiness of his
+prediction, the old man drew from the folds of his garment a banner,
+called Ravenlandeye, and presented it to Siward.
+
+Siward accepted the banner and proceeded to London, where he was
+summoned by King Edward to meet him at Westminster. Siward obeyed the
+summons and was enlisted in the service of the king, who promised him
+the first position of honor to become vacant in the kingdom. On this
+visit to the king, he slew Tosti in order to avenge an imagined insult
+and demanded and received Tosti's earldom of Huntingdon, which had thus
+become vacant. Some time after he also received the earldoms of
+Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland.
+
+Later the Norwegians made war on the king; but Siward defeated them and
+avenged many fold the insults and injuries sustained by the king, thus
+fulfilling the prophecy "that Divine Providence would permit to be born
+from the union of a rational with an irrational creature, i.e., from the
+union of a woman with a bear, a man who would wreak vengeance on the
+enemies of the illustrious and glorious King of England."
+
+In the course of time, Dunewal, King of the Scots, was ejected from his
+kingdom. He sought the aid of Siward, who gathered an army and proceeded
+as far as Dundee, when news was brought him that his subjects in
+Northumberland had risen in insurrection and slain his son Osbertum
+(Osbernum) Bulax. Compelled to return he was roused to such anger that
+he sank his sword into a rock leaving a mark that could be seen, the
+author says, in his day. Siward restored to the king the territory
+seized by the rebels, and returned home and inflicted severe punishment
+on his enemies.
+
+B has some variations from the account in A, but none of these
+variations are of present significance.
+
+The transformation of Siward from an historical character, in regard to
+whom we have authentic information, into the hero of a saga the first
+part of which is of the "fornaldarsaga" type, the latter part of the
+"Islændingasaga" type,[41] is quite remarkable. He must have made a deep
+impression on the minds of his contemporaries and remained a hero in
+oral tradition long after the historical events of his life had been
+forgotten.
+
+Olrik, who has done work of great importance in this field, offers a
+discussion of the legendary life of Siward in the _Arkiv för nordisk
+Filologi_, vol. XIX, from which it seems desirable to quote some
+passages for the light they throw on the development of this saga in
+England.
+
+"Tagen som helhed er Sivards saga den mærkelige forening af æventyrlig
+og historisk sagastil."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"I dragekampene og i Odinskikkelsen, er der nær tilslutning til norrön
+tradition; her må de i Nordengland bosatte Nordmænd have gjort sig
+gældende med et berigende og udviklende element. Dette gælder da ikke
+blot for Sivards saga, men også for Ragnar Lodbroks historie, for så
+vidt den fra först er bleven til i England. På den anden side må vi ikke
+alene regne med, at Nordengland er en aflægger af norsk sagakultur; den
+er tillige en banebryder for dens rigere udvikling. Vi har set det med
+dragekampen, der optages væsenlig fra engelske forestillinger, og som
+vistnok ad den vej finder ind i de norsk-islandske æventyrsagaer og
+historiske traditioner".[42]
+
+With the situation thus before us--namely: 1. the numerical strength of
+the Danes and Norwegians in the north of England, which had become a
+second home of Norwegian saga-culture; 2. the fact that the _Hrólfssaga_
+was known in England, where Bjarki received the addition "Bothvar" to
+his name; and 3. the fact that the Siward saga as we find it in Langebek
+was developed in the same locality--it is evident that it was not only
+possible, but practically inevitable, that the _Hrólfssaga_ and the
+Siward saga should come in contact with each other. And this was,
+indeed, the case. That a popular hero is said to have descended from a
+bear is a very widespread motive, not at all confined to the territory
+in which the Bjarki story was known; but the similarities in the
+genealogies of Siward, Bothvar Bjarki, and Ulf _(Gest. Dan._, tenth
+book) are so great that the casual reader immediately concludes that
+these genealogies must in some way be related. Olrik has unraveled the
+skein and shown that the bear-ancestry belonged originally to Siward and
+from him was transferred to Ulf and Bjarki.
+
+Olrik dwells on the fact that, "Det sagn, der her optræder som knyttet
+til historiske eller rettere halvhistoriske personer, findes også rundt
+omkring i Europas æventyr som indledning til fortællingen om den stærke
+kæmpe, der hentede de bortförte kongedötre tilbage fra troldene." Olrik
+says further: "Men også i den islandske saga-verden har vi tilknytning.
+Beorn Beresuns födsel genfindes som Bödvar Bjarkes. Bödvars forældre er
+den til björn omskabte kongesön Björn og bondedatteren Bera. Foruden ved
+navnene röbes sammenhængen ved at björnen--ligesom i Sakses sagn--bliver
+jaget og dræbt, og sönnen senere tager hævn. Men samtidig er motivet
+udviklet langt rigere, idet omskabelse og stemoder er blandet ind, og
+arven efter vilddyret fordeles paa tre sönner: dels björneagtigt ydre,
+dels styrke og 'hamram'-hed, Således er de danske og de (norsk-)
+islandske tilknytninger af forskellig art; de danske giver os de
+æventyragtige elementer, hvoraf sagnet opstår. Den islandske
+_Hrólfssaga_ og _Bjarkarímur_ viser os dets videre udvikling til
+æventyrsaga. Selve den nordengelske Sivardssaga står i midten som et
+mærkeligt mellemled i udviklingen".[43] Here we have the first
+indication of contact between the Siward saga and the story of Bjarki,
+in the _Hrólfssaga_.
+
+There is much in the main features of the lives of Siward and Bjarki
+that is similar. Both were men of extraordinary prowess and bravery;
+both gave up a great heritage at home (Siward, an earldom; Bjarki, a
+kingdom); both left their native land to enter the service of a foreign
+monarch (Siward entering the service of Edward the Confessor; Bjarki,
+that of Hrolf Kraki); both slew a ferocious monster; both paused in
+another land (Siward, on the Orkney Islands; Bjarki, in Sweden) before
+reaching what was to be their destination; both displayed their warlike
+qualities by slaying a man of great prominence who was closely connected
+with the king (Siward slaying Tosti, and Bjarki slaying Agnar); both
+were the king's chief support in his wars against his enemies; and both
+invaded a foreign land (Siward making an expedition to Scotland, and
+Bjarki accompanying Hrolf on his expedition to Sweden).
+
+Certain features of the life of Bjarki mentioned above, such as his
+bravery, strength, his being in the service of Hrolf Kraki, his killing
+a fierce beast, and slaying Agnar, the saga-man found ready to his hand;
+but not the renunciation of his kingdom. Earldoms and kingdoms are not
+renounced "for light and transient causes." As regards Siward, who
+renounced his earldom, he seemed to be destined for a greater career, as
+subsequent events show and as is indicated by the fact that Odin (for
+the old man on the hill whom Siward met was none other than Odin) took a
+hand in directing his course. But when Bjarki renounced his kingdom, it
+was altogether unmotivated. The saga says: "Soon afterwards [i.e., after
+Bjarki's revenge on his evil stepmother] King Hring fell sick and died,
+whereupon Bothvar succeeded to the throne and was for a time satisfied.
+Later, he called his subjects together to a 'þing' [i.e., assembly] and
+said he wished to leave the country, married his mother to a man named
+Valsleit, who had been an earl, celebrated their wedding, and
+departed".[44] He became Hrolf's most noted warrior, but neither sought
+nor attained to any other distinction. The renunciation of a kingdom for
+the fate of a man who appears among strangers and gets what his own
+right arm can win for him is a rare occurrence; and when the saga-man
+lets Bjarki become a king and then, without reason, renounce this
+highest of all earthly dignities, it can only be in servile imitation
+of the corresponding feature of the Siward saga.
+
+Besides those already mentioned, the two stories have other features in
+common. It is said of Siward, that when he learned that his son Osbeorn
+had fallen in battle, he became so angry that he sank his sword into a
+rock. It is said of Elgfrothi, Bjarki's brother, that he swung his sword
+against a rock with such force that it sank in to the hilt. But
+Elgfrothi's feat was performed under such widely different circumstances
+that the author may, or may not, have had Siward's feat in mind in
+recording the incident. However, suggestions received from one story are
+often employed in another quite as the author sees fit, so that,
+although one is not inclined to attach much importance to this incident,
+it is, nevertheless, worth noting.
+
+Somewhat more noteworthy than the incident just mentioned is the
+introduction of Odin in both stories in the disguise of an old man. In
+the Siward story he appears on a hill as Siward reaches Northumberland
+on his journey from the Orkney Islands, and tells Siward what course to
+pursue, presents him the banner Ravenlandeye, which is accepted, and
+predicts for him a brilliant future. In the _Hrólfssaga_ Odin appears as
+a one-eyed old man living in a hut in Sweden. Hrolf and his men seek a
+night's entertainment of him while on their way to the Swedish court,
+and the old man tests their endurance and instructs Hrolf in regard to
+the measures he must take to accomplish his purpose. Odin also appears
+to the men as they return on their way to Denmark, when he offers Hrolf
+a sword, shield, and armor. Hrolf declines the preferred gift, whereupon
+Odin tells Hrolf that he is not as wise as he thinks he is, and Hrolf
+soon, but too late, realizes that the rejection of the gift augurs ill
+fortune. There is nothing unusual in the appearance of Odin as a
+one-eyed old man, for it is a common characteristic of saga literature.
+But though Hrolf's expedition to Sweden is mentioned in _Snorri's
+Edda_,[45] where the passage concerned is based on the old
+_Skjọldumgasaga_, the oldest authority in regard to the matter, but
+unfortunately now lost, no mention of Odin is made in this
+connection.[46] Furthermore, Odin again appears in the saga (at the
+close), where Bjarki vows that if he could get his eye on the god he
+would use him roughly for permitting the enemy to gain the victory in
+the battle that is being fought and that is going against Hrolf and his
+men. In the latter instance, Odin belongs originally to the story
+(_Gest. Dan._, second book, where Odin is represented as riding his
+steed Sleipnir and being invisibly present at the battle to take the
+dead to Valhalla). The two conceptions of Odin--on the one hand as
+appearing in the disguise of an old man; on the other, as riding his
+horse, Sleipnir, and taking those fallen in battle to Valhalla--are
+quite different, the former being distinctly Norwegian, one of the
+circumstances that Olrik uses to show that the Siward saga originated
+under strong Norwegian influence, while the latter was the conception of
+Odin current in Denmark and Sweden.[47] As already stated the
+introduction of Odin as an old man is a motive that occurs frequently in
+saga literature. It cannot, therefore, be stated definitely that his
+appearance in the Siward saga suggested the use of him in the Bjarki
+story. But the two stories were current in the same locality; they were
+formed under similar conceptions of saga literature; in both stories
+Odin directs the hero in question as to the most advisable course to
+pursue and offers him a present; the Bjarki story already contained an
+instance, of another mintage, of the Odin motive; as stated above, the
+oldest authority in regard to the matter says nothing about Odin's
+appearing to Hrolf on the expedition to Sweden; and, as we know, the one
+has acquired important features (Bjarki's bear-ancestry and his
+renunciation of his kingdom) from the other. These circumstances render
+it highly probable that this is another of the Bjarki story's
+acquisitions from contact with the Siward saga. Incidents of this kind
+need not necessarily be used in one story as they are in another; saga
+literature abounds in evidence of this fact, as, for instance, Saxo's
+and the _Hrólfssaga's_ story of Hroar and Helgi, considered later.
+
+A feature of the _Hrólfssaga_ that is much more noteworthy in this
+connection and that has certainly been acquired from the Siward saga is
+that concerning the kind of monster slain by Bjarki at the court of
+Hrolf Kraki. When Siward's bear-ancestry had been transferred to Bothvar
+Bjarki, it followed as a matter of course that Bjarki must no longer be
+represented as killing a bear. Siward had driven a dragon, which had
+killed men and cattle in great numbers, from one of the Orkney Islands;
+and it is in imitation of this exploit that Bjarki is represented as
+having slain a winged monster (dragon). This would be only another
+instance, in addition to those already mentioned, of the influence
+exerted by the story of Siward on the _Hrólfssaga_. Ordinarily, there
+was nothing about Bjarki's person that revealed or suggested that his
+father was a bear; but he was able to assume the shape of a bear, which,
+according to the _Hrólfssaga_, he did with terrible effect in the last
+battle of Hrolf and his warriors. Since he sustained such near
+relationship to the bear-family, it would be inappropriate to represent
+him as showing his prowess by killing a bear, for his sentiments toward
+that animal would, as a result of his own ancestry and the treatment his
+father had received, be those of sympathy rather than antipathy. His
+mother had told him the whole story of his ancestry and the maltreatment
+of his father, and it had aroused him to take most dire revenge.
+Consequently, he must be represented as having killed some other kind of
+ferocious beast, or monster, than a bear, and this naturally became the
+same kind of monster that Siward had overcome, namely a dragon. The fact
+that it was not uncommon at the time the saga was composed for a popular
+hero to be represented as having slain a dragon made it all the easier
+for the author of the _Hrólfssaga_ to imitate this feature of the Siward
+saga. It may be said that this is attributing too much consistency in
+one particular to a story that otherwise is a piece of patch-work. But
+the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster is not patch-work;
+it does not represent the poorest and latest form of the Bjarki legends,
+as Olrik says;[48] it is not an impossible story, as Panzer says;[49]
+nor is it "inconsequent and absurd," as Lawrence says.[50] Considering
+the time at which it was written, it is a well considered, well
+constructed narrative, in which the material at hand and the machinery
+that was regarded as permissible and appropriate in saga-writing at the
+time is employed with great skill to produce the intended effect. The
+story is as follows:--
+
+"Ok sem leið at jólum, gerðuz menn ókátir. Bọðvarr spyrr Họtt, hverju
+þetta sætti; hann segir honum, at dýr eitt hafi þar komit tvá vetr í
+samt, mikit og ógurligt--'ok hefir vængi á bakinu ok flýgr þat jafnan;
+tvau haust hefir þat nú hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn skaða; á þat bíta
+ekki vápn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, þeir sem at eru einna
+mestir.' Bọðvarr mælti: 'ekki er họllin svá vel skipuð, sem ek ætlaði,
+ef eitt dýr skal hér eyða ríki og fé konungsins.' Họttr sagði: 'þat er
+ekki dýr, heldr er þat hit mesta trọll.' Nú kemr jólaaptann; þá, mælti
+konungr: 'nú vil ek, at menn sé kyrrir ok hljóðir í nótt, ok banna ek
+ọllum mínum mọnnum at ganga í nọkkurn háska við dýrit, en fé ferr
+eptir því sem auðnar; menn mína vil ek ekki missa.' Allir heita hér
+góðu um, at gera eptir því, sem konungr bauð. Bọðvarr leyndiz í burt
+um nóttina; hann lætr Họtt fara með sér, ok gerir hann þat nauðugr ok
+kallaði hann sér stýrt til bana. Bọðvarr segir, at betr mundi til
+takaz. Þeir ganga í burt frá họllinni, ok verðr Bọðvarr at bera hann;
+svá er hann hræddr. Nú sjá þeir dýrit; ok því næst æpir Họttr slíkt,
+sem hann má, ok kvað dýrit mundu gleypa hann. Bọðvarr bað bikkjuna
+hans þegja ok kastar honum niðr í mosann, ok þar liggr hann ok eigi
+með ọllu óhræddr; eigi þorir hann heim at fara heldr. Nú gengr Bọðvarr
+móti dýrinu; þat hæfir honum, at sverðit er fast í umgjọrðinni, er
+hann vildi bregða því. Bọðvarr eggjar nú fast sverðit ok þá bragðar í
+umgjọrðinni, ok nú fær hann brugðit umgjọrðinni, svá, _at_ sverðit
+gengr úr sliðrunum, ok leggr þegar undir bægi dýrsins ok svá fast, at
+stóð í hjartanu, ok datt þá dýrit til jarðar dautt niðr. Eptir þat
+ferr hann þangat sem Họttr liggr. Bọðvarr tekr hann upp ok berr
+þangat, sem dýrit liggr dautt. Họttr skelfr ákaft. Bọðvarr mælti: 'nú
+skaltu drekka blóð dýrsins.' Hann er lengi tregr, en þó þorir hann
+víst eigi annat. Bọðvarr lætr hann drekka tvá sopa stóra; hann lét
+hann ok eta nọkkut af dýrshjartanu; eptir þetta tekr Bọðvarr til hans,
+ok áttuz þeir við lengi. Bọðvarr mælti: 'helzt ertu nú sterkr orðinn,
+ok ekki vænti ek, at þú hræðiz nú hirðmenn Hrólfs konungs.' Họttr
+sagði: 'eigi mun ek þá hræðaz ok eigi þik upp frá, þessu.' 'Vel er þá
+orðit, Họttr félagi; fọru vit nú til ok reisum upp dýrit ok búum svá
+um, at aðrir ætli at kvikt muni vera.' Þeir gera nú svá. Eptir þat
+fara þeir heim ok hafa kyrt um sik, ok veit engi maðr, hvat þeir hafa
+iðjat. Konungr spyrr um morguninn, nvat þeir viti til dýrsins, hvárt
+þat hafi nọkkut þangat vitjat um nóttina; honum var sagt, at fé alt
+væri heilt í grindum ok ósakat. Konungr bað menn forvitnaz, hvárt engi
+sæi líkindi til, at þat hefði heim komit. Varðmenn gerðu svá ok kómu
+skjótt aptr ok sogðu konungi, at dýrit færi þar ok heldr geyst at
+borginni. Konungr bað hirðmenn vera hrausta ok duga nú hvern eptir
+því, sem hann hefði hug til, ok ráða af óvætt þenna; ok svá var gert,
+sem konungr bauð, at þeir bjuggu sik til þess. Konungr horfði á dýrit
+ok mælti síðan: 'enga sé ek fọr á dýrinu, en hverr vill nú taka kaup
+einn ok ganga í móti því?' Bọðvarr mælti: 'þat væri næsta hrausts
+manns forvitnisbót. Họttr félagi, rektu nú af þer illmælit þat, at
+menn láta, sem engi krellr né dugr muni í þér vera; far nú ok drep þú
+dýrit; máttu sjá, at engi er allfúss til annarra.' 'Já, sagði Họttr,
+ek mun til þessa ráðaz.' Konungr mælti: 'ekki veit ek, hvaðan þessi
+hreysti er at þér komin, Họttr, ok mikit hefir um þik skipaz á,
+skammri stundu.' Họttr mælti: 'gef mér til sverðit Gullinhjalta, er þú
+heldr á, ok skal ek þá fella dýrit eða fá bana.' Hrólfr konungr mælti:
+'þetta sverð er ekki beranda nema þeim manni, sem bæði er góðr drengr
+og hraustr.' Họttr sagði: 'svá skaltu til ætla, at mér sé svá háttat.'
+Konungr mælti: 'hvat má vita, nema fleira hafi skipz um hagi þína, en
+sjá þykkir, en fæstir menn þykkjaz þik kenna, at, þú sér enn sami
+maðr; nú tak við sverðinu ok njót manna bezt, ef þetta er til unnit.'
+Síðan gengr Họttr at dýrinu alldjarfliga ok høggr til þess, þá, _er_
+hann kemr í họggfæri, ok dýrit fellr niðr dautt. Bọðvarr mælti: 'sjáið
+nú, herra, hvat hann hefir til unnit.' Konungr segir: 'víst hefir hann
+mikit skipaz, en ekki hefir Họttr einn dýrit drepit, heldr hefir þú
+þat gert.' Bọðvarr segir: 'vera má, at svá sé.' Konungr segir: 'vissa
+ek, þá _er_ þú komt hér, at fáir mundu þínir jafningjar vera, en þat
+þykki mér þó þitt verk frægiligast, at þú hefir gert hér annan kappa,
+þar _er_ Họttr er, ok óvænligr þótti til mikillar giptu; ok nú vil ek
+_at_ hann heiti eigi Họttr lengr ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp frá
+þessu; skaltu heita eptir sverðinu Gullinhjalta'".[51]
+
+The consistency observed in displacing the bear, as the animal killed
+by Bjarki has been noted, as has also the reason why the dragon was
+introduced as a substitute for the bear. It will be observed that the
+account of the dragon in the Siward story suggested the further
+development of the story in the _Hrólfssaga_. Olrik says: "I én
+henseende bar Sivard den digres kamp dog noget eget. De almindelige
+norröne dragekampe lige fra Sigurds drab på Fåvne har stadig til mål at
+vinde dragens guld. For Sivard digre eksisterer dette motiv ikke; han
+vil frelse de hjemsögte mennesker. Af alle de islandske dragekampe har
+kun Björn Hitdölekæmpes noget tilsvarende, og her er det næppe
+tilfældigt at også den er henlagt til de engelske farvande. Det er det
+engelske dragekamps-motiv".[52] Olrik further calls attention to the
+fact that in English tales the object is not to kill the dragon, but to
+drive it away, as Siward did. But to fit the dragon into the Bjarki
+story, it had to be killed in order that the blood-drinking episode
+might be introduced. This involved no difficulty, however; for the
+killing of the dragon was in harmony with Scandinavian saga-usage. But
+it should be observed how, in essence, the conception of the dragon in
+the Bjarki story harmonizes accurately with that in the Siward story.
+The king and his court are afflicted by the visitations of a dragon; and
+Bjarki puts an end to this affliction by killing the dragon, as Siward,
+in the corresponding situation, does by driving it away.
+
+Not less terrible than dragons, but much more common, were trolls; and
+this fact led Brynjulfsson to remark that the introduction of a troll in
+this connection was as characteristic as anything could be.[53] The
+introduction of the troll is quite in harmony with the genius of Old
+Norse folk-lore. The saga-man did not, however, characterize the dragon
+as a troll merely because he would thus be employing good saga-material,
+but because the depredations ascribed to the dragon in the Siward story,
+which were quite foreign to the accounts of dragons in Scandinavian
+folk-lore, were very suggestive of the depredations ascribed to trolls,
+and because a troll story would enable him to work out his plot with
+admirable effect. The statement in the saga, "As the Yule-feast
+approached, the men grew depressed," is a characteristic beginning of a
+troll story; for, while trolls commit their depredations at all times of
+the year and under a multitude of circumstances, many of the stories
+about them begin with such expressions as: "Yule was approaching. On the
+eve the shepherd went with his sheep";[54] "In old days no one could
+stay over Christmas Eve";[55] "It happened once late on a Yule Eve";[56]
+"Formerly every Christmas Eve";[57] "I gamle dage var det en
+julenat";[58] "Juleaften gik Per Bakken til kvernhuset";[59] "Nogen av
+selskapet kom til at tale on Hammertrollet, som det nu kaltes, og de
+mente, at skulde de nogengang vente ulempe av det arrige troll, saa
+maatte det vel vasre saadan i julegryet".[60]
+
+Thus, as we see, the statement that the winged monster appears late
+Christmas Eve,[61] is exactly in harmony with the belief, still current
+in some parts of Norway, that on Christmas Eve, after sunset, but never
+earlier in the day, an adventure with a troll is to be expected unless
+proper precaution be taken to avoid it. It is a part of the
+superstition, that if any one ventures into, or near, the stable or
+other outbuildings late in the evening, he is in the greatest danger of
+being attacked by one of these malignant beings; and people are in
+mortal terror of falling into the clutches of a troll. As a result,
+there is great haste to get the chores done up early on Christmas Eve.
+In fact, the fear that Hott shows before leaving the hall, when he knows
+he must go out, and the extreme fear that he shows later, can be
+duplicated from the tales that are told in connection with the
+superstition. There is no danger, however, so long as one remains in the
+house.[62]
+
+A story, pertinent in this connection, is told to illustrate the
+difficulties that ministers in the rural districts in Norway have had to
+contend with on account of the superstitious belief in trolls. A
+minister had exerted himself to root out of the people in his parish the
+belief in trolls. Among those whom he had endeavored to enlighten was a
+boy. But so ingrained had this belief become in the boy that, when
+Christmas Eve arrived and he was requested to go to one of the
+outbuildings on an errand, he was seized with fright. He went on the
+errand, however, and performed it without seeing a troll; but on his
+return he was so overcome with the fear that a troll was pursuing him
+that he fell to the ground, and had to be met by people from the house
+and escorted back.[63] The story is supposed to be true, and there is no
+reason to doubt it. But whether it is true or not is immaterial in this
+connection; in any event, it shows what kind of story we are dealing
+with in the saga, and it shows to what admirable use the story enabled
+the saga-man to put the inordinate fear and cowardice of Hott. In view
+of the circumstances (Hott's cowardice and the common fear of the
+Christmas troll), Hott's actions, when he is forced to accompany Bjarki
+and when he sees the monster, are perfectly natural; and to see the
+matter in any other light is not to understand the story.
+
+Another feature of the first part of the story that should be noticed is
+the dual nature of the monster. A dragon was as terrible a creature as
+one could imagine; a troll was also as terrible a creature as one could
+imagine. But the saga-man has introduced into his story a being that
+combines the characteristics of both. Hott knew that the monster
+possessed this dual nature, for it is from him that the author lets the
+statement proceed, "That is no beast, it is rather the greatest troll."
+This makes it still more natural for him to display ridiculous fear. It
+also explains the king's fear of the monster, and removes the odium that
+might seem to attach to the king and his warriors in withdrawing from a
+combat with such a creature and allowing it, unopposed, to perform its
+Yule-tide depredations and depart. The saga-man did not intend to
+be-little Hrolf Kraki; he intended to magnify Bjarki by introducing a
+monster for him to overcome that it was no shame for other mortals to
+avoid. Nor is it accidental that the reader is informed of the
+troll-nature of the dragon in a statement made by Hott to Bjarki. It
+serves to make it plain that Bjarki also knew what kind of monster the
+dragon was. This places in the strongest relief his courage in
+undertaking voluntarily, nay against the express command of the king, to
+attack the beast, and his prowess in felling it without difficulty. What
+single feat could he have performed, or in what manner could he have
+performed it, to reflect greater credit on himself? The cowardly Hott he
+had to have with him also, in order that the blood-drinking episode
+might be introduced; but Hott's childish actions encumbered him at a
+time when they would be very provoking and it might be necessary for
+Bjarki to have command of all his resources to gain a victory.
+
+In the scene that follows the slaying of the dragon, it seems at first
+sight that an incongruous element has been introduced. That Hott is
+compelled to eat some of the dragon's heart is good saga-material, as is
+evident from the similar episode in the _Volsungasaga_ (i.e., Sigurd's
+eating some of Favnir's heart); but the dragon is also a troll, and
+there is no sanction in saga-literature for eating a troll's heart and
+drinking a troll's blood to gain strength and courage. Trolls have
+always been regarded as detestable beings; and in drinking the blood of
+a troll, it might seem that one would acquire detestable qualities. But,
+on the one hand, the difficulty, if indeed story-tellers of the time
+regarded the matter as presenting a difficulty, was unavoidable without
+a reconstruction of the whole story; on the other hand, so far as the
+monster was a dragon, no difficulty would be involved, and so far as the
+monster had the nature of a troll, the heart-eating and blood-drinking
+would certainly be regarded as imparting strength. In such scenes as
+this it is never the intention that one who eats the heart of a dragon
+or drinks an animal's blood shall acquire all the characteristics of the
+animal; every scene of this kind would then be ridiculous from any point
+of view. The eating and drinking are done to gain strength and courage,
+as is the case here; and it is not proper to subject this scene to a
+more critical judgment than similar scenes in other sagas. The strength
+of a troll was certainly not to be despised; and we find this particular
+episode sanctioned in a way in the _Bjarkarímur_, where it is said that
+after Hjalti had drunk of the blood of the wolf, he became, not as
+strong as a wolf, but "as strong as a troll." In view of the fact that
+the troll is a troll-dragon, that the eating of its heart associates the
+episode very closely with the similar episode in the _Volsungasaga_, and
+that the _rímur_ magnify Hjalti's strength by saying that it is equal to
+that of a troll, it is hypercritical to say that the saga here contains
+an incongruous element. And however insistent one may be in maintaining
+that the author has introduced an element that is not recognized
+saga-material, it must be admitted that he has so skillfully fused it
+with good saga-material that it is not probable, as the _rímur_ show,
+that contemporary readers found any fault with the episode.
+
+But does such a monster as a troll-dragon have any sanction in
+folk-lore? Yes, it does. It is characteristic of Norse folk-lore to
+ascribe troll-like qualities to beings about which there seems to be
+something supernatural, such as invulnerability. In one of Asbjörnsen's
+tales, there is a story about a troll-bird, told by a man named Per
+Sandaker, who "was supposed to be strong in stories about troll-birds."
+In the story referred to, there is a woodgrouse (tiur) which has become
+known as a fabulous animal (fabeldyr) throughout the whole neighborhood.
+"One might just as well shoot at a stone,' said Per, with the greatest
+conviction"; for he had shot at the bird and made the feathers fly,
+without being able to injure it. Later, on the hunting-trip on which Per
+was telling about the bird, he and a companion came across it. "Now he
+is out again, the old fellow," said Per; "there is no use in the wide
+world to shoot at him, one might just as well shoot at the clouds." The
+men maneuvered for a position; and Per's companion, who is telling the
+story, says, "My gun was raised, and the mighty bird tumbled down head
+first." Per picked it up and examined it and declared that it was the
+troll-bird; he could tell it by the beak. On the same trip stories were
+told about troll-hares that for a time had escaped uninjured but had
+finally been killed.[64]
+
+Panzer[65] and others have called attention to the discrepancy between
+the statement that the monster in the saga is said to be invulnerable,
+and that it is nevertheless killed. In the story from Asbjörnsen's tales
+we have the explanation. The troll-animal seems to be invulnerable until
+some one appears who has the requisite skill or strength, or a
+combination of both, to dispatch it; and it might be observed that
+Bjarki paid no more attention to Hott's statement about the
+invulnerability of the troll-dragon than Per's companion paid to Per's
+statement about the invulnerability of the troll-bird.
+
+Finnur Jónsson calls the dragon a hall-attacking monster;[66] but this
+appellation is hardly correct. The only thing in the saga might fairly
+suggest it is Bjarki's statement, "The hall isn't so well defended as I
+thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the king."
+But Hott has not said that the monster had attached the hall; and if it
+be insisted that it is the author who has presented Bjarki as making the
+statement and has not paused to weigh nicely the dramatic proprieties,
+the reply may be made that Bjarki thinks of how weakly the king's hall
+is defended when a monster can regularly defy his men and come off
+without injury. He does not imply that the hall has been attacked; he
+refers to the destruction of "the domain and property of the king." In
+any event, the saga does not represent the monster as attacking the
+hall. To continue immediately after the statement just quoted: Hott
+answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest troll.' Now came
+the Yule-even; and the king said, 'Now I desire that all the men be
+still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all to run any risk on
+account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills; my men I do not
+wish to lose'. The king expects the cattle to fare ill, but wishes to
+run no risk of losing his men; however, if they remain in the hall in
+the night, there will be no risk of losing them, because (such is the
+necessary conclusion) the hall and the men in the hall will not be
+attacked. Hence, the monster cannot be called a hall-attacking monster;
+it is a cattle-attacking monster. Again, Bjarki did not expect the
+monster to attack the hall. If he had, he would probably have done as
+Beowulf did under similar circumstances--awaited its arrival. And the
+king's men did not expect the monster to attack the hall, for they seem
+to have gone to sleep; this is implied in the statement telling about
+Bjarki's and Hott's return to the hall, "Then they went in and were
+quiet; no one knew what they had done." If the men had been on guard for
+the monster, which was the only rational thing for them to do if they
+expected the hall to be attacked, the opportunity for Bjarki and Hott to
+sneak out, remain some length of time, and return, all unobserved, would
+have been cut off. Later, after Bjarki had crept out at night and killed
+the dragon, compelling Hott to go with him, etc., the saga continues,
+"The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast;
+whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him the
+cattle were all safe and sound in the folds." From this it follows that
+the dragon might have appeared and killed all the cattle, so far as the
+king knew; he had paid no attention to the matter in the night; he had
+apparently been asleep. The question was not whether the monster had
+attacked the hall; it was not expected to attack the hall; and the fact
+that it had not attacked the hall signified nothing as to whether it had
+made its appearance. The question was whether the cattle had suffered;
+and when the king asked if the beast "had showed itself anywhere in the
+night," the answer was that "the cattle were all safe and sound in the
+folds." The extreme danger to which the cattle were exposed, and the
+entire safety of the men if they remained in the hall during the night,
+show again that this was no hall-attacking monster, but "et kongsgården
+hjemsögende uhyre," a troll that destroyed cattle and did not endanger
+the men unless they left the hall in the night and exposed themselves to
+attack.
+
+Among the Icelandic legends collected by Jón Arnason is a story which,
+in certain important particulars, is very much like the story about
+Bjarki's fight with the troll-dragon. A portion of it is as follows:--
+
+     "A man named Gudmundur lived once upon a time at a farm called
+     Silfrúnarstadir, in the bay of Skagafjördur. He was very rich in
+     flocks, and looked upon by his neighbours as a man of high esteem
+     and respectability. He was married, but had no children.
+
+     "It happened one Christmas Eve, at Silfrúnarstadir, that the
+     herdsman did not return home at night, and, as he was not found at
+     the sheep-pens, the farmer caused a diligent search to be made for
+     him all over the country, but quite in vain.
+
+     "Next spring Gudmundur hired another shepherd, named Grímur, who
+     was tall and strong, and boasted of being able to resist anybody.
+     But the farmer, in spite of the man's boldness and strength, warned
+     him to be careful how he ran risks, and on Christmas Eve bade him
+     drive the sheep early into the pens, and come home to the farm
+     while it was still daylight. But in the evening Grímur did not
+     come, and though search was made far and near for him, was never
+     found. People made all sorts of guesses about the cause of his
+     disappearance, but the farmer was full of grief, and after this
+     could not get any one to act as shepherd for him.
+
+     "At this time there lived a poor widow at Sjávarborg, who had
+     several children, of whom the eldest, aged fourteen years, was
+     named Sigurdur.
+
+     "To this woman the farmer at last applied, and offered her a large
+     sum of money if she would allow her son to act as shepherd for him.
+     Sigurdur was very anxious that his mother should have all this
+     money, and declared himself most willing to undertake the office;
+     so he went with the farmer, and during the summer was most
+     successful in his new situation, and never lost a sheep.
+
+     "At the end of a certain time the farmer gave Sigurdur a wether, a
+     ewe, and a lamb as a present, with which the youth was much
+     pleased.
+
+     "Gudmundur became much attached to him, and on Christmas Eve begged
+     him to come home from his sheep before sunset.
+
+     "All day long the boy watched the sheep, and when evening
+     approached, he heard the sound of heavy footsteps on the mountains
+     Turning around he saw coming towards him a gigantic and terrible
+     troll.
+
+     "She addressed him, saying, 'Good evening, my Sigurdur. I am come
+     to put you into my bag.'
+
+     "Sigurdur answered, 'Are you cracked? Do you not see how thin I am?
+     Surely I am not worth your notice. But I have a sheep and fat lamb
+     here which I will give you for your pot this evening.'
+
+     "So he gave her the sheep and the lamb, which she threw on her
+     shoulder, and carried off up the mountain again. Then Sigurdur went
+     home, and right glad was the farmer to see him safe, and asked him
+     whether he had seen anything.
+
+     "'Nothing whatever, out of the common,' replied the boy.
+
+     "After New Year's day the farmer visited the flock, and, on looking
+     them over, missed the sheep and lamb which he had given the youth,
+     and asked him what had become of them. The boy answered that a fox
+     had killed the lamb, and that the wether had fallen into a bog;
+     adding, 'I fancy I shall not be very lucky with _my_ sheep.'
+
+     "When he heard this, the farmer gave him one ewe and two wethers,
+     and asked him to remain another year in his service. Sigurdur
+     consented to do so.
+
+     "Next Christmas Eve, Gudmundur begged Sigurdur to be cautious, and
+     not run any risks, for he loved him as his own son.
+
+     "But the boy answered, 'You need not fear, there are no risks to
+     run.'"
+
+The troll appeared again, and Sigurdur gave her two old and two young
+sheep. When he returned to the farm he declared that he had seen nothing
+unusual. Next year the troll appeared as usual, and took four sheep,
+which Sigurdur offered her, and himself besides. When she arrived at her
+cave, she bade Sigurdur kill them, and then bade him sharpen an axe, for
+she was going kill him. He did so, but she spared him.
+
+From this point, the story becomes more of a common fairy tale. By
+following the troll's advice, Sigurdur won Margaret, the dean's
+daughter.[67]
+
+This is another story about a troll that comes on Christmas Eve and
+harms people only when they expose themselves after sunset. Particularly
+noteworthy are the statements: "Gudmundur became attached to him, and on
+Christmas Eve begged him to come home from his sheep before
+sunset";--"Next Christmas Eve, Gudmundur begged Sigurdur to be cautious,
+and not run any risks, for he loved him as his own son";--and, "The
+farmer ... asked him whether he had seen anything. 'Nothing whatever,
+out of the common,' replied the boy." They bear a striking resemblance
+to the corresponding statements in the _Hrólfssaga_: "The king said,
+'Now I desire that all the men be still and quiet in the night, and I
+forbid them all to run any risk on account of the beast; let the cattle
+fare as fate wills; my men I do not wish to lose'";--and, "The king
+asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast; whether it
+had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him the cattle were
+all safe and sound in the folds."
+
+The purpose of calling attention to the story in Arnason's collection is
+that it may aid in showing what kind of story the dragon story in the
+saga really is. That the most terrible kind of troll attacks the
+cattle[68] of the famous King Hrolf Kraki and is dispatched by the noted
+hero Bothvar Bjarki does not alter the nature of the story.
+
+A possible objection remains, which should be removed. When the warders
+in the morning saw the dead propped-up dragon, they said "that the beast
+was advancing rapidly to attack the town." And "the king bade his men be
+courageous, [and said] each one should help, according as he had courage
+for it, and proceed against the monster." But it is plain that, since
+the beast was apparently coming in the morning, in broad daylight,
+instead of at night, it seemed to have changed its tactics, and no one
+could tell what it intended to do. It was the part of wisdom to prepare
+for the worst. Besides, the men would have better prospects of success,
+or at least of avoiding injury, in an encounter with it in daylight
+when its maneuvers could be watched and guarded against. That the
+warders in a state of excitement said that "the beast was advancing
+rapidly to attack the town," is of no significance. They merely
+expressed the thought that came to their minds; and they were palpably
+wrong when they said that it "was advancing rapidly." But it is an
+exquisite touch on the part of the saga-man to have the warders utter
+these words. They got one view of the monster and hastened back. Of
+course, the beast was advancing and advancing rapidly; it would never
+occur to them, unless they had paused to take note of it, which they did
+not do, that the monster was standing still.
+
+It may seem that too much attention is devoted to this feature of the
+story. But it is important to establish, if possible, the type of story
+we have before us in this much discussed tale about Bjarki and the
+troll-dragon. Regardless of where the author got the idea of the dragon,
+he has made use of the popular story about the troll that comes
+Christmas Eve and attacks those who venture out into the open after
+dark. And when the saga-man transformed the story into one of this type,
+he did it with the conscious purpose of providing a story that would
+enable him to let Bjarki take Hott out secretly at night, kill the
+dragon, compel Hott to eat of its heart and drink of its blood, put
+Hott's newly acquired strength to the test, prop the dead dragon up in a
+living posture, thus paving the way for further developments, and then
+return to the hall--all unseen and without arousing a breath of
+suspicion. The type of story is adapted precisely to the requirements of
+the author's plan. That the propping-up of an animal that has been slain
+is good saga-material, or has the sanction of earlier usage, is
+admitted, and need not be dwelt upon here.
+
+The type to which the dragon story belongs has a bearing on its
+relationship to the Grendel story. Grendel is a hall-attacking monster;
+the troll-dragon is not a hall-attacking monster. If the dragon story in
+the saga is a modification of the Grendel story in _Beowulf_, or if it
+is a modification even of the story about the fire-spewing dragon, there
+has been a change, not only in the details of the story and the nature
+of the monster, but it has been transferred from one well-defined type
+of story to another. There is, indeed, a type of troll story in which
+the troll comes Christmas Eve and attacks the inmates of the house, not
+the cattle in the stable or in the folds. To this type belongs the
+story in the _Grettissaga_ in which the troll-wife attacks the man of
+the house[69] and which is often compared with the Grendel story.
+Another story of the same type is that about Per Gynt, who, having been
+informed that a certain house is invaded by trolls every Christmas Eve
+so that the inmates must seek refuge elsewhere, decides to ask for
+lodging there overnight next Christmas Eve in order that he may put an
+end to the depredations of the trolls. The trolls make their appearance
+as usual, and with the aid of a tame polar bear Per Gynt puts them to
+flight.[70] But these stories must be sharply differentiated from the
+Bjarki story and others of its type; so that while the Grettir story and
+the Grendel story are essentially of the same type, the story about the
+winged monster in the _Hrólfssaga_ and the Grendel story are not of the
+same type.
+
+The last episode in the story about Bjarki and the winged monster has
+met with more criticism than any other portion of it. Olrik says that
+the story should have given us a real test of Hjalti's manhood;[71]
+Lawrence says, "The beast-propping episode spoils the courage-scene";[72]
+and Panzer says that this part of the story is impossible, because
+Hjalti is represented as killing a dead monster, and Hrolf, although he
+perceives the deception that has been practiced, nevertheless gives the
+swindler the heroic name Hjalti.[73] Panzer is also inclined to make
+much of Hjalti's asking for, and receiving, the king's sword, as he
+mentions the matter twice. Once he says, "Warum er des Königs Schwert
+verlangt, gibt die Saga nicht an, er 'tötet' damit das (tote) Tier wie
+in den _Rímur_";[74] and again, "Man sieht nicht, warum und wozu Hjalti
+des Königs Schwert zu seiner Scheintat erbittet und erhält".[75]
+Furthermore, Kluge, Sarrazin, Holthausen, Lawrence, and Panzer[76] would
+identify "gylden hilt" in _Beowulf_ with Gullinhjalti in the saga.
+
+In considering this portion of the story it should be observed that the
+saga-man had a fourfold purpose in view. Bjarki must receive credit for
+his great achievement in killing the troll-dragon; he must receive
+credit for having made a brave man of the cow Hott; Hott must give proof
+of his newly acquired courage; his change of name must also be made,
+and, as is most appropriate, it must result, and result naturally, from
+the deed by which his courage is displayed. But before proceeding to an
+explanation of how the author manipulates the scene so as to accomplish
+his purpose, let us see how he has prepared for it.
+
+The monster is dead. Hott has partaken of its strength-giving blood and
+heart. Bjarki and Hott have wrestled long, so that Bjarki has brought
+Hott to a thorough realization of the strength he now possesses, for
+that is the significance of the wrestling-match; and what better
+assurance could Hott have that he is now very strong than that he is not
+put to shame in wrestling with Bjarki who has overawed the king's
+warriors and slain the terrible dragon? Finally, the dragon is propped
+up and the two retire.
+
+The morning comes and the monster is in view; but some of the terror
+that its expected arrival in the darkness had inspired has disappeared
+when it is seen in broad daylight. An effort ought really to be made to
+destroy it, but the king will not command any one to take the risk
+involved in attacking it. He calls for a volunteer, and the fact that no
+one volunteers shows what the men think of it. Bjarki sees an
+opportunity to continue what he has begun in the night, by having Hott
+do what will win him the reputation and place among the king's men to
+which, owing to the change that he has undergone, he is now entitled;
+and he calls on Hott to show his strength and courage by attacking the
+beast. Hott knows that the monster is dead, but this is not the reason
+why he accedes to Bjarki's request. He realizes now that Bjarki's
+friendship is beyond question and that everything that Bjarki has done
+with regard to him, and asked him to do, has been for the best; and
+though he feels that he is called upon to engage m a strange proceeding,
+loyalty to his friend, who probably is equal to this occasion, as he has
+been to every other, impels him to do as requested and assist in playing
+the game to the end. So he says to the king, "Give me your sword
+Gullinhjalti, which you are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in
+the attempt."
+
+Whether Hott has a sword of his own the saga does not tell, and it is
+quite immaterial. That such a coward as Hott has been has no business
+carrying a sword, would be sufficient justification for his being
+without one. But whether he has a weapon or no, if he is going to
+attack the monster he ought to be armed with the best sword available;
+and whose would that be but the king's sword? If the king expects any
+one to run the risk of attacking the beast, he ought to be willing to do
+what he can to assure success in the undertaking. He feels the force of
+the argument implied in Hott's request, and hands him his sword; but he
+says, "This sword can only be borne by a man who is both brave and
+daring." Hott answers, "You shall be convinced that I am such a man." He
+then goes up to the beast and knocks it over. But a beast that has shown
+itself to be so terrible on former occasions cannot be alive and yet
+stand stock still and allow itself to be killed and tumbled over in this
+manner. It must have been killed before, and now the king strongly
+suspects that the reason why Bjarki has urged Hott to attack it was that
+Bjarki, having killed the monster himself, knew that it was dead; and
+when he is charged with the deed he does not deny it. Thus Bjarki gets
+the credit for his achievement.
+
+It is true, as Müllenhoff,[77] ten Brink,[78] and Olrik[79] have said,
+that the main object of the whole story of Bjarki and the dragon is to
+motivate Hott's newly acquired courage. Bjarki compels Hott to go with
+him when the dragon is to be attacked; he compels him to eat and drink
+what will give him strength and courage; he props up the dead dragon in
+order that, as the sequel shows, Hott may gain the reputation of being
+what he now really is, a brave man; and while, of the two achievements
+with which Bjarki is credited, the killing of the dragon is passed over
+lightly, his having made a brave man of Hott is strongly emphasized. But
+there can be no doubt that the saga-man planned that Bjarki should get
+credit for killing the dragon; for Bjarki does get such credit, and it
+must be presumed that, what the author permits to occur, he planned
+should occur. It is also natural that more emphasis is laid on his
+having made a hero of Hott than on his having slain the monster. Now
+that the beast is dead, the killing of it proved not to be an impossible
+feat, and Bjarki has shown before, that he possesses the qualities
+necessary for such a deed. But that he possesses the ability to make a
+hero out of the miserable, cowardly wretch, Hott, is a revelation of a
+new and uncommon power. He has not only dispatched the king's most
+dangerous foe, he has added another brave man to the number of the
+king's retainers. This naturally attracts the king's particular
+attention, and he gives Bjarki special credit for the achievement.
+
+But when Bjarki is known to have killed the beast, what becomes of
+Hott's display of bravery, or even the appearance of bravery? His whole
+demeanor, from the moment he accedes to Bjarki's request to attack the
+beast, reveals the change in his nature. But the proof of this change
+consists, not in knocking over the dragon, but in his ability to wield
+the sword which the king himself says can "only be borne by a man who is
+both brave and daring." This must be conclusive proof to the king and to
+all present. It is not accidental that it is the king's sword that Hott
+uses and that it is the king himself who makes the remark about it which
+he does. The king, above all men, must be convinced of Hott's bravery,
+and in view of the manner in which Hott's bravery is displayed, the king
+must, indeed, be satisfied with the proof. Thus this purpose of the
+scene is also accomplished. Nor has the saga-man devised an artificial
+method of testing strength and courage. It is quite in harmony with
+folk-lore. That a strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword
+that an ordinary mortal cannot handle, is a motive employed in a number
+of fairy tales. It occurs, for instance, in _Soria Moria Castle_, one of
+the best known Norse fairy tales. It is told that Halvor, a typical
+good-for-nothing fellow and groveler-in-the-ashes, has arrived at a
+castle inhabited by a princess and a three-headed troll. The princess
+warns Halvor to beware of the monster, but he decides to await the
+troll's arrival. Halvor is hungry and asks for meat to eat. "When Halvor
+had eaten his fill, the princess told him to try if he could brandish
+the sword that hung against the wall; no, he couldn't brandish it--he
+couldn't even lift it up. 'Oh,' said the princess, 'now you must go and
+take a pull of that flask that hangs by its side; that's what the troll
+does every time he goes out to use the sword.' So Halvor took a pull,
+and in a twinkling of an eye he could brandish the sword like
+anything".[80] It is apparent, therefore, that the saga-man intend
+Hott's ability to wield the king's sword to constitute the proof of his
+bravery. Thus the author's third purpose is accomplished, and the king
+rewards Hott, not in spite of the deception that been practiced and
+revealed, but on account of his bravery, which been proved.[81]
+
+In Saxon, Hjalti has no other name than "Hialto." In the _Hrólfssaga_ he
+first has the name "Hott" and this is changed to "Hjalti." The
+appropriate time for changing it is, as has been said, when his change
+of nature becomes apparent; and his new name is most fittingly derived
+from the deed by which he manifests that he has become a different man
+from what he was. "Hjalti" means "hilt"; hence, he must get his name
+from a hilt; but it should come from the hilt of a sword connected with
+his display of courage, and this is the king's sword. It is a fine
+conception that, as Hjalti gets his new name from his ability to wield
+the wonderful sword of the king, his name is a constant reminder of his
+bravery. But the name of the king's sword is Skofnung; hence, as the
+word has no suggestion of "hilt" in it, it is not available in this
+connection. The form "hjalti" must appear in some way to suggest the
+name; and since the name is to come from the king's sword the word
+"hjalti" must be used in connection with it. But what kind of hilt would
+the king's sword naturally have? A golden hilt, of course. So far as the
+words are concerned, "iron hilt," "brass hilt," or "silver hilt" would
+have served the purpose just as well, had it been appropriate to use any
+of these terms. But the king's sword must have a golden hilt. Hence,
+Hott says to the king, "Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you are
+bearing, and I will kill the beast." And after the king is convinced of
+Hott's bravery he says, "And now I wish him called Hott no longer, he
+shall from this day be named Hjalti,--thou shalt be called after the
+sword Gullinhjalti." Thus Hjalti gets his name from the king's sword;
+and this, again, is proof that it is by wielding the king's sword that
+Hjalti displays his courage. That "Gullinhjalti" is written as one word
+and capitalized may be a late development and signify no more than the
+modern treatment by some writers of "gylden hilt" (i.e., writing it
+"Gyldenhilt") in _Beowulf_. Even if we assume that the original author
+of the word intended "Gullinhjalti" as a proper noun and the name of the
+king's sword, it does not necessarily conflict with the idea that the
+name of the king's sword is Skofnung. "Gullinhjalti" would then be a
+by-name, a pet-name, for Skofnung, derived from its golden hilt. It can
+hardly be presumed that when the saga-man in this connection calls the
+king's sword "Gullinhjalti," he has for the moment forgotten that the
+name of Hrolf's famous sword is Skofnung. Nor is it in conflict with the
+description of Skofnung that Gullinhjalti is given a supernatural
+quality. Skofnung also has a supernatural quality. It is Skofnung's
+nature to utter a loud sound whenever it reaches the bone.[82]
+
+That two swords in two widely separated compositions are identical
+requires more proof than that the term "golden hilt" is used in
+connection with both of them; and in the two compositions in question
+there is nothing else than this term, and the peculiarity of the one
+sword that it can be wielded only by a man of unusual strength, of the
+other that it can be wielded only by a brave man, on which to base an
+identity. The fact of the matter is that it is the requirement of the
+plot that has supplied both the name and the unusual quality of the
+sword Gullinhjalti in the _Hrólfssaga_. Other requirements would have
+produced other results.
+
+But since such stress has been laid on the similarity between "gylden
+hilt" (_Beowulf_) and "Gullinhjalti" (_Hrólfssaga_) in the attempt to
+identify Bothvar Bjarki with Beowulf, let us turn our attention, before
+proceeding further, to the portion of _Beowulf_ where the term "gylden
+hilt" occurs.
+
+The text shows clearly that the author of _Beowulf_ did not intend
+"gylden hilt" as a proper noun. He never uses the word "hilt" in
+connection with the weapon in question to designate the sword as a
+whole. "Hilt," both as a simple word and in compounds, is used only to
+designate the handle of the sword. The following terms are used for the
+sword as a whole: "bil,"[83] "sweord,"[84] "wǣpen,"[85] "mǣl,"[86]
+"īrena cyst."[87] The word "hilt" is used seven times. Sarrazin says,
+"Es ist bemerkenswert, dass bei jenem Schwert, auch als es noch
+vollständig und unversehrt war, regelmässig die hilze, der griff (hilt),
+hervorgehoben wurde (ll. 1563, 1574, 1614, 1668, 1677, 1687, 1698)."[88]
+But the statements, "Hē gefēīng þā fetel-hilt,"[89] "Wǣpen hafenade
+heard be hiltum,"[90] contain the only two instances in which the hilt
+is mentioned before the blade melted. It is quite natural for the author
+to say, "He then seized the belted hilt," "The strong man raised the
+sword by the hilt"; for the hilt is the part of the weapon that is
+intended to be held in the hand when a sword is to be used. It is hardly
+correct to say that the hilt is here emphasized.
+
+  "Ne nōm hē īn þǣm wīcum, Weder-Gēata lēod,
+  māðm-ǣhta mā, þēh hē þǣr monige geseah,
+  būton þone hafelan ond þā hilt somod,
+  since fāge; sweord ǣr gemealt."[91]
+
+"Hilt" does not here mean "sword," because "sweord ǣr gemealt" and
+nothing but the hilt was left to be taken away. The same applies to
+"hilt" in the statement, "Ic þæt hilt þanan fēondum ætferede."[92]
+
+  "Þā wæs gylden hilt gamelum rince,
+  hārum hild-fruman, on hand gyfen,
+  enta ǣr-geweorc."[93]
+
+In this passage, "hilt" cannot refer to the whole sword, because the
+blade had melted; only the hilt remained. To say that the hilt was given
+to the king, was proper, for (making allowance, of course, for the
+fictional nature of the whole story) it was literally true; but to say
+that "Gyldenhilt" (the sword) was given to the king, would not be
+proper, because the principal part of the sword had disappeared. The
+word "gylden" is used in this passage apparently for two reasons: 1.
+that the hilt is of gold renders it more appropriate as a gift, to the
+king; 2. "gylden" alliterates with "gamelum."
+
+The hilt was remarkable for other qualities than that it was of gold.
+
+  "Hroðgār maðelode, hylt scēawode,
+  ealde lāfe, on ðǣm wæs ōr writen
+  fyrn-gewinnes, syðþan flōd ofslōh,
+  gifen gēotende, gīganta cyn;
+  frēcne gefērdon; þæt wæs fremde þēod
+  ēcean Dryhtne; him þæs ende-lēan
+  þurh wæteres wylm Waldend sealde.
+  Swā wæs on ðǣm scennum scīran goldes
+  þurh rūn-stafas rihte gemearcod,
+  geseted ond gesæd, hwām þæt sweord geworht,
+  īrena cyst, ǣrest wǣre,
+  wreoþen-hilt ond wyrm-fāh."[94]
+
+"Hylt"[95] cannot mean the whole sword, since Hrothgar could look at
+only what was left of the sword. That was the "gylden hilt," which he
+held in his hand; and the expression "hylt scēawode" leaves no doubt
+that "gylden hilt" is not a designation of the whole sword.
+"Wreoþen-hilt"[96] also obviously refers only to the hilt.
+
+In no instance, therefore, in this connection, does the author of
+_Beowulf_ use "hilt" to designate the whole sword; consequently, to
+write "gylden hilt" as one word and capitalize it is both arbitrary and
+illogical. There is, in fact, nothing in the poem to indicate that the
+sword had a name.
+
+Furthermore, the author refers to other swords that were distinguished
+by being ornamented with gold. When Beowulf left the land of the Danes,
+it is said,
+
+  "Hē þǣm bāt-wearde bunden golde
+  swurd gesealde."[97]
+
+And when Beowulf returned to the land of the Geats and presented to
+Hygelac and Hygd the gifts he had received from Hrothgar,
+
+  "Hēt ðā eorla hlēo in gefetian,
+  heaðo-rōf cyning, Hrēðles lāfe
+  golde gegyrede; næs mid Gēatum ðā
+  sinc-māðþum sēlra on sweordes hād;
+  þæt hē on Bīowulfes bearm ālegde."[98]
+
+It is not said that either of these swords had a golden hilt; but it is
+plain that it was not unusual to represent a sword that possessed
+excellent qualities as being ornamented with gold, and the hilt is the
+part of the sword that naturally lends itself to ornamentation. Other
+examples of richly ornamented swords are King Arthur's sword, Excalibur,
+whose "pommel and haft were all of precious stones";[99] Roland's sword,
+Durendal, which had a golden hilt;[100] and the sword of Frothi II,
+which also had a golden hilt.[101]
+
+The fact, therefore, that, both in regard to the giant-sword in
+_Beowulf_ and King Hrolf's sword in the saga, the hilt is said to be
+golden proves nothing as to the identity of these two swords.
+
+And when, both in the term "gylden hilt" and in the word
+"Gullinhjalti," the hilt of the sword is made prominent, it is due, in
+the one instance, to the fact that nothing but the hilt remains; in the
+other, to the fact that the word "hjalti" is just the word that the
+author must have in order to explain the origin of Hjalti's name.
+
+A little more ought to be said about the propping-up of the dragon. That
+it served an excellent purpose is evident. It provided the occasion for
+Hjalti's asking for the king's sword, in the use of which he displayed
+his courage and from which he received his new name. Furthermore,
+Bjarki's interest in having Hott attack the beast and display his
+courage indicated that he knew that the beast was dead and that he had a
+special interest in having Hott recognized as a brave man. This, again,
+indicated that Bjarki had himself killed the beast and been the cause of
+the change in Hott's nature, for both of which he receives due credit.
+But it may be asked, when Bjarki propped the dead beast up, how could he
+know that events would take the turn they did? He could not know it. He
+relied on his resourcefulness to handle the situation, a resourcefulness
+on which he had drawn with success before. He was on hand in the morning
+to take note of developments, and we can imagine several possibilities
+that he might have had in mind. Had the king proposed that no risk
+should be taken with the beast, Bjarki could have requested and secured
+permission to attack it, taking Hott with him. Had the king himself
+proposed to attack the beast, or had he proposed that his warriors
+should attack it in a body, Bjarki could have said, "No, the king must
+not expose himself," or, "The king must not expose so many of his men at
+once; let me go." To which the king could have assented, whereupon
+Bjarki could have taken Hott with him and let Hott, at the last, proceed
+against the beast alone and knock it over. One can imagine other
+possibilities, which it is not necessary to enumerate here. To be sure,
+none of them would be so fortunate as the one represented as having
+occurred; but they would have enabled Hott to gain the reputation of
+being a brave man, and that is all Bjarki contemplated. That all turned
+out more fortunately than Bjarki had foreseen or even intended, enhances
+the interest of the story and illustrates the skill of the narrator, who
+chose to represent, as he had a right to do, that particular possibility
+as having actually occurred that produced the most satisfactory results.
+That Bjarki had no thought of credit for himself, redounds, in the
+estimation of the reader all the more to his credit; and it is a fitting
+reward that he gets full credit for all that he has done.
+
+It seems, then, that Bjarki intended to deceive the king. He undoubtedly
+did; but the deception was not intended to mislead the king. Hott _was_
+brave and strong, and Bjarki knew it; and even if Hott's strength and
+bravery should gain recognition through the employment of a ruse that
+involved no real test, no harm would be done. The author, however,
+planned that all should turn out otherwise. The reader will also
+remember the deception practiced by the shepherd boy in the story from
+Jón Arnason's collection.[102] The boy, who is there the hero of the
+story, as is Bjarki in the _Hrólfssaga_, is represented as deceiving his
+master, but likewise without doing him appreciable harm, and furthermore
+without raising reflections on the part of the author as to the
+rectitude of his conduct.
+
+Panzer says that Hott's explanation that the repeated breaking-in of the
+monster is due to the fact that the king's best men do not return home
+at that time of the year is a strange explanation.[103] But in regard to
+Hott's statement a distinction must be made between fact and opinion. It
+is a fact, as the saga immediately afterwards shows, that the king's
+berserks are not at home; but it is only Hott's opinion that, if they
+were at home, they would be able to put an end to the depredations of
+the monster. It was quite natural, however, that he should think so; for
+to such an abject coward as he was, it must have seemed that nothing
+could resist such warriors as these berserks were. That they were not at
+home was due to the fact that they were on one of their regular
+expeditions. But why they had not been retained at home to cope with the
+dragon is not explained. The first time it appeared, it came entirely
+unexpected. The next year there may have been a question as to whether
+it would appear or not. The third year it was definitely expected. It
+seems, therefore, that preparations would have been made to resist it;
+and when the berserks are not retained at home to cope with the monster,
+it is due to the exigencies of the story. The berserks might have been
+retained at home to cope unsuccessfully with the monster, or avoid
+coping with it at all as the king's other men did, and thus place
+Bjarki's feat of slaying it in the strongest relief. But by letting the
+berserks be absent at Christmas and return later, the author
+accomplished more than this. Bjarki slew the monster, which, in any
+treatment of the story, he must be represented as doing. He seized one
+of the berserks, who demanded that Bjarki recognize him as his superior
+as a warrior, and threw him down with great violence. This was a more
+spectacular method of showing superiority to the berserks than merely
+doing what they dared not attempt to do, or could not do. But it is
+especially in the treatment of Hott, that skillful manipulation of the
+story is displayed in having the berserks return home and resume their
+boastful manner, after Hott has become strong and daring. Compared with
+the king's best warriors it is still a question as to how strong and
+brave Hott now is. The question is answered when he is requested to
+admit his inferiority to the berserks; for he seizes the one who
+confronts him and treats him as Bjarki is treating one of the others.
+Thus, in the presence of King Hrolf and the court, Hott displays his
+superiority to the doughtiest of the king's famous warriors. Finally,
+poetic justice is also achieved, for the very men who had made fun of
+Hott and thrown bones at him are now compelled to recognize that he is
+the master of them all.
+
+Panzer sees a deeper meaning, than evidently is intended, in the
+statement that, as Bjarki was about to attack the dragon, his sword
+stuck fast in the scabbard.[104] There is no reason, however, for
+regarding it as anything more than a melodramatic incident
+characteristic of medieval romances. It reminds one of the following
+statement by Wilbur L. Cross, which, with the omission of the reference
+to "giants" and "Merlin," characterizes the _Hrólfssaga_ quite
+accurately and shows how it harmonizes with the spirit of medieval
+literature of its kind, "It is true that they [i.e., the Arthurian
+romances] sought to interest, and did interest, by a free employment of
+the marvellous, fierce encounters of knights, fights with giants and
+dragons, swords that would not out of their scabbards, and the
+enchantments of Merlin".[105]
+
+_The Stories in the_ BJARKARÍMUR _of Bjarki's Slaying the Wolf and
+Hjalti's Slaying the Bear._
+
+
+But what is the relation of this story to the corresponding stories in
+the _Bjarkarímur_? The stories in the _rímur_ are as follows:--
+
+  "Flestir ọmuðu Hetti heldr,
+  hann var ekki í máli sneldr,
+  einn dag fóru þeir út af họll,
+  svó ekki vissi hirðin ọll.
+
+  Hjalti talar er felmtinn fær,
+  'fọrum við ekki skógi nær,
+  hér er sú ylgr sem etr upp menn,
+  okkr drepr hún báða senn.'
+
+  Ylgrin hljóp úr einum runn,
+  ógurlig með gapanda munn,
+  họrmuligt varð Hjalta viðr,
+  á honum skalf bæði leggr og liðr.
+
+  Ótæpt Bjarki að henni gengr,
+  ekki dvelr hann við það lengr,
+  họggur svó að í hamri stód,
+  hljóp úr henni ferligt blóð.
+
+  'Kjóstu Hjalti um kosti tvó,
+  kappinn Bọðvar talaði svó,
+  drekk nú blóð eða drep eg þig hér,
+  dugrinn líz mér engi í þér.'
+
+  Ansar Hjalti af ærnum móð,
+  'ekki þori eg að drekka blóð,
+  nýtir flest ef nauðigr skal,
+  nú er ekki á betra val.'
+
+  Hjalti gjọrir sem Bọðvar biðr,
+  að blóði frá eg hann lagðist niðr,
+  drekkur síðan drykki þrjá,
+  duga mun honum við einn að rjá.
+
+  Hugrinn óx en miklast máttr,
+  minst var honum í litlu dráttr,
+  raunmjọg sterkr og ramr sem trọll,
+  rifnuðu af honum klæðin ọll.
+
+  Svó er hann orðinn harðr i hug,
+  hann hræðist ekki járna flug,
+  burtu er nú bleyðinafn,
+  Bọðvari var hann að hreysti jafn." (IV, 58-66).
+
+  "Hann hefr fengið hjartað snjalt
+      af họrðum móði,
+  fekk hann huginn og aflið alt
+      af ylgjar blóði.
+
+  Í grindur vandist grábjọrn einn
+      í garðinn Hleiðar,
+  var sá margur vargrinn beinn
+      og víða sveiðar.
+
+  Bjarka er kent, að hjarðarhunda
+      hafi harm drepna,
+  ekki er hónum allvel hent
+      við ýta kepna.
+
+  Hrólfur býst og hirð hans ọll
+      að húna stýri,
+  sá skal mestr í minni họll
+      er mætir dýri.
+
+  Beljandi hljóp bjọrninn framm
+      úr bóli krukku,
+  veifar sínum vónda hramm,
+      svó virðar hrukku.
+
+  Hjalti sér og horfir þá á,
+      er hafin er róma,
+  hafði hann ekki í họndum þá
+      nema hnefana tóma.
+
+  Hrólfur fleygði að Hjalta þá
+      þeim hildar vendi,
+  kappinn móti krummu brá
+      og klótið hendi.
+
+  Lagði hann síðan bjọrninn brátt
+      við bóginn hægra,
+  bessi fell í brúðar átt
+      og bar sig lægra.
+
+  Vann hann það til frægða fyst
+      og fleira síðar,
+  hans var lundin lọngum byst
+      í leiki gríðar.
+
+  Hér með fekk hann Hjalta nafn
+      hins hjartaprúða,
+  Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn
+      við býti skrúða."         (V, 4-13).[106]
+
+These stories seem, indeed, at first sight more rational than the story
+in the saga, and have features more in harmony with the account in Saxo;
+but this does not prove that they are earlier than the version in the
+saga. In the first place, by introducing two animals, where the other
+versions have only one, the author of the _rímur_ has broken the unity
+of the story, a feature in which the story in the _Hrólfssaga_ remains
+intact and as a consequence is nearer to the primitive form of the story
+as we find it in Saxo. In the second place, the author of the _rímur_
+made precisely the changes that were necessary to remove the most
+irrational features of the story as we find it in the _Hrólfssaga_. The
+troll-dragon, which is an unusual creature, has been supplanted by the
+more conventional creatures, a wolf and a bear; and by the employment of
+two animals, the necessity of causing a dead animal to be propped up and
+be apparently killed again, is avoided. Consistency in the treatment of
+Bjarki as the descendant of a bear is also observed to the extent that
+he is said to kill a wolf, not a bear; but this consistency has begun to
+fade and suffer to the extent that Bjarki accompanies Hrolf on a bear
+hunt. It is probable, however, that consistency in the treatment of
+Bjarki in this respect is not contemplated, but that when he is said to
+kill a wolf it is only that the larger and more dangerous animal may be
+reserved as the one on which Hjalti is to show his strength and courage
+and in order that an animal worthy of the king's attention may be
+reserved for the royal hunt. To eat wolf meat in order to gain strength
+has just as good warrant in Old Norse literature as to drink the blood
+of a bear;[107] this, in so far, justifies the introduction in the
+_rímur_ of the wolf. But when Hjalti is made to _drink the blood_ of the
+wolf, it seems to be another instance of the author's keeping in mind
+the version of the story in the _Hrólfssaga_, where Hjalti drinks the
+blood of the dragon. It is not necessary to go to Saxo's version for
+this.
+
+It is said in the _rímur_, "One day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of
+the hall, so that the king's men did not know of it." Why did they go
+out of the hall so that the king's men did not know of it? No reason is
+assigned; the deed is unmotivated. It seems to be a mere harking back to
+the statement in the _Hrólfssaga_,[108] that the two men left the hall
+secretly. But in the saga there is a reason for their leaving the hall
+secretly; the king has forbidden his men to leave the hall and expose
+themselves to attack. That, in the _rímur_, the men are said to leave
+the hall in the daytime, instead of at night, is a consequence of the
+substitution of the wolf for the troll-dragon; a wolf is usually hunted
+in the daytime. It might be surmised that their going out secretly is in
+imitation of the story as Saxo knew it. But this is not the case; Saxo
+does not say that Bjarki and Hjalti went out secretly.[109] The weakness
+of this feature of the story in the _rímur_ has been observed by Panzer,
+who believes, nevertheless, that the _rímur_ represent an earlier form
+of the story than the one in the saga. He says, "Zweifeln möchte man
+nur, ob das Motiv des heimlichen Auszugs der beiden nicht in den _Rímur_
+fälschlich in den ersten Kampf gesetzt ist, wo es ganz unbegründet
+steht, statt in den zweiten, wo es allein motiviert erscheint."[110]
+But this is not the correct explanation. The author of the _rímur_ for
+some reason, such as a wish to rationalize the story, but which,
+however, we can only surmise, decided to make radical changes in it. In
+the first instance he substitutes a wolf for the dragon, but otherwise,
+considering the material he is going to use in the story of the fight
+with the bear, retains as much as he can of the story as it is in the
+saga. Thus the idea of Bjarki's and Hjalti's going out secretly is
+retained, but without motivation; and if we did not have the story in
+the saga for comparison, perhaps this deficiency would not have been
+noticed. Even as it is, Panzer is the only one who has called attention
+to it.
+
+Referring to the story as Saxo has it, Müllenhoff,[111] ten Brink,[112]
+Olrik,[113] and Deutschbein[114] speak of Bjarki's going on a hunt. This
+is hardly correct and requires a little attention, for, if, in Saxo's
+version, Bjarki went on a hunt, the account given by Saxo is nearer to
+the first story in the _rímur_ than if he did not. But Saxo does not say
+that Bjarki went on a hunt. He says: "Talibus operum meritis exultanti
+nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam prebuit. Vrsum quippe eximie
+magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo confecit, comitemque
+suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet, applicato ore egestum belue
+cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque erat, hoc pocionis genere
+corporei roboris incrementa prestari."[115] The circumstances
+immediately preceding the slaying of the bear were such, that it is
+highly improbable that, at that particular time, he would go on a hunt.
+It will be remembered that there was to be a wedding in the royal
+residence; that Agnar was to marry the king's sister; that Agnar took
+offense at Bjarki's manner of defending Hjalti, whereupon a fight
+ensued and Bjarki killed Agnar and his warriors. But if Bjarki did not
+go on a hunt for the bear, how did he come to meet it, and in a thicket
+at that? The lack of more details, the lack of motivation for going on a
+hunt in the midst of, or immediately following, the stirring events just
+mentioned, and utter lack of connection with what precedes, show that
+Saxo, who, with this story, begins to set the stage, so to speak, for
+the last grand act of King Hrolf's life, concluded to insert it at this
+juncture as the most appropriate and effective place he had for it, and
+then, to add a touch of realism and supply a retreat where the bear
+would be unobserved by the men, and unwarned of their approach, until
+they were close upon it, said that Bjarki met it in a thicket. The idea
+of supplying a motive and observing such consistency as we find in
+connection with the corresponding story in the _Hrólfssaga_ never
+occurred to him. The author of the _rímur_ may have known of the version
+of the story familiar to Saxo, though it is not probable; but the point
+here is, that he is not following this version when he represents Bjarki
+as having slain an animal for which he has presumably (though the
+_rímur_ do not make the matter clear) gone on a hunt.
+
+The author was under no more obligation than Saxo was, to say that
+Bjarki and Hjalti went out secretly, and the idea is not contained in
+Saxo's account. But the author of the _rímur_, observing what pains the
+author of the saga took to motivate the going out secretly, felt that
+this feature of the story was so important that it must be retained, and
+so he retained it without motivation.
+
+In Saxo, Hjalti shows no fear when the bear is met, and he does not
+refuse to drink the animal's blood. But in the _rímur_ there is the same
+kind of fear as in the saga. In the saga, however, the author has found
+an excellent setting for Hjalti's fear; it is beyond improvement; while
+the ferocity of the man-eating wolf, in the _rímur_, is stretched to the
+utmost limit, in order to preserve the spirit of the heroic.
+Furthermore, when Hjalti had drunk of the blood of the wolf, he had
+courage "enough for fighting with one man." How did the author know that
+he had just courage "enough for fighting with one man"? According to the
+next statement, namely "his courage increased, his strength waxed, he
+became very strong, mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open," he
+seemed, in fact, to have gained strength enough for fighting with
+several men. Again, "he was equal to Bothvar in courage." How did the
+author know it? He knew it from the version of the story in the saga,
+where it is said that Hjalti had wrestled long with Bothvar, and, thus
+having tried his strength on Bothvar, told him, "nor shall I be afraid
+of you henceforth." The saga does not say that Hjalti had courage
+"enough for fighting with one man" or "he was equal to Bothvar in
+courage." These statements are deductions that the author of the _rímur_
+made from the story in the saga, in the light of subsequent events.
+
+In the _rímur_, it is said that Hjalti "became very strong, mighty as a
+troll, all his clothes burst open." Why, or whence, this reference to a
+troll? Another harking back to the _Hrólfssaga,_ another deduction made
+from the story in the saga. The saga does not say that Hott acquired any
+of the characteristics of a troll. He is given the desired strength
+without any reference to the strength of a troll. But when the _rímur_
+say that he became "mighty as a troll," it amounts to saying, "Hjalti is
+no longer represented as having drunk the blood of a troll and eaten
+some of its heart, as is the case in the _Hrólfssaga_, but let it be
+understood, nevertheless, that the strength he has acquired is no less
+than that of a troll." The troll-dragon has been eliminated, but so
+great, in the _rímur_, has the strength of Hjalti become that it now
+equals that of the very monster, the troll, which, in the saga, he
+feared to such an extent that it rendered him pitiable in the extreme.
+Here again the author of the _rímur_ inserted an element that is wholly
+foreign to his story and unsuggested by it, but that is suggested by the
+saga, and that he probably never would have thought of, had he not known
+of the version of the story that is contained in the saga.
+
+Furthermore, the _rímur_ say, "The folds at Hleidargard were attacked by
+a gray bear; many such beasts were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki
+was told that it had killed the herdsmen's dogs; it was not much used to
+contending with men." This is still another harking back to the
+_Hrólfssaga_, and confirms what has been said on pp. 29 ff., that the
+monster in the saga is a cattle-attacking monster, not a hall-attacking
+monster. "The folds were attacked," "it had killed the herdsmen's dogs,"
+"it was not much used to contending with men."
+
+The fact that dogs are here said to be killed, but not in the saga, need
+hardly be mentioned. The idea of dogs is easily associated with that of
+cattle, especially when, as here, the dogs are "herdsmen's dogs."
+
+Again, we notice the statement in the _rímur_ that "Hrolf tossed to
+Hjalti his sword." Has he been informed since the slaying of the wolf,
+that Hjalti is now a courageous man? Perhaps; but nothing is said about
+it in the _rímur_. Since Bjarki took pains to go on the wolf hunt
+secretly, and since we are not informed that what occurred on that hunt
+has become known or that it has become known that Hjalti is now a
+courageous man, the presumption is that the king does not know it, and
+we are surprised at his unmotivated action in treating Hjalti in this
+unexpected manner. And if Hjalti is now known to be such a hero that
+Hrolf feels warranted in placing reliance on him to the extent that he
+tosses him his sword at this critical juncture, why has Hjalti taken
+part in the hunt with "nothing in his hands"? In the saga it is not said
+that Hjalti has nothing in his hands; his motive in asking for the
+king's sword has no connection with whether he has anything in his hands
+or not.[116] But the author of the _rímur_, having apparently missed the
+point in the saga, assumes that, when Hjalti asks for the king's sword,
+it is because he has no weapon of his own. Hence, without realizing,
+apparently, the anomalous situation in which he places Hjalti, who is
+now strong and courageous, he represents him as taking part in the bear
+hunt empty-handed, though there is no indication that Hjalti thinks that
+he can cope with the animal without a weapon.
+
+In the _Hrólfssaga_, it is said that Bjarki killed a dragon by plunging
+his sword under its shoulder. In the _rímur_, it is said that Hjalti
+killed a bear by plunging his sword into its right shoulder. This is
+another harking back to the _Hrólfssaga_. Hjalti has now become as
+courageous as Bjarki; he kills a live animal (instead of knocking over a
+dead one), and he kills it in just the same way that Bjarki killed the
+dragon. It can not be assumed that the author of the _rímur_ and the
+author of the saga employed this manner of dispatching the animal
+without any knowledge on the part of the one as to what was contained in
+the account of the other. In fact, it is taken for granted by all
+writers on the subject that the later account is an altered version of
+the earlier account. Hence, either this episode in the _rímur_ is
+modeled after that in the saga, and Hjalti is made to kill the bear in
+the same way that Bjarki killed the dragon, or the episode in the saga
+is modeled after that in the _rímur_, and Bjarki is made to kill the
+dragon in the same way that Hjalti killed the bear. Is there any doubt
+as to what has occurred? The former is natural and to be expected, and
+is probably what has taken place, because: 1. in all the versions of the
+story Hjalti is represented as having undergone a change that has caused
+him to become very much like Bjarki--"equal to Bjarki," as it is stated
+in the _rímur_, where he is represented as having killed a ferocious
+beast in the same manner that Bjarki, in the saga, killed a winged
+monster; 2. it was not unusual to represent dragons as having been
+killed by being pierced under the shoulder,[117] since a dragon had to
+be pierced where its scales did not prevent the entrance of a weapon
+into its body; 3. since there is no special reason why a bear, which is
+vulnerable in all parts of the body, should be represented as being
+pierced through the shoulder, the manner in which Hjalti is said to have
+killed the bear is evidently another unmotivated incident in the _rímur_
+that is imitated from a motivated incident in the saga.
+
+What the author of the _rímur_ has done to give the story the form in
+which we find it in his composition is quite plain. He noticed that, as
+the monster in the saga attacked the folds at Hleidargard, the situation
+was very much like that at the beginning of the story about Bothvar in
+the saga, where a bear is said to have attacked the cattle of King
+Hring, Bothvar's father.[118] But a bear is a real, not an imaginary,
+animal, and King Hring took a creditable part in the effort to dispatch
+it. Hence, this story was substituted for the story about the
+troll-dragon and adapted to the circumstances, King Hrolf himself taking
+the lead in the hunt and thus acting in a manner that seemed more to his
+credit than the way he acted in regard to the monster in the saga.
+
+This story, namely that the man whose cattle have been killed by a bear
+goes with his men and hunts it down and kills it, is the same that we
+have in connection with the early life both of Ulf and of Bjarki, where
+the bear is represented as being the great-grandfather of the former,
+but the father of the latter. The bear-ancestor feature was not
+applicable in the connection in which the story is used in the _rímur_;
+hence, it was omitted. Now, did this story spring up spontaneously and
+independently in all these three instances? No, Bjarki and Ulf got their
+reputed ancestry from the Siward story; and this bear hunt story they
+got from a common source through contact with each other, or Bjarki got
+it from Ulf. The author of the _rímur_, liking it better than the last
+part of the dragon story in the saga, as most modern readers also have
+done, took it from the version contained in the saga of the early life
+of Bjarki and used it for letting Hjalti display his courage. As a
+result, he modified the story where it applies to the early life of
+Bjarki. He has two sets of three sons each, while the saga has only one
+set; and, what is still more suspicious, there is a Bothvar in each set.
+This is the same kind of separation or repetition as the _rímur_ later
+make with regard to the dragon story, dividing it into a wolf story and
+a bear story. Again, as Finnur Jónsson, summarizing the account in the
+_rímur_ of the death of Bjarki's father, says, "Björn forfölges, flygter
+ud i et skær og dræbes der af jarlens mænd på et skib (en stærk
+afvigelse fra sagaen)."[119] This divergence was plainly introduced to
+make the story different from the story that, in substance, was replaced
+and that was transferred to where Hjalti displays his courage. In the
+saga, Bjarki's mother is called Bera (she-bear),[120] not Hildr, as in
+the _rímur_; and that the name Bera is the earlier of the two there can
+be no doubt.
+
+Furthermore, we find in the _rímur_ another of the characteristic traces
+that the author left when he tampered with the dragon story. In the
+saga, in connection with Bjarki's early life, it is said that when the
+bear was hunted, it killed all the dogs, but was itself soon after
+killed by the men. From this the author concluded that it was death on
+dogs, but could not contend successfully with men. Hence, he says,
+"Bjarki was told that it had killed the herdsmen's dogs;[121] it was not
+much used to contending with men." This statement must, therefore, mean,
+if it means anything, that the bear was not really dangerous to men or,
+at any rate, not as dangerous as one would naturally suppose. Hjalti
+must have known this as well as Bjarki, for it was probably he who gave
+Bjarki the information about the beast, as he did in the corresponding
+situation in the saga and in the story of the slaying of the wolf. If
+this was the case, the bravery that Hjalti displays in attacking the
+animal suffers considerably. The statement reminds us of the situation
+in the _Hrólfssaga_. Just as Hjalti knocked over a dragon that was not
+dangerous because it was dead, so, in the _rímur_, he dispatched a bear
+that was not particularly dangerous because "it was not much used to
+contending with men." In the former instance, however, the feat was not
+the real test of his courage; in the latter instance, it was.
+
+In the saga, Bjarki knew that the dragon was harmless, because he had
+killed it; and his knowledge of its harmlessness is vital to the latter
+part of the dragon story. In the _rímur_, he is informed that the bear
+is not so dangerous as one would suppose. But his knowledge of this
+circumstance has no bearing on the story whatever; everything would have
+proceeded just as it did if he had been without this information. But in
+spite of the fact that the bear "was not much used to contending with
+men," "the men fled" when it "ran from its lair and shook its baleful
+paws." The author is evidently trying to ride two steeds going in
+different directions. On the one hand, he has in mind the story of the
+bear with which Bjarki's father was identified and which was killed by
+the king's men, and the story of the dead propped-up dragon, which was,
+of course, not dangerous; on the other hand, he wishes to represent
+Hjalti's feat of killing the bear, which, in the _rímur_, the king's men
+avoided, as, in the saga, they avoided the dragon, as a notable
+achievement.
+
+Finally, "Hrolf and all his men" took part in the hunt; but, as already
+stated, when the bear appeared, "the men fled." The statement, "the men
+fled;" introduces a feature that is wanting in the account in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ of how Bjarki's father, who had been transformed into a
+bear by his stepmother, was hunted down and killed. It reminds us of the
+situation in the saga where King Hrolf and his men avoid the winged
+monster by remaining indoors when it is expected. In the saga, Bjarki,
+of course, did not avoid the monster; but whether, in the _rímur_, the
+king fled is uncertain. He was, in any event, near enough to Hjalti to
+toss Hjalti his sword. Bjarki, however, must have fled; and while that
+would be strange under any circumstances, it would be particularly
+strange in the present instance, since he knew that the bear "was not
+much used to contending with men."
+
+Considering the dragon story in the saga and the corresponding stories
+in the _rímur_, it is apparent that there is no comparison between them
+as regards skill in composition; and that, while the stories in the
+_rímur_ throw no light on the story in the saga, the full significance
+of the _rímur_ stories appears only when they are read in the light of
+the story in the saga. Therefore, when Finnur Jónsson says, "Spörger vi
+om, hvad der er oprindeligst, er der i og for sig næppe tvivl om, at
+rimerne her har af ét dyr gjort to (ulvinden og gråbjörnen), så at
+sagaen på dette punkt må antages at have bedre bevaret det ægte," he is
+undoubtedly right; but when he continues, "Dette bestyrkes kraftig ved,
+at dette hallen hjemsögende uhyre intet andet er end et om end ændret og
+afbleget minde om Grendel i _Bjovulf_,"[122] he is, as the evidence also
+shows, undoubtedly wrong.
+
+The fact of the matter is that the account in the _rímur_ of the killing
+of the bear, though brief, is so confused and indefinite that it does
+not bear analysis; and this is further evidence of the fact that the
+author of the _rímur_ clumsily re-worked material that he found in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ version of Bjarki's career, and for the dragon story, which
+is a good story, substituted two poor ones, namely the wolf story and
+the bear story.
+
+But the troll-dragon having been eliminated and the bear story selected
+as the one to be used in connection with Hjalti's display of his newly
+acquired bravery, for which purpose it is, indeed, on account of the
+presence of the king and his court, more appropriate than for giving
+Hjalti an opportunity to imbibe secretly an animal's blood, another
+story had to be devised to account for Hjalti's strength and courage.
+The wolf was the next fiercest animal available that the author could
+think of. He therefore invented a wolf story and placed it first; and,
+as the examination of it has shown,[123] a late and very poor invention
+it was, bearing manifest traces of the influence of the dragon story in
+the saga.
+
+
+_Conclusion_.
+
+The principal results attained in the foregoing consideration of the
+dragon story in the _Hrólfssaga_ and the corresponding stories in the
+_Bjarkarímur_ may be stated briefly as follows:--
+
+1. The story in Saxo is the earliest story we have of the slaying of an
+animal by Bjarki in order that Hjalti may drink its blood and acquire
+strength and courage.
+
+2. Bjarki having acquired a reputed bear-ancestry from the fictitious
+story about Siward, the saga consistently takes this into account and
+substitutes a dragon, also acquired from the story about Siward, for the
+bear, which, in Saxo's version, is the kind of animal that Bjarki slays.
+
+3. To motivate Bjarki's going forth secretly to slay the monster at
+night, a well defined type of Christmas-troll story is employed and the
+dragon is given the nature of a troll that comes on Christmas Eve and
+attacks the cattle of the king, who, on account of the terrible nature
+of the monster, commands his men to stay in the house the night it is
+expected.
+
+4. That Bjarki may be given credit a) for slaying the monster and b) for
+making a brave man of the coward Hott, and that c) Hott's change of
+nature may become apparent and d) a suitable opportunity and plausible
+reason may be devised for changing his name to Hjalti, the dead dragon
+is propped up and, in connection with the discovery of the ruse, the
+story is manipulated so that the saga-man realizes his fourfold purpose.
+
+5. It is highly improbable that the sword-name "Gullinhjalti" in the
+saga is connected with the words "gylden hilt" in _Beowulf_. The use of
+the word "Gullinhjalti" in the saga is not arbitrary or artificial, but
+a logical result of the situation; and, as the discussion of the matter
+has shown, the attempt to identify Gullinhjalti with the giant-sword in
+_Beowulf_ is based on a mere superficial similarity, in which a
+substantial foundation is altogether lacking.
+
+6. The _Bjarkarímur_ are a later composition than the _Hrólfssaga_.[124]
+The author of the _rímur_ has discarded the story of the troll-dragon,
+has substituted for it the story of the bear hunt connected with the
+account of Bjarki's early life, has invented a new story about Bjarki's
+early life, and has invented the story about the wolf hunt to give an
+opportunity for the introduction of the blood-drinking episode. In the
+stories of the wolf hunt and the bear hunt, the _rímur_ contain several
+unmotivated statements that are plainly based on the story as we have it
+in the saga; and, on the whole, the two stories in the _rímur_ represent
+such decidedly poor workmanship in the art of narration that recourse
+must be had to the story in the saga for a realization of the
+significance of some of the incidents contained in the _rímur_. The
+_rímur_ must therefore be left entirely out of account in any attempt to
+identify Bjarki with Beowulf, or in attempting to connect Bjarki's deeds
+with those of other heroes, as, for instance, that of Hereward in _Gesta
+Herwardi_.[125]
+
+In regard to some particulars, these conclusions differ from the
+conclusions at which others have arrived; in regard to others, they
+agree with them. This, however, is a mere matter of chance; for, where
+some have affirmed and others have denied, it is impossible to avoid
+agreeing with one party or the other, whatever conclusion an
+investigation may lead to. Nor should there be any desire to strive for
+what is new, merely for its own sake. The merit of the foregoing
+discussion, if it has any, lies in the explanation of the story about
+Bjarki and the dragon in the _Hrólfssaga_ and the explanation of the
+relation between this story and the corresponding stories in the
+_Bjarkarímur_. This explanation is new, and the writer believes that he
+has given sufficient reasons to prove that it is correct. If it is
+correct, it shows that the stories in the _rímur_ are less admirable
+compositions than they are usually held to be; it shows that the dragon
+story in the saga is a better composition than it is usually taken to
+be; and, finally, it establishes the fact that the dragon story in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ has no connection whatever with the Grendel story or the
+dragon story in _Beowulf_.[126]
+
+
+
+II
+
+FRÓÐAÞÁTTR
+
+
+The first appearance of Hroar (Hrothgar) in literature is in _Widsith_
+and _Beowulf_, where we become acquainted with him as the famous King of
+the Danes. Helgi (Halga) appears first in _Beowulf_, where he is
+scarcely more than mentioned. Hroar and Helgi belong to the most famous
+group of ancient kings in Denmark and appear repeatedly in old
+Scandinavian literature. The account of them in the _Fróðaþáttr_ which
+introduces the _Hrólfssaga_, is, briefly summarized, as follows.
+
+Halfdan and Frothi were brothers, the sons of a king, and each was the
+ruler of a kingdom. Halfdan had two sons, Hroar and Helgi, and a
+daughter, Signy, the oldest of the three children, who was married to
+Earl Sævil while her brothers were still young. The boys' foster-father
+was Regin. Near Halfdan's capital was a wooded island, on which lived an
+old man, Vifil, a friend of Halfdan. Vifil had two dogs, called Hopp and
+Ho, and was skilled in soothsaying.
+
+Frothi, envying his brother the crown of Denmark, attacked his capital
+with a large army, reduced it to ashes, and took Halfdan captive and put
+him to death. Regin took his foster-sons, Hroar and Helgi, to the island
+and placed them in the care of Vifil, in order that they might not fall
+into the hands of Frothi. Vifil took them to a cave (earth-hut), where
+they usually stayed at night; but in the daytime they sported in the
+grove. Frothi made every effort to locate them and make away with them,
+calling in witches and wise men from all over the land to tell him where
+they were, but in vain. Then he called in soothsayers, who told him the
+boys were not on the mainland, nor far from the court. The king
+mentioned Vifil's island, and they told him to look for the boys there.
+Twice he sent men to search for them, but the men failed to find them.
+Then the king went himself. Vifil, who knew the king was coming, met him
+on the strand as if by chance, pretending to be looking after his sheep;
+and when the king bade his men seize Vifil, the old man said, "Do not
+detain me, or the wolves will destroy my sheep," and cried out, "Hopp
+and Ho, guard my sheep." The king asked him to whom he was calling; he
+said, to his dogs. But he had told the boys before, that, when he called
+out the names of his dogs, they should hide in the cave. The king failed
+to find the boys and returned; but Vifil told the boys that it was not
+safe for them to remain on the island and sent them to their
+brother-in-law, Sævil, saying that they would some day be famous,
+unless, perchance, something prevented it.
+
+Hroar was now twelve years old and Helgi ten. The boys returned to
+Sævil, but, calling themselves Hrani and Hamur, did not tell him who
+they were; and as they always wore masks, their identity remained
+unknown to him.
+
+Frothi invited Sævil to a feast. Hroar and Helgi expressed a wish to
+join him; but Sævil commanded them to remain at home. Nevertheless, when
+Sævil and his retinue had started off, Helgi got an untamed colt, and
+mounting it with his face toward the horse's tail, set out, acting all
+the while very foolishly. Hroar also mounted a colt, and joined him; and
+the two overtook the company. They galloped back and forth beside
+Sævil's retinue, until finally Helgi's mask fell off, and then Signy
+recognized him. She began to weep, and when Sævil asked her the cause of
+her distress, she informed him of her discovery. Sævil tried to get the
+boys to return home; but, though they now were on foot and remained in
+the rear, they persisted in accompanying him on his visit to Frothi.
+
+When they arrived at Frothi's, Frothi began to hunt for the boys, and
+bade a witch, who had come to the hall, to try her skill in finding
+them. She told him that they were in the hall. Then Signy threw her a
+gold ring, and the witch said that what she had just stated was false.
+Frothi threatened to torture her if she did not tell the truth; and she
+said that unless he soon prevented it, which he would not do, the boys
+would be his death. But the boys, terrified, fled to the wood. The king
+ordered his men to seize them; but Regin put out the lights in the hall,
+and, in the confusion that followed, those who were friendly to the boys
+used the opportunity to obstruct those who would pursue them. Frothi
+vowed that he would take vengeance at a more suitable time on those who
+had assisted the boys, but added, "Let us now drink and feast"; and this
+they did till the men lay in a drunken stupor in a heap on the floor.
+
+Regin rode out to where the boy's were, but would not return their
+salutation. In fact, he pretended to be angry. They wondered what this
+meant, and followed him. Helgi thought that Regin wanted to help them,
+but without violating his oath to the king. Then Regin said to himself,
+so that the boys heard it, "If I had a matter to settle with the king, I
+would burn this grove." They took the hint and started a fire. Sævil
+came out with all his men and bade them aid the boys, and Regin took
+measures to get all his men and relatives out of the hall. The king
+awoke from a dream, in which the goddess of the nether world was
+summoning him. He discovered the fire, and learning who had set it,
+offered the boys peace on their own terms; but terms of peace were
+denied. Frothi then retired from the door of the hall, hoping to escape
+by an underground passage; but at the entrance stood Regin, who blocked
+his progress, and he returned into the hall and perished in the flames.
+His wife, Sigrith (now mentioned for the first time), the mother of
+Hroar and Helgi, refused to leave the hall and perished also.
+
+The boys thanked their brother-in-law, Sævil, and their foster-father,
+Regin, and all the others who had helped them, and gave the men rich
+gifts. The boys subdued the whole land and seized the late king's
+possessions; and for a while the time passed without the occurrence of
+anything worthy of special mention.
+
+At this time there was a king by the name of Northri, who ruled over a
+part of England. Hroar often passed long intervals at the court of
+Northri, supporting him against his enemies and defending his land.
+Hroar married Ögn, the daughter of Northri, shared the royal power with
+his father-in-law, and after Northri's death succeeded to the throne of
+Northumberland. Helgi remained at home, and, by agreement with Hroar,
+became sole King of Denmark.
+
+In Saxo's seventh book, there is another version of the same story. The
+features in which it chiefly varies from the version in the _Hrólfssaga_
+are as follows.
+
+Halfdan's name has become Harald; Hroar's and Helgi's names have become
+Harald and Halfdan; Earl Sævil has become Siward, King of Sweden; Signy
+has become a daughter of Karl, governor of Gautland, and wife of Harald
+(Frothi's brother). Envy and the quarrelsomeness of Frothi's wife and
+Harald's wife cause Frothi to engage men to murder Harald. Frothi tries
+to avoid suspicion of being the author of the crime, but in vain; the
+people believe he is guilty. When he seeks the boys of the murdered
+king, to put them out of the way, their foster-parents bind the claws of
+wolves under the boys' feet and let them run about and fill a
+neighboring morass and the snow-covered ground with their tracks,
+whereupon the children of bond-women are put to death and the children's
+bodies torn to pieces and strewn about. This is done to give the
+impression that the boys have been torn to pieces by wolves. Then the
+boys are concealed in a large hollow oak, where food is brought them
+under the pretence that they are dogs. Dogs' names are also applied to
+them. The episode with the witch is present, but other men and women
+with superhuman power are not introduced. The whereabouts of the boys
+begins to be bruited about, and Ragnar, their foster-father, flees with
+them to Fyen. He is captured and admits that he has the boys in his
+protection; but he begs the king not to injure them, calls attention to
+the foulness of doing them harm, and promises, in case they make any
+disturbance in the kingdom, to report the matter to the king. Frothi,
+whose severity Ragnar thus transforms into mildness, spares the boys,
+and for many years they live in security. When they are grown up, they
+go to Seeland. Their friends urge them to avenge their father's death,
+and this they promise to do. Ragnar, when he hears of this, reports it
+to the king in accordance with his promise, whereupon the king proceeds
+against them with an army. In desperation, the boys pretend insanity;
+and, as it is considered shameful to attack people who are insane, the
+king again spares them. But in the night the boys set fire to his hall,
+after having stoned the queen to death; and Frothi, having hid himself
+in a secret underground passage, perishes from the effects of smoke and
+gas. The boys share the crown, ruling the kingdom by turns.
+
+Before proceeding further, it would be well to have a summary of the
+relations of the Danish kings concerned, up to the last stage of
+development, the stage with which we are dealing; and this summary is
+best supplied by quoting the following from Olrik's _Danmarks
+Heltedigtning:[127]--
+
+     "Der er en fortælling, som bar banet Skjoldungsagnene vej til
+     manges hjærter, i vort århundrede ikke mindre end på selve
+     sagafortællingens tid: sagnene om de to unge kongesönner Hroar og
+     Helge, der må skjule sig for deres faders morder og tronraner,
+     farbroderen Frode, men som efter en række æventyrlige oplevelser på
+     den enlige holm og i selve kongsgården ser lejlighed til at
+     fuldföre hævnen og hæve sig på, tronen. En strålende begyndelse på
+     den navnkundige kongeæts mange skæbner! Det er denne fortællings
+     udspring, vi nu skal söge.
+
+     "Tidligst foreligger den i en norsk saga fra 12te årh., der åbner
+     Sakses 7de bog; men smukkest er den islandske _Hrólfssaga_. Desuden
+     foreligger den kort og krönikeagtig i den islandske
+     _Skjọldungasaga_, som lader brodermorderen hedde Ingjald og ikke
+     Frode.
+
+     "Med disse kilder når vi dog kun til det egenlige sagamands-område,
+     Norge og Island. I Danmark er fortællingen ukendt; og Sakse og
+     Svend Ågesön er enige on den lige modsatte overlevering: det er
+     Halvdan, der slår sin broder Frode eller begge sine brödre ihjel
+     for at vinde herredömmet alene. Det er ikke rimeligt, at den danske
+     overlevering skulde have dels forvansket, dels tabt den mere ægte
+     norske; ti fortællingen om de forfulgte kongesönner er så let at
+     huske som et æventyr og vil vanskelig gå i glemme, naar den först
+     er hört.
+
+     "Også den ældste sagnform, Beovulfkvadets, kender kampen om
+     herredömmet imellem Halvdan og Frode; men der er den forskel, at
+     den ene er konge over Danerne, den anden over Had-Barderne, og det
+     er imellem disse to folkestammer, striden udkæmpes. Det synes
+     snarest, som om Frode er falden i kampen (flere forskere opfatter
+     stedet således); i hvert fald tillader sammenhængen næppe, at
+     Halvdan kan være falden imod Frode. For så vidt står denne ældste
+     form nærmest ved den senere danske overlevering, fjærnere fra den
+     norske.
+
+     "Som Halvdans broderdrab fortælles hos Sakse og Svend Ågesön, står
+     det lösrevet, vi kan godt sige meningslöst. Det över ingen episk
+     indflydelse på, Skjoldungernes liv, og der rammer heller ikke
+     Halvdan eller hans æt nogen moralsk gengældelse. Med god grund
+     undrer Sakse sig over denne livsskæbne, at den grumme drabsmand kan
+     dö en fredelig död i sin alderdom; ti det er ganske mod
+     heltedigtningens ånd. Forklaringen derpå har vi til dels i den
+     ældre sagnform: broderkampen er opstået af den gamle folkekamp,
+     hvor Had-Barderne lå, under for Danerne; men tillige må der være
+     bristet en episk sammenknytning. I næste slægtled af Skjoldungætten
+     er det et ret gammelt sagnmotiv, at Hrörik overfalder og fælder
+     Hroar; ban har sikkert været opfattet som Frodes sön og hævner,
+     ikke blot i norsk men også i gammel dansk overlevering.
+
+     "Den særlig norske form er da bleven til, ved at man vendte
+     broderdrabet om. Det er en sagndannelse af ganske samme art som
+     den, der gjorde Hrörik til Hroars drabsmand; helteætten kom til at
+     stå skyldfri. Det næste trin var at udvikle denne ny situation med
+     Halvdansönnernes fredlöshed og deres faderhævn. Vi har en gammel
+     kilde, der viser, at udviklingen virkelig er gået i disse to trin.
+     _Grottesangen_ slutter med spådom on, at 'Yrsas sön [Rolf] skal
+     hævne Halvdans drab på, Frode.' Da kvadet synes digtet af en
+     Nordmand i 10de årh., har vi i alt fire tidsfæstede udviklingstrin
+     af sagnet:
+
+     "1. Danekongen Halvdan kæmper med Hadbardekongen Frode og bar
+     formodenlig fældet ham (_Beovulf_).
+
+     "2. Skjoldungen Halvdan kæmper med sin broder Frode on riget og
+     fælder ham (danske sagn).
+
+     "3. Skjoldungen Frode dræber (sin broder) Halvdan, sönnesonnen Rolf
+     hævner det (_Grottesangen_, 10de årh., norsk).
+
+     "4. Skjoldungen Frode overfalder sin broder Halvdan og dræber ham;
+     sönnerne Hroar og Helge redder livet og hævner siden deres faders
+     död (norsk og islandsk saga, 12te, 13de, 14de årh.).
+
+     "Ifölge dette må sagaen om Helges og Hroars barndom være opstået
+     mellem år 1000 (950) og år 1100, snarest nær ved den förste
+     tid.[128]
+
+     "Langt vigtigere end tidspunktet er dog _arten af denne
+     omdannelse_. Vi står her foran det störste skel, der forekommer i
+     heltedigtningens levnedslöb: overgangen fra den löse skare af
+     småsagn, der slutter sig forklarende og udfyldende omkring kvadene,
+     til _sagaen_, der selvstændig og i löbende sammenhæng gör rede for
+     heltenes liv. Netop ved Skjoldungsagnene måtte denne overgang blive
+     afgörende. Når Halvdans mord var det förste punkt i slægtens
+     historie, kunde man umulig unddrage sig fra klart og alsidig at
+     belyse dets fölger. Det var selvfölgeligt, at Frode også stræbte at
+     rydde Halvdans to sönner af vejen; således fremkom sagnene om
+     fosterfædre og venner, der sögte at skjule dem. For Helge og Hroar
+     måtte den eneste vej til deres fædrene trone gå gennem kamp; deraf
+     opstod da sagnet on hævn over Frode.
+
+     "Enkeite træk i denne digtning bar sagamanden natürligvis hentet
+     fra den overleverede rigdom af sagn. Det er allerede forlængst
+     indset, at væsenlige træk skyldes lån fra sagnet on _Amled_, den
+     unge kongesön, der redder sit liv ved foregivet vanvid, da hans
+     farbroder bar hævet sig på tronen ved mord på hans fader."
+
+The chapter from which the above is taken contains about a page more.
+Olrik says, "Sagnet om Helge og Hroar er dog som helhed noget ganske
+andet end den specielle Amledtype." He refers by way of comparison to
+the life of Sigurd the Volsung, to the myth of Romulus and Remus, and
+the corresponding myth of the Greek twins of Thebes, Thessaly, and
+Arcadia; and concludes thus: "Er der fremmed indflydelse ved dens födsel
+[i.e., the story of Hroar's and Helgi's childhood], må den være svag og
+let strejfende. Snarere må man opfatte sagnet således, at dette æmne har
+en livskraft til stadig at födes på ny, hver gang den unge belt vokser
+op efter faderens drab. Motivet er så nærliggende, så ubetinget
+heltegyldigt, at da Skjoldungsagaerne voksede frem på folkemunde, måtte
+de åbnes med denne digtning; den var stadig--så at sige--lige nödvendig
+for at stemple den store helteskikkelse."
+
+The story about the Scylding kings in its various phases (except the
+first, in _Beowulf_) is found in Denmark and in the Old Norse. Among the
+Danes and Norwegians (including Icelanders), therefore, we must look for
+an explanation of this last stage of development. But in the north of
+England were many Danes and Norwegians, and, as has already been pointed
+out, the story about Bothvar Bjarki was known in England and acquired
+distinct features there.[129] To England, then, we turn for an
+explanation of the main features of the Hroar-Helgi story.
+
+Furthermore, the story is due to a combination of influences. Evidence
+of this is the fact that it shows unmistakable influence of the Hamlet
+story, which, however, does not furnish an explanation of the story as a
+whole. And the fact that the story about Hroar and Helgi was not a
+native product of England and had no roots in the soil of the country,
+so to speak, which tended to hold it within bounds, but was an imported
+story circulating rather loosely, far from the scene of the supposed
+events related, would make it peculiarly susceptible to extraneous
+influences adapted to aid in its development.
+
+The first influence to which the Hroar-Helgi story was subjected was
+plainly the "exile-return" type of story, whose general characteristics
+are stated by Deutschbein as follows:--
+
+     "Das Reich eines Königs, der nur einen jungen unerwachsenen Sohn
+     hat, wird eines Tages vom Feinde überfallen. Der Vater fällt im
+     blutigen Kampfe. Die Rettung des jungen Thronerben ist mit
+     Schwierigkeiten verbunden--häufig steht dem jungen Fürstensohn in
+     der äussersten Not ein getreuer Eckhart zur Seite, eine
+     feststehende Figur in unserm Typus. Der Königssohn wird in
+     Sicherheit gebracht, in der Fremde zunächst in niedriger Stellung,
+     meist unter angenommenem Namen, wächst er zu einem tüchtigen Recken
+     heran, bis zuletzt die Zeit der Heimkehr gekommen ist. Er nimmt
+     furchtbare Rache an den Mördern seines Vaters und gewinnt sein Erbe
+     zurück; wesentliche Dienste leistet ihm dabei ein oder mehrere
+     treue Anhänger seines Vaters, die in der Heimat zurückgeblieben
+     sind.
+
+     "Eine Abart dieses Typus weist einen anderen Eingang auf: statt
+     äusserer Feinde sind es nahe Verwandte (Oheim, Stiefvater,
+     Stiefbrüder), die den jungen Prinzen seines Vaters berauben und ihm
+     selbst nachstellen. Diese Form bezeichnen wir mit B, die Hauptform
+     mit A."[130]
+
+The Hroar-Helgi story has two young princes; otherwise, it conforms
+exactly to type B.
+
+Frothi, Halfdan's brother (_Hrólfssaga_ version), attacks him with an
+army and defeats and slays him. The boys are taken by Regin, their
+foster-father, to a neighboring island for safety (this, however, is
+being sent abroad with a limited application of the term), where they
+live with a shepherd in a cave, responding, when necessary, to the names
+of dogs. There they remain until they are twelve and ten years old
+respectively, when they return to their sister and brother-in-law, who,
+together with Regin, render the boys valuable assistance. They take
+frightful vengeance on their father's slayer by setting fire to his hall
+and forcing him to perish in the flames.
+
+The third stage having been reached in the development of the
+Hroar-Helgi story, in which the brother who is slain is avenged by one
+of his descendants, it was easy and natural for it to fall in with the
+"exile-return" type. The type is not an artificial type, it is founded
+on human nature. The guileless and weak must yield to the designing and
+strong. History teems with illustrations of the fact that he wears the
+crown who can win it and hold it. Where a kingdom is the prize, a man is
+under a mighty temptation when he sees that he can seize it by brushing
+aside a weak ruler and a still weaker heir, or, the ruler being out of
+the way, the young heir only. And it is natural that, the young heir
+surviving, he should avenge a murdered parent, regain the crown, and not
+permit the usurper to enjoy the fruits of his crime unmolested. Friends
+each party would also have, actuated, if by nothing else, by
+self-interest, which is bound up in the success of their chief. What the
+Hroar-Helgi story in its third stage of development may have been we do
+not know. We are only told that "Yrsa's son will avenge Frothi's murder
+of Halfdan." But the story was well prepared for the type it was to
+assume.
+
+That the story was clearly regarded as one of this type is evident from
+the fact that in Johannes Bramis' _Historia Regis Waldei_ Frodas is the
+usurper of the throne which by right belongs to Waldef.[131] It is not
+necessary to repeat the story; it has all the characteristics of the
+"exile-return" type. As a whole, it has no connection with the
+Hroar-Helgi story; and it contains the only instance known of the use of
+Frothi outside the story where he originally belongs. But he is so
+typically the same person, with the same unlovable characteristics, that
+he can be none other than the Frothi who plays such a conspicuous part
+in the history of the Scylding kings.
+
+The use of Frothi as a typical usurper in the English Waldef story is
+also a very strong indication that the story in which he has his proper
+setting was current in England; otherwise, by what channel did he get
+into the Waldef story?[132]
+
+Our next question is, What stories of the "exile-return" type were
+current in the portions of England in which the Hroar-Helgi story would
+naturally circulate? We think, of course, immediately of _Havelok the
+Dane_. Deutschbein has shown that _Havelok_ is founded on historical
+events that occurred in the first half of the tenth century.[133] The
+gist of the story is that an heir to the Danish throne is deprived of
+his heritage, suffers deep humiliation, but finally regains his heritage
+and, through marriage, the crown of Norfolk in England in addition. The
+story was of a nature to make a strong appeal to the Scandinavians,
+especially the Danes, in England. It achieved, in fiction, the ambition
+which the Danes realized under Swen and Canute, when these sovereigns
+governed both Denmark and England. It was a Danish story; it was
+developed after 950, which was about the time the third stage in the
+development of the Hroar-Helgi story had been reached; and it was a
+creation of the Scandinavians in England, among whom the story
+circulated.
+
+Closely connected with the Havelok story is the Meriadoc story, the
+first part of which, as Deutschbein has shown,[134] and in regard to
+which J.D. Bruce agrees with him,[135] is based on the Havelok story.
+These stories Deutschbein calls "cymrisch-skandinavische Sage" and says,
+"Wir sehen, dass den Cymren und den Skandinaviern in England der
+wesentliche Anteil an der Entwicklung unserer Sage zukommt."[136]
+
+It is evident that in the Havelok and Meriadoc stories we have every
+condition present for contact between them and the Hroar-Helgi story,
+namely: time (after 950); place (England); people among whom all the
+stories would circulate (Scandinavians, coming in contact with the
+Welsh); and, in the case of the Havelok and Hroar-Helgi stories, a
+popular theme dealing with Danish princes who regain a lost kingdom. The
+theme would be all the more popular as the time when the Havelok story
+was developed was a period of struggle on the part of the Scandinavians
+in the British Isles to gain and maintain supremacy.[137] Again, the
+nature of the Hroar-Helgi story was such that its development depended
+wholly on invention or on contact with other stories.
+
+The first part of the Meriadoc story, with which a comparison will be
+made, is summarized by J.D. Bruce as follows:--
+
+     "In the time of Uther Pendragon, Caradoc ruled over Wales. He had a
+     son and a daughter by his wife, a princess of Ireland, which
+     country he had conquered. As old age approaches, he turns over the
+     government of his kingdom to his brother Griffith and devotes
+     himself to hunting and amusement. Wicked men persuade Griffith to
+     slay his brother and seize the throne. Despite the warning of a
+     dream, Caradoc goes hunting and is slain by hired assassins in the
+     forest.
+
+     "The queen dies of grief, and, to turn suspicion from himself,
+     Griffith has the assassins put to death. Before their execution,
+     however, they revealed Griffith's guilt. Caradoc's friends among
+     the nobles wish to get out of Griffith's power their late master's
+     children, who had been committed to the charge of Ivor and Morwen,
+     the royal huntsman and his wife. Griffith determines to kill the
+     children, but, touched in a measure by their appeal, does not have
+     them executed on the spot. He has them taken to the forest of
+     Arglud, where they are to be hanged. The executioners, however,
+     feel compassion and tie them by a slender rope, easily broken, so
+     that they may fall to the ground unharmed. Hearing of the
+     children's disappearance, Ivor sets out for the forest, accompanied
+     by his wife and his dog, Dolfin. To frighten the executioners away,
+     he kindles fires in the four quarters of the forest and throws
+     flesh into these fires to attract the wolves. He then hides himself
+     in a tree. The wolves gather and the men, afraid, conceal
+     themselves in the hollow of the tree to which the children had been
+     hanged. Ivor drives away the wolves and then begins to smoke out
+     the men. They promise to give up the children, if he will let them
+     come forth. He consents, but kills them one by one, as they are
+     crawling out.
+
+     "He delivers the children, who have been suspended for half a day,
+     and flies with them and his wife and dog to the Fleventanean
+     forest. Here he takes refuge in a caverned rock, called Eagle Rock,
+     because there were built on it the nests of four eagles who
+     constantly faced the four points of the compass. How Ivor and his
+     wife struck fire from flint, and the peculiar way in which they
+     cooked their food is described. One day Urien, King of Scotland,
+     passing through the forest, carries off the girl from her
+     companion, Morwen. Similarly Kay, Arthur's seneschal, carries off
+     the boy from Ivor. Morwen goes to Scotland to seek Orwen, the
+     girl; Ivor to Arthur's court to seek Meriadoc, the boy.
+
+     "The day Morwen reached Scotland, Urien and Orwen are to be
+     married. The latter recognizes Morwen in the throng by the wayside
+     and has her brought to the palace. Ivor comes with a dead stag to
+     Arthur's court and offers it to Kay. Meriadoc recognizes his
+     foster-father and springs clear over the table to greet him. Kay
+     receives Ivor among his attendants. Kay visits Urien and takes Ivor
+     and Meriadoc with him. Mutual recognitions and rejoicings.
+
+     "Arthur and Urien determine to take vengeance on Griffith, who
+     fortifies himself at Mount Snowdon. After a long siege he succumbs
+     to famine, surrenders and is executed. Meriadoc succeeds him, but
+     resolves to leave Urien in charge of the kingdom and go forth in
+     search of adventure."[138]
+
+According to Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story, the usurper
+procures the assassination of his brother and, to avoid suspicion, has
+the assassins put out of the way. In this the Meriadoc story agrees. In
+_Meriadoc_, the queen dies of sorrow. No mention is made of the queen in
+Saxo's version. In the Hamlet story, the brother slays the king with his
+own hand, but secretly, to avoid suspicion. He marries the king's widow.
+In the _Hrólfssaga_, the brother attacks the king with an army and slays
+him. In _Havelok_, Arthur, likewise, attacks the king with an army and
+slays him.[139] The widow is rescued. In the _Hrólfssaga_, as appears at
+the end of the story, the widow is not only rescued, but, as in the
+Hamlet story, marries the usurper.
+
+In _Meriadoc_, the murdered king's adherents try to rescue the young
+prince and princess. This feature is common to both the _Hrólfssaga_ and
+Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story. In _Meriadoc_, the usurper gets
+the children into his power, but, being appealed to, saves them for the
+time being. This feature is found in Saxo's version, where the usurper
+agrees to spare the children during good behavior. It is lacking in the
+_Hrólfssaga_. In _Meriadoc_, the usurper plans to have the children
+hanged in a forest. In Saxo's version, the children having violated the
+condition on which they are to be spared, the usurper gathers an army to
+attack them. In the _Hrólfssaga_, there is a continuous effort on the
+part of the usurper to make away with the children.
+
+In _Havelok_, Grim, a fisherman, rescues the prince, who lives as a
+fisherman's son, under the name of Cuaran. In _Meriadoc_, the royal
+huntsman, Ivor, rescues the children and they live in a cave in the
+woods as a huntsman's children; Ivor is accompanied by his wife and his
+dog, Dolfin. In the _Hrólfssaga_, the children live in a cave in the
+woods as a shepherd's (Vifil's) children, responding, when necessary, to
+the names of dogs. In Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story, the
+children are concealed in a hollow tree, food being brought to them
+under the pretence that they are dogs, and dogs' names are applied to
+them. In the Hamlet story, the rescue is supplied by the insanity
+motive, but friends at court are not wanting.
+
+There is no insanity in _Meriadoc_ or _Havelok_; but it is present in
+the _Hrólfssaga_ and Saxo's version of the story about the two boys. In
+the _Hrólfssaga_, the boys, especially Helgi, cut crazy capers while on
+the way with Sævil when he goes to Frothi's hall in response to an
+invitation. Helgi rides horseback with his face to the horse's tail,
+just as Hamlet does; and the horse is an untamed colt, the idea coming
+from the fact that, when Hamlet is thus riding, a wolf appears and one
+of the men, to test his sanity, calls the wolf a colt. It would, indeed,
+be an untamed colt. In Saxo's version, better use is made of the
+insanity motive. Pretended insanity is the only resort left the boys to
+save themselves. In the _Hrólfssaga_, it serves no other purpose than to
+attract attention to the boys and reveal their identity to Signy and
+Sævil.
+
+In _Havelok_, the prince returns home, and, with the aid of a faithful
+friend, Sigar, who has remained at court, the usurper is overthrown and
+the crown regained. In _Meriadoc_, Arthur and Urien besiege the usurper,
+starve him out, and execute him. Meriadoc becomes king. In the Hamlet
+story, the prince returns from England, whither the usurper has sent him
+in order to get rid of him, sets fire to the hall in which the usurper's
+men lie drunk after a feast, and goes to the usurper's chamber and slays
+him. Nothing is said about the queen, though the presumption is that she
+perishes also. In the _Hrólfssaga_, the boys, aided by their
+foster-father and brother-in-law, trusty friends, set fire to the hall
+in which the usurper's men lie drunk after a feast; and the usurper's
+egress through an underground passage having been blocked, he perishes
+in the flames. The queen, the boys' mother, refusing to leave the hall,
+perishes also. In Saxo's version, the boys attack the usurper in his
+hall and set fire to the building; he hides himself in a secret
+underground passage and perishes of smoke and gas.
+
+It is told of Ivor that when he rescues the children he is accompanied
+by his dog. Not only that, but the dog's name is given. This looks as if
+some use is to be made of the dog; otherwise there is no point in the
+statement that a dog is present, whose name is Dolfin. Bruce says, "It
+is to be remembered that even this Welsh version, no doubt, passed
+through the hands of a French romancer before reaching the author of our
+Latin text";[140] and there is reason to suspect that this is one of the
+places where the story has suffered. Both Saxo's version of the
+Hroar-Helgi story, and the _Hrólfssaga_, show to what use a dog's name
+could be put; and this specific reference to the dog in _Meriadac_, and
+the use that might have been made of him in an earlier version of the
+story, arouse a strong suspicion that here is the source of the
+suggestion of using dogs' names in the Hroar-Helgi story to aid in
+saving the boys. Even if no such use was ever made of the dog in the
+Meriadoc story, such specific reference to him is in itself very
+suggestive. That the Hroar-Helgi story employs two dogs' name's is, of
+course, due to the fact that there are two boys to which they are to be
+applied, although, so far as the plot is concerned, the matter could
+have been managed with the use of one dog's name; and the fact that the
+dogs' names, in the _Hrólfssaga_, are Hopp and Ho, and that the boys'
+later assumed names are Hrani and Hamur, is due to a desire to preserve
+the initial letter, "H," of their names, which is in accordance with
+Scylding nomenclature.[141]
+
+Furthermore, in the _Hrólfssaga_ it is said that Vifil concealed the
+boys in a cave in the woods. Likewise, in _Meriadoc_, Ivor concealed the
+boy and the girl in a cave in the forest. But in Saxo's version of the
+Hroar-Helgi story, the boys are concealed in a hollow tree. This also
+must be an adaptation from _Meriadoc_. The men who were to execute the
+prince and princess hanged them on the branch of a large oak-tree
+(quercus) and concealed themselves inside the tree, which was hollow.
+Ivor, in an attempt to rescue the children,
+
+     "Quatuor igitur ingentes focos e quatuor partibus ipsius saltus
+     accendit, accensisque plurimas quas secum attulerat carnes passim
+     iniecit ilicemque uicinam cum coniuge et cane ascendens delituit.
+     Fumo autem ignium per nemoris latitudinem diffuso, ubi lupi in
+     confinio degentes--quorum inibi ingens habebatur copia--odorem
+     perceperunt carnium, illo contendere et confluere ilico
+     coeperunt."[142]
+
+Here we have the idea of a hollow oak with people in it, wolves in the
+vicinity, and children at hand who have been hanged, and therefore
+presumably dead. Had the cord broken by which they were hanged, they
+would certainly have been torn to pieces by the wolves. But especially
+striking is the statement that Ivor's dog is concealed in a tree; and
+this tree is called "ilex" (holly-oak), the very word used by Saxo to
+designate the kind of hollow tree that Hroar and Helgi (he calls them
+Harald and Halfdan, as has been stated) are concealed in, under the
+pretence that they are dogs. Also, pieces of meat are thrown into the
+fires; and Ivor, as soon as the men in the hollow tree beg for mercy,
+shoots four wolves and "ceteri omnes lupi in eos qui uulnera pertulerant
+irruerunt eosque membratim dilacerantes discerpserunt."[143] Here is
+again the idea of meat for wolves and the bodies of animals torn
+asunder. The idea of dismembered bodies of children is indeed absent;
+but the whole passage in _Meriadoc_ is so suggestive of what we find in
+Saxo, even to the hiding of a dog, whose name is given, in an "ilex,"
+that it would be remarkable if there was no connection between Saxo's
+story and _Meriadoc_.
+
+Again, as has already been stated, Saxo says that Frothi perished in an
+underground passage, of smoke and gas. The men who, in _Meriadoc_, were
+to execute the prince and princess concealed themselves in a hollow
+tree, which had an entrance that was so formed that "depressis humeris,
+illam necesse erat subire,"[144] which is suggestive of the stooping
+that would probably be necessary in entering an underground passage. But
+what is noteworthy in this connection is that, at the entrance to the
+tree, Ivor starts a fire "cuius calore fumique uapore inclusos pene
+extinxit."[145] Saxo says that Frothi "Vbi dum clausus delitescit,
+uapore et fumo strangulatus interiit."[146] Here is the idea of
+concealment again, but particularly noteworthy is the suffocation by
+"uapore et fumo," the same words that are used in _Meriadoc_. In the
+_Hrólfssaga_, the account of the events immediately preceding Frothi's
+death resembles more the account of the corresponding events in the
+Hamlet story than does Saxo's account; but in the _Hrólfssaga_ also,
+Frothi attempts to escape by an underground passage.
+
+The use of wolves' claws and the dismembered bodies of children to
+mislead those who might seek to get possession of the boys is the
+employment, as Deutschbein has observed, of a form of deceit similar to
+that practiced by Joseph's brethren.[147]
+
+In regard to the manner in which the children are saved, it is difficult
+to correlate the Hroar-Helgi story with the Meriadoc story as definitely
+and simply as one would wish, but the explanation probably lies in the
+following idea expressed by Bruce, "In conclusion, as to this division
+there seems to be a certain confusion of _motifs_ in the first part of
+the _Historia Meriadoci_ with regard to the manner in which the children
+are saved from execution."[148] The statement, for instance, that the
+children were suspended for half a day is out of all harmony with the
+statement that they were to be suspended by slender ropes, easily
+broken, that would permit them to fall to the ground unharmed. But
+Bruce's statement quoted above, "This Welsh version, no doubt, passed
+through the hands of a French romancer before reaching the author of our
+Latin text," would account for the "confusion of _motifs_"; and the fact
+that we have not now that form of the story with which the Hroar-Helgi
+story came in contact would obscure some of the points of relationship
+between the two. But the hiding of a dog, whose name is given, in an oak
+tree of a particular species (ilex) is so definite and unique a point of
+identification that there is no mistaking it.
+
+But even if we had the Meriadoc story in its original form, we should
+not expect to find it exactly reproduced in the Hroar-Helgi story.
+Various causes would operate to introduce changes. Such features as
+mountain-rocks with their eagle-nests would be modified to bring the
+topography more into harmony with that of Denmark, so that the caverned
+rock would naturally become an earth-cave. Characteristics of
+Scandinavian life and history would supplant what was peculiarly Welsh.
+Thus the shrewd old shepherd, Vifil, naturally takes the place of the
+royal huntsman, Ivor; and Saxo, quite naturally, gives the story a
+marked Danish geographical and historical setting, which he does by
+introducing such names as Fyen and Seeland, and by connecting the Danish
+royal family in the beginning of the story with those of Sweden and
+Gautland.
+
+Allowance must also be made for two lines of oral transmission, one
+going to Iceland, and the other to Norway and thence to Denmark. This
+would result in the modification of details in the two versions, such as
+details connected with the insanity motive and the concealment of the
+boys, and the omission, in one version, of the dogs' names supposed to
+be applied to the boys and the insertion of the names in the other.
+
+But this would not explain why Hroar, Helgi, and their father are given
+other names in Saxo's version, and why such a radical change has been
+made in the family relationship of Siward and Signy. This, however, as
+will be explained later,[149] is due to arbitrary action on the part of
+Saxo, in order to conceal the fact that he twice includes the same group
+of men in his line of Danish kings.
+
+If the foregoing is substantially correct, much in the Hroar-Helgi story
+is accounted for, besides some striking differences between the two
+versions. But it is possible to account for more. We have seen how the
+Siward story exerted marked influence on the story about Bothvar Bjarki;
+hence, we might expect it to have exerted some influence on the
+Hroar-Helgi story, which is also a part of the _Hrólfssaga_. And this it
+has done. Siward was historically closely associated with the events of
+the Macbeth story; but the Macbeth story is of a type that, in one
+noteworthy particular at least, resembles the Hroar-Helgi story more
+than do any of the stories thus far considered, and that is in the fact
+that Duncan has two sons, who flee when their father is murdered. In the
+Macbeth story, as in the Hamlet story, it may be said that we have not,
+under a strict interpretation of the term, an instance of the
+"exile-return" type of story; but Hamlet goes to England and immediately
+upon his return avenges his father's murder, and, still nearer the type,
+Malcolm and Donaldbane flee and Malcolm returns and avenges his father's
+murder. But the matter of type is, in this connection, unessential.
+There is no doubt that the Hamlet story exerted an influence on the
+Hroar-Helgi story, nor can there be any doubt that the Macbeth story did
+the same.
+
+First, attention is called to the fact that in the _Hrólfssaga_ Siward
+himself is retained in the story under the name of Sævil.[150] In Saxo's
+version of the story about Hroar and Helgi, he is called Siward, but
+there his proper relationship to the other characters is obscured.
+Siward was related to Duncan by marriage, some versions, Holinshed's for
+instance, having it that Duncan was married to Siward's daughter;[151]
+similarly, Sævil was married to Halfdan's daughter. Siward aided
+Duncan's sons (Donaldbane, however, not being present to take part in
+the expedition against Macbeth); similarly, Sævil aided Halfdan's sons,
+not by an armed expedition against Frothi, the usurper, but proceeding
+against him in such manner as the plot of the story permits. It is said
+of Donaldbane, that he fled to Ireland "where he was tenderlie cherished
+by the king of that land";[152] similarly, Hroar went to Northumberland,
+where he received a hearty welcome and later married King Northri's
+daughter, Ögn.[153] Siward was first an earl in Denmark; similarly,
+Sævil was an earl in Denmark. Sævil did not, however, become Earl of
+Northumberland, as Siward did; but Hroar took his place, so to speak, in
+this respect, and, as Siward had done, married the earl's (king's)
+daughter[154] and became King of Northumberland.
+
+In the Hroar-Helgi story, the usurper is represented as consulting a
+witch in regard to the whereabouts of the young princes. This feature
+must also be due to the influence of the Macbeth story; for, though the
+purpose for which Frothi and Macbeth consult the witch, or witches, is
+not exactly the same, it is the possible future disposition of the
+throne that in both instances causes anxiety; and while at first, in
+both instances, a prediction, or information, is given that is
+favorable, a prediction in both instances is given in conclusion that
+is unfavorable. The witches are so conspicuous a feature of the Macbeth
+story that they would, of course, attract the attention of the saga-man;
+and we naturally expect this feature of the story to leave its impress
+on the Hroar-Helgi story. It is a special feature, not found in any of
+the other stories considered in this connection, and there can be no
+doubt as to whence the Hroar-Helgi story acquired it. The witch in the
+saga is called a "seiðkona." Concerning the kind of witchcraft practised
+by a "seiðkona," P.A. Munch has the following: "Som den virksomste, men
+og som den skjendigste, af al Troldom ansaa vore Forfædre den saakaldte
+_Seid_. Hvorledes den udövedes, er ikke ret klart fremstillet ...; den
+var forbunden med sang ... Men dette slags Troldom ansaaes ogsaa en Mand
+uværdigt, og udövedes derfor sædvanligviis af Kvinder, ligesom dette
+ogsaa stedse synes at have gaaet ud paa noget ondt."[155] Thus the
+"seiðkona" is exactly the same kind of creature as the witches in the
+Macbeth story. Consider, for instance, the disgusting practice in which
+Shakespeare represents them as engaging, as they go round the cauldron,
+chanting the refrain, "Double, double toil and trouble," etc. W.J. Rolfe
+refers to the witches in _Macbeth_ as follows: "Macbeth and his fellow
+captain Banquo have performed prodigies of valour in the battle, and are
+on their way home from the field when they are met by the three witches,
+as Shakespeare calls them, and as they are called in the old chronicle
+from which he took the main incidents of his plot. They appear simply to
+be the witches of superstition--hags who have gained a measure of
+superhuman knowledge and power by a league with Satan, to whom they have
+sold their souls and pledged their service."[156] The statements at an
+earlier stage of the story in the _Hrólfssaga_, while the boys are still
+on the island, that soothsayers and wise men are called in from all over
+the land to tell where the boys are, and that wizards, who are also
+summoned, warn Frothi to beware of the old man Vifil on the island,
+remind us of the statement by Holinshed that Macbeth "had learned of
+certeine wizzards, in whose words he put great confidence ... how that
+he ought to take heed of Macduffe."[157]
+
+Still another feature may have been acquired from the Macbeth story. It
+is said that Hroar and Helgi were transferred to a neighboring island.
+Holinshed says that Donaldbane fled to Ireland. The Macbeth story has
+been treated by a number of chroniclers, who, though they agree in the
+main, occasionally disagree in regard to details. Thus Johannes Fordun
+says, "Hi a Machabeo rege expulsi, Donaldus insulas, Malcolmus Cumbriam
+adibant."[168] This is evidently one version and would supply the hint
+for transferring the young princes to a neighboring island, which would
+be a convenient disposition to make of them till the time of their
+return to regain their heritage. It would also harmonize topographically
+with the coast of Denmark, where there were many islands covered with
+trees, the idea of woods as a hiding-place for the boys having been
+abundantly supplied by the Meriadoc story.
+
+It may be said that this introduces a conflict with the statement that
+Donaldbane fled to Ireland. It is not possible to know, in a case like
+this, which variant has influenced the saga, or whether, indeed, both
+have not been utilized. But there was ample warrant for transferring
+Hroar to Northumberland without such a suggestion as lay in Donaldbane's
+flight to Ireland. In any event, imitation of Donaldbane's flight has
+not been a necessary consideration in making Hroar King of
+Northumberland. A suggestion of the same nature lay in Hamlet's going to
+England, where he married the king's daughter; but chiefly, the
+Scandinavians were numerous in the north of England and regarded
+themselves as the rightful possessors of that part of the country. The
+mastery of Northumberland was long an object of contest between
+Anglo-Saxons and Scandinavians, and this was the chief point at issue in
+the famous battle at Brunanburh, 937. Since Helgi, whom the _Hrólfssaga_
+represents as the more forward of the two boys, was made King of
+Denmark, no more honorable disposition could be made of Hroar than to
+place him on the throne of Northumberland, and events show that he
+himself was perfectly satisfied. He thus also became ruler of the land
+once governed by Siward, who must have made a powerful impression on his
+countrymen in England; and with one of the two princes reigning in
+Denmark and the other in England, the glory of the Danes when Canute was
+king of both countries would be revived in story, as it was in _Havelok
+the Dane_, where Havelok, likewise, reigned both in England and
+Denmark.
+
+No attempt has been made to point out all the respects in which the
+Hroar-Helgi story resembles the Macbeth story. The Macbeth story has
+most of the characteristics of the "exile-return" type, and striking
+resemblances that fall in with features of the stories already mentioned
+might have been added, but will suggest themselves to the reader. Only
+such things as point to special influence exerted by the Macbeth story
+on the Hroar-Helgi story have been mentioned.
+
+It may be urged that some of the material, such as the "seiðkona," said
+in the foregoing to be derived from foreign sources, is recognized
+saga-material. The point, however, is that it is not the material
+itself, but the suggestion for the use of it, that in such an instance
+is said to be derived from a foreign source.
+
+
+_The Hroar-Helgi Story in the _SKJỌLDUNGASAGA_ and the _BJARKARÍMUR.
+
+Thus far nothing has been said about the "short and chronicle-like form
+in the Icelandic _Skjọldungasaga_, where the fratricide is called
+Ingjald, not Frothi."[159] The story is, in substance, as follows.
+
+Fridleif, King of Denmark, abducted Hilda, daughter of Ali, King of the
+Uplands in Norway, and by her had a son who was named Ali; by another
+woman he had a son who was named Frothi.
+
+Frothi inherited his father's kingdom; but Ali, his half-brother, who
+was a great warrior, conquered Sweden. Frothi's men feared Ali and
+persuaded Frothi to try to have him put to death. Frothi yielded to
+their entreaties, and Starkad, the famous warrior, was dispatched to
+perform the deed. When an opportunity presented itself, he stabbed Ali
+to death. "My brother has caused this," said Ali, and died laughing.
+
+Later, Frothi defeated Jorund, King of Sweden, and made him a tributary
+prince. He also defeated Swelling, a Swedish duke, and treated him in
+the same manner. Frothi abducted Jorund's daughter, by whom he had a son
+who was called Halfdan. But taking another woman to wife, a legitimate
+heir was born to him, and this son was called Ingjald.
+
+Starkad, however, was so filled with remorse for having killed Ali that
+he did not wish to remain with Frothi. He went, therefore, soon after to
+Russia and later to Sweden, but, disgusted with the idolatry of the
+Swedes, returned to Frothi. Ingjald, son of Frothi, had in the meantime
+married the daughter of Swerting, thus, as it seemed to all, effecting a
+reconciliation with him.
+
+Jorund and Swerting, however, formed a conspiracy against Frothi, and he
+was slain one night while sacrificing to the gods. In the meantime,
+Starkad was absent in Sweden, where, under the guise of friendship, he
+was detained by gifts, in order that the plot against Frothi might be
+the more easily executed.
+
+Swerting placated Ingjald, Frothi's son and Swerting's son-in-law; but
+Halfdan, Ingjald's half-brother, conquered Skåne and avenged his
+father's murder by putting to death Swerting's twelve sons, who had
+slain Frothi. At the instigation of Starkad, Ingjald put his wife,
+Swerting's daughter, aside. He also granted Halfdan a third of the
+kingdom. Swerting's daughter later bore Ingjald a son (Agnar); and by
+his wife, Sigrith, Halfdan had a daughter, Signy, and two sons, Hroar
+and Helgi.
+
+Ingjald, however, desiring to rule over the whole kingdom, fell upon
+Halfdan unexpectedly with an army and slew him. He married Halfdan's
+widow, and by her had two sons, Hrörik and Frothi. Signy grew up under
+her mother's care, and later Ingjald gave her in marriage to Sævil, an
+earl in Seeland. But Hroar and Helgi hid from the king on an island near
+Skåne, and when they had arrived at the proper age they slew Ingjald and
+thus avenged their father's death.
+
+Hroar and Helgi now became Kings of Denmark. Later Hroar married the
+daughter of the King of England. Hrolf, nicknamed Kraki, who was eight
+years old when his father, Helgi, died, succeeded him on the throne.
+Hroar was soon after slain by his half-brothers, Hrörik and Frothi.
+Hrolf then became sole King of Denmark.[160]
+
+The story in the _Bjarkarímur_ is substantially the same as the story
+in the _Skjọldungasaga_. Both are plainly based on the same account,
+and, within certain limits, are identical with the corresponding story
+in the _Hrólfssaga_. Skåne, mentioned in the _Skjọldungasaga_ in the
+phrase "in insula quadam Scaniæ," is not mentioned in the
+_Hrólfssaga_. Its insertion in the _Skjọldungasaga_ is due to the fact
+that Halfdan, the father of Hroar and Helgi, is said to have conquered
+Skåne, and, as a result, would be regarded as having ruled there. But
+its presence in one account and omission in the other involve no
+contradiction. In all that belongs peculiarly to the story about
+Hroar and Helgi, the account in the _Skjọldungasaga_ is identical with
+the account in the _Hrólfssaga_. According to both sources, the name
+of the boys' mother was Sigrith; their father's name was Halfdan; he
+was slain by his brother, who fell upon him unexpectedly with an army;
+the fratricide married the murdered man's widow; Signy was the sister
+of Hroar and Helgi; she married Sævil, an earl in Denmark; Hroar and
+Helgi had to conceal themselves on an island to save their lives
+(according to the _Bjarkarímur_, they were brought up by the old man
+Vifil, a circumstance omitted in the _Skjọldungasaga_, but contained
+in the _Hrólfssaga_); when they had arrived at the proper age, they
+slew (according to the _Hrólfssaga_ and the _rímur_, "burnt-in") their
+father's murderer and thus avenged their father's death; Hroar and
+Helgi then became Kings of Denmark; Hroar married the daughter of the
+King of England; Helgi's son was Hrolf, who later became sole King of
+Denmark.
+
+The essential difference between the story as it is in the
+_Skjọldungasaga_ and as it is in the _Hrólfssaga_ is that, in the
+_Skjọldungasaga_, Ingjald is said to be the brother of Halfdan; while in
+the _Hrólfssaga_, Frothi is Halfdan's brother. The _Hrólfssaga_ has,
+however, preserved the earlier account. The _Skjọldungasaga_ dates from
+about the year 1200.[161] About the year 950, Frothi is said to be the
+slayer of Halfdan;[162] and in _Historia Regis Waldei_, Frothi is made
+the typical villain in a Hroar-Helgi type of story[163] (the
+"exile-return" type), so that, in the version of the story that was
+current in England, Frothi must have been the slayer of his brother. The
+conflicting statement that it was Ingjald who slew Halfdan requires,
+therefore, an explanation.
+
+In Saxo's _Gesta Danorum_, the story about Hroar and Helgi is told
+twice. It is first told in the second book, where we find the version
+with which is connected the story about Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa, Athils, and
+Ingjald and his son Agnar, whom Bjarki slew; it is told a second time in
+the seventh book, where Hroar and Helgi are called Harald and Halfdan,
+and where the story about them is another version of the same story that
+we have in the _Hrólfssaga_. Not only do Hroar and Helgi appear
+(disguised under different names), but Frothi and Ingjald again appear.
+
+A comparison of the line of Danish kings as Saxo has it, with the line
+of the same kings in the _Skjọldungasaga_,[164] shows that the
+_Skjọldungasaga_ has the story about Hroar and Helgi just where Saxo's
+second story about them (i.e., in his seventh book) puts in its
+appearance. These lines of kings are as follows:--
+
+      SAXO:                 SKJỌLDUNGASAGA:
+
+    Humblus I
+    Dan I
+    Humblus II
+    Lotherus
+    Scioldus                  Scioldus
+    Gram
+    Swibdagerus
+    Guthormus
+    Hadingus
+    Frotho I
+    Haldanus, Roe, Scatus
+    Roe, Helgo
+    Roluo Krage
+    Hiartwarus
+    Hotherus
+    Balderus
+    Roricus
+    Vigletus
+    Wermundus
+    Uffo
+    Dan II
+    Hugletus
+    Frotho II
+    Dan III
+    Fridleus I                Fridleifus I[165]
+    Frotho III[166]           Frotho I[166]
+                              Herleifus
+                              Havardus
+                              Leifus
+                              Herleifus[167]
+                              Hunleifus[167]
+                              Aleifus[167]
+                              Oddleifus[167]
+                              Geirleifus[167]
+                              Gunnleifus[167]
+                              Frotho II
+                              Vermundus
+                              Dan I
+                              Dan II[168]
+    Hiarnus[169]              Frotho III
+    Fridleus II[170]          Fridleifus II
+    Frotho IV                 Frotho IV
+    Ingellus                  Ingjaldus,            Halfdanus
+    Olauus[171]
+    Frotho V, Haraldus[172]   Agnerus, Roericus,    Roas or Roe, Helgo
+      Haraldus,[173] Haldanus,[174]   Frotho (V)[175]      Rolpho Krag
+
+A comparison of the two lines of kings shows that, beginning with the
+first Fridleus in Saxo's account and the first Fridleifus in the
+_Skjọldungasaga's_ account, there are important correspondences.
+Fridleus I (Saxo) = Fridleifus I (_Skjs._). Frotho III, son of Fridleus
+I (Saxo) = Frotho I, son of Fridleifus I (_Skjs._). Fridleus II, son of
+Frotho III (Saxo) = Fridleifus II, son of Frotho III (_Skjs._). Frotho
+IV (Saxo) = Frotho IV (_Skjs._); and in both sources Frotho IV is the
+Danish king in whose career Swerting plays such a prominent part. By
+omitting all of Saxo's kings between Scioldus and Fridleifus I, among
+whom are also the Hroar-Helgi group, the _Skjọldungasaga_ has avoided
+the difficulty of having to deal with Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki
+where they first occur in Saxo's history.
+
+The paralleling of the two lines of kings also furnishes the key to the
+explanation of how the different names and a different setting for the
+Hroar-Helgi story, from those found in other versions, got into Saxo's
+version. Since the Hroar-Helgi story appears in the same place in his
+line of kings as in that of the _Skjọldungasaga_, he must also have
+known the names that really belonged to the story. But he had told the
+story about Halfdan, Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki (in its second stage
+of development, see p. 66) once before, and therefore could not
+consistently tell a different story about the same men. The story was,
+however, in existence and was too good to be discarded, so he retained
+it, but disguised it by making arbitrary changes. This explains the
+loss, which otherwise would be very strange, of such well known names as
+Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki. The only incentive any one could have to
+change the names would be just that which Saxo had, namely that he had
+used them before in another connection. He retained the name Frothi,
+which appears so often in the Danish line of kings that its reappearance
+would cause no difficulty; and his retention of Frothi as the slayer of
+his brother is additional evidence that to him, not to Ingjald, was this
+unenviable rôle first assigned. Ingjald, whom he has in his story about
+Hrolf Kraki, he also retained, but in a different relationship from that
+in his second book. It will be observed that Saxo merely shifted the
+name Halfdan from father to son, and that Harald, almost a conventional
+name, he employed twice. Finally, he introduced a strange person, Olaf,
+about whom, he says, nothing, practically, was known.
+
+But since Saxo has the Hroar-Helgi story substantially as it is in the
+_Hrólfssaga_, except for the changed names, the author of the
+_Skjọldungasaga_, or its source, whose version of the story occurs in
+the same place in the line of Danish kings as Saxo's, must also have
+known the story in the same version. This we shall find was actually the
+case, and that the story as it appears in the _Skjọldungasaga_ is an
+attempt at reconciling conflicting elements in ancient tradition.
+
+As already stated, according to the _Grottasọngr_ (from about 950),
+Frothi is the brother of Halfdan and slays him. But according to an
+equally old tradition, the story on which the Ingjald lay in Saxo's
+sixth book is based, Frothi is Ingjald's father and is himself slain.
+The events that gave rise to this lay are also narrated in Saxo's sixth
+book and are as follows.
+
+In Saxony were two kings, both of whom paid tribute to Frothi. They
+planned to throw off the foreign yoke. Hanef made the attempt first, but
+Frothi defeated and slew him. Swerting made the attempt later and slew
+Frothi, but met his own death at the same time. Swerting's sons, fearing
+that Ingjald would avenge his father's death, gave him their sister in
+marriage. Thus a reconciliation was effected, and Ingjald thenceforth
+devoted himself to pleasure. Starkad, the famous warrior, who was in
+Sweden, had been one of Frothi's men and had later been Ingjald's
+foster-father. When Starkad learned that Ingjald, instead of seeking
+revenge, had made friends with his enemies and had taken Swerting's
+daughter to wife and with her was leading a life of luxury, the old
+warrior hastened back to Denmark. When Starkad returned, Ingjald's wife,
+not knowing him on account of his shabby appearance, insulted him.
+Ingjald was away on a hunt at the time; but when he returned, he
+recognized Starkad and told his wife who the old man was. In the evening
+Ingjald sat down to a luxurious meal with Swerting's sons; and his wife
+did all she could to appease Starkad, who was also present. But Starkad
+could not forget the insult he had suffered, and became more and more
+angry with the effeminate way of living that Ingjald and his wife had
+introduced from Germany. In burning words, which are reproduced in the
+Ingjald lay, he condemned Ingjald's neglect of duty, his luxurious mode
+of life, and his living in friendship with those on whom he should have
+avenged his father's death. Ingjald was finally aroused, and he drew his
+sword and killed all of Swerting's sons. In regard to his future
+relation to his wife Saxo says nothing; but as Starkad advised him to
+drive the impudent woman (as he called her) from the land, the
+presumption is that Ingjald did so.
+
+The Ingjald lay has its roots in _Beowulf_. Its relationship to the
+corresponding episode in the Anglo-Saxon poem is explained in the
+following by Olrik:--
+
+     "Kun et eneste af Starkad-digtningens mange optrin kan fölges til
+     ældre kilde end de nordiske. Det er den scene, hvor den gamle
+     kriger opægger Ingjald til hævn og dermed afbryder forsoningen
+     imellem de to fjendtlige slægter. I _Béowulf_ findes dette optrin
+     for förste gang, ganske afvigende i den politiske stilling, men med
+     kendeligt slægtskab i det digterske indhold.
+
+     "Digtet fortæller on det forsög der blev gjort på at stille den
+     lange fejde, der var fört mellem Danernes folk og Hadbardernes, af
+     Halvdan og Hrodgar imod Frode og Ingeld. Forsoningen skulde
+     frembringes ved bryllup mellem Ingeld og Hrodgars datter Freyvar
+     (Fréaware). 'Hun blev lovet, ung og guldsmykt, til Frodes hulde
+     sön; det bar tyktes Skjoldungers ven så, rigets vogter (i.e.,
+     Hrodgar) har fundet det rådeligt, at ved den viv skulde tvisten og
+     dödsfejden stilles. Ofte, ej sjælden, hviler dog dödsspyddet kun
+     föje tid efter mandefald, hvor gæv så bruden er. Da må det mistykke
+     Hadbardernes drot og hver thegn af det folk, når ban går med
+     jomfruen i hallen, at en hirdsvend af Danerne skænked for skaren;
+     ti på ham stråler fædrenes eje, hårdt og ringlagt, Hadbardernes
+     klenodier, sålænge de ejede de våben (indtil de misted i
+     skjoldelegen de kære fæller og deres eget liv). Da mæler ved öllet
+     en gammel spydkæmpe, der ser skatten, og mindes al mændenes
+     undergang; grum er hans hu. Fuld af harm begynder ban at friste en
+     ung kæmpes hu med hvad der bor i hans bryst: "Kender du, min ven,
+     denne klinge, som din fader bar til sværdstævnet sidste gang--dette
+     kostelige jærn--dengang Danerne slog ham; de beholdt valpladsen, de
+     raske Skjoldunger; siden kom der aldrig oprejsning efter kæmpernes
+     fald. Nu går her afkom af de banemænd her i hallen, pralende af
+     skattene, bryster sig af drabet, bærer det klenodie som du med ret
+     skulde eje!"--Således maner og minder han atter og atter med
+     sårende ord, indtil den stund kommer, at jomfruens svend segner
+     blodig ned for klingens bid, skilt ved livet for sin faders dåd;
+     men den anden (i.e., drabsmanden) undflyr levende, han kender vel
+     landet. Da brydes fra begge sider ædlingernes edspagt; i Ingeld
+     koger dödshadet, men kærligheden til hans viv kölnes efter den
+     harm. Derfor kalder jeg ikke Hadbardernes trofasthed, deres del i
+     folkefreden, svigelös mod Danerne, deres venskab ikke fast.'[176]
+
+     "Trods den antydende stil i digtets fremstilling, således som den
+     lægges helten Beovulf i munden, er handlingens sammenhæng
+     nogenlunde tydelig. Der bar været gammel fejde mellem Daner og
+     Hadbarder; hvis man kan tro betydningen af et ikke helt sikkert
+     ord, er også Hadbardernes konge (Frode) falden i striden. Ingeld,
+     Frodes sön, slutter fred med Danernes konge Hrodgar og holder
+     bryllup med hans datter. Under selve bryllupet blusser kampen op,
+     idet en af brudesvendene bliver dræbt af en af Hadbarderne, som en
+     gammel kæmpe bar ægget op til at hævne sin faders död. Bryllupet
+     (og drabet) foregår--efter digtets fremstilling--snarest i
+     Hadbardernes kongehal; ti det hedder, at drabsmanden undslap fordi
+     ban kendte landet. Ingelds rolle er indskrasnket til at hans
+     kærlighed til kongedatteren 'kölnes'; at hun er bleven forskudt
+     eller selv er vendt hjem, fremgår deraf, at hun i digtet går i den
+     danske kongehal som ugift og skænker for kæmperne.
+
+     "Kampen nævnes en gang til, i _Béowulfs_ begyndelse, dær hvor det
+     hedder on den danske kongehal Hjort: 'den opleved fjendske
+     ildbölger, hærjende lue; det var ikke længe efter at kamphadet
+     vågned efter [gammelt] dödsfjendskab mellem svigersön og
+     svigerfader.'[177] Disse ord--der næppe stammer fra den egenlige
+     Béowulfdigter--indeholder en afvigende fremstilling: bryllupskampen
+     står i den danske kongehal, og synes at være opfattet som större og
+     voldsommere end en enkelt mands mord og hans banemands undslipning.
+     At sagnet vakler med hensyn til stedet, er ikke så underligt.
+     Historiske forhold viser, at bryllup snart er holdt i
+     svigersönnens, snart i svigerfaderens hjem.
+
+     "Også Wîdsîð-kvadet taler on en kamp 'i Hjort' (ät Heorote), hvor
+     Ingeld og hans Hadbarder skal have lidt et nederlag mod Hrodgar og
+     hans brodersön Hrodulf. Det er rimeligst, at også dette er
+     hentydning til det blodige bryllup, opfattet på lignende måde og
+     henlagt til samme skueplads som i den nysnævnte antydning.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+     "Handlingen foregår i Ingelds kongehal, og indholdet er at en
+     gammel kæmpe bevæger en ung til i selve hallen at dræbe sönnen af
+     sin faders banemand, herved blusser det gamle fjendskab mellem
+     folkene op, og Ingeld forskyder sin udenlandske hustru.
+
+     "Forskellen er den, at i _Béowulf_ er faderhævneren en fra Ingeld
+     forskellig person. Dette er sikkert det ældre, og Ingjaldskvadets
+     det yngre. Det gælder som en lov for episk udvikling, at man
+     arbejder sig hen imod det enklere; hvis to personer udförer
+     beslægtede handlinger, vil den ene af dem forsvinde; og i kraft af
+     digtningens midtpunktsögen, vil bifiguren gå ud af spillet, hans
+     rolle vil enten blive til intet eller overtages af hovedpersonen.
+     Digtningen har gjort et stort skridt frem i episk tætning, da
+     Ingeld blev både faderhævner og den der forsköd sin hustru; det
+     hele drama udspilles nu imellem den unge konge og den gamle
+     stridsmand.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+     "Episk er omdannelsen naturlig nok; nationalt er den meget
+     mærkeligere. Det er ikke så underligt, at den ældre form handler om
+     Daner og Hadbarder, den yngre om Daner og Sakser. Men det
+     overraskende er, at Hadbardernes parti göres til 'Daner' og de
+     tidligere Daner til 'Saksere'; den danske heltetradition er her
+     ganske vildfarende i, hvem der er folkets egne forfædre, og hvem
+     der er dets bitreste fjender. Dog også dette bliver episk
+     forklarligt. Bevidstheden om Hadbarderne, der engang havde fyldt
+     Danerne med rædsel, svandt efterhånden bort, fordi Östersöegnenes
+     hele ætniske stilling forandredes. Ikke en eneste gang er deres
+     navn overleveret i samtlige den nordiske literatur! Men hvor
+     synskres og navne glemmes, drages personer og optrin nærmere til.
+     Efter Vendernes indvandring til Östersökysten bliver alle dens
+     gamle sagnhelte opfattede som Danske: Anglernes Offa, Hadbardernes
+     Ingeld, Holmrygernes Hagena. Senere i tiden flytter også andre af
+     den gotiske verdens store sagnskikkelser nordpå: minder om
+     Hunnerslaget overföres på Danmarks sydgrænse (Dan, Fredfrode);
+     Volsunger, Nibelunger, Didrikskæmper--alle blev til en eller anden
+     tid gjorte til vore landsmænd, efter ganske samme nærhedslov,
+     hvormed Nordmændene gjorde danske kæmper som Starkad og Bjarke til
+     norske helte. I og for sig er der intet mærkeligere i, at Ingeld og
+     den opæggende gamle spydkæmpe göres til Daner. Som _Bjarkemål_ blev
+     udgangspunkt for ganske uhistoriske forestillinger on
+     Skjoldungætten, sker det også her--i endnu större målestok.
+     Ingjaldsk vadet bar bortkastet alt det historiske stof, undtagen
+     den gamle kæmpes harmtale, og det skaber en ny episk sammenhæng,
+     som det gennemförer paa glimrende måde.
+
+     "Nu forstaar vi Ingelds nationalitetsskifte. Det mærkelige er blot,
+     at de oprindelige Daner blev gjorte til Saksere. Men også, dette
+     fölger af den episke udvikling. Når den gamle kæmpe er det punkt
+     der tiltrækkes (fordi han er det poetiske tyngdepunkt), må hans
+     modparti frastödes og göres til Danefolkets fjender. Nogen
+     selvstændig betydning ejer denne part jo ikke.
+
+     "Udtalt i jævnere ord vil dette sige, at man i vikingetiden tog et
+     gammelt sagnstof og deri fandt udtryk for sin tids store oplevelse,
+     sammenstödet mellem Danmark og et mægtigt 'saksisk' rige.[178]
+
+     "Det eneste nye navn, vi möder, er betegnelsen 'Svertings sönner.'
+     I ældre digtning (_Béowulf_) er 'Svertings ætling' Geaternes konge;
+     men da bevidstheden on 'Geaterne' blegnede, er navnet vel sprunget
+     over og er knyttet til en kendt folkestamme, Sakserne. Grunden
+     dertil er muligvis kun, at det danner bogstavrim med Sakser, og at
+     det sproglig har en biklang af sort, i.e., ond og listig, der
+     gjorde det egnet til at bruges om Danernes fjender."[179]
+
+The significance of this is, first, that in the Ingjald lay we are
+dealing with old material; secondly, that the account of the
+relationship in the _Skjọldungasaga_ between Frothi and Swerting and
+their families is based on the Ingjald lay; thirdly, that when the
+nationality of Swerting and those associated with him is changed from
+Saxon to Swedish, it is merely another stage in the development of the
+story, quite in line with earlier changes made to keep the story in
+harmony with changing conditions.
+
+Thus we have two stories, based on the same events (events first related
+in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_), that come down to posterity by two
+independent lines of transmission and suffer changes in the course of
+time that bring them into absolute conflict with each other. According
+to both stories, Frothi has become a Danish king. But in the story
+connected with the Ingjald lay, Frothi is slain, and is avenged by his
+son, Ingjald; while in the _Hrólfssaga_, Frothi is his brother's slayer,
+on whom vengeance is taken by the sons (Hroar and Helgi) of his victim
+(Halfdan). In the _Skjọldungasaga_, the conflict is obviated. It is done
+very deftly and with only such disturbances of the genealogical
+relations involved as seemed necessary to secure the desired result. As
+a consequence, the changes that have been made, for which, in most
+instances, the reasons are quite apparent, can be traced step by step.
+The story as we have it in the _Skjọldungasaga_ is, therefore, plainly
+an artificial amalgamation designed principally to harmonize conflicting
+stories about Frothi.
+
+The genealogy in the _Skjọldungasaga_ is as follows:--
+
+  Swerting   Frothi                                       Jorund
+      |       |  |                                          |
+      |       |  |                                      daughter
+      |       |  |__________________________________________|
+      |       |                                           |
+  daughter   Ingjald           Sigrith                   Halfdan
+      |        |  |             |  |                         |
+      |________|  |_____________|  |_________________________|
+        |          |     |                 |         |     |
+        |          |     |                 |[180]    |     |
+       Agnar   Hrörik  Frothi  Eng. Lady Hroar    Helgi   Signy  Sævil
+                                  |        |         |      |     |
+                                  |________|         |      |_____|
+                                                     |
+                                                Hrolf Kraki
+
+Below is the same genealogy with the portions enclosed that, on the one
+hand, are taken from the Ingjald lay (Frothi, Swerting, etc.) and, on
+the other, from the _Hrólfssaga_ (Halfdan, Sigrith, etc.). The names in
+italics are found in the _Hrólfssaga_, but, with the exception of Ögn,
+whose name is omitted altogether, are employed in another connection in
+the _Skjọldungasaga_ (see the foregoing table):--
+
+  .-------------------.
+  ¦Swerting   Frothi  ¦                                    Jorund
+  ¦    |       |  |   ¦                                      |
+  ¦    |       |  |   ¦                                  daughter
+  ¦    |       |  |___¦______________________________________|
+  ¦    |       |      ¦                                    |
+  ¦    |       |      ¦        .--------------------------------------.
+  ¦    |       |      ¦        ¦                           |          ¦
+  ¦daughter   Ingjald ¦        ¦Sigrith   _Frothi_[181]   Halfdan     ¦
+  ¦    |        |  |  ¦        ¦ |  | |____|                  |       ¦
+  ¦    |________|  |__¦________¦_|  |_________________________|       ¦
+  ¦      |          | ¦   |    ¦            |       |       |         ¦
+  '-------------------'   |    ¦            |       |       |         ¦
+         |          |     |    ¦            |       |       |         ¦
+        Agnar   Hrörik  Frothi ¦Eng. Lady Hroar   Helgi   Signy  Sævil¦
+                               ¦ (_Ögn_)    |       |        |     |  ¦
+                               ¦   |________|       |        |_____|  ¦
+                               ¦       |            |            |    ¦
+                               ¦       |            |            |    ¦
+                               ¦     _Agnar_   Hrolf Kraki     _Hrok_ ¦
+                               '--------------------------------------'
+
+It will be observed that the following changes have been made to produce
+the family relationship as we find it in the _Skjọldungasaga_. Frothi is
+removed as Halfdan's brother and becomes his father, a change suggested,
+probably, by the tradition related in Saxo's second book that Frothi was
+Halfdan's father, and facilitated by the fact that, in the _Hrólfssaga_,
+the father of Halfdan and Frothi is not mentioned, and, as a result,
+presents no impediment to the change. But to explain how Halfdan has
+become Frothi's son, a new relationship has to be invented, so Frothi is
+said to have the son Halfdan by the daughter of Jorund. According to the
+_Hrólfssaga_, Halfdan is slain by his brother. This idea, in the
+abstract, is retained. But, according to the new arrangement, Ingjald,
+Frothi's son, has become Halfdan's brother, i.e., half-brother; hence,
+Ingjald slays Halfdan. According to the _Hrólfssaga_, Halfdan's brother
+and slayer marries his widow, Sigrith.[182] This idea is also retained.
+In the _Hrólfssaga_, it is Frothi who slays his brother, Halfdan, and
+marries his widow, Sigrith. But, according to the new arrangement,
+Ingjald is Halfdan's brother and slayer; hence, it is now he who marries
+Sigrith. According to the _Hrólfssaga_, Agnar is Hroar's son; but this,
+apparently, is not according to current tradition. According to Saxo's
+second book, he is Ingjald's son and is slain by Bjarki. This conception
+of him occurs in the _Hrólfssaga_ also, but towards the close, where
+Bjarki, in recounting his own achievements, mentions his having slain
+Agnar. This Agnar is not Hroar's son, but the Agnar of the
+_Skjọldungasaga_ and of Saxo's second book. The _Skjọldungasaga_,
+therefore, properly retains him as Ingjald's son and omits him as
+Hroar's son. Hrok and Hrörik are the same person. According to the
+_Hrólfssaga_, he is the son of Sævil and Signy. Olrik has about a page
+of comment on him,[183] in which he shows that he (Hrethric, Hrothgar's
+son, in _Beowulf_) was originally regarded as Hroar's son, but, for
+reasons that need not here be rehearsed, became a fluctuating character.
+The _Skjọldungasaga_ has made him the son of Ingjald. In the
+_Hrólfssaga_, Hroar is said to have married an English lady named Ögn.
+The _Skjọldungasaga_ also says that Hroar married an English lady, but
+omits her name. Finally, Ingjald is given another son, Frothi. He
+corresponds to Frothi V in Saxo. In Saxo, however, Frothi is the slayer
+of his brother and corresponds to the Frothi who appears in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ as the slayer of Halfdan. As the Frothi who appears in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ becomes, in the _Skjọldungasaga_, the father of Halfdan,
+and Ingjald becomes Halfdan's slayer, Frothi, Ingjald's son, is, as a
+consequence, assigned the rôle of joining his brother Hrörik in slaying
+his half-brother Hroar. Thus the idea of Frothi (corresponding to Frothi
+V in Saxo) as a fratricide is retained. But as Ingjald is succeeded on
+the throne by Halfdan's sons, Hroar and Helgi, there is no opportunity
+for Ingjald's son Frothi to become king. It will also be remembered that
+Frothi IV in the _Skjọldungasaga_, who, like Frothi IV in Saxo, was
+slain by Swerting (or his sons), was himself a fratricide, having caused
+the death of his brother Ali. Frothi IV in the _Skjọldungasaga_
+corresponds to the Frothi mentioned in the _Hrólfssaga_. Thus, as a
+fratricide, Frothi IV in the _Skjọldungasaga_ corresponds to the Frothi
+in the _Hrólfssaga_, and as the victim of Swerting, he corresponds to
+Frothi IV in Saxo; while the account of Frothi, Ingjald's son, as the
+slayer of his half-brother Hroar, preserves the idea that Frothi V (in
+Saxo) is his brother's slayer. The _Skjọldungasaga_ has, therefore,
+amply retained the idea of Frothi as a fratricide, and contains an
+account that, in a way, embraces the essential features of the treatment
+of the same period in the _Hrólfssaga_, on the one hand, and in Saxo, on
+the other. The relationship in the _Skjọldungasaga_ of Frothi (Ingjald's
+father), Swerting, Ingjald, and Swerting's daughter is identical with
+that in the Ingjald lay.
+
+Thus we see how, at the most conspicuous and interesting juncture of the
+Danish royal line, the _Skjọldungasaga_ harmonizes conflicting
+traditions.[184] This involves a train of consequences, among which are
+the following:--
+
+1. "The short and chronicle-like form [i.e., of the Hroar-Helgi story]
+in the _Skjọldungasaga_, where the murderer is called Ingjald, not
+Frothi," is taken from the account that appears in the _Hrólfssaga_;
+this account must therefore be earlier than the corresponding account in
+the _Skjọldungasaga_.
+
+2. As the story about Frothi, Halfdan, etc., in the _Bjarkarímur_ is
+substantially the same as in the _Skjọldungasaga_, it must be derived
+from the same source as the story in the _Skjọldungasaga_. The
+_Bjarkarímur_ are, therefore, at this point a later composition than the
+corresponding portion of the _Hrólfssaga_; and this fact affords further
+corroboration of the idea that the stories in the _rímur_ of Bjarki's
+slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later than the
+_Hrólfssaga's_ account of Bjarki's slaying the winged monster.
+
+3. When the _Skjọldungasaga_ says that Hrolf Kraki met Hrani-Odin on the
+expedition to Sweden, though nothing is said about such a meeting in
+_Snorri's Edda_, the idea is probably taken from a version of the story
+essentially as we have it in the _Hrólfssaga_.[185]
+
+4. Though the _Hrólfssaga_ is made up of elements of varying degrees of
+antiquity and merit, it contains features worthy of more consideration
+than has generally been accorded them.
+
+5. In discussing the genealogy of the Danish kings in _Beowulf_ and
+comparing it with that of other documents,[186] it is to be remembered
+that the _Skjọldungasaga_ has no independent value as an authority in
+this connection; its value lies in its recognition of a conflict between
+the Ingjald lay and the story in the _Hrólfssaga_, and its attempt to
+harmonize the two.
+
+6. On the whole, as Olrik says, "Hvor værdifuld den islandske
+_Skjọldungasaga_ end er, den er selvfölgelig ikke på alle punkter at
+foretrække for enhver anden kilde."[187] When it disagrees with other
+documents, its statements should be scanned with care.
+
+A little ought to be said about Saxo's treatment of the problem, the
+solution of which in the _Skjọldungasaga_ has just been considered. The
+solution in the saga is based on the recognition of the fact that Frothi
+as a king who was slain (i.e., by Swerting) and later avenged by his son
+is irreconcilable with the idea that he slew his brother, whose sons
+later put Frothi to death and thus avenged their father's murder. Saxo
+solved the problem by employing two Frothi's,--namely Frothi IV,
+Ingjald's father, who was slain by Swerting and was avenged by his son,
+and Frothi V, Ingjald's successor, who slew his brother, Harald (i.e.,
+Halfdan in the _Hrólfssaga_), and later was put to death by Harald's
+sons.
+
+On the whole, Saxo's story presents something of an attempt to harmonize
+Danish and Old Norse tradition. The Danish tradition about the
+Hroar-Helgi group of kings Saxo preserves in his second book. The Old
+Norse tradition about them he utilizes in his seventh book, at a point
+where, in the line of Danish kings, it occurs according to the Old Norse
+conception of the matter.[188] In the latter connection he repeats
+certain features of the story as it appears in his second book. Ingjald
+who appears in the sixth book is really the same Ingjald (second book)
+whose son Agnar is slain by Bjarki; and Helgi (here called Halfdan)
+takes to sea, just as he does in the second book. All that concerns
+Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa, Bjarki, etc., Saxo omits from the seventh book; but
+he gives Halfdan (Helgi) a career in Sweden, something like Helgi's
+(second book). Halfdan dies, however, without leaving an heir to the
+Danish throne; and this solves another problem, for thus the necessity
+of introducing Hrolf Kraki, Helgi's son, again, or some substitute for
+him, is obviated, and the story of this royal family is brought to an
+end.
+
+
+_Conclusion._
+
+We have, therefore, only two versions of the Hroar-Helgi story (Saxo's
+version and the one in the _Hrólfssaga_), and these have been subjected
+to a variety of influences and manipulations. The two versions do not,
+however, always employ the same features in just the same way, as is
+exemplified in the treatment of the insanity motive; nor have they
+always retained the same features present in the source of influence, as
+where the place of concealment of the boys in one instance is a cave and
+in the other a hollow tree. But the possession of the two versions is
+valuable in this respect, that they afford a double confirmation of the
+source of influence, as in the instances just cited and in Frothi's
+consulting the witch.
+
+It is a great transformation that has taken place in the fortunes of
+Hrothgar (Hroar) from the time we become acquainted with him as the
+famous King of the Danes in _Beowulf_ till we finally see him in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ sitting on the throne of Northumberland in England. But the
+conception of him that excludes him from the list of ancient kings of
+Denmark seems to have been shared by Snorri Sturlason; for in Snorri's
+_Ynglingasaga_, where Frothi, Halfdan, Helgi, Hrolf Kraki, and other
+early Danish kings are mentioned, and where one would expect something
+to be said about Hroar also, his name does not occur and there is no
+reference to him whatever.
+
+The foregoing explanation of how Hroar came to be regarded as King of
+Northumberland has a bearing on _Beowulf_-criticism. The name of Hroar's
+wife is given as Ögn. In _Beowulf_, Hrothgar's wife, Wealhtheow, is
+called a Helming and is supposed to be an English lady. In support of
+this idea, Sarrazin[189] and, following him, Thomas Arnold[190] have
+stated that perhaps we have a reminiscence of her nationality in that of
+Ögn. But, as we have seen, there is no connection between the two
+women.
+
+Finally, let it be stated that not all has been said about the
+Hroar-Helgi story that one would like to say. One would like to be able
+to trace still more in detail the development of the story and account
+for all the variations between the two versions. Such knowledge is,
+however, vouchsafed in very few instances. But if what has been said is
+substantially correct, a little has been added to what was known before
+about this interesting story.
+
+
+
+III
+
+_GENERAL SUMMARY._
+
+
+From what has been said, it will be seen that the origin of the dragon
+in the _Bọðvarsþáttr_ of the _Hrólfssaga_ has hitherto been
+unperceived and the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon has not
+been understood. Neither of the two has any connection with _Beowulf_.
+The _Bjarkarímur_ throw no light on the _Beowulf_ problem, for the
+story of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and that of Hjalti's slaying the
+bear are later than the story of Bjarki's slaying the dragon and were
+written by one who had the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon in
+mind. Moreover, the story told in the _rímur_ in connection with
+Hjalti's slaying the bear is merely an adaptation of the story told in
+the _Hrólfssaga_ about Bjarki's father.
+
+The _Fróðaþáttr_ of the _Hrólfssaga_ embodies an earlier form of the
+Hroar-Helgi story than is found in the _Skjọldungasaga_ and the
+_Bjarkarímur_; and this confirms the idea that the story in the
+_Hrólfssaga_ of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster is earlier than
+the corresponding stories in the _Bjarkarímur_. Aside from the influence
+exerted by the Hamlet story, the _Fróðaþáttr_ version and Saxo's version
+of the Hroar-Helgi story are the result of influences emanating from the
+"exile-return" type of story in England, and, nore particularly, the
+Meriadoc story and the Macbeth story, which were well known to
+Scandinavians in Great Britain.
+
+The version of the Hroar-Helgi story which we find in the
+_Skjọldungasaga_ and the _Bjarkarímur_ is the result of an attempt to
+harmonize conflicting traditions emanating from events about which we
+now find the first account in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_, as is also Saxo's
+treatment of the same matter in his sixth and seventh books.
+
+The change of names in Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story is the
+result of arbitrary action on his part in order to conceal the fact
+that he introduces into his history the Hroar-Helgi group of kings a
+second time, namely in his seventh book, and gives an account of them
+that conflicts with the account already given of them in his second
+book.
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+  Ågesön, Svend, 65.
+
+  abbreviations, 5, 6.
+
+  Agnar, 17, 51, 52, 82, 83, 93, 96.
+
+  Ali, 81, 94.
+
+  "Angler," 90.
+
+  Anglo-Saxons, 80.
+
+  Arcadia, 67.
+
+  Arglud, 71.
+
+  Arngrim, 92, 95.
+
+  Arthur, King, 43, 71-73.
+
+  Arthurian romances, 46.
+
+  Athils, 83.
+
+
+  Balder-cult, 8.
+
+  "Baldersagn," 66.
+
+  Banquo, 79.
+
+  bear, 13, 16, 20, 23, 35, 49, 50, 55, 57.
+
+  bear in _Bjark._, 7, 10-12, 47-55, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
+
+  bear in _Gest. Dan._, bk. two, 7, 10, 19, 51, 52, 59, 60.
+
+  bear in _Hrs._, 55, 59.
+
+  bear-ancestry, 10, 14, 16, 19, 20, 56, 59.
+
+  Beaw, 9, 10.
+
+  Beorn, 14, 16.
+
+  Beowulf, 7-12, 30, 41, 43, 60, 89.
+
+  Beowulf (Danish king), 9, 10.
+
+ _Beowulf_, 3, 7-12, 34, 35, 38, 40, 41, 43, 58, 59, 61, 65-67, 88-91,
+            94, 96-98.
+
+  Bera, 16, 56.
+
+  Beresun, 14, 16.
+
+  Berki, 9.
+
+  Bern, 13.
+
+  Bernicia, 13, 78.
+
+  Biár, 11.
+
+  bibliography, 5, 6.
+
+  Biörn, 13.
+
+  _Bjarkarímur_, 3, 7, 10-12, 16, 28, 35, 47, 49-60, 81-83, 94, 95, 98.
+
+  Bjarki, 7-12, 16-20, 23, 24, 27-31, 33-39, 41, 44-60, 67, 77, 83, 90,
+          93, 95, 96, 98.
+
+  Bjarki and the dragon in _Hrs._, Story of, 20 ff.
+
+  Bjarki and the wolf in _Bjark._, Story of, 47 ff.
+
+  Björkman, 69.
+
+  Björn, 16, 56.
+
+  blood-drinking, 8, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28, 34, 49-52, 58-60.
+
+  Boduwar, 9.
+
+  Bothvar, 8, 10-12, 16, 19, 22, 23, 33, 41, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 67, 77.
+
+  "Bọðvar," 8, 20-22, 47.
+
+  _Bọðvarsþáttr,_ 3, 7, 98.
+
+  British Isles, 70.
+
+  Bromton, 13.
+
+  Brunanburh, 80.
+
+
+  Canute, 13, 70, 80.
+
+  Caradoc, 71.
+
+  cattle-attacking monster, 30, 53.
+
+  Christianity, 26.
+
+  Christmas, 27, 46.
+
+  Christmas Eve, 25, 26, 31-35, 59.
+
+  Cuaran, 73.
+
+  Cumberland, 14.
+
+  Cumbria, 13, 80.
+
+  "Cymren," 70.
+
+  "cymrisch-skandinavische Sage," 70.
+
+
+  Dan, 90.
+
+  Danes, 13, 16, 43, 61, 65, 67, 70, 80, 88-91, 97.
+
+  Deira, 13.
+
+  Denmark, 7, 8, 14, 18, 19, 61, 63, 65, 67, 70, 76-78, 80-83, 87,
+           90-92, 97.
+
+  "Didrikskæmper," 90.
+
+  Diere, 14.
+
+  Digera, 13.
+
+  dogs, herdsmen's, 48, 53, 54, 56.
+
+  dog's name in _Hist. Mer._, 74.
+
+  dogs' names in _Gest. Dan._, bk. seven, 64, 73, 74, 77.
+
+  dogs' names in _Hrs._, 61, 67, 73, 74, 77.
+
+  Dolfin, 71, 73, 74.
+
+  Donaldbane, 77, 78, 80.
+
+  dragon, 9, 14, 15, 19, 20, 23, 24, 27, 46, 55.
+
+  dragon in _Beow._, 7-10, 34, 60.
+
+  dragon in _Hrs._, 7, 10, 19, 20, 24, 27,
+    28, 30, 33, 34, 36-39, 44-46, 50,
+    51, 54-60, 98.
+
+  Drifa, 9.
+
+  Duncan, 13, 77, 78.
+
+  Dundee, 15.
+
+  Dunewal, 15.
+
+  Durendal, 43.
+
+
+  Eadwulf Cutel, 13.
+
+  Eagle Rock, 71.
+
+  Ealdred, 13, 78.
+
+  Ebbe, 25.
+
+  Eckhart, 68.
+
+  Edward the Confessor, 13, 14, 17.
+
+  Elgfrothi, 18.
+
+  England, 3, 9, 10, 13-16, 63, 67, 69, 70, 73, 77, 80, 82, 83, 97, 98.
+
+  Excalibur, 43.
+
+  "exile-return" story, 68, 69, 77, 81, 83, 98.
+
+
+  Favnir, 23, 28.
+
+  Firth of Clyde, 13.
+
+  Firth of Forth, 13.
+
+  Fleventanean forest, 71.
+
+  Florencius, 69.
+
+  folk-lore, 24, 28, 38.
+
+  Fordun, Johannes, 80.
+
+  "fornaldarsaga," 15.
+
+  Freawaru, 9, 88.
+
+  Frey-cult, 8.
+
+  Fridleif, 81, 86.
+
+  Fridleus, 86.
+
+  Frodas, 69.
+
+  Frothi, 9, 10, 43, 61-66, 68, 69, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81-97.
+
+  _Froðaþáttr_, 3, 61, 94, 98.
+
+  Fyen, 64.
+
+
+  Gaimar, Geffrei, 72.
+
+  Gautland, 63, 77.
+
+  Geats, 43, 91.
+
+  genealogy of Danish kings in _Gest. Dan._, 84, 85.
+
+  genealogy of Danish kings in _Hrs._, 92.
+
+  genealogy of Danish kings in _Skjs._, 84, 85, 92.
+
+  Germany, 87.
+
+  giants, 25, 26, 42, 46.
+
+  giant-sword in _Beow._, 11, 38.
+
+  Godwin, 13.
+
+  Great Britain, 98.
+
+  Grendel, 7, 9-12, 34, 35, 38, 58, 60.
+
+  Grendel's mother, 7, 11.
+
+  Grettir, 35.
+
+  Griffith, 71, 72.
+
+  Grim, 73.
+
+  Grímur, 31.
+
+  Gudmundur, 31-33.
+
+  Gullinhjalti, 11, 12, 22-24, 35, 36, 39-41, 44, 59.
+
+  Gyldenhilt, 11, 40, 42.
+
+  "gylden hilt," 11, 12, 35, 40-44, 59.
+
+  "Hadbarder," 65, 88-90.
+
+  Hagena, 90.
+
+  Halfdan, 61, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 75, 78, 81-84, 86-88, 91-97.
+
+  Halga, 61.
+
+  hall-attacking monster, 29-31, 34, 53.
+
+  Halvor, 38.
+
+  Hamlet, 67, 73, 80.
+
+  Hamlet story, 67, 72, 73, 76, 77, 98.
+
+  Hamur, 62, 74.
+
+  Hanef, 87.
+
+  Harald, 63, 75, 83, 86, 87, 96.
+
+  Hardecanute, 13.
+
+  Havelok, 80.
+
+  Heiðr, 66.
+
+  Helgi, 19, 61-64, 66, 67, 69, 73, 75, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 91, 92,
+         94, 96, 97, 99.
+
+  Helming, 97.
+
+  Heorot, 89.
+
+  Hereward, 60.
+
+  Hilda, 81.
+
+  Hildr, 56.
+
+  "Hitdölekæmpe," 24.
+
+  Hjalti, 10-12, 22, 24, 28, 35, 39, 40, 44, 47-59, 95, 98.
+
+  Hjalti and the bear in _Bjark._, Story of, 47 ff.
+
+  "Hjort," 89.
+
+  Hleidargard, 48, 49, 53, 55.
+
+  Ho, 61, 74.
+
+  "Holmryger," 90.
+
+  Hondscio, 12.
+
+  Hopp, 61, 74.
+
+  Hott, 11, 12, 20-25, 27-30, 34, 36-40, 44-46, 53.
+
+  Hrani, 62, 74, 95.
+
+  Hrethel, 43.
+
+  Hrethric, 93.
+
+  Hring, 17, 55.
+
+  Hroar, 19, 61-67, 69, 75, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 91-94, 96, 97, 99.
+
+  Hroar-Helgi story, 61, 67-70, 72-74, 76-79, 81-84, 86, 87, 94, 95, 97,
+                     98.
+
+  Hrok, 93.
+
+  Hrolf Kraki, 7, 9, 17-23, 27, 33, 35, 39, 40, 43, 46, 48-50, 52, 54,
+               55, 57, 66, 82-84, 86, 92, 95-97.
+
+ _Hrólfssaga_, 3, 7, 9-12, 16-20, 23, 33, 35, 39-41, 45, 46, 49, 50,
+               52-54, 57-60, 63, 65, 68, 72-74, 76-80, 82, 83, 87, 91-98.
+
+  Hrossþjófr, 66.
+
+  Hrothgar, 9, 42, 43, 88, 89, 93, 96, 97.
+
+  Hrothulf, 89.
+
+  Hrunting, 11.
+
+  Hrörik, 65, 82, 93, 94.
+
+  "Hunnerslaget," 90.
+
+  Huntingdon, 13, 14.
+
+  Hygd, 43.
+
+  Hygelac, 43.
+
+
+  Iceland, 26, 65, 77, 84.
+
+  Icelanders, 67.
+
+  "ilex," 75, 76.
+
+  Ingjald, 81-84, 86-91, 93-96.
+
+  Ingjald lay, 87-92, 94, 96.
+
+  insanity in _Gest. Dan._, bk. seven, 64, 73, 77, 97.
+
+  insanity in Hamlet story, 67, 73.
+
+  insanity in _Hrs._, 73, 77, 97.
+
+  invulnerability, 29.
+
+  Ireland, 71, 78, 80.
+
+  "islændingasaga," 15.
+
+  Ivor, 71-75, 77.
+
+
+  Jorund, 81, 82, 93, 95.
+
+  Joseph, 76.
+
+
+  Karl, governor of Gautland, 63.
+
+  Kay, 71, 72.
+
+
+  Leofric, 13.
+
+  London, 14.
+
+  Lonkentus, 39.
+
+
+  Macbeth, 13, 78-80.
+
+  Macbeth story, 77-81, 98.
+
+  Macduffe, 79.
+
+  Malcolm, 13, 77, 80.
+
+  Margaret, 33.
+
+  Meriadoc, 72, 73.
+
+  Meriadoc story, 70-76, 78, 80, 98.
+
+  Merlin, 46.
+
+  Morwen, 71, 72.
+
+
+  New Year, 32.
+
+  "Niebelunger," 90.
+
+  "Nordmænd," 15, 90.
+
+  Norfolk, 70.
+
+  Northri, 63, 78.
+
+  Northumberland, 10, 13-15, 18, 63, 78, 80, 97.
+
+  Northumbria, 13, 78.
+
+  Norway, 7, 25, 26, 65, 77, 81.
+
+  Norwegians, 14, 16, 67.
+
+
+  Odin, 15, 17-19, 26, 95.
+
+  Offa, 90.
+
+  Olaf, 85, 87.
+
+  Orkney Islands, 14, 17-19.
+
+  Orwen, 72, 78.
+
+  Osbeorn, 13, 18.
+
+  Osbernum, 15.
+
+  Osbertum Bulax, 15.
+
+
+  Per Bakken, 25.
+
+  Per Gynt, 35.
+
+  Per Sandager, 29.
+
+
+  "quercus," 74.
+
+
+  Ragnar, 64.
+
+  Ragnar Lodbrok, 15.
+
+  Ravenlandeye, 14, 18.
+
+  Regin, 61-63, 68.
+
+  Remus, 67.
+
+  Roland, 43.
+
+  Romulus, 67.
+
+  Russia, 81.
+
+
+  "Sakser," 90, 91.
+
+  Scandinavians, 10, 70, 80, 98.
+
+  "Scania," 82.
+
+  Scioldus, 86.
+
+  Scotland, 13, 17, 71, 72, 78.
+
+  Scots, 13, 15.
+
+  Scyld, 9.
+
+  Scylding kings, 67, 69.
+
+  Seeland, 64, 77, 82.
+
+  "seid," 79.
+
+  "seiðkona," 79, 81.
+
+  Sigar, 73.
+
+  Signy, 61-63, 73, 77, 82, 83, 93, 95.
+
+  Sigrith, 63, 82, 83, 92, 93, 95.
+
+  Sigurd, 23, 28, 67.
+
+  Sigurdur, 31-33.
+
+  Silfrúnarstadir, 31.
+
+  Siward, 10, 13-20, 23, 24, 56, 59, 63, 77, 78, 80.
+
+  Sjávarborg, 31.
+
+  Skåne, 82.
+
+  Skagafjördur, 31.
+
+  _Skjọldungasaga_, 18, 65, 81-84, 86, 87, 91-96, 98.
+
+  "Skjoldunger," 65, 88.
+
+  "Skjoldungsagaer," 67.
+
+  "Skjoldungsagn," 64, 66.
+
+  "Skjoldungslægt," 84.
+
+  "Skjoldungæt," 65, 90.
+
+  Skofnung, 39, 40.
+
+  Sleipnir, 19.
+
+  Snowdon, Mount, 72.
+
+  soothsayers, 61, 79.
+
+  Spratlingus, 14.
+
+  Starkad, 81, 82, 87, 88, 90.
+
+  Sweden, 8, 17-19, 63, 77, 81, 82, 87, 95, 97.
+
+  Swedes, 81.
+
+  Swerting, 81, 82, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 94-96.
+
+  Sævar, 78.
+
+  Sævil, 61-63, 73, 78, 82, 83, 93, 95.
+
+  Thames, 14.
+
+  Thebes, 67.
+
+  Thessaly, 67.
+
+  Tosti, 14, 17.
+
+  troll, 7, 9, 11, 16, 21, 22, 24-28, 30-35, 38, 52, 53, 59.
+
+  troll-animal, 29.
+
+  troll-bird, 29.
+
+  troll-dragon, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 49, 50, 53, 55, 58, 59.
+
+  troll-hare, 29.
+
+  troll-wife, 35, 66.
+
+
+  Ulf, 16, 55, 56.
+
+  Ulfius, 14.
+
+  Ulsius, 14.
+
+  Uplands in Norway, 81.
+
+  Urien, 71-73.
+
+  Ursus, 14.
+
+  Uther Pendragon, 71.
+
+
+  Valhalla, 19.
+
+  Valsleit, 17.
+
+  "Vender," 90.
+
+  Vifil, 61, 62, 73, 74, 76, 79.
+
+  Vitholphus, 66.
+
+  Viðolfi, 66.
+
+  "Volsunger," 90.
+
+  Waldar, 92, 93.
+
+  Waldef story, 69.
+
+  Wales, 71.
+
+  Wealhtheow, 97.
+
+  Weder-Geats, 41.
+
+  Welsh, 70.
+
+  werewolf myth, 12.
+
+  Westminster, 14.
+
+  Westmoreland, 14.
+
+  Widsith, 61, 89, 91, 98.
+
+  winged monster in _Hrs._, 7-12, 20-22, 25, 55, 95, 98.
+
+  witch, 26, 61, 62, 64, 78, 79, 97.
+
+  wizard, 26, 79.
+
+  wolf in _Bjark._, 7, 10-12, 28, 47, 49-52, 54, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
+
+  wolves in _Gest. Dan._, bk. seven, 63, 64.
+
+  wolves in _Hist. Mer._, 71, 75, 76.
+
+  Worcestershire, 13.
+
+
+  York, 13.
+
+  Young Siward, 13.
+
+  Yrsa, 66, 69, 83, 96.
+
+  Yule, 25.
+
+  Yule Eve, 22, 25, 30.
+
+  Yule-feast, 22, 25.
+
+  Yule-tide, 27.
+
+  Ælflæd, 13, 78.
+
+  Æsir, 26.
+
+  Ögn, 63, 78, 92, 94, 97.
+
+  "Östersöen," 90.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[Footnote 1: For these portions of the _Bjarkarímur_, see pp. 47-48.]
+
+[Footnote 2: For the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster,
+see pp. 20-22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: See p. 51.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ant. Tid._, 1852-54, p. 130.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ang._, 1886, IX, pp. 198-201.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _P.B.B._, 1887, XII, pp. 55-57.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Beow. Stud._, 1888, pp. 62-63.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, 1889, p. 55.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Beow. Unt._, 1888, pp. 185-88.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _Eng. Stud._, 1892, XVI, p. 80.]
+
+[Footnote 11: The list is "Osbern Thruwin Aeskitil Riculf Aeskyl Rikui
+Boduwar Berki Esel Petre Osbern."]
+
+[Footnote 12: _P. B. B._, 1895, XX, pp. 157-58.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _Eng. Stud._, 1897, XXIII, pp. 243-46.]
+
+[Footnote 14: _Notes, Beow._, 1898, p. 96.]
+
+[Footnote 15: _Grundr._, 1898, III, p. 649.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _Ark._, 1903 (the article is dated 1901), XIX, pp. 19 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _Oldn. Lit. Hist._, II, 1901, p. 832.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _Helt._, I, 1903, pp. 135-36.]
+
+[Footnote 19: _Helt._, I, p. 135.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _Helt._, I, pp. 139-41.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _Helt._, pp. 215-17.]
+
+[Footnote 22: _Helt._, I, p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 23: _Hrs. Bjark._, 1904, Introd., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 24: _Eng. Stud._, 1905, XXXV, pp. 19 ff. The similarity
+between "Gullinhjalti," in the _Hrólfssaga_, and "gylden hilt," in
+_Beowulf_, was first pointed out by Friedrich Kluge in _Englische
+Studien_, 1896, XXII, p. 145. Sarrazin would write "gylden hilt," the
+form in which the words appear in _Beowulf_, in one word and capitalize
+it (i.e., Gyldenhilt). This manner of writing the words brings them
+nearer in form to "Gullinhjalti," as this word is written in the
+_Hrólfssaga_. Holthausen in his latest edition (1909) of _Beowulf_ also
+uses the form "Gyldenhilt." Lawrence, likewise, identifies "gylden hilt"
+with Gullinhjalti (see p. 12), as does also Panzer (see p. 12).]
+
+[Footnote 25: _St. Sag. Eng._, 1906, pp. 249 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 26: _Camb. Hist. Lit._, I, 1907, pp. 29-30.]
+
+[Footnote 27: _Gesch. Alteng. Lit._, 1908, p. 993.]
+
+[Footnote 28: _P. M. L. A._, 1909, XXIV, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 29: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]
+
+[Footnote 30: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 231.]
+
+[Footnote 31: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 231.]
+
+[Footnote 32: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 224.]
+
+[Footnote 33: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 34: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 224.]
+
+[Footnote 35: _St. germ. Sag._, 1910, pp. 366 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 36: _St. germ. Sag._, pp. 372-73.]
+
+[Footnote 37: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 383.]
+
+[Footnote 38: XVIII, pp. 318-19.]
+
+[Footnote 39: See the legendary life of Siward in the following.]
+
+[Footnote 40: _Ark._, XIX, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 41: Olrik, _Ark._, XIX, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 42: _Ark._, XIX, pp. 212-13.]
+
+[Footnote 43: _Ark._, XIX, pp. 205-07. See also _Helt._, I, pp. 215-17.
+In his _St. germ. Sag._, p. 378, n., Panzer calls in question the
+connection that Olrik makes between Bjarki's bear-ancestry and that of
+Siward. But Olrik's theory furnishes the only satisfactory explanation
+of all the phenomena involved, and is so extremely probable that it must
+be regarded as correct.]
+
+[Footnote 44: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 59-60.]
+
+[Footnote 45: _Sn. Ed._, pp. 107-10.]
+
+[Footnote 46: See p. 95, 3 and note.]
+
+[Footnote 47: _Ark._, XIX, p. 211]
+
+[Footnote 48: _Helt._, I, p. 136.]
+
+[Footnote 49: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 50: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]
+
+[Footnote 51: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 68-71. Lawrence's translation of the
+above is as follows:--
+
+     "And as the Yule-feast approached, the men grew depressed. Bothvar
+     asked Hott the reason; he told him that a beast had already come
+     two successive winters, a great and terrible one,--'and it has
+     wings on its back and flies about continually; two autumns it has
+     already sought us here, and it does great damage; no weapon wounds
+     it, but the king's champions, the best warriors of all, don't come
+     home at this time.' Bothvar said, 'The hall isn't so well defended
+     as I thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the
+     king.' Hott answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest
+     of monsters.' (þat er ekki dýr, heldr er þat hit mesta trọll). Now
+     came the Yule-even; and the king said, 'Now I desire that the men
+     be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all to run any
+     risk on account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills
+     (sem auðnar); my men I do not wish to lose.' All promised to act as
+     the king commanded. But Bothvar crept secretly out in the night; he
+     made Hott go with him, but Hott only went because he was forced to,
+     crying out that it would surely be the death of him. Bothvar told
+     him it would turn out better. They went out of the hall, and
+     Bothvar had to carry him, so full of fear was he. Now they saw the
+     beast, and Hott shrieked as loud as he could, and cried that the
+     beast was going to swallow him. Bothvar commanded the dog (bikkjuna
+     hans, i.e. Hott) to keep still, and threw him down in the moss, and
+     there he lay in unspeakable terror, and didn't even dare to run
+     home. Then Bothvar attacked the beast, but it chanced that the
+     sword stuck in the sheath when he wanted to draw it; then he pulled
+     so hard at the sword that it flew out of the sheath, and he plunged
+     (leggr) it immediately with such force under the shoulder of the
+     beast that it penetrated the heart, and hard and heavily fell the
+     beast down on the ground dead. Then Bothvar went over to where Hott
+     was lying. He took him up and carried him over to the place where
+     the beast lay dead. Hott trembled frightfully. Bothvar said, 'Now
+     you must drink the blood of the beast.' For a long time he was loth
+     to do this, but he finally didn't dare to do otherwise. Bothvar
+     made him drink two big gulps, and eat some of the beast's heart;
+     then Bothvar grappled with him, and they struggled long with each
+     other. Bothvar said, 'Now you have become very strong, and I don't
+     believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any
+     longer.' Hott answered, 'I shall not fear them any more, nor shall
+     I be afraid of you henceforth.' 'That is well, comrade Hott,' [said
+     Bothvar] 'and now will we set up the beast, and arrange it so that
+     the others will think it alive.' They did so. Then they went in and
+     were quiet; no one knew what they had done.
+
+     "The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the
+     beast; whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they
+     told him the cattle were all safe and sound in the folds. The king
+     bade his men see if they couldn't find any indication that it had
+     come thither. The warders obeyed, came quickly back again and told
+     the king that the beast was advancing rapidly to attack the town
+     (borginn). The king bade his men be courageous, [and said] each one
+     should help, according as he had courage for it, and proceed
+     against this monster. It was done as the king commanded; they made
+     themselves ready for it. The king looked at the beast and said, 'I
+     don't see that the beast moves; but who will undertake the task and
+     attack it?' Bothvar answered, 'A brave man might be able to satisfy
+     his curiosity about this! (þat væri næsta hrausts manns
+     forvitnisbót.) Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,--men
+     say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and
+     kill the beast!--you see nobody else wants to.' 'Yes,' said Hott,'I
+     will undertake it.' The king said. 'I don't know whence this
+     courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed marvellously in a
+     short time.' Hott said, 'Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you
+     are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in the attempt.' King
+     Hrolf said, 'This sword can only be borne by a man who is both
+     brave and daring.' Hott answered, 'You shall be convinced that I am
+     such a man.' The king said, 'Who knows whether your character
+     hasn't changed more than appearances show? Take the sword and may
+     you have good fortune!' Then Hott attacked the beast and struck at
+     it as soon as he was near enough so that he could hit it, and the
+     beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, 'Look, lord, what he has done!'
+     The king replied, 'Truly he has changed much, but Hott alone didn't
+     kill the beast, you were the man who did it.' Bothvar said, 'It may
+     be so.' The king said, 'I knew as soon as you came here that only
+     few men could compare with you, but this seems to me your most
+     illustrious deed, that you have made a warrior out of Hott, who
+     appeared little born to great good fortune. And now I wish him
+     called Hott no longer, he shall from this day be named
+     Hjalti,--thou shalt be called after the sword
+     Gullinhjalti.'"--P. M. L. A., XXIV, pp. 226-27.]
+
+[Footnote 52: _Ark._, XIX, pp. 207-08.]
+
+[Footnote 53: See p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 54: _Gratis_., p. 92.]
+
+[Footnote 55: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 56: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 57: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 108.]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Sagn._, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 59: _Event. Sagn._., p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 60: _Event. Sagn._., pp. 52-53.]
+
+[Footnote 61: "Ebbe svarede, at trolde kæmpede ved nar."--_Helt._., I,
+p. 126. The sunlight is represented as being invariably fatal to
+trolls.]
+
+[Footnote 62: George Webbe Dasent says (_Pop. Tales_, Introd., pp.
+57-58): "The trolls, or, the other hand [i.e., in comparison with the
+Giants], with whom mankind had more to do, were supposed to be less easy
+tempered, and more systematically malignant, than the Giants, and with
+the term were bound up notions of sorcery and unholy power.... But when
+Christianity came in, and heathendom fell; when the godlike race of Æsir
+became evil demons instead of good genial powers, then all the objects
+of the old popular belief, whether Æsir, Giants, or Trolls, were mingled
+together in one superstition, as 'no canny.' They were all trolls; all
+malignant; and thus it is that, in these tales, the traditions about
+Odin and his underlings, about the Frost Giants, and about sorcerers and
+wizards, are confused and garbled; and all supernatural agency that
+plots man's ill is the work of Trolls, whether the agent be the arch
+enemy himself, or giant, or witch, or wizard."
+
+It is quite impossible to characterize trolls in detail with unqualified
+words or phrases. They are usually malignant, though there are instances
+of their doing men a good turn. They are always very powerful, and are
+usually very large. It is told of one troll that, had she not made a
+misstep, she would have succeeded in wading from Norway to Iceland; and
+of another, that the thumb of his glove held four bushels, good measure.
+In some instances, however, it is possible for many trolls to enter one
+room of an ordinary dwelling house. There are trolls with three heads,
+with six heads, with nine heads, and with twelve heads. Sometimes they
+are one-eyed, and sometimes they have other characteristics that
+differentiate them from human beings. In fact, anything with
+supernatural qualities is apt to be called a troll. As a rule, it is
+impossible for human beings to cope with trolls except by outwitting
+them, which often is done. They are inimical to Christianity; and,
+though their depredations may occur on any day of the year, between
+sunset and sunrise, adventures with trolls, as stated above, are
+frequently represented as occurring Christmas Eve; and that is the time
+when particular precaution must be taken to avoid them. Usually it is
+taken for granted that trolls will not attack the inmates of a house,
+and people feel perfectly safe so long as they do not venture out. In
+another type of troll story, however, people expect trolls to invade the
+house Christmas Eve and attack them; and to avoid injury, the inmates
+vacate the house for the night, before sunset. Illustrations of these
+statements are found in such well known collections of fairy tales as
+_Sc. Folkl._, _Nor. Tales_, _Folk. Huld. Even._, _Event. Sagn_.]
+
+[Footnote 63: This story is in print and was related to the present
+writer by one who had read it; and, though diligent search has failed to
+locate it again, the writer ventures to reproduce it, for he is certain
+that it is in existence.]
+
+[Footnote 64: _Folk. Huld. Even._, Pt. I, pp. 66ff.]
+
+[Footnote 65: _St. germ. Sag._, pp. 367-68.]
+
+[Footnote 66: "Dette hallen hjemsögende uhyre."--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd.,
+p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 67: _Icel. Leg._, pp. 140 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 68: That it was the cattle of King Hrolf that the dragon
+attacked has been recognized by others, Müllenhoff (_Beow. Unt. Ang._,
+p. 55) and Chadwick (_Camb. Hist. Lit._, I, p. 29), for instance; but
+they make no more of the matter than to state it correctly.]
+
+[Footnote 69: _Grettis._, pp 92 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 70: _Folk. Huld. Even._, Pt. II, pp. 53 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 71: _Helt._, I, pp. 117-18.]
+
+[Footnote 72: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]
+
+[Footnote 73: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 366.]
+
+[Footnote 74: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 75: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 76: See pp. 11-12.]
+
+[Footnote 77: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, p. 55.]
+
+[Footnote 78: _Beow. Unt._, p. 187.]
+
+[Footnote 79: _Helt._, I, p. 135.]
+
+[Footnote 80: _Nor. Tales_, p. 366. The sword here in question is just
+like the sword in Grendel's cave in _Beowulf_, except that it is not
+said to have a golden hilt.]
+
+[Footnote 81: Other tales which contain the motive that a
+strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword that has supernatural
+qualities are: _The Big Bird Dan_ and _The Seven Foals_ (_Nor. Tales_,
+pp. 266 and 449); _The Three Brothers_ (Polish, _Yel. Fair. Bk._, p.
+144); and _Lonkenlus_ (_Event. Sagn_, p. 268). It may be urged that in
+all these instances the drinking imparts strength, not bravery. But the
+two qualities are closely related; and the saga-man makes it plain that,
+by means of the drink, Hott has acquired both. Bothvar says, "Now you
+have become very strong, and I don't believe that you will be afraid of
+the troop of King Hrolf any longer." Hott answers, "I shall not fear
+them any more." Later Bothvar says, referring to the proposed attack on
+the propped-up dragon, "A brave man might be able to satisfy his
+curiosity about this! Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about
+you,--men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up
+and kill the beast!" "Yes," says Hott, "I will undertake it." The king
+says, "I don't know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have
+changed marvellously in a short time." From the foregoing and what is
+said about Hott's wrestling with Bothvar, it is plain that the author
+has taken particular pains to emphasize the fact that, by partaking of
+the heart and blood of the dragon, Hott has acquired great strength, the
+lack of which seems to have been the cause of his cowardice. It seems
+equally plain that when Hott knocks over the dead propped-up dragon by
+means of the sword Gullinhjalti, which the king explicitly says "can
+only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring," the purpose is to
+call particular attention to the fact that it is by wielding the sword
+that Hott gives proof of the change that has come over him. Regardless
+of the deceit that has been practiced in connection with the dead
+dragon, the king is compelled, if he believes what he has said about
+Gullinhjalti, to recognize that Hott has demonstrated by his ability to
+wield the sword that he is now "a man who is both brave and daring." And
+the king does recognize it, for he says to Bothvar, "You have made a
+warrior out of Hott."]
+
+[Footnote 82: _Hrs. Bjark._, p. 100.]
+
+[Footnote 83: Ll. 1557, 1567, 1607, 1666.]
+
+[Footnote 84: Ll. 1558, 1569, 1605, 1615, 1663, 1696.]
+
+[Footnote 85: Ll. 1559, 1573.]
+
+[Footnote 86: Ll. 1564, 1616, 1667.]
+
+[Footnote 87: L. 1697.]
+
+[Footnote 88: _Eng. Stud._, XXXV, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 89: L. 1697.]
+
+[Footnote 90: Ll. 1573-74.]
+
+[Footnote 91: "The chief of the Weder-Geats took no more of the
+treasure-holdings in the dwelling, though he saw many there, but only
+the head, and with it, the sword's hilt, brave with gold; the sword had
+already melted" (ll. 1612-15).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 92: "I bore the hilt thence away from my enemies" (ll.
+1668-69).]
+
+[Footnote 93: "Then the golden hilt, the work of giants long ago, was
+given into the hand of the old prince, the white-haired battle-leader"
+(ll. 1677-79).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 94: "Hrothgar spake, looked on the hilt, the old heirloom, on
+which was written the beginning of that far-off strife, when the flood,
+the streaming ocean slew the giant kind--they had borne themselves
+lawlessly. The people were estranged from the Eternal Lord; the Wielder,
+therefore, gave them their requital through the whelming of the waters.
+So was it duly lined in rimed staves on the guard of gleaming gold, set
+down and told for them for whom that sword was wrought, choicest of
+blades, with twisted hilt and decked with dragon-shapes." (LI.
+1687-93).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 95: L. 1687.]
+
+[Footnote 96: L. 1698.]
+
+[Footnote 97: "He gave the guardian of the boat a sword ornamented with
+gold" (ll. 1900-1901).]
+
+[Footnote 98: "Then the shield of earls, the king stout in battle, bade
+fetch Hrethel's sword, mounted in gold; there was not then among the
+Geats a better treasure in the like of a sword. He laid it on Beowulf's
+lap." (ll. 2190-94).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 99: _Mort. d'Arth._, p. 480.]
+
+[Footnote 100: "En l'orie pont assez i at reliques."--_Ext. Ch. Rol._,
+p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 101: "Preditum auro capulum."--_Gest. Dan._, p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 102: See pp. 31 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 103: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 370.]
+
+[Footnote 104: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 105: _Eng. Nov._, p. 2.]
+
+[Footnote 106: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 139-40 and 141-42. Lawrence's
+translation of the above selections from the _rímur_ is as follows:--
+
+     "Most of the men insulted Hjalti; he was not clever in speech. One
+     day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of the hall, so that the
+     king's men did not know of it. Hjalti was afraid, and cried, 'Let
+     us not go near this wood; there is a she-wolf here, which eats men;
+     she will soon kill us both.' The she-wolf burst out of a thicket,
+     frightful, with gaping jaws. Hjalti thought this terrible; his legs
+     and all his limbs trembled. Undaunted Bjarki advanced upon her,
+     struck deep with his axe; fearful blood streamed from the she-wolf.
+     'Between two things,' said Bothvar, 'shall you choose,
+     Hjalti,--drink this blood, or I will kill you, no courage seems to
+     be in you.' Angrily answered Hjalti, 'I don t dare to drink blood;
+     (but) it is best to do it if I must; now I have no better choice.'
+     He lay down to drink the blood; then he drank three
+     swallows,--enough for fighting with one man! His courage increased,
+     his strength waxed, he became very strong, mighty as a troll, all
+     his clothes burst open. So he became courageous at heart, he feared
+     not the flight of steel, the name of coward he feared no more, he
+     was equal to Bothvar in courage." (IV, 58-66.)
+
+     "He (Hjalti) has gained a brave heart and a courageous disposition;
+     he has got strength and valor from the blood of the she-wolf. The
+     folds at Hleidargard were attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts
+     were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had
+     killed the herdmen's dogs; it was not much used to contending with
+     men. Hrolf and all his men prepared to hunt the bear--'he shall be
+     greatest in my hall, who faces the beast!' Roaring the bear ran
+     from its lair and shook its baleful paws, so that the men fled.
+     Hjalti looked on when the combat began; he had nothing in his
+     hands. Hrolf tossed to Hjalti his sword; the warrior stretched
+     forth his hand and grasped it. Then he plunged it into the bear's
+     right shoulder, and the bear fell down dead. That was his first
+     heroic deed, many others followed; his heart was ever brave in the
+     battle. From this exploit he got the name of Hjalti the brave, and
+     was the equal of Bjarki." (V, 4-13.)--_P. M. L. A._, XXIV, pp.
+     229-30.]
+
+[Footnote 107: _Helt._, I, p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 108: When, here and elsewhere in this discussion, the
+_Hrólfssaga_ is referred to as an earlier composition than the
+_Bjarkarímur_, the implication is not intended that the version of the
+saga which we now have was earlier committed to writing.]
+
+[Footnote 109: See p. 51.]
+
+[Footnote 110: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 111: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, p. 55.]
+
+[Footnote 112: _Beow. Unt._, p. 186.]
+
+[Footnote 113: _Helt._, I, p. 116.]
+
+[Footnote 114: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 250.]
+
+[Footnote 115: _Gest. Dan._, p. 56. Elton's translation of the passage
+is as follows: "When he was triumphing in these deeds of prowess, a
+beast of the forest furnished him fresh laurels. For he met a huge bear
+in a thicket, and slew it with a javelin; and then bade his companion
+Hjalti put his lips to the beast and drink the blood that came out, that
+he might be the stronger afterwards. For it was believed that a draught
+of this sort caused an increase of bodily strength."--_Elton's Saxo_, p.
+69.]
+
+[Footnote 116: See pp. 36 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 117: See, for instance, _Sc. Folkl._, p. 253, where dragons
+are said to have been pierced "under their shoulders to the heart."]
+
+[Footnote 118: Finnur Jónsson has also been struck by the similarity
+between the story connected with Bjarki's birth and the second story in
+the _rímur_, in which Hjalti slays a bear. He says, "I rimerne (V, 5-14)
+er der endnu tale om en 'gråbjörn.'"--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 119: _Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 120: See p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 121: The dogs are here said to be the herdsmen's dogs, in
+conformity with the spirit of the story in its new setting and to
+differentiate the story from what it is in the place whence the author
+of the _rímur_ took it.]
+
+[Footnote 122: _Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 123: See pp. 50 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 124: For further proof of this, see pp. 81 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 125: See p. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 126: In the foregoing no implication is intended as to the
+identity of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and Saxo's story
+of Bjarki's slaying the bear. The result, however, of the discussion is
+to establish the priority of Saxo's story to that in the _Hrólfssaga_;
+hence, an attempt to identify Bjarki's exploit with Beowulf's exploit
+must consist principally in an attempt to identify the Grendel story
+with Saxo's version of the corresponding story told about Bjarki.]
+
+[Footnote 127: I, pp. 175-78.]
+
+[Footnote 128: "Det ældste vidnesbyrd om sagnet bar vi i den såkaldte
+_Vọluspá in skamma_; det hedder her: 'eru vọlur allar frá Viðolfi.'
+Denne troldkvindernes stamfader er identisk med troldmanden Vit[h]olphus
+i Sakses norske saga; og når vi ser, hvorledes digtets troldmandsremser
+nævner kendte sagnfigurer--Heiðr i _Voluspå_; Hrossþjófr i Sakses norske
+Baldersagn--, tör vi også i Viðolfr se hentydning til en bestemt
+digtning, i.e., til dette norske Skjoldungsagn. Desværre kendes digtets
+alder ikke videre nöje; det er efterhedensk og er digtet som et tillæg
+til _Voluspå_, sikkert efter at dette digt var blevet udvidet med
+dværgremserne. (F. Jónsson, _Oldn. lit. hist._, I, 204, gör det til
+islandsk og sætter det til 2. halvdel af 12te årh.)."--Olrik's note.]
+
+[Footnote 129: See pp. 9, 15, 24.]
+
+[Footnote 130: _St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 120-21.]
+
+[Footnote 131: See R. Imelmann's edition, pp. 45 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 132: "_Hroarr-Helgi_. Frodas, der Florencius gegenübersteht
+und Waldeus zu beseitigen sucht, hat zwar als Usurpator in einem ganzen
+Typus seine Verwandten, aber eine in formeller Hinsicht auffallende in
+der nordischen Sage von Hroarr und Helgi. Hier stellt Froði zwei Neffen
+nach, die aber durch ihren Erzieher in Sicherheit gebracht werden. Sie
+rächen sich später an dem Usurpator in seiner Halle. Bei seinen
+Nachstellungen lässt Froði sich täuschen. Für diese Züge bietet der
+Waldeus eine genaue parallele (S. 45-60). Seine Vorlage konnte die Sage
+kennen, da sie in England entstanden und beliebt war; und ihre Benutzung
+müsste angenommen werden, sobald man die Namensgleichheit Froði--Froda
+(Frode) für nicht zufällig hält. Der Name Froði scheint in England sonst
+zu fehlen; er steht nicht bei Björkman."--_Hist. Reg. Wald._, Introd.,
+p. 52.]
+
+[Footnote 133: _St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 103 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 134: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 134.]
+
+[Footnote 135: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 30.]
+
+[Footnote 136: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 139.]
+
+[Footnote 137: See, for instance, _Dan. Nor. Rig._]
+
+[Footnote 138: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., pp. 65-67.]
+
+[Footnote 139: The version of the Havelok story here referred to is that
+contained in Geffrei Gaimar's _Estorie des Engles_ and summarized in
+_St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 98-100.]
+
+[Footnote 140: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 30, n.]
+
+[Footnote 141: See _Helt._, I, pp. 22-23.]
+
+[Footnote 142: _Hist. Mer._, p. 8.]
+
+[Footnote 143: _Hist. Mer._, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 144: _Hist. Mer._, p. 8.]
+
+[Footnote 145: _Hist. Mer._, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 146: _Gest. Dan._, p. 218.]
+
+[Footnote 147: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 129.]
+
+[Footnote 148: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 149: See pp. 86 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 150: A variant of "Sævil" in the manuscripts is "Sævar." See
+_Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 3, n. and 5, n.]
+
+[Footnote 151: _Chron._, V, p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 152: _Chron._, V, p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 153: There is something similar to this in _Meriadoc_. Orwen,
+the princess, marries the King of Scotland. This feature of _Meriadoc_,
+besides being in line with Hroar's marrying Northri's daughter, points
+toward Scotland also.]
+
+[Footnote 154: Siward married Ælflæd, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of
+Bernicia in Northumbria (see p. 13).]
+
+[Footnote 155: _Nor. Hist._, I, pp. 180-81.]
+
+[Footnote 156: _Macb._, Introd., p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 157: _Chron._, V, p. 274.]
+
+[Footnote 168: Quoted by Langebek in _Sc. Rer. Dan._, III. p. 291, n.]
+
+[Footnote 159: Olrik; see p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 160: _Skjs._ (_Aarb._, pp. 110 ff.).]
+
+[Footnote 161: _Oldn. Lit. Hist._, II, p. 665.]
+
+[Footnote 162: See pp. 64 ff., where Olrik's explanation of the
+development in the relations between Frothi and Halfdan, from the
+earliest to the latest account, is given in full.]
+
+[Footnote 163: See p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 164: "Vi finder _Skjoldungasagas_ kongerække bekræftet i de
+andre skrifter. _Langfeðgatal_ stemmer helt igennem i kongersekken
+og--på et enkelt punkt nær--også i slægstskabs-forholdene. Rolv krakes
+saga stemmer ligeledes; kun gör den sin konge Frode til Halvdans broder,
+ikke til hans brodersön som de to andre kilder. _Hervararsaga_ bar
+forvansket nogle af de mindre vigtige konge-og dronningnavne, men har i
+det hele samme bygning af Skjoldungslægten. De på Island bevarede
+oldkvad (_Grottesangen_, _Bjarkemål_, _Bråvallakvadet_ og _Hyndluljóð_)
+stemmer belt med prosaskrifterne."--Olrik, _Aarb._, p. 157.]
+
+[Footnote 165: Son and successor of Scioldus.]
+
+[Footnote 166: Said to have been king when Christ was born.]
+
+[Footnote 167: Brothers, sons of Leifus.]
+
+[Footnote 168: Married to Olafa, daughter of Vermundus.]
+
+[Footnote 169: Chosen king upon the death of Frotho III, when Fridleus
+II was absent from the kingdom.]
+
+[Footnote 170: Son and successor of Frotho III. He defeated Hiarnus and
+later slew him.]
+
+[Footnote 171: Olaf appears here in a disturbing manner; but that Saxo
+had no clear conception of him is plain from the way he introduces his
+seventh book. He says: "Ingello quatuor filios fuisse, ex iisdemque,
+tribus bello consumptis, Olauum solum post patrem regnasse, perita rerum
+prodit antiquitas: quem quidam Ingelli sorore editum incerto opinionis
+arbitrio perhibent. Huius actus uetustatis squalore conspersos parum
+iusta noticia posteritatis apprehendit; extremum duntaxat prudencie eius
+monitum memoria uendicauit. Quippe cum supremis fati uiribus arctaretur,
+Frothoni et Haraldo filiis consulturus, alterum terris, alterum aquis
+regia dicione preesse, eamque potestatis differenciam non diutina
+usurpacione, sed annua uicissitudine sortini iubet."--_Gest. Dan._, p.
+216.]
+
+[Footnote 172: Son of Ingjald, but not his successor on the throne.]
+
+[Footnote 173: Halfdan in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]
+
+[Footnote 174: Hroar in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]
+
+[Footnote 175: Helgi in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]
+
+[Footnote 176: _Beow._, ll. 2024-69.]
+
+[Footnote 177: _Beow._, ll. 82-85.]
+
+[Footnote 178: "Dette forhold, at det egenlige vikingeliv ligger forud for
+digtet, förer os hen til 10de årh. som dets tilblivelsestid."--_Helt._,
+II, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 179: _Helt._, II, pp. 37-41. Olrik's notes, of which there are
+a number, have been omitted.]
+
+[Footnote 180: Later, the statement is made that Hroar had a son called
+Waldar; but the statement causes no difficulty in this connection.
+First, we observe that when Hroar, who is older than Helgi, is slain,
+Helgi's son, Hrolf Kraki, becomes sole King of Denmark with no
+competitor for the throne. Secondly, Arngrim says: "Roas. Hujus posteros
+etsi non repperi in compendio unde Regum Daniæ Fragmenta descripsi;
+tamen genealogiam hanc alibi sic oblatam integre ut sequitur visum est
+contexere. Valderus cogn. munificus, Roæ prædicti filius."--_Aarb._, p.
+139, n.]
+
+[Footnote 181: Halfdan's brother, who, after Halfdan's death, married
+his widow, Sigrith.]
+
+[Footnote 182: This is not expressly stated; but her appearance and
+action in the last scene admit of no other conclusion. This is Finnur
+Jónsson's opinion also; see p. 95, n.]
+
+[Footnote 183: _Helt._, I, pp. 173-74.]
+
+[Footnote 184: Finnur Jónsson, in his comment on the _Fróðaþáttr_,
+regards the version of the Hroar-Helgi story contained in the
+_Skjọldungasaga_ and the _Bjarkarímur_ as earlier than the version
+contained in the _Hrólfssaga_. His most significant statements bearing
+on the matter are as follows: "I _Skjọldungasaga_, der blandt de
+islandske kilder har störst betydning, har vi herfor [i.e., instead of
+Halfdan and Frothi] Hálfdan og Ingjaldr, der er halvbrödre, bægge sönner
+af kong Fróði froekni; Halvdans moder er en datter af kong Jörund i
+Sverrig, Ingjalds moder er en datter af Sverting og Frodes virkelige
+hustru; herom ved vor saga altså intet. Halvdan er ifg. _Skj._ gift med
+en Sigríðr (således også i _Hrs._, hvor hun pludselig dukker op). Deres
+börn er de samme som i sagaen; også her er Signý gift med Sævil. Ingjald
+dræber sin broder Halvdan og gifter sig med hans enke (heri finder vi
+motivet til at hun lader sig indebrænde med Frode i _Hrs._, hvilket dér
+står ganske umotiveret)."--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 9.
+
+The _Skjọldungasaga_ does not, however, say that Ingjald's mother was a
+daughter of Swerting. It says, "Postea ducta alia, Ingialldum filium
+legitimum hæredem suscepit" (_Aarb._, p. 111). And later it says that
+Ingjald married Swerting's daughter. The words of the saga are,
+"Ingialldus Frodonis filius Svertingi baronis paulo ante commemorati
+filiam in uxorem accepit firmioris gratiæ, ut omnibus visum, conciliandæ
+ergo" (_Aarb._, p. 112). This would indicate that Ingjald was not the
+son of a daughter of Swerting.]
+
+[Footnote 185: "Arngrim tilföjer, at natten efter var de hos en bonde,
+i.e., Hrane, hvis gaver de afslog. (Footnote. Her træffer vi sikkert det
+oprindelige forhold, kun ét mode med Odin.) Hvorledes Rolv rejste
+videre, siges ikke i nogen af kilderne. Det er klart heraf, at Arngrims
+fremstilling står sagaen nærmere end _Skj._, hvilket næppe kommer af, at
+Snorre skulde have udeladt det som Arngrim har; det har været den yngre
+bearbejdelse af _Skj._, som A. Olrik vistnok med rette har ment at kunne
+påvise, som Arngrims fremstilling beror på."--Finnur Jónsson, _Hrs.
+Bjark._, Introd., p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 186: See, for instance, Sarrazin's _König Hrodhgeirr und seine
+familie_; _Eng. Stud._, XXIII, pp. 221 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 187: _Aarb._, pp. 164.]
+
+[Footnote 188: See p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 189: _Beow.-Stud._, pp. 41 ff., and _Eng. Stud._, XXIII, p.
+228.]
+
+[Footnote 190: _Notes, Beow._, pp. 43.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka
+and the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf, by Oscar Ludvig Olson
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka and
+the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf, by Oscar Ludvig Olson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf
+       A Contribution To The History Of Saga Development In England And The
+       Scandinavian Countries
+       
+
+Author: Oscar Ludvig Olson
+
+Release Date: February 2, 2005 [EBook #14878]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HROLFS SAGA KRAKA ***
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+The University of Chicago.
+
+The Relation of the _Hr�lfs Saga_ _Kraka_ and the _Bjarkar�mur_ to
+_Beowulf_.
+
+A Contribution to the History of Saga Development in England and the
+Scandinavian Countries.
+
+A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS
+AND LITERATURE IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
+(DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH).
+
+BY
+
+OSCAR LUDVIG OLSON
+
+A Private Edition
+
+Distributed By The University of Chicago Libraries
+
+A Trade Edition Is Published By The Society for
+the Advancement of Scandinavian Study.
+
+1916
+
+THE RELATION OF THE HR�LFS SAGA KRAKA AND THE BJARKAR�MUR TO BEOWULF.
+
+A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF SAGA DEVELOPMENT IN ENGLAND AND THE
+SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES.
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+It was at the suggestion of Professor John M. Manly that I took up the
+study which has resulted in the following dissertation, and from him I
+have received much encouragement and valuable assistance on numerous
+occasions. I have profited by suggestions received from Professor Tom
+Peete Cross and Professor James R. Hulbert; and Professor Chester N.
+Gould has been unstinting in his kindness in permitting me to draw on
+his knowledge of the Old Norse language and literature. In addition to
+the aid received from these gentlemen, professors in the University of
+Chicago, I have received bibliographical information and helpful
+suggestions from Professor Frederick Klaeber, of the University of
+Minnesota; I have been aided in various ways by Professor George T.
+Flom, of the University of Illinois, particularly in preparing the
+manuscript for the press; and from others I have had assistance in
+reading proof. To all these gentlemen I am very grateful, and I take
+this opportunity to extend to them my sincere thanks.
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTORY.
+
+
+The following pages are the result of an investigation that has grown
+out of a study of _Beowulf_. The investigation has been prosecuted
+mainly with a view to ascertaining as definitely as possible the
+relationship between the Anglo-Saxon poem and the _Hr�lfs Saga Kraka_,
+and has involved special consideration of two portions of the saga,
+namely, the _B[o.]�vars��ttr_, and the _Fr��a��ttr_, and such portions of
+the early literature in England and the Scandinavian countries as seem
+to bear some relationship to the stories contained in these two
+portions of the saga. Some of the results achieved may seem to be
+outside the limits of the main theme. But they are not without value
+in this connection, for they throw light on the manner in which the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ and some of the other compositions in question came to
+assume the form in which we now find them. Thus these results assist
+us in determining the extent to which the saga and the _Bjarkar�mur_
+are related to _Beowulf_.
+
+As the field under consideration has been the object of investigation by
+a number of scholars, much that otherwise would need to be explained to
+prepare the way for what is to be presented lies ready at hand, and this
+is used as a foundation on which to build further.
+
+In order to give the reader who is interested in the subject, but has
+not made a special study of it, an idea of the problems involved, and
+the solutions that have been offered, the discussion is preceded by a
+brief summary of the principal conclusions reached by various scholars.
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
+
+_Aarb._--_Aarb�ger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie, 1894._
+
+_Ark._--_Arkiv f�r Nordisk Filologi._
+
+_Ang._--_Anglia._
+
+_Ant. Tid._--_Antiquarisk Tidsskrift._
+
+_Beow._--_Beowulf._ The line numbering used is that of A.J. Wyatt's
+edition.
+
+_Beow._, Child--_Beowulf and the Finnesburh Fragment_, translated by
+C.G. Child, 1904.
+
+_Beow. Stud._--_Beowulf-Studien_, by Gregor Sarrazin, 1888.
+
+_Beow. Unt._--_Beowulf, Untersuchungen_, by Bernhard ten Brink, 1888.
+
+_Beow. Unt. Ang._--_Beowulf, Untersuchungen �ber das angels�chsische
+Epos und die �lteste Geschichte der germanischen Seev�lker_, by Karl
+M�llenhoff, 1889.
+
+_Camb. Hist. Lit._--_The Cambridge History of English Literature._
+
+_Chron._--_Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland_, by Raphael
+Holinshed, edition of 1808.
+
+_Helt._--_Danmarks Heltedigtning_, by Axel Otrik, vol. I, 1903; vol. II,
+1910.
+
+_Dan. Nor. Rig._--_Danske og norske Riger paa de britiske �er i
+Danev�ldens Tidsalder_, by Johannes C.H. Steenstrup, 1882.
+
+_Eng. Nov._--_The Development of the English Novel_, by Wilbur L. Cross,
+1914.
+
+_Dictionary of National Biography_.
+
+_Eng. Stud._--_Englische Studien_.
+
+_Ext. Ch. Rol._--_Extraits de la Chanson de Roland_, by Gaston Paris,
+1912.
+
+_Gest. Dan._--_Gesta Danorum_, by Saxo Grammaticus, edited by A. Holder,
+1886.
+
+_Elton's Saxo_--_The First Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo
+Grammaticus,_ translated by Oliver Elton, 1894.
+
+_Gesch. Alteng. Lit._--_Geschichte der altenglischen Litteratur_, by
+Alois Brandl (Paul's _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie_, 1908).
+
+_Heimsk._--_Heimskringla, eller Norges Kongesagaer_, by Snorre
+Sturlasson, edited by C.R. Unger, 1868.
+
+_Hist. Reg. Wald._--_Historia Regis Waldei_, by Johannes Bramis, edited
+by R. Imelmann, 1912.
+
+_Hist. Mer._--_Historia Meriadoci_, edited by J.D. Bruce, 1913.
+
+_Hrs. Bjark._--_Hr�lfs Saga Kraka og Bjarkar�mur_, edited by Finnur
+J�nsson. 1904.
+
+_Icel. Leg._--_Icelandic Legends_, collected by J�n Arnason, translated
+by George E. Powell and Eir�kur Magn�sson, 1864.
+
+_Mort. d'Arth._--_Morte d'Arthur_, by Sir Thomas Malory, Globe edition,
+1871.
+
+_Norroen Fornkv��i_, edited by Sophus Bugge, 1867.
+
+_Nor. Tales_--_Norse Fairy Tales_, selected and adapted from the
+translations of Sir George Webbe Dasent, 1910.
+
+_Folk. Huld. Even._--_Norske Folke-og Huldre-Eventyr i Udvalg_, by P.
+Chr. Asbj�rnsen, revised edition by Moltke Moe, 1910.
+
+_Event. Sagn_--_Norske Folkeeventyr og Sagn_, by O.T. Olsen, 1912.
+
+_Nor. Hist._--_Det norske Folks Historie_, by P.A. Munch, 1852.
+
+_Sagn--Norske Sagn_, Christiania, 1902.
+
+_Notes, Beow.--Notes on Beowulf_, by Thomas Arnold, 1898.
+
+_Oldn. Lit. Hist.--Den oldnorske og oldislandske Litteraturs Historie_,
+by Finnur J�nsson.
+
+_Grundr._--Paul's _Grundriss der germanischen Philologie._
+
+_P.B.B._--Paul and Braune's _Beitr�ge zur Geschichte der deutschen
+Litteratur._
+
+_Pop. Tales--Popular Tales from the North_, by George Webbe Dasent,
+1859.
+
+_P.M.L.A.--Publications of the Modern Language Association of
+America._
+
+_Grettis.--The Saga of Grettir the Strong, Everyman's Library._
+
+_Sc. Folkl.--Scandinavian Folk-lore_, by William A. Craigie, 1896.
+
+_Sc. Rer. Dan.--Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, edited by Jakob Langebek,
+1772.
+
+_Macb._--Shakespeare's _Tragedy of Macbeth_, edited by William J. Rolfe,
+1905.
+
+_Skjs.--_Skj[o.]ldungasaga (_Aarb�ger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og
+Historie_, 1894).
+
+_Sn. Ed.--Snorri Sturluson, Edda_, edited by Finnur J�nsson, 1900.
+
+_St. germ. Sag.--Studien zur germanischen Sagengeschichte_; I _Beowulf_,
+by Friedrich Panzer, 1910.
+
+_St. Sag. Eng--Studien zur Sagengeschichte Englands_; I Teil, _Die
+Wikingersagen_, by Max Deutschbein, 1906.
+
+_V[o.]lsungasaga (Fornaldarsogur Nor�rlanda_, edited by Valdimar
+Asmundarson, vol. I, 1891).
+
+_Widsith_ (_The Oldest English Epic--Beowulf, Widsith_, etc.--translated
+by Francis B. Gummere, 1909).
+
+_Yel. Fair. Bk.--The Yellow Fairy Book_, by Andrew Lang.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+  Preface                               I
+
+  Introductory                          1
+
+  Bibliography and Abbreviations        3
+
+  The Relation of the Hr�lfs Saga Kraka and the Bjarkar�mur to Beowulf
+
+    I B[o.]�vars��ttr                   7
+
+    II Fr��a��ttr                      61
+
+    III General Summary                98
+
+
+
+THE RELATION OF THE HR�LFS SAGA KRAKA AND THE BJARKAR�MUR TO BEOWULF.
+
+I
+
+_B[O.]�VARS��TTR._
+
+The question whether Saxo Grammaticus' account of Biarco's fight with
+a bear or the account in the _Hr�lfssaga_ of Bjarki's fight with a
+winged monster is the earlier version of the story has been the
+subject of much discussion, as has also the possible identity of
+Bjarki's (Biarco's) exploit with one or both of Beowulf's exploits
+(his slaying of Grendel and the dragon). The latter problem is still
+further complicated by the introduction of two beasts in the
+_Bjarkar�mur_ where Saxo and the _Hr�lfssaga_ have only one, and the
+introduction in _Beowulf_ of Grendel's mother, who makes her
+appearance in order to defend her offspring and also is slain.
+
+In this dissertation an attempt will not be made to clear up the whole
+of this complicated matter. But an attempt will be made to solve some
+of the problems involved. It will be shown that the stories in the
+_Bjarkar�mur_ of the slaying of the wolf and the bear at the court of
+Hrolf Kraki[1] are based on the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ of the
+slaying of the winged[2] monster. The explanation of the origin of the
+dragon and the interpretation of the whole dragon story in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_, both of which have hitherto been wanting, will be given.
+From this it will be seen that this story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ is based
+on the story, related in the second book of Saxo's _Gesta Danorum_[3],
+of Bjarki's slaying the bear.
+
+_Earlier Opinions in Regard to the_ B[O.]�VARS��TTR, _the_
+BJARKAR�MUR, _and Related Matters_.
+
+Gisli Brynjulfsson, the first writer, apparently, to call attention to
+the similarity between Beowulf's combat with Grendel and Bjarki's
+combat with the winged monster, identified the story in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster with the story
+in _Beowulf_ of Beowulf's fight with Grendel. That it was a
+sea-monster (havj�tte) that caused the trouble in Denmark, while it
+was a mountain-troll that caused the trouble in Norway, he thought was
+as characteristic as anything could be.[4]
+
+Gregor Sarrazin would identify Bjarki with Beowulf. He calls attention
+to striking similarities between the stories about the two men and
+attempts to identify the word "B[o.]�var," etymologically, with the
+word "Beowulf." The translator, as he calls the author of _Beowulf_,
+may, through misconception, have regarded "var," the second part of
+the name "B[o.]�var," as "vargr" and translated it faithfully into AS.
+"wulf." This, combined with other changes, which he discusses and
+illustrates, that might have taken place in the name in its passage
+from very early Danish to Anglo-Saxon, could have caused the
+Scandinavian name "B[o.]�var" to be rendered "B[=e]owulf" in
+Anglo-Saxon.[5]
+
+Sophus Bugge thought that saga-characteristics earlier ascribed to
+Beowulf had been transferred, in Danish tradition, to Bjarki. The
+story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster he regarded as
+acquired from contact with the story of Beowulf's fight with the
+dragon. He showed that the words "B[o.]�var" and "B[=e]owulf" are not
+etymologically related, but that "B[o.]�var" is the genitive of
+"b[o.]�," meaning "battle," so that "B[o.]�var Bjarki" means "Battle
+Bjarki." He called attention to the fact that Saxo regarded Bothvar's
+real name as Bjarki (Lat. Biarco), that the _Bjarkam�l_ was called
+after that name, and, furthermore, that Saxo ascribed to Bjarki the
+words "belligeri cepi cognomen".[6]
+
+Sarrazin regards the story of Bjarki's journey from Sweden to Denmark
+and subsequent exploit there, with which he identifies the corresponding
+journey and exploit of Beowulf, as an embodiment of the Balder and Frey
+cult. He thinks it may be interpreted as the southward journey of the
+sun in the autumn and its contest with frost and mists when it reaches
+its southern limit (i.e., Denmark, according to the ancient conception
+of the people of the Scandinavian peninsula); or it may be interpreted
+as the introduction of the Balder-cult from Sweden into Denmark.[7]
+
+Bernhard ten Brink agreed with Karl M�llenhoff,[8] that, on the one
+hand, there is really no similarity between the Beowulf story and Saxo's
+account of Bjarki, in which the blood-drinking episode is the main
+point, and, on the other, between Saxo's account and that in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_, which has too much the nature of a fairy tale to be
+ancient tradition. He agreed with Bugge, that Bjarik's combat with the
+winged monster shows contact with the story of Beowulf's fight with the
+dragon.[9]
+
+Sarrazin, replying to ten Brink, scouts the idea that a poem, such as
+_Beowulf_, which was completely unknown in England after the eleventh
+century, should, after this time, be well known in Scandinavian
+countries and exert a notable influence there.[10]
+
+G. Binz does not think that Sarrazin's attempt to identify Bjarki with
+Beowulf is sufficiently substantiated and shows by a list of names,[11]
+dating from the twelfth century and found in the Northumbrian _Liber
+Vitae_, that the story about Bjarki was probably known at an early date
+in northern England.[12]
+
+Sarrazin thinks that perhaps Beowulf married Freawaru, Hrothgar's
+daughter, as, similarly, Bjarki, according to the _Hr�lfssaga_, married
+Drifa, the daughter of Hrothgar's nephew, Hrolf Kraki; that the troll
+which supports Hrolf Kraki's enemies in Hrolf's last battle is a
+reminiscence of the dragon in _Beowulf_; and that, owing to the change
+of taste and other causes that occurred in the course of time, the
+Beowulf story developed into the form in which it is found in the Bjarki
+story in the _Hr�lfssaga_.[13]
+
+Thomas Arnold concedes that there may be a faint connection between the
+Bjarki story and the Beowulf story, but he rejects Sarrazin's theory
+that the Anglo-Saxon poem is a translation from the Scandinavian (see p.
+8).[14]
+
+B. Symons takes the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster to
+be a fusion of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and that of his
+fight with the dragon.[15]
+
+R.C. Boer identifies Bjarki with Beaw. In the West-Saxon line of kings,
+Beaw succeeded Scyld; in the poem _Beowulf_, Beowulf, the Danish king,
+succeeded Scyld; in Saxo's account, Frothi I succeeded Scyld. Frothi is
+represented as having killed a dragon.
+
+According to the _Hr�lfssaga_, Bjarki killed a dragon. As Beaw in one
+account occupies the same position in the royal line as Frothi in
+another and Beowulf, the Dane, in a third, Boer thinks that Bjarki's
+exploit and Frothi's exploit are the same one and that to Beowulf, the
+Dane, the same exploit was also once attributed. In Saxo's account,
+Bjarki is a king's retainer; and Boer thinks his exploit has been
+differentiated from that of Frothi, who is a king. In _Beowulf_, he
+thinks, the exploit has been transferred from Beowulf, the Danish king,
+to Beowulf, the Geat, and that the differentiation of the deed into two
+exploits has been retained--Beowulf, as a king's retainer, slaying
+Grendel, and later, as a king, killing a dragon. This identifies
+Bjarki's slaying of the winged monster with Beowulf's slaying of
+Grendel. In Saxo's account of Bjarki, Boer thinks that the dragon has
+been stripped of its wings and changed to a bear.[16]
+
+Finnur J�nsson regards the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ of Bjarki's slaying
+the winged monster as a reflection, though a feeble one, of the Grendel
+story in _Beowulf_.[17]
+
+Axel Olrik, who, more extensively than any other writer, has entered
+into the whole matter, of which the problems here under consideration
+form a part, does not think there is any connection between _Beowulf_
+and the _Hr�lfssaga_.[18] He regards the stories in the _Bjarkar�mur_ of
+Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear as earlier
+compositions than the corresponding story in the _Hr�lfssaga._[19] The
+addition of "Bothvar" to Bjarki's name he thinks was acquired among the
+Scandinavians in the north of England,[20] where the Bjarki story, by
+contact with the story of Siward, Earl of Northumberland, acquired the
+further addition of Bjarki's reputed bear-ancestry.[21] The stories in
+the _Grettissaga_, _Flateyjarb�k_, and _Egilssaga_ to which counterparts
+are found in _Beowulf_, he believes to have been acquired by contact
+either with the Beowulf legend or, perhaps, with the Anglo-Saxon epic
+itself.[22]
+
+Finnur J�nsson thinks that the stories in the _Bjarkar�mur_ of Bjarki's
+slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are later compositions
+than the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ of Bjarki's slaying the winged
+monster, and supports this opinion by maintaining that the monster in
+the saga is a reminiscence, though altered and faded, of Grendel in
+_Beowulf_.[23]
+
+Sarrazin regards the cowardly, useless Hott, Bjarki's companion, as a
+personification of the sword Hrunting, which fails Beowulf in his fight
+with Grendel's mother. But Hjalti, as Hott is called after he has become
+brave and strong, he regards as a personification of the giant-sword
+with which Beowulf dispatches Grendel's mother. Sarrazin would also
+identify the giant-sword, which is said to have a golden hilt (gylden
+hilt), with the sword Gullinhjalti in the _Hr�lfssaga_.[24]
+
+Max Deutschbein sees a connection between the Bjarki story and the
+_Gesta Herwardi_ that would tend to establish the story in the
+_Bjarkar�mur_ as earlier than the corresponding story in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_.[25]
+
+H. Munro Chadwick, basing his opinion on the similarity between the
+career of Bjarki and that of Beowulf, thinks there is good reason for
+believing that Beowulf was the same person as Bothvar Bjarki.[26]
+
+Alois Brandl does not think that Beowulf and Bjarki were the same
+person. He calls attention to the difficulty involved in the fact,
+which, he says, Olrik has emphasized, that "Bjarki" is etymologically
+unrelated to "Bi�r"; and of troll fights, he says, there are many in
+Scandinavian literature.[27]
+
+William Witherle Lawrence thinks that "we may have to do with late
+influence of _Beowulf_ upon the _Hr�lfssaga_".[28] He identifies "gylden
+hilt" with Gullinhjalti.[29] He regards the stories in the _Bjarkar�mur_
+of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear as earlier
+compositions than the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ of Bjarki's slaying the
+winged monster,[30] which, in agreement with Olrik, he regards as "a
+special late elaboration peculiar to the _Hr�lfssaga_." He regards
+Saxo's story as earlier than the stories in the _Bjarkar�mur_.[31] He
+refers to Mogk as believing that the Bjarki story in the saga is a
+werewolf myth into which the Grendel motive is woven.[32] He quotes a
+passage from Heusler, in which Heusler states that he regards the story
+in the _Bjarkar�mur_ of the fight with the bear as earlier than the
+story in the saga of the fight with the winged monster and that,
+furthermore, Beowulf's fight with Grendel has been transferred to
+Bjarki.[33] Lawrence also calls attention to the fact that Gering thinks
+there is unmistakable similarity between the Grendel story and the story
+of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster.[34]
+
+Friedrich Panzer identifies Bjarki with Beowulf and regards the story in
+question in the _Hr�lfssaga_ as a later composition than the
+corresponding stories in the _Bjarkar�mur_, which he identifies with the
+Grendel story.[35] "Gylden hilt" he identifies with Gullinhjalti;[36]
+and Hott-Hjalti, whom Sarrazin regards as a personification of swords in
+_Beowulf_, he identifies with Hondscio, Beowulf's companion who is
+devoured by Grendel.[37]
+
+
+_The Story in the_ HR�LFSSAGA _of Bjarki's Slaying the Winged Monster_.
+
+It appears to the writer that the key to the explanation of much that
+has been the subject of dispute, or has remained unexplained, in the
+story about Bothvar Bjarki in the _Hr�lfssaga_ is the influence of the
+fictitious (in part, also historical) life of Siward, Earl of
+Northumberland under Canute the Great and succeeding kings.
+
+The life of Siward, briefly summarized from the _Dictionary of National
+Biography_,[38] is as follows.
+
+Siward, Earl of Northumberland, called Digera, or the strong, a Dane, is
+said to have been the son of a Danish jarl named Bi�rn. According to
+legend he was descended from a white bear and a lady, etc.[39] As a
+matter of fact, he probably came to England with Canute and received the
+earldom of Deira after the death of Eadwulf Cutel, the Earl of
+Northumbria, when the Northumbrian earldom appears to have been divided.
+He married �lfl�d, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of Bernicia, the nephew of
+Eadwulf Cutel. In 1041 he was employed by Hardecanute, along with Earls
+Godwin and Leofric, to ravage Worcestershire. Later he became Earl of
+Northumberland and probably also of Huntingdon.
+
+He upheld Edward the Confessor in his quarrels with Godwin in 1051. In
+pursuance of the king's command, Siward invaded Scotland both by sea and
+land with a large force in 1054. The King of Scotland was Macbeth, who
+had slain his predecessor, Duncan I, the husband of a sister or cousin
+of the earl, and Siward's invasion was evidently undertaken on behalf of
+Duncan's son Malcolm. A fierce battle took place on July 27th; the Scots
+were routed, Macbeth fled, and Malcolm appears to have been established
+as King of Cumbria in the district south of the Firths of Forth and
+Clyde. Siward died at York in 1055. Siward and his son Osbeorn, called
+by Shakespeare "Young Siward," appear in _Macbeth_.
+
+The legendary life of Siward is found in two Latin versions in
+Langebek's _Scriptores Rerum Danicarum_, vol. III. These two versions
+Olrik designates as A (anonymous; p. 288) and B (Bromton; p. 300).[40]
+According to B, an earl of royal descent in the kingdom of the Danes had
+an only daughter, who went with her maidens for a walk in a neighboring
+wood. They met a bear, whereupon the maidens fled and the daughter was
+seized by the bear and carried off. In the course of time she gave birth
+to a son, whose name was Bern and who bore marks, in the shape of a
+bear's ears, of his paternity. Bern had a son, whose name was Siward.
+According to A, Siward is removed by three generations more from his
+bear-ancestor, the line of descent being Ursus (the bear), Spratlingus,
+Ulsius (should be Ulfius), Beorn (with the cognomen Beresun), Siward.
+
+According to A, where the account is a little more detailed than in B,
+Siward, who was given the cognomen Diere (large), was a brave and
+powerful man, who, disdaining the succession to his father's earldom in
+Denmark, set sail with one vessel and fifty chosen companions, and
+arrived at the Orkney Islands. On one of the islands was a dragon that
+had done much damage by killing men and cattle. To show his strength and
+bravery, Siward entered into a combat with the dragon and drove it from
+the island. Thence he set sail for Northumberland, and there, he heard,
+there was another dragon. During the search for this dragon, he met an
+old man sitting on a hill. He inquired of the man as to the whereabouts
+of the dragon. But the man, calling him by name, told him that he sought
+the dragon in vain, and directed him to continue his journey and proceed
+till he came to a river called Thames, on whose bank was situated a city
+by the name of London. "And there," he said, "you will find the king of
+that region, who will enlist you in his service and in a short time
+bestow land upon you." As a token of the trustworthiness of his
+prediction, the old man drew from the folds of his garment a banner,
+called Ravenlandeye, and presented it to Siward.
+
+Siward accepted the banner and proceeded to London, where he was
+summoned by King Edward to meet him at Westminster. Siward obeyed the
+summons and was enlisted in the service of the king, who promised him
+the first position of honor to become vacant in the kingdom. On this
+visit to the king, he slew Tosti in order to avenge an imagined insult
+and demanded and received Tosti's earldom of Huntingdon, which had thus
+become vacant. Some time after he also received the earldoms of
+Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland.
+
+Later the Norwegians made war on the king; but Siward defeated them and
+avenged many fold the insults and injuries sustained by the king, thus
+fulfilling the prophecy "that Divine Providence would permit to be born
+from the union of a rational with an irrational creature, i.e., from the
+union of a woman with a bear, a man who would wreak vengeance on the
+enemies of the illustrious and glorious King of England."
+
+In the course of time, Dunewal, King of the Scots, was ejected from his
+kingdom. He sought the aid of Siward, who gathered an army and proceeded
+as far as Dundee, when news was brought him that his subjects in
+Northumberland had risen in insurrection and slain his son Osbertum
+(Osbernum) Bulax. Compelled to return he was roused to such anger that
+he sank his sword into a rock leaving a mark that could be seen, the
+author says, in his day. Siward restored to the king the territory
+seized by the rebels, and returned home and inflicted severe punishment
+on his enemies.
+
+B has some variations from the account in A, but none of these
+variations are of present significance.
+
+The transformation of Siward from an historical character, in regard to
+whom we have authentic information, into the hero of a saga the first
+part of which is of the "fornaldarsaga" type, the latter part of the
+"Isl�ndingasaga" type,[41] is quite remarkable. He must have made a deep
+impression on the minds of his contemporaries and remained a hero in
+oral tradition long after the historical events of his life had been
+forgotten.
+
+Olrik, who has done work of great importance in this field, offers a
+discussion of the legendary life of Siward in the _Arkiv f�r nordisk
+Filologi_, vol. XIX, from which it seems desirable to quote some
+passages for the light they throw on the development of this saga in
+England.
+
+"Tagen som helhed er Sivards saga den m�rkelige forening af �ventyrlig
+og historisk sagastil."
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"I dragekampene og i Odinskikkelsen, er der n�r tilslutning til norr�n
+tradition; her m� de i Nordengland bosatte Nordm�nd have gjort sig
+g�ldende med et berigende og udviklende element. Dette g�lder da ikke
+blot for Sivards saga, men ogs� for Ragnar Lodbroks historie, for s�
+vidt den fra f�rst er bleven til i England. P� den anden side m� vi ikke
+alene regne med, at Nordengland er en afl�gger af norsk sagakultur; den
+er tillige en banebryder for dens rigere udvikling. Vi har set det med
+dragekampen, der optages v�senlig fra engelske forestillinger, og som
+vistnok ad den vej finder ind i de norsk-islandske �ventyrsagaer og
+historiske traditioner".[42]
+
+With the situation thus before us--namely: 1. the numerical strength of
+the Danes and Norwegians in the north of England, which had become a
+second home of Norwegian saga-culture; 2. the fact that the _Hr�lfssaga_
+was known in England, where Bjarki received the addition "Bothvar" to
+his name; and 3. the fact that the Siward saga as we find it in Langebek
+was developed in the same locality--it is evident that it was not only
+possible, but practically inevitable, that the _Hr�lfssaga_ and the
+Siward saga should come in contact with each other. And this was,
+indeed, the case. That a popular hero is said to have descended from a
+bear is a very widespread motive, not at all confined to the territory
+in which the Bjarki story was known; but the similarities in the
+genealogies of Siward, Bothvar Bjarki, and Ulf _(Gest. Dan._, tenth
+book) are so great that the casual reader immediately concludes that
+these genealogies must in some way be related. Olrik has unraveled the
+skein and shown that the bear-ancestry belonged originally to Siward and
+from him was transferred to Ulf and Bjarki.
+
+Olrik dwells on the fact that, "Det sagn, der her optr�der som knyttet
+til historiske eller rettere halvhistoriske personer, findes ogs� rundt
+omkring i Europas �ventyr som indledning til fort�llingen om den st�rke
+k�mpe, der hentede de bortf�rte konged�tre tilbage fra troldene." Olrik
+says further: "Men ogs� i den islandske saga-verden har vi tilknytning.
+Beorn Beresuns f�dsel genfindes som B�dvar Bjarkes. B�dvars for�ldre er
+den til bj�rn omskabte konges�n Bj�rn og bondedatteren Bera. Foruden ved
+navnene r�bes sammenh�ngen ved at bj�rnen--ligesom i Sakses sagn--bliver
+jaget og dr�bt, og s�nnen senere tager h�vn. Men samtidig er motivet
+udviklet langt rigere, idet omskabelse og stemoder er blandet ind, og
+arven efter vilddyret fordeles paa tre s�nner: dels bj�rneagtigt ydre,
+dels styrke og 'hamram'-hed, S�ledes er de danske og de (norsk-)
+islandske tilknytninger af forskellig art; de danske giver os de
+�ventyragtige elementer, hvoraf sagnet opst�r. Den islandske
+_Hr�lfssaga_ og _Bjarkar�mur_ viser os dets videre udvikling til
+�ventyrsaga. Selve den nordengelske Sivardssaga st�r i midten som et
+m�rkeligt mellemled i udviklingen".[43] Here we have the first
+indication of contact between the Siward saga and the story of Bjarki,
+in the _Hr�lfssaga_.
+
+There is much in the main features of the lives of Siward and Bjarki
+that is similar. Both were men of extraordinary prowess and bravery;
+both gave up a great heritage at home (Siward, an earldom; Bjarki, a
+kingdom); both left their native land to enter the service of a foreign
+monarch (Siward entering the service of Edward the Confessor; Bjarki,
+that of Hrolf Kraki); both slew a ferocious monster; both paused in
+another land (Siward, on the Orkney Islands; Bjarki, in Sweden) before
+reaching what was to be their destination; both displayed their warlike
+qualities by slaying a man of great prominence who was closely connected
+with the king (Siward slaying Tosti, and Bjarki slaying Agnar); both
+were the king's chief support in his wars against his enemies; and both
+invaded a foreign land (Siward making an expedition to Scotland, and
+Bjarki accompanying Hrolf on his expedition to Sweden).
+
+Certain features of the life of Bjarki mentioned above, such as his
+bravery, strength, his being in the service of Hrolf Kraki, his killing
+a fierce beast, and slaying Agnar, the saga-man found ready to his hand;
+but not the renunciation of his kingdom. Earldoms and kingdoms are not
+renounced "for light and transient causes." As regards Siward, who
+renounced his earldom, he seemed to be destined for a greater career, as
+subsequent events show and as is indicated by the fact that Odin (for
+the old man on the hill whom Siward met was none other than Odin) took a
+hand in directing his course. But when Bjarki renounced his kingdom, it
+was altogether unmotivated. The saga says: "Soon afterwards [i.e., after
+Bjarki's revenge on his evil stepmother] King Hring fell sick and died,
+whereupon Bothvar succeeded to the throne and was for a time satisfied.
+Later, he called his subjects together to a '�ing' [i.e., assembly] and
+said he wished to leave the country, married his mother to a man named
+Valsleit, who had been an earl, celebrated their wedding, and
+departed".[44] He became Hrolf's most noted warrior, but neither sought
+nor attained to any other distinction. The renunciation of a kingdom for
+the fate of a man who appears among strangers and gets what his own
+right arm can win for him is a rare occurrence; and when the saga-man
+lets Bjarki become a king and then, without reason, renounce this
+highest of all earthly dignities, it can only be in servile imitation
+of the corresponding feature of the Siward saga.
+
+Besides those already mentioned, the two stories have other features in
+common. It is said of Siward, that when he learned that his son Osbeorn
+had fallen in battle, he became so angry that he sank his sword into a
+rock. It is said of Elgfrothi, Bjarki's brother, that he swung his sword
+against a rock with such force that it sank in to the hilt. But
+Elgfrothi's feat was performed under such widely different circumstances
+that the author may, or may not, have had Siward's feat in mind in
+recording the incident. However, suggestions received from one story are
+often employed in another quite as the author sees fit, so that,
+although one is not inclined to attach much importance to this incident,
+it is, nevertheless, worth noting.
+
+Somewhat more noteworthy than the incident just mentioned is the
+introduction of Odin in both stories in the disguise of an old man. In
+the Siward story he appears on a hill as Siward reaches Northumberland
+on his journey from the Orkney Islands, and tells Siward what course to
+pursue, presents him the banner Ravenlandeye, which is accepted, and
+predicts for him a brilliant future. In the _Hr�lfssaga_ Odin appears as
+a one-eyed old man living in a hut in Sweden. Hrolf and his men seek a
+night's entertainment of him while on their way to the Swedish court,
+and the old man tests their endurance and instructs Hrolf in regard to
+the measures he must take to accomplish his purpose. Odin also appears
+to the men as they return on their way to Denmark, when he offers Hrolf
+a sword, shield, and armor. Hrolf declines the preferred gift, whereupon
+Odin tells Hrolf that he is not as wise as he thinks he is, and Hrolf
+soon, but too late, realizes that the rejection of the gift augurs ill
+fortune. There is nothing unusual in the appearance of Odin as a
+one-eyed old man, for it is a common characteristic of saga literature.
+But though Hrolf's expedition to Sweden is mentioned in _Snorri's
+Edda_,[45] where the passage concerned is based on the old
+_Skj[o.]ldumgasaga_, the oldest authority in regard to the matter, but
+unfortunately now lost, no mention of Odin is made in this
+connection.[46] Furthermore, Odin again appears in the saga (at the
+close), where Bjarki vows that if he could get his eye on the god he
+would use him roughly for permitting the enemy to gain the victory in
+the battle that is being fought and that is going against Hrolf and his
+men. In the latter instance, Odin belongs originally to the story
+(_Gest. Dan._, second book, where Odin is represented as riding his
+steed Sleipnir and being invisibly present at the battle to take the
+dead to Valhalla). The two conceptions of Odin--on the one hand as
+appearing in the disguise of an old man; on the other, as riding his
+horse, Sleipnir, and taking those fallen in battle to Valhalla--are
+quite different, the former being distinctly Norwegian, one of the
+circumstances that Olrik uses to show that the Siward saga originated
+under strong Norwegian influence, while the latter was the conception of
+Odin current in Denmark and Sweden.[47] As already stated the
+introduction of Odin as an old man is a motive that occurs frequently in
+saga literature. It cannot, therefore, be stated definitely that his
+appearance in the Siward saga suggested the use of him in the Bjarki
+story. But the two stories were current in the same locality; they were
+formed under similar conceptions of saga literature; in both stories
+Odin directs the hero in question as to the most advisable course to
+pursue and offers him a present; the Bjarki story already contained an
+instance, of another mintage, of the Odin motive; as stated above, the
+oldest authority in regard to the matter says nothing about Odin's
+appearing to Hrolf on the expedition to Sweden; and, as we know, the one
+has acquired important features (Bjarki's bear-ancestry and his
+renunciation of his kingdom) from the other. These circumstances render
+it highly probable that this is another of the Bjarki story's
+acquisitions from contact with the Siward saga. Incidents of this kind
+need not necessarily be used in one story as they are in another; saga
+literature abounds in evidence of this fact, as, for instance, Saxo's
+and the _Hr�lfssaga's_ story of Hroar and Helgi, considered later.
+
+A feature of the _Hr�lfssaga_ that is much more noteworthy in this
+connection and that has certainly been acquired from the Siward saga is
+that concerning the kind of monster slain by Bjarki at the court of
+Hrolf Kraki. When Siward's bear-ancestry had been transferred to Bothvar
+Bjarki, it followed as a matter of course that Bjarki must no longer be
+represented as killing a bear. Siward had driven a dragon, which had
+killed men and cattle in great numbers, from one of the Orkney Islands;
+and it is in imitation of this exploit that Bjarki is represented as
+having slain a winged monster (dragon). This would be only another
+instance, in addition to those already mentioned, of the influence
+exerted by the story of Siward on the _Hr�lfssaga_. Ordinarily, there
+was nothing about Bjarki's person that revealed or suggested that his
+father was a bear; but he was able to assume the shape of a bear, which,
+according to the _Hr�lfssaga_, he did with terrible effect in the last
+battle of Hrolf and his warriors. Since he sustained such near
+relationship to the bear-family, it would be inappropriate to represent
+him as showing his prowess by killing a bear, for his sentiments toward
+that animal would, as a result of his own ancestry and the treatment his
+father had received, be those of sympathy rather than antipathy. His
+mother had told him the whole story of his ancestry and the maltreatment
+of his father, and it had aroused him to take most dire revenge.
+Consequently, he must be represented as having killed some other kind of
+ferocious beast, or monster, than a bear, and this naturally became the
+same kind of monster that Siward had overcome, namely a dragon. The fact
+that it was not uncommon at the time the saga was composed for a popular
+hero to be represented as having slain a dragon made it all the easier
+for the author of the _Hr�lfssaga_ to imitate this feature of the Siward
+saga. It may be said that this is attributing too much consistency in
+one particular to a story that otherwise is a piece of patch-work. But
+the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster is not patch-work;
+it does not represent the poorest and latest form of the Bjarki legends,
+as Olrik says;[48] it is not an impossible story, as Panzer says;[49]
+nor is it "inconsequent and absurd," as Lawrence says.[50] Considering
+the time at which it was written, it is a well considered, well
+constructed narrative, in which the material at hand and the machinery
+that was regarded as permissible and appropriate in saga-writing at the
+time is employed with great skill to produce the intended effect. The
+story is as follows:--
+
+"Ok sem lei� at j�lum, ger�uz menn �k�tir. B[o.]�varr spyrr H[o.]tt,
+hverju �etta s�tti; hann segir honum, at d�r eitt hafi �ar komit tv�
+vetr � samt, mikit og �gurligt--'ok hefir v�ngi � bakinu ok fl�gr �at
+jafnan; tvau haust hefir �at n� hingat vitjat ok gert mikinn ska�a; �
+�at b�ta ekki v�pn, en kappar konungs koma ekki heim, �eir sem at eru
+einna mestir.' B[o.]�varr m�lti: 'ekki er h[o.]llin sv� vel skipu�,
+sem ek �tla�i, ef eitt d�r skal h�r ey�a r�ki og f� konungsins.'
+H[o.]ttr sag�i: '�at er ekki d�r, heldr er �at hit mesta tr[o.]ll.' N�
+kemr j�laaptann; ��, m�lti konungr: 'n� vil ek, at menn s� kyrrir ok
+hlj��ir � n�tt, ok banna ek [o.]llum m�num m[o.]nnum at ganga �
+n[o.]kkurn h�ska vi� d�rit, en f� ferr eptir �v� sem au�nar; menn m�na
+vil ek ekki missa.' Allir heita h�r g��u um, at gera eptir �v�, sem
+konungr bau�. B[o.]�varr leyndiz � burt um n�ttina; hann l�tr H[o.]tt
+fara me� s�r, ok gerir hann �at nau�ugr ok kalla�i hann s�r st�rt til
+bana. B[o.]�varr segir, at betr mundi til takaz. �eir ganga � burt fr�
+h[o.]llinni, ok ver�r B[o.]�varr at bera hann; sv� er hann hr�ddr. N�
+sj� �eir d�rit; ok �v� n�st �pir H[o.]ttr sl�kt, sem hann m�, ok kva�
+d�rit mundu gleypa hann. B[o.]�varr ba� bikkjuna hans �egja ok kastar
+honum ni�r � mosann, ok �ar liggr hann ok eigi me� [o.]llu �hr�ddr;
+eigi �orir hann heim at fara heldr. N� gengr B[o.]�varr m�ti d�rinu;
+�at h�fir honum, at sver�it er fast � umgj[o.]r�inni, er hann vildi
+breg�a �v�. B[o.]�varr eggjar n� fast sver�it ok �� brag�ar �
+umgj[o.]r�inni, ok n� f�r hann brug�it umgj[o.]r�inni, sv�, _at_
+sver�it gengr �r sli�runum, ok leggr �egar undir b�gi d�rsins ok sv�
+fast, at st�� � hjartanu, ok datt �� d�rit til jar�ar dautt ni�r.
+Eptir �at ferr hann �angat sem H[o.]ttr liggr. B[o.]�varr tekr hann
+upp ok berr �angat, sem d�rit liggr dautt. H[o.]ttr skelfr �kaft.
+B[o.]�varr m�lti: 'n� skaltu drekka bl�� d�rsins.' Hann er lengi
+tregr, en �� �orir hann v�st eigi annat. B[o.]�varr l�tr hann drekka
+tv� sopa st�ra; hann l�t hann ok eta n[o.]kkut af d�rshjartanu; eptir
+�etta tekr B[o.]�varr til hans, ok �ttuz �eir vi� lengi. B[o.]�varr
+m�lti: 'helzt ertu n� sterkr or�inn, ok ekki v�nti ek, at �� hr��iz n�
+hir�menn Hr�lfs konungs.' H[o.]ttr sag�i: 'eigi mun ek �� hr��az ok
+eigi �ik upp fr�, �essu.' 'Vel er �� or�it, H[o.]ttr f�lagi; f[o.]ru
+vit n� til ok reisum upp d�rit ok b�um sv� um, at a�rir �tli at kvikt
+muni vera.' �eir gera n� sv�. Eptir �at fara �eir heim ok hafa kyrt um
+sik, ok veit engi ma�r, hvat �eir hafa i�jat. Konungr spyrr um
+morguninn, nvat �eir viti til d�rsins, hv�rt �at hafi n[o.]kkut �angat
+vitjat um n�ttina; honum var sagt, at f� alt v�ri heilt � grindum ok
+�sakat. Konungr ba� menn forvitnaz, hv�rt engi s�i l�kindi til, at �at
+hef�i heim komit. Var�menn ger�u sv� ok k�mu skj�tt aptr ok sog�u
+konungi, at d�rit f�ri �ar ok heldr geyst at borginni. Konungr ba�
+hir�menn vera hrausta ok duga n� hvern eptir �v�, sem hann hef�i hug
+til, ok r��a af �v�tt �enna; ok sv� var gert, sem konungr bau�, at
+�eir bjuggu sik til �ess. Konungr horf�i � d�rit ok m�lti s��an: 'enga
+s� ek f[o.]r � d�rinu, en hverr vill n� taka kaup einn ok ganga � m�ti
+�v�?' B[o.]�varr m�lti: '�at v�ri n�sta hrausts manns forvitnisb�t.
+H[o.]ttr f�lagi, rektu n� af �er illm�lit �at, at menn l�ta, sem engi
+krellr n� dugr muni � ��r vera; far n� ok drep �� d�rit; m�ttu sj�, at
+engi er allf�ss til annarra.' 'J�, sag�i H[o.]ttr, ek mun til �essa
+r��az.' Konungr m�lti: 'ekki veit ek, hva�an �essi hreysti er at ��r
+komin, H[o.]ttr, ok mikit hefir um �ik skipaz �, skammri stundu.'
+H[o.]ttr m�lti: 'gef m�r til sver�it Gullinhjalta, er �� heldr �, ok
+skal ek �� fella d�rit e�a f� bana.' Hr�lfr konungr m�lti: '�etta
+sver� er ekki beranda nema �eim manni, sem b��i er g��r drengr og
+hraustr.' H[o.]ttr sag�i: 'sv� skaltu til �tla, at m�r s� sv� h�ttat.'
+Konungr m�lti: 'hvat m� vita, nema fleira hafi skipz um hagi ��na, en
+sj� �ykkir, en f�stir menn �ykkjaz �ik kenna, at, �� s�r enn sami
+ma�r; n� tak vi� sver�inu ok nj�t manna bezt, ef �etta er til unnit.'
+S��an gengr H[o.]ttr at d�rinu alldjarfliga ok h�ggr til �ess, ��,
+_er_ hann kemr � h[o.]ggf�ri, ok d�rit fellr ni�r dautt. B[o.]�varr
+m�lti: 'sj�i� n�, herra, hvat hann hefir til unnit.' Konungr segir:
+'v�st hefir hann mikit skipaz, en ekki hefir H[o.]ttr einn d�rit
+drepit, heldr hefir �� �at gert.' B[o.]�varr segir: 'vera m�, at sv�
+s�.' Konungr segir: 'vissa ek, �� _er_ �� komt h�r, at f�ir mundu
+��nir jafningjar vera, en �at �ykki m�r �� �itt verk fr�giligast, at
+�� hefir gert h�r annan kappa, �ar _er_ H[o.]ttr er, ok �v�nligr ��tti
+til mikillar giptu; ok n� vil ek _at_ hann heiti eigi H[o.]ttr lengr
+ok skal hann heita Hjalti upp fr� �essu; skaltu heita eptir sver�inu
+Gullinhjalta'".[51]
+
+The consistency observed in displacing the bear, as the animal killed
+by Bjarki has been noted, as has also the reason why the dragon was
+introduced as a substitute for the bear. It will be observed that the
+account of the dragon in the Siward story suggested the further
+development of the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_. Olrik says: "I �n
+henseende bar Sivard den digres kamp dog noget eget. De almindelige
+norr�ne dragekampe lige fra Sigurds drab p� F�vne har stadig til m�l at
+vinde dragens guld. For Sivard digre eksisterer dette motiv ikke; han
+vil frelse de hjems�gte mennesker. Af alle de islandske dragekampe har
+kun Bj�rn Hitd�lek�mpes noget tilsvarende, og her er det n�ppe
+tilf�ldigt at ogs� den er henlagt til de engelske farvande. Det er det
+engelske dragekamps-motiv".[52] Olrik further calls attention to the
+fact that in English tales the object is not to kill the dragon, but to
+drive it away, as Siward did. But to fit the dragon into the Bjarki
+story, it had to be killed in order that the blood-drinking episode
+might be introduced. This involved no difficulty, however; for the
+killing of the dragon was in harmony with Scandinavian saga-usage. But
+it should be observed how, in essence, the conception of the dragon in
+the Bjarki story harmonizes accurately with that in the Siward story.
+The king and his court are afflicted by the visitations of a dragon; and
+Bjarki puts an end to this affliction by killing the dragon, as Siward,
+in the corresponding situation, does by driving it away.
+
+Not less terrible than dragons, but much more common, were trolls; and
+this fact led Brynjulfsson to remark that the introduction of a troll in
+this connection was as characteristic as anything could be.[53] The
+introduction of the troll is quite in harmony with the genius of Old
+Norse folk-lore. The saga-man did not, however, characterize the dragon
+as a troll merely because he would thus be employing good saga-material,
+but because the depredations ascribed to the dragon in the Siward story,
+which were quite foreign to the accounts of dragons in Scandinavian
+folk-lore, were very suggestive of the depredations ascribed to trolls,
+and because a troll story would enable him to work out his plot with
+admirable effect. The statement in the saga, "As the Yule-feast
+approached, the men grew depressed," is a characteristic beginning of a
+troll story; for, while trolls commit their depredations at all times of
+the year and under a multitude of circumstances, many of the stories
+about them begin with such expressions as: "Yule was approaching. On the
+eve the shepherd went with his sheep";[54] "In old days no one could
+stay over Christmas Eve";[55] "It happened once late on a Yule Eve";[56]
+"Formerly every Christmas Eve";[57] "I gamle dage var det en
+julenat";[58] "Juleaften gik Per Bakken til kvernhuset";[59] "Nogen av
+selskapet kom til at tale on Hammertrollet, som det nu kaltes, og de
+mente, at skulde de nogengang vente ulempe av det arrige troll, saa
+maatte det vel vasre saadan i julegryet".[60]
+
+Thus, as we see, the statement that the winged monster appears late
+Christmas Eve,[61] is exactly in harmony with the belief, still current
+in some parts of Norway, that on Christmas Eve, after sunset, but never
+earlier in the day, an adventure with a troll is to be expected unless
+proper precaution be taken to avoid it. It is a part of the
+superstition, that if any one ventures into, or near, the stable or
+other outbuildings late in the evening, he is in the greatest danger of
+being attacked by one of these malignant beings; and people are in
+mortal terror of falling into the clutches of a troll. As a result,
+there is great haste to get the chores done up early on Christmas Eve.
+In fact, the fear that Hott shows before leaving the hall, when he knows
+he must go out, and the extreme fear that he shows later, can be
+duplicated from the tales that are told in connection with the
+superstition. There is no danger, however, so long as one remains in the
+house.[62]
+
+A story, pertinent in this connection, is told to illustrate the
+difficulties that ministers in the rural districts in Norway have had to
+contend with on account of the superstitious belief in trolls. A
+minister had exerted himself to root out of the people in his parish the
+belief in trolls. Among those whom he had endeavored to enlighten was a
+boy. But so ingrained had this belief become in the boy that, when
+Christmas Eve arrived and he was requested to go to one of the
+outbuildings on an errand, he was seized with fright. He went on the
+errand, however, and performed it without seeing a troll; but on his
+return he was so overcome with the fear that a troll was pursuing him
+that he fell to the ground, and had to be met by people from the house
+and escorted back.[63] The story is supposed to be true, and there is no
+reason to doubt it. But whether it is true or not is immaterial in this
+connection; in any event, it shows what kind of story we are dealing
+with in the saga, and it shows to what admirable use the story enabled
+the saga-man to put the inordinate fear and cowardice of Hott. In view
+of the circumstances (Hott's cowardice and the common fear of the
+Christmas troll), Hott's actions, when he is forced to accompany Bjarki
+and when he sees the monster, are perfectly natural; and to see the
+matter in any other light is not to understand the story.
+
+Another feature of the first part of the story that should be noticed is
+the dual nature of the monster. A dragon was as terrible a creature as
+one could imagine; a troll was also as terrible a creature as one could
+imagine. But the saga-man has introduced into his story a being that
+combines the characteristics of both. Hott knew that the monster
+possessed this dual nature, for it is from him that the author lets the
+statement proceed, "That is no beast, it is rather the greatest troll."
+This makes it still more natural for him to display ridiculous fear. It
+also explains the king's fear of the monster, and removes the odium that
+might seem to attach to the king and his warriors in withdrawing from a
+combat with such a creature and allowing it, unopposed, to perform its
+Yule-tide depredations and depart. The saga-man did not intend to
+be-little Hrolf Kraki; he intended to magnify Bjarki by introducing a
+monster for him to overcome that it was no shame for other mortals to
+avoid. Nor is it accidental that the reader is informed of the
+troll-nature of the dragon in a statement made by Hott to Bjarki. It
+serves to make it plain that Bjarki also knew what kind of monster the
+dragon was. This places in the strongest relief his courage in
+undertaking voluntarily, nay against the express command of the king, to
+attack the beast, and his prowess in felling it without difficulty. What
+single feat could he have performed, or in what manner could he have
+performed it, to reflect greater credit on himself? The cowardly Hott he
+had to have with him also, in order that the blood-drinking episode
+might be introduced; but Hott's childish actions encumbered him at a
+time when they would be very provoking and it might be necessary for
+Bjarki to have command of all his resources to gain a victory.
+
+In the scene that follows the slaying of the dragon, it seems at first
+sight that an incongruous element has been introduced. That Hott is
+compelled to eat some of the dragon's heart is good saga-material, as is
+evident from the similar episode in the _Volsungasaga_ (i.e., Sigurd's
+eating some of Favnir's heart); but the dragon is also a troll, and
+there is no sanction in saga-literature for eating a troll's heart and
+drinking a troll's blood to gain strength and courage. Trolls have
+always been regarded as detestable beings; and in drinking the blood of
+a troll, it might seem that one would acquire detestable qualities. But,
+on the one hand, the difficulty, if indeed story-tellers of the time
+regarded the matter as presenting a difficulty, was unavoidable without
+a reconstruction of the whole story; on the other hand, so far as the
+monster was a dragon, no difficulty would be involved, and so far as the
+monster had the nature of a troll, the heart-eating and blood-drinking
+would certainly be regarded as imparting strength. In such scenes as
+this it is never the intention that one who eats the heart of a dragon
+or drinks an animal's blood shall acquire all the characteristics of the
+animal; every scene of this kind would then be ridiculous from any point
+of view. The eating and drinking are done to gain strength and courage,
+as is the case here; and it is not proper to subject this scene to a
+more critical judgment than similar scenes in other sagas. The strength
+of a troll was certainly not to be despised; and we find this particular
+episode sanctioned in a way in the _Bjarkar�mur_, where it is said that
+after Hjalti had drunk of the blood of the wolf, he became, not as
+strong as a wolf, but "as strong as a troll." In view of the fact that
+the troll is a troll-dragon, that the eating of its heart associates the
+episode very closely with the similar episode in the _Volsungasaga_, and
+that the _r�mur_ magnify Hjalti's strength by saying that it is equal to
+that of a troll, it is hypercritical to say that the saga here contains
+an incongruous element. And however insistent one may be in maintaining
+that the author has introduced an element that is not recognized
+saga-material, it must be admitted that he has so skillfully fused it
+with good saga-material that it is not probable, as the _r�mur_ show,
+that contemporary readers found any fault with the episode.
+
+But does such a monster as a troll-dragon have any sanction in
+folk-lore? Yes, it does. It is characteristic of Norse folk-lore to
+ascribe troll-like qualities to beings about which there seems to be
+something supernatural, such as invulnerability. In one of Asbj�rnsen's
+tales, there is a story about a troll-bird, told by a man named Per
+Sandaker, who "was supposed to be strong in stories about troll-birds."
+In the story referred to, there is a woodgrouse (tiur) which has become
+known as a fabulous animal (fabeldyr) throughout the whole neighborhood.
+"One might just as well shoot at a stone,' said Per, with the greatest
+conviction"; for he had shot at the bird and made the feathers fly,
+without being able to injure it. Later, on the hunting-trip on which Per
+was telling about the bird, he and a companion came across it. "Now he
+is out again, the old fellow," said Per; "there is no use in the wide
+world to shoot at him, one might just as well shoot at the clouds." The
+men maneuvered for a position; and Per's companion, who is telling the
+story, says, "My gun was raised, and the mighty bird tumbled down head
+first." Per picked it up and examined it and declared that it was the
+troll-bird; he could tell it by the beak. On the same trip stories were
+told about troll-hares that for a time had escaped uninjured but had
+finally been killed.[64]
+
+Panzer[65] and others have called attention to the discrepancy between
+the statement that the monster in the saga is said to be invulnerable,
+and that it is nevertheless killed. In the story from Asbj�rnsen's tales
+we have the explanation. The troll-animal seems to be invulnerable until
+some one appears who has the requisite skill or strength, or a
+combination of both, to dispatch it; and it might be observed that
+Bjarki paid no more attention to Hott's statement about the
+invulnerability of the troll-dragon than Per's companion paid to Per's
+statement about the invulnerability of the troll-bird.
+
+Finnur J�nsson calls the dragon a hall-attacking monster;[66] but this
+appellation is hardly correct. The only thing in the saga might fairly
+suggest it is Bjarki's statement, "The hall isn't so well defended as I
+thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the king."
+But Hott has not said that the monster had attached the hall; and if it
+be insisted that it is the author who has presented Bjarki as making the
+statement and has not paused to weigh nicely the dramatic proprieties,
+the reply may be made that Bjarki thinks of how weakly the king's hall
+is defended when a monster can regularly defy his men and come off
+without injury. He does not imply that the hall has been attacked; he
+refers to the destruction of "the domain and property of the king." In
+any event, the saga does not represent the monster as attacking the
+hall. To continue immediately after the statement just quoted: Hott
+answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest troll.' Now came
+the Yule-even; and the king said, 'Now I desire that all the men be
+still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all to run any risk on
+account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills; my men I do not
+wish to lose'. The king expects the cattle to fare ill, but wishes to
+run no risk of losing his men; however, if they remain in the hall in
+the night, there will be no risk of losing them, because (such is the
+necessary conclusion) the hall and the men in the hall will not be
+attacked. Hence, the monster cannot be called a hall-attacking monster;
+it is a cattle-attacking monster. Again, Bjarki did not expect the
+monster to attack the hall. If he had, he would probably have done as
+Beowulf did under similar circumstances--awaited its arrival. And the
+king's men did not expect the monster to attack the hall, for they seem
+to have gone to sleep; this is implied in the statement telling about
+Bjarki's and Hott's return to the hall, "Then they went in and were
+quiet; no one knew what they had done." If the men had been on guard for
+the monster, which was the only rational thing for them to do if they
+expected the hall to be attacked, the opportunity for Bjarki and Hott to
+sneak out, remain some length of time, and return, all unobserved, would
+have been cut off. Later, after Bjarki had crept out at night and killed
+the dragon, compelling Hott to go with him, etc., the saga continues,
+"The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast;
+whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him the
+cattle were all safe and sound in the folds." From this it follows that
+the dragon might have appeared and killed all the cattle, so far as the
+king knew; he had paid no attention to the matter in the night; he had
+apparently been asleep. The question was not whether the monster had
+attacked the hall; it was not expected to attack the hall; and the fact
+that it had not attacked the hall signified nothing as to whether it had
+made its appearance. The question was whether the cattle had suffered;
+and when the king asked if the beast "had showed itself anywhere in the
+night," the answer was that "the cattle were all safe and sound in the
+folds." The extreme danger to which the cattle were exposed, and the
+entire safety of the men if they remained in the hall during the night,
+show again that this was no hall-attacking monster, but "et kongsg�rden
+hjems�gende uhyre," a troll that destroyed cattle and did not endanger
+the men unless they left the hall in the night and exposed themselves to
+attack.
+
+Among the Icelandic legends collected by J�n Arnason is a story which,
+in certain important particulars, is very much like the story about
+Bjarki's fight with the troll-dragon. A portion of it is as follows:--
+
+     "A man named Gudmundur lived once upon a time at a farm called
+     Silfr�narstadir, in the bay of Skagafj�rdur. He was very rich in
+     flocks, and looked upon by his neighbours as a man of high esteem
+     and respectability. He was married, but had no children.
+
+     "It happened one Christmas Eve, at Silfr�narstadir, that the
+     herdsman did not return home at night, and, as he was not found at
+     the sheep-pens, the farmer caused a diligent search to be made for
+     him all over the country, but quite in vain.
+
+     "Next spring Gudmundur hired another shepherd, named Gr�mur, who
+     was tall and strong, and boasted of being able to resist anybody.
+     But the farmer, in spite of the man's boldness and strength, warned
+     him to be careful how he ran risks, and on Christmas Eve bade him
+     drive the sheep early into the pens, and come home to the farm
+     while it was still daylight. But in the evening Gr�mur did not
+     come, and though search was made far and near for him, was never
+     found. People made all sorts of guesses about the cause of his
+     disappearance, but the farmer was full of grief, and after this
+     could not get any one to act as shepherd for him.
+
+     "At this time there lived a poor widow at Sj�varborg, who had
+     several children, of whom the eldest, aged fourteen years, was
+     named Sigurdur.
+
+     "To this woman the farmer at last applied, and offered her a large
+     sum of money if she would allow her son to act as shepherd for him.
+     Sigurdur was very anxious that his mother should have all this
+     money, and declared himself most willing to undertake the office;
+     so he went with the farmer, and during the summer was most
+     successful in his new situation, and never lost a sheep.
+
+     "At the end of a certain time the farmer gave Sigurdur a wether, a
+     ewe, and a lamb as a present, with which the youth was much
+     pleased.
+
+     "Gudmundur became much attached to him, and on Christmas Eve begged
+     him to come home from his sheep before sunset.
+
+     "All day long the boy watched the sheep, and when evening
+     approached, he heard the sound of heavy footsteps on the mountains
+     Turning around he saw coming towards him a gigantic and terrible
+     troll.
+
+     "She addressed him, saying, 'Good evening, my Sigurdur. I am come
+     to put you into my bag.'
+
+     "Sigurdur answered, 'Are you cracked? Do you not see how thin I am?
+     Surely I am not worth your notice. But I have a sheep and fat lamb
+     here which I will give you for your pot this evening.'
+
+     "So he gave her the sheep and the lamb, which she threw on her
+     shoulder, and carried off up the mountain again. Then Sigurdur went
+     home, and right glad was the farmer to see him safe, and asked him
+     whether he had seen anything.
+
+     "'Nothing whatever, out of the common,' replied the boy.
+
+     "After New Year's day the farmer visited the flock, and, on looking
+     them over, missed the sheep and lamb which he had given the youth,
+     and asked him what had become of them. The boy answered that a fox
+     had killed the lamb, and that the wether had fallen into a bog;
+     adding, 'I fancy I shall not be very lucky with _my_ sheep.'
+
+     "When he heard this, the farmer gave him one ewe and two wethers,
+     and asked him to remain another year in his service. Sigurdur
+     consented to do so.
+
+     "Next Christmas Eve, Gudmundur begged Sigurdur to be cautious, and
+     not run any risks, for he loved him as his own son.
+
+     "But the boy answered, 'You need not fear, there are no risks to
+     run.'"
+
+The troll appeared again, and Sigurdur gave her two old and two young
+sheep. When he returned to the farm he declared that he had seen nothing
+unusual. Next year the troll appeared as usual, and took four sheep,
+which Sigurdur offered her, and himself besides. When she arrived at her
+cave, she bade Sigurdur kill them, and then bade him sharpen an axe, for
+she was going kill him. He did so, but she spared him.
+
+From this point, the story becomes more of a common fairy tale. By
+following the troll's advice, Sigurdur won Margaret, the dean's
+daughter.[67]
+
+This is another story about a troll that comes on Christmas Eve and
+harms people only when they expose themselves after sunset. Particularly
+noteworthy are the statements: "Gudmundur became attached to him, and on
+Christmas Eve begged him to come home from his sheep before
+sunset";--"Next Christmas Eve, Gudmundur begged Sigurdur to be cautious,
+and not run any risks, for he loved him as his own son";--and, "The
+farmer ... asked him whether he had seen anything. 'Nothing whatever,
+out of the common,' replied the boy." They bear a striking resemblance
+to the corresponding statements in the _Hr�lfssaga_: "The king said,
+'Now I desire that all the men be still and quiet in the night, and I
+forbid them all to run any risk on account of the beast; let the cattle
+fare as fate wills; my men I do not wish to lose'";--and, "The king
+asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the beast; whether it
+had showed itself anywhere in the night; they told him the cattle were
+all safe and sound in the folds."
+
+The purpose of calling attention to the story in Arnason's collection is
+that it may aid in showing what kind of story the dragon story in the
+saga really is. That the most terrible kind of troll attacks the
+cattle[68] of the famous King Hrolf Kraki and is dispatched by the noted
+hero Bothvar Bjarki does not alter the nature of the story.
+
+A possible objection remains, which should be removed. When the warders
+in the morning saw the dead propped-up dragon, they said "that the beast
+was advancing rapidly to attack the town." And "the king bade his men be
+courageous, [and said] each one should help, according as he had courage
+for it, and proceed against the monster." But it is plain that, since
+the beast was apparently coming in the morning, in broad daylight,
+instead of at night, it seemed to have changed its tactics, and no one
+could tell what it intended to do. It was the part of wisdom to prepare
+for the worst. Besides, the men would have better prospects of success,
+or at least of avoiding injury, in an encounter with it in daylight
+when its maneuvers could be watched and guarded against. That the
+warders in a state of excitement said that "the beast was advancing
+rapidly to attack the town," is of no significance. They merely
+expressed the thought that came to their minds; and they were palpably
+wrong when they said that it "was advancing rapidly." But it is an
+exquisite touch on the part of the saga-man to have the warders utter
+these words. They got one view of the monster and hastened back. Of
+course, the beast was advancing and advancing rapidly; it would never
+occur to them, unless they had paused to take note of it, which they did
+not do, that the monster was standing still.
+
+It may seem that too much attention is devoted to this feature of the
+story. But it is important to establish, if possible, the type of story
+we have before us in this much discussed tale about Bjarki and the
+troll-dragon. Regardless of where the author got the idea of the dragon,
+he has made use of the popular story about the troll that comes
+Christmas Eve and attacks those who venture out into the open after
+dark. And when the saga-man transformed the story into one of this type,
+he did it with the conscious purpose of providing a story that would
+enable him to let Bjarki take Hott out secretly at night, kill the
+dragon, compel Hott to eat of its heart and drink of its blood, put
+Hott's newly acquired strength to the test, prop the dead dragon up in a
+living posture, thus paving the way for further developments, and then
+return to the hall--all unseen and without arousing a breath of
+suspicion. The type of story is adapted precisely to the requirements of
+the author's plan. That the propping-up of an animal that has been slain
+is good saga-material, or has the sanction of earlier usage, is
+admitted, and need not be dwelt upon here.
+
+The type to which the dragon story belongs has a bearing on its
+relationship to the Grendel story. Grendel is a hall-attacking monster;
+the troll-dragon is not a hall-attacking monster. If the dragon story in
+the saga is a modification of the Grendel story in _Beowulf_, or if it
+is a modification even of the story about the fire-spewing dragon, there
+has been a change, not only in the details of the story and the nature
+of the monster, but it has been transferred from one well-defined type
+of story to another. There is, indeed, a type of troll story in which
+the troll comes Christmas Eve and attacks the inmates of the house, not
+the cattle in the stable or in the folds. To this type belongs the
+story in the _Grettissaga_ in which the troll-wife attacks the man of
+the house[69] and which is often compared with the Grendel story.
+Another story of the same type is that about Per Gynt, who, having been
+informed that a certain house is invaded by trolls every Christmas Eve
+so that the inmates must seek refuge elsewhere, decides to ask for
+lodging there overnight next Christmas Eve in order that he may put an
+end to the depredations of the trolls. The trolls make their appearance
+as usual, and with the aid of a tame polar bear Per Gynt puts them to
+flight.[70] But these stories must be sharply differentiated from the
+Bjarki story and others of its type; so that while the Grettir story and
+the Grendel story are essentially of the same type, the story about the
+winged monster in the _Hr�lfssaga_ and the Grendel story are not of the
+same type.
+
+The last episode in the story about Bjarki and the winged monster has
+met with more criticism than any other portion of it. Olrik says that
+the story should have given us a real test of Hjalti's manhood;[71]
+Lawrence says, "The beast-propping episode spoils the courage-scene";[72]
+and Panzer says that this part of the story is impossible, because
+Hjalti is represented as killing a dead monster, and Hrolf, although he
+perceives the deception that has been practiced, nevertheless gives the
+swindler the heroic name Hjalti.[73] Panzer is also inclined to make
+much of Hjalti's asking for, and receiving, the king's sword, as he
+mentions the matter twice. Once he says, "Warum er des K�nigs Schwert
+verlangt, gibt die Saga nicht an, er 't�tet' damit das (tote) Tier wie
+in den _R�mur_";[74] and again, "Man sieht nicht, warum und wozu Hjalti
+des K�nigs Schwert zu seiner Scheintat erbittet und erh�lt".[75]
+Furthermore, Kluge, Sarrazin, Holthausen, Lawrence, and Panzer[76] would
+identify "gylden hilt" in _Beowulf_ with Gullinhjalti in the saga.
+
+In considering this portion of the story it should be observed that the
+saga-man had a fourfold purpose in view. Bjarki must receive credit for
+his great achievement in killing the troll-dragon; he must receive
+credit for having made a brave man of the cow Hott; Hott must give proof
+of his newly acquired courage; his change of name must also be made,
+and, as is most appropriate, it must result, and result naturally, from
+the deed by which his courage is displayed. But before proceeding to an
+explanation of how the author manipulates the scene so as to accomplish
+his purpose, let us see how he has prepared for it.
+
+The monster is dead. Hott has partaken of its strength-giving blood and
+heart. Bjarki and Hott have wrestled long, so that Bjarki has brought
+Hott to a thorough realization of the strength he now possesses, for
+that is the significance of the wrestling-match; and what better
+assurance could Hott have that he is now very strong than that he is not
+put to shame in wrestling with Bjarki who has overawed the king's
+warriors and slain the terrible dragon? Finally, the dragon is propped
+up and the two retire.
+
+The morning comes and the monster is in view; but some of the terror
+that its expected arrival in the darkness had inspired has disappeared
+when it is seen in broad daylight. An effort ought really to be made to
+destroy it, but the king will not command any one to take the risk
+involved in attacking it. He calls for a volunteer, and the fact that no
+one volunteers shows what the men think of it. Bjarki sees an
+opportunity to continue what he has begun in the night, by having Hott
+do what will win him the reputation and place among the king's men to
+which, owing to the change that he has undergone, he is now entitled;
+and he calls on Hott to show his strength and courage by attacking the
+beast. Hott knows that the monster is dead, but this is not the reason
+why he accedes to Bjarki's request. He realizes now that Bjarki's
+friendship is beyond question and that everything that Bjarki has done
+with regard to him, and asked him to do, has been for the best; and
+though he feels that he is called upon to engage m a strange proceeding,
+loyalty to his friend, who probably is equal to this occasion, as he has
+been to every other, impels him to do as requested and assist in playing
+the game to the end. So he says to the king, "Give me your sword
+Gullinhjalti, which you are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in
+the attempt."
+
+Whether Hott has a sword of his own the saga does not tell, and it is
+quite immaterial. That such a coward as Hott has been has no business
+carrying a sword, would be sufficient justification for his being
+without one. But whether he has a weapon or no, if he is going to
+attack the monster he ought to be armed with the best sword available;
+and whose would that be but the king's sword? If the king expects any
+one to run the risk of attacking the beast, he ought to be willing to do
+what he can to assure success in the undertaking. He feels the force of
+the argument implied in Hott's request, and hands him his sword; but he
+says, "This sword can only be borne by a man who is both brave and
+daring." Hott answers, "You shall be convinced that I am such a man." He
+then goes up to the beast and knocks it over. But a beast that has shown
+itself to be so terrible on former occasions cannot be alive and yet
+stand stock still and allow itself to be killed and tumbled over in this
+manner. It must have been killed before, and now the king strongly
+suspects that the reason why Bjarki has urged Hott to attack it was that
+Bjarki, having killed the monster himself, knew that it was dead; and
+when he is charged with the deed he does not deny it. Thus Bjarki gets
+the credit for his achievement.
+
+It is true, as M�llenhoff,[77] ten Brink,[78] and Olrik[79] have said,
+that the main object of the whole story of Bjarki and the dragon is to
+motivate Hott's newly acquired courage. Bjarki compels Hott to go with
+him when the dragon is to be attacked; he compels him to eat and drink
+what will give him strength and courage; he props up the dead dragon in
+order that, as the sequel shows, Hott may gain the reputation of being
+what he now really is, a brave man; and while, of the two achievements
+with which Bjarki is credited, the killing of the dragon is passed over
+lightly, his having made a brave man of Hott is strongly emphasized. But
+there can be no doubt that the saga-man planned that Bjarki should get
+credit for killing the dragon; for Bjarki does get such credit, and it
+must be presumed that, what the author permits to occur, he planned
+should occur. It is also natural that more emphasis is laid on his
+having made a hero of Hott than on his having slain the monster. Now
+that the beast is dead, the killing of it proved not to be an impossible
+feat, and Bjarki has shown before, that he possesses the qualities
+necessary for such a deed. But that he possesses the ability to make a
+hero out of the miserable, cowardly wretch, Hott, is a revelation of a
+new and uncommon power. He has not only dispatched the king's most
+dangerous foe, he has added another brave man to the number of the
+king's retainers. This naturally attracts the king's particular
+attention, and he gives Bjarki special credit for the achievement.
+
+But when Bjarki is known to have killed the beast, what becomes of
+Hott's display of bravery, or even the appearance of bravery? His whole
+demeanor, from the moment he accedes to Bjarki's request to attack the
+beast, reveals the change in his nature. But the proof of this change
+consists, not in knocking over the dragon, but in his ability to wield
+the sword which the king himself says can "only be borne by a man who is
+both brave and daring." This must be conclusive proof to the king and to
+all present. It is not accidental that it is the king's sword that Hott
+uses and that it is the king himself who makes the remark about it which
+he does. The king, above all men, must be convinced of Hott's bravery,
+and in view of the manner in which Hott's bravery is displayed, the king
+must, indeed, be satisfied with the proof. Thus this purpose of the
+scene is also accomplished. Nor has the saga-man devised an artificial
+method of testing strength and courage. It is quite in harmony with
+folk-lore. That a strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword
+that an ordinary mortal cannot handle, is a motive employed in a number
+of fairy tales. It occurs, for instance, in _Soria Moria Castle_, one of
+the best known Norse fairy tales. It is told that Halvor, a typical
+good-for-nothing fellow and groveler-in-the-ashes, has arrived at a
+castle inhabited by a princess and a three-headed troll. The princess
+warns Halvor to beware of the monster, but he decides to await the
+troll's arrival. Halvor is hungry and asks for meat to eat. "When Halvor
+had eaten his fill, the princess told him to try if he could brandish
+the sword that hung against the wall; no, he couldn't brandish it--he
+couldn't even lift it up. 'Oh,' said the princess, 'now you must go and
+take a pull of that flask that hangs by its side; that's what the troll
+does every time he goes out to use the sword.' So Halvor took a pull,
+and in a twinkling of an eye he could brandish the sword like
+anything".[80] It is apparent, therefore, that the saga-man intend
+Hott's ability to wield the king's sword to constitute the proof of his
+bravery. Thus the author's third purpose is accomplished, and the king
+rewards Hott, not in spite of the deception that been practiced and
+revealed, but on account of his bravery, which been proved.[81]
+
+In Saxon, Hjalti has no other name than "Hialto." In the _Hr�lfssaga_ he
+first has the name "Hott" and this is changed to "Hjalti." The
+appropriate time for changing it is, as has been said, when his change
+of nature becomes apparent; and his new name is most fittingly derived
+from the deed by which he manifests that he has become a different man
+from what he was. "Hjalti" means "hilt"; hence, he must get his name
+from a hilt; but it should come from the hilt of a sword connected with
+his display of courage, and this is the king's sword. It is a fine
+conception that, as Hjalti gets his new name from his ability to wield
+the wonderful sword of the king, his name is a constant reminder of his
+bravery. But the name of the king's sword is Skofnung; hence, as the
+word has no suggestion of "hilt" in it, it is not available in this
+connection. The form "hjalti" must appear in some way to suggest the
+name; and since the name is to come from the king's sword the word
+"hjalti" must be used in connection with it. But what kind of hilt would
+the king's sword naturally have? A golden hilt, of course. So far as the
+words are concerned, "iron hilt," "brass hilt," or "silver hilt" would
+have served the purpose just as well, had it been appropriate to use any
+of these terms. But the king's sword must have a golden hilt. Hence,
+Hott says to the king, "Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you are
+bearing, and I will kill the beast." And after the king is convinced of
+Hott's bravery he says, "And now I wish him called Hott no longer, he
+shall from this day be named Hjalti,--thou shalt be called after the
+sword Gullinhjalti." Thus Hjalti gets his name from the king's sword;
+and this, again, is proof that it is by wielding the king's sword that
+Hjalti displays his courage. That "Gullinhjalti" is written as one word
+and capitalized may be a late development and signify no more than the
+modern treatment by some writers of "gylden hilt" (i.e., writing it
+"Gyldenhilt") in _Beowulf_. Even if we assume that the original author
+of the word intended "Gullinhjalti" as a proper noun and the name of the
+king's sword, it does not necessarily conflict with the idea that the
+name of the king's sword is Skofnung. "Gullinhjalti" would then be a
+by-name, a pet-name, for Skofnung, derived from its golden hilt. It can
+hardly be presumed that when the saga-man in this connection calls the
+king's sword "Gullinhjalti," he has for the moment forgotten that the
+name of Hrolf's famous sword is Skofnung. Nor is it in conflict with the
+description of Skofnung that Gullinhjalti is given a supernatural
+quality. Skofnung also has a supernatural quality. It is Skofnung's
+nature to utter a loud sound whenever it reaches the bone.[82]
+
+That two swords in two widely separated compositions are identical
+requires more proof than that the term "golden hilt" is used in
+connection with both of them; and in the two compositions in question
+there is nothing else than this term, and the peculiarity of the one
+sword that it can be wielded only by a man of unusual strength, of the
+other that it can be wielded only by a brave man, on which to base an
+identity. The fact of the matter is that it is the requirement of the
+plot that has supplied both the name and the unusual quality of the
+sword Gullinhjalti in the _Hr�lfssaga_. Other requirements would have
+produced other results.
+
+But since such stress has been laid on the similarity between "gylden
+hilt" (_Beowulf_) and "Gullinhjalti" (_Hr�lfssaga_) in the attempt to
+identify Bothvar Bjarki with Beowulf, let us turn our attention, before
+proceeding further, to the portion of _Beowulf_ where the term "gylden
+hilt" occurs.
+
+The text shows clearly that the author of _Beowulf_ did not intend
+"gylden hilt" as a proper noun. He never uses the word "hilt" in
+connection with the weapon in question to designate the sword as a
+whole. "Hilt," both as a simple word and in compounds, is used only to
+designate the handle of the sword. The following terms are used for
+the sword as a whole: "bil,"[83] "sweord,"[84] "w[=�]pen,"[85]
+"m[=�]l,"[86] "[=i]rena cyst."[87] The word "hilt" is used seven
+times. Sarrazin says, "Es ist bemerkenswert, dass bei jenem Schwert,
+auch als es noch vollst�ndig und unversehrt war, regelm�ssig die
+hilze, der griff (hilt), hervorgehoben wurde (ll. 1563, 1574, 1614,
+1668, 1677, 1687, 1698)."[88] But the statements, "H[=e] gef[=e][=i]ng
+�[=a] fetel-hilt,"[89] "W[=�]pen hafenade heard be hiltum,"[90]
+contain the only two instances in which the hilt is mentioned before
+the blade melted. It is quite natural for the author to say, "He then
+seized the belted hilt," "The strong man raised the sword by the
+hilt"; for the hilt is the part of the weapon that is intended to be
+held in the hand when a sword is to be used. It is hardly correct to
+say that the hilt is here emphasized.
+
+  "Ne n[=o]m h[=e] [=i]n �[=�]m w[=i]cum, Weder-G[=e]ata l[=e]od,
+  m[=a]�m-[=�]hta m[=a], �[=e]h h[=e] �[=�]r monige geseah,
+  b[=u]ton �one hafelan ond �[=a] hilt somod,
+  since f[=a]ge; sweord [=�]r gemealt."[91]
+
+"Hilt" does not here mean "sword," because "sweord [=�]r gemealt" and
+nothing but the hilt was left to be taken away. The same applies to
+"hilt" in the statement, "Ic ��t hilt �anan f[=e]ondum �tferede."[92]
+
+  "�[=a] w�s gylden hilt gamelum rince,
+  h[=a]rum hild-fruman, on hand gyfen,
+  enta [=�]r-geweorc."[93]
+
+In this passage, "hilt" cannot refer to the whole sword, because the
+blade had melted; only the hilt remained. To say that the hilt was given
+to the king, was proper, for (making allowance, of course, for the
+fictional nature of the whole story) it was literally true; but to say
+that "Gyldenhilt" (the sword) was given to the king, would not be
+proper, because the principal part of the sword had disappeared. The
+word "gylden" is used in this passage apparently for two reasons: 1.
+that the hilt is of gold renders it more appropriate as a gift, to the
+king; 2. "gylden" alliterates with "gamelum."
+
+The hilt was remarkable for other qualities than that it was of gold.
+
+  "Hro�g[=a]r ma�elode, hylt sc[=e]awode,
+  ealde l[=a]fe, on �[=�]m w�s [=o]r writen
+  fyrn-gewinnes, sy��an fl[=o]d ofsl[=o]h,
+  gifen g[=e]otende, g[=i]ganta cyn;
+  fr[=e]cne gef[=e]rdon; ��t w�s fremde �[=e]od
+  [=e]cean Dryhtne; him ��s ende-l[=e]an
+  �urh w�teres wylm Waldend sealde.
+  Sw[=a] w�s on �[=�]m scennum sc[=i]ran goldes
+  �urh r[=u]n-stafas rihte gemearcod,
+  geseted ond ges�d, hw[=a]m ��t sweord geworht,
+  [=i]rena cyst, [=�]rest w[=�]re,
+  wreo�en-hilt ond wyrm-f[=a]h."[94]
+
+"Hylt"[95] cannot mean the whole sword, since Hrothgar could look at
+only what was left of the sword. That was the "gylden hilt," which he
+held in his hand; and the expression "hylt sc[=e]awode" leaves no doubt
+that "gylden hilt" is not a designation of the whole sword.
+"Wreo�en-hilt"[96] also obviously refers only to the hilt.
+
+In no instance, therefore, in this connection, does the author of
+_Beowulf_ use "hilt" to designate the whole sword; consequently, to
+write "gylden hilt" as one word and capitalize it is both arbitrary and
+illogical. There is, in fact, nothing in the poem to indicate that the
+sword had a name.
+
+Furthermore, the author refers to other swords that were distinguished
+by being ornamented with gold. When Beowulf left the land of the Danes,
+it is said,
+
+  "H[=e] �[=�]m b[=a]t-wearde bunden golde
+  swurd gesealde."[97]
+
+And when Beowulf returned to the land of the Geats and presented to
+Hygelac and Hygd the gifts he had received from Hrothgar,
+
+  "H[=e]t �[=a] eorla hl[=e]o in gefetian,
+  hea�o-r[=o]f cyning, Hr[=e]�les l[=a]fe
+  golde gegyrede; n�s mid G[=e]atum �[=a]
+  sinc-m[=a]��um s[=e]lra on sweordes h[=a]d;
+  ��t h[=e] on B[=i]owulfes bearm [=a]legde."[98]
+
+It is not said that either of these swords had a golden hilt; but it is
+plain that it was not unusual to represent a sword that possessed
+excellent qualities as being ornamented with gold, and the hilt is the
+part of the sword that naturally lends itself to ornamentation. Other
+examples of richly ornamented swords are King Arthur's sword, Excalibur,
+whose "pommel and haft were all of precious stones";[99] Roland's sword,
+Durendal, which had a golden hilt;[100] and the sword of Frothi II,
+which also had a golden hilt.[101]
+
+The fact, therefore, that, both in regard to the giant-sword in
+_Beowulf_ and King Hrolf's sword in the saga, the hilt is said to be
+golden proves nothing as to the identity of these two swords.
+
+And when, both in the term "gylden hilt" and in the word
+"Gullinhjalti," the hilt of the sword is made prominent, it is due, in
+the one instance, to the fact that nothing but the hilt remains; in the
+other, to the fact that the word "hjalti" is just the word that the
+author must have in order to explain the origin of Hjalti's name.
+
+A little more ought to be said about the propping-up of the dragon. That
+it served an excellent purpose is evident. It provided the occasion for
+Hjalti's asking for the king's sword, in the use of which he displayed
+his courage and from which he received his new name. Furthermore,
+Bjarki's interest in having Hott attack the beast and display his
+courage indicated that he knew that the beast was dead and that he had a
+special interest in having Hott recognized as a brave man. This, again,
+indicated that Bjarki had himself killed the beast and been the cause of
+the change in Hott's nature, for both of which he receives due credit.
+But it may be asked, when Bjarki propped the dead beast up, how could he
+know that events would take the turn they did? He could not know it. He
+relied on his resourcefulness to handle the situation, a resourcefulness
+on which he had drawn with success before. He was on hand in the morning
+to take note of developments, and we can imagine several possibilities
+that he might have had in mind. Had the king proposed that no risk
+should be taken with the beast, Bjarki could have requested and secured
+permission to attack it, taking Hott with him. Had the king himself
+proposed to attack the beast, or had he proposed that his warriors
+should attack it in a body, Bjarki could have said, "No, the king must
+not expose himself," or, "The king must not expose so many of his men at
+once; let me go." To which the king could have assented, whereupon
+Bjarki could have taken Hott with him and let Hott, at the last, proceed
+against the beast alone and knock it over. One can imagine other
+possibilities, which it is not necessary to enumerate here. To be sure,
+none of them would be so fortunate as the one represented as having
+occurred; but they would have enabled Hott to gain the reputation of
+being a brave man, and that is all Bjarki contemplated. That all turned
+out more fortunately than Bjarki had foreseen or even intended, enhances
+the interest of the story and illustrates the skill of the narrator, who
+chose to represent, as he had a right to do, that particular possibility
+as having actually occurred that produced the most satisfactory results.
+That Bjarki had no thought of credit for himself, redounds, in the
+estimation of the reader all the more to his credit; and it is a fitting
+reward that he gets full credit for all that he has done.
+
+It seems, then, that Bjarki intended to deceive the king. He undoubtedly
+did; but the deception was not intended to mislead the king. Hott _was_
+brave and strong, and Bjarki knew it; and even if Hott's strength and
+bravery should gain recognition through the employment of a ruse that
+involved no real test, no harm would be done. The author, however,
+planned that all should turn out otherwise. The reader will also
+remember the deception practiced by the shepherd boy in the story from
+J�n Arnason's collection.[102] The boy, who is there the hero of the
+story, as is Bjarki in the _Hr�lfssaga_, is represented as deceiving his
+master, but likewise without doing him appreciable harm, and furthermore
+without raising reflections on the part of the author as to the
+rectitude of his conduct.
+
+Panzer says that Hott's explanation that the repeated breaking-in of the
+monster is due to the fact that the king's best men do not return home
+at that time of the year is a strange explanation.[103] But in regard to
+Hott's statement a distinction must be made between fact and opinion. It
+is a fact, as the saga immediately afterwards shows, that the king's
+berserks are not at home; but it is only Hott's opinion that, if they
+were at home, they would be able to put an end to the depredations of
+the monster. It was quite natural, however, that he should think so; for
+to such an abject coward as he was, it must have seemed that nothing
+could resist such warriors as these berserks were. That they were not at
+home was due to the fact that they were on one of their regular
+expeditions. But why they had not been retained at home to cope with the
+dragon is not explained. The first time it appeared, it came entirely
+unexpected. The next year there may have been a question as to whether
+it would appear or not. The third year it was definitely expected. It
+seems, therefore, that preparations would have been made to resist it;
+and when the berserks are not retained at home to cope with the monster,
+it is due to the exigencies of the story. The berserks might have been
+retained at home to cope unsuccessfully with the monster, or avoid
+coping with it at all as the king's other men did, and thus place
+Bjarki's feat of slaying it in the strongest relief. But by letting the
+berserks be absent at Christmas and return later, the author
+accomplished more than this. Bjarki slew the monster, which, in any
+treatment of the story, he must be represented as doing. He seized one
+of the berserks, who demanded that Bjarki recognize him as his superior
+as a warrior, and threw him down with great violence. This was a more
+spectacular method of showing superiority to the berserks than merely
+doing what they dared not attempt to do, or could not do. But it is
+especially in the treatment of Hott, that skillful manipulation of the
+story is displayed in having the berserks return home and resume their
+boastful manner, after Hott has become strong and daring. Compared with
+the king's best warriors it is still a question as to how strong and
+brave Hott now is. The question is answered when he is requested to
+admit his inferiority to the berserks; for he seizes the one who
+confronts him and treats him as Bjarki is treating one of the others.
+Thus, in the presence of King Hrolf and the court, Hott displays his
+superiority to the doughtiest of the king's famous warriors. Finally,
+poetic justice is also achieved, for the very men who had made fun of
+Hott and thrown bones at him are now compelled to recognize that he is
+the master of them all.
+
+Panzer sees a deeper meaning, than evidently is intended, in the
+statement that, as Bjarki was about to attack the dragon, his sword
+stuck fast in the scabbard.[104] There is no reason, however, for
+regarding it as anything more than a melodramatic incident
+characteristic of medieval romances. It reminds one of the following
+statement by Wilbur L. Cross, which, with the omission of the reference
+to "giants" and "Merlin," characterizes the _Hr�lfssaga_ quite
+accurately and shows how it harmonizes with the spirit of medieval
+literature of its kind, "It is true that they [i.e., the Arthurian
+romances] sought to interest, and did interest, by a free employment of
+the marvellous, fierce encounters of knights, fights with giants and
+dragons, swords that would not out of their scabbards, and the
+enchantments of Merlin".[105]
+
+_The Stories in the_ BJARKAR�MUR _of Bjarki's Slaying the Wolf and
+Hjalti's Slaying the Bear._
+
+
+But what is the relation of this story to the corresponding stories in
+the _Bjarkar�mur_? The stories in the _r�mur_ are as follows:--
+
+  "Flestir [o.]mu�u Hetti heldr,
+  hann var ekki � m�li sneldr,
+  einn dag f�ru �eir �t af h[o.]ll,
+  sv� ekki vissi hir�in [o.]ll.
+
+  Hjalti talar er felmtinn f�r,
+  'f[o.]rum vi� ekki sk�gi n�r,
+  h�r er s� ylgr sem etr upp menn,
+  okkr drepr h�n b��a senn.'
+
+  Ylgrin hlj�p �r einum runn,
+  �gurlig me� gapanda munn,
+  h[o.]rmuligt var� Hjalta vi�r,
+  � honum skalf b��i leggr og li�r.
+
+  �t�pt Bjarki a� henni gengr,
+  ekki dvelr hann vi� �a� lengr,
+  h[o.]ggur sv� a� � hamri st�d,
+  hlj�p �r henni ferligt bl��.
+
+  'Kj�stu Hjalti um kosti tv�,
+  kappinn B[o.]�var tala�i sv�,
+  drekk n� bl�� e�a drep eg �ig h�r,
+  dugrinn l�z m�r engi � ��r.'
+
+  Ansar Hjalti af �rnum m��,
+  'ekki �ori eg a� drekka bl��,
+  n�tir flest ef nau�igr skal,
+  n� er ekki � betra val.'
+
+  Hjalti gj[o.]rir sem B[o.]�var bi�r,
+  a� bl��i fr� eg hann lag�ist ni�r,
+  drekkur s��an drykki �rj�,
+  duga mun honum vi� einn a� rj�.
+
+  Hugrinn �x en miklast m�ttr,
+  minst var honum � litlu dr�ttr,
+  raunmj[o.]g sterkr og ramr sem tr[o.]ll,
+  rifnu�u af honum kl��in [o.]ll.
+
+  Sv� er hann or�inn har�r i hug,
+  hann hr��ist ekki j�rna flug,
+  burtu er n� bley�inafn,
+  B[o.]�vari var hann a� hreysti jafn." (IV, 58-66).
+
+  "Hann hefr fengi� hjarta� snjalt
+      af h[o.]r�um m��i,
+  fekk hann huginn og afli� alt
+      af ylgjar bl��i.
+
+  � grindur vandist gr�bj[o.]rn einn
+      � gar�inn Hlei�ar,
+  var s� margur vargrinn beinn
+      og v��a svei�ar.
+
+  Bjarka er kent, a� hjar�arhunda
+      hafi harm drepna,
+  ekki er h�num allvel hent
+      vi� �ta kepna.
+
+  Hr�lfur b�st og hir� hans [o.]ll
+      a� h�na st�ri,
+  s� skal mestr � minni h[o.]ll
+      er m�tir d�ri.
+
+  Beljandi hlj�p bj[o.]rninn framm
+      �r b�li krukku,
+  veifar s�num v�nda hramm,
+      sv� vir�ar hrukku.
+
+  Hjalti s�r og horfir �� �,
+      er hafin er r�ma,
+  haf�i hann ekki � h[o.]ndum ��
+      nema hnefana t�ma.
+
+  Hr�lfur fleyg�i a� Hjalta ��
+      �eim hildar vendi,
+  kappinn m�ti krummu br�
+      og kl�ti� hendi.
+
+  Lag�i hann s��an bj[o.]rninn br�tt
+      vi� b�ginn h�gra,
+  bessi fell � br��ar �tt
+      og bar sig l�gra.
+
+  Vann hann �a� til fr�g�a fyst
+      og fleira s��ar,
+  hans var lundin l[o.]ngum byst
+      � leiki gr��ar.
+
+  H�r me� fekk hann Hjalta nafn
+      hins hjartapr��a,
+  Bjarki var eigi betri en jafn
+      vi� b�ti skr��a."         (V, 4-13).[106]
+
+These stories seem, indeed, at first sight more rational than the story
+in the saga, and have features more in harmony with the account in Saxo;
+but this does not prove that they are earlier than the version in the
+saga. In the first place, by introducing two animals, where the other
+versions have only one, the author of the _r�mur_ has broken the unity
+of the story, a feature in which the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ remains
+intact and as a consequence is nearer to the primitive form of the story
+as we find it in Saxo. In the second place, the author of the _r�mur_
+made precisely the changes that were necessary to remove the most
+irrational features of the story as we find it in the _Hr�lfssaga_. The
+troll-dragon, which is an unusual creature, has been supplanted by the
+more conventional creatures, a wolf and a bear; and by the employment of
+two animals, the necessity of causing a dead animal to be propped up and
+be apparently killed again, is avoided. Consistency in the treatment of
+Bjarki as the descendant of a bear is also observed to the extent that
+he is said to kill a wolf, not a bear; but this consistency has begun to
+fade and suffer to the extent that Bjarki accompanies Hrolf on a bear
+hunt. It is probable, however, that consistency in the treatment of
+Bjarki in this respect is not contemplated, but that when he is said to
+kill a wolf it is only that the larger and more dangerous animal may be
+reserved as the one on which Hjalti is to show his strength and courage
+and in order that an animal worthy of the king's attention may be
+reserved for the royal hunt. To eat wolf meat in order to gain strength
+has just as good warrant in Old Norse literature as to drink the blood
+of a bear;[107] this, in so far, justifies the introduction in the
+_r�mur_ of the wolf. But when Hjalti is made to _drink the blood_ of the
+wolf, it seems to be another instance of the author's keeping in mind
+the version of the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_, where Hjalti drinks the
+blood of the dragon. It is not necessary to go to Saxo's version for
+this.
+
+It is said in the _r�mur_, "One day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of
+the hall, so that the king's men did not know of it." Why did they go
+out of the hall so that the king's men did not know of it? No reason is
+assigned; the deed is unmotivated. It seems to be a mere harking back to
+the statement in the _Hr�lfssaga_,[108] that the two men left the hall
+secretly. But in the saga there is a reason for their leaving the hall
+secretly; the king has forbidden his men to leave the hall and expose
+themselves to attack. That, in the _r�mur_, the men are said to leave
+the hall in the daytime, instead of at night, is a consequence of the
+substitution of the wolf for the troll-dragon; a wolf is usually hunted
+in the daytime. It might be surmised that their going out secretly is in
+imitation of the story as Saxo knew it. But this is not the case; Saxo
+does not say that Bjarki and Hjalti went out secretly.[109] The weakness
+of this feature of the story in the _r�mur_ has been observed by Panzer,
+who believes, nevertheless, that the _r�mur_ represent an earlier form
+of the story than the one in the saga. He says, "Zweifeln m�chte man
+nur, ob das Motiv des heimlichen Auszugs der beiden nicht in den _R�mur_
+f�lschlich in den ersten Kampf gesetzt ist, wo es ganz unbegr�ndet
+steht, statt in den zweiten, wo es allein motiviert erscheint."[110]
+But this is not the correct explanation. The author of the _r�mur_ for
+some reason, such as a wish to rationalize the story, but which,
+however, we can only surmise, decided to make radical changes in it. In
+the first instance he substitutes a wolf for the dragon, but otherwise,
+considering the material he is going to use in the story of the fight
+with the bear, retains as much as he can of the story as it is in the
+saga. Thus the idea of Bjarki's and Hjalti's going out secretly is
+retained, but without motivation; and if we did not have the story in
+the saga for comparison, perhaps this deficiency would not have been
+noticed. Even as it is, Panzer is the only one who has called attention
+to it.
+
+Referring to the story as Saxo has it, M�llenhoff,[111] ten Brink,[112]
+Olrik,[113] and Deutschbein[114] speak of Bjarki's going on a hunt. This
+is hardly correct and requires a little attention, for, if, in Saxo's
+version, Bjarki went on a hunt, the account given by Saxo is nearer to
+the first story in the _r�mur_ than if he did not. But Saxo does not say
+that Bjarki went on a hunt. He says: "Talibus operum meritis exultanti
+nouam de se siluestris fera uictoriam prebuit. Vrsum quippe eximie
+magnitudinis obuium sibi inter dumeta factum iaculo confecit, comitemque
+suum Ialtonem, quo uiribus maior euaderet, applicato ore egestum belue
+cruorem haurire iussit. Creditum namque erat, hoc pocionis genere
+corporei roboris incrementa prestari."[115] The circumstances
+immediately preceding the slaying of the bear were such, that it is
+highly improbable that, at that particular time, he would go on a hunt.
+It will be remembered that there was to be a wedding in the royal
+residence; that Agnar was to marry the king's sister; that Agnar took
+offense at Bjarki's manner of defending Hjalti, whereupon a fight
+ensued and Bjarki killed Agnar and his warriors. But if Bjarki did not
+go on a hunt for the bear, how did he come to meet it, and in a thicket
+at that? The lack of more details, the lack of motivation for going on a
+hunt in the midst of, or immediately following, the stirring events just
+mentioned, and utter lack of connection with what precedes, show that
+Saxo, who, with this story, begins to set the stage, so to speak, for
+the last grand act of King Hrolf's life, concluded to insert it at this
+juncture as the most appropriate and effective place he had for it, and
+then, to add a touch of realism and supply a retreat where the bear
+would be unobserved by the men, and unwarned of their approach, until
+they were close upon it, said that Bjarki met it in a thicket. The idea
+of supplying a motive and observing such consistency as we find in
+connection with the corresponding story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ never
+occurred to him. The author of the _r�mur_ may have known of the version
+of the story familiar to Saxo, though it is not probable; but the point
+here is, that he is not following this version when he represents Bjarki
+as having slain an animal for which he has presumably (though the
+_r�mur_ do not make the matter clear) gone on a hunt.
+
+The author was under no more obligation than Saxo was, to say that
+Bjarki and Hjalti went out secretly, and the idea is not contained in
+Saxo's account. But the author of the _r�mur_, observing what pains the
+author of the saga took to motivate the going out secretly, felt that
+this feature of the story was so important that it must be retained, and
+so he retained it without motivation.
+
+In Saxo, Hjalti shows no fear when the bear is met, and he does not
+refuse to drink the animal's blood. But in the _r�mur_ there is the same
+kind of fear as in the saga. In the saga, however, the author has found
+an excellent setting for Hjalti's fear; it is beyond improvement; while
+the ferocity of the man-eating wolf, in the _r�mur_, is stretched to the
+utmost limit, in order to preserve the spirit of the heroic.
+Furthermore, when Hjalti had drunk of the blood of the wolf, he had
+courage "enough for fighting with one man." How did the author know that
+he had just courage "enough for fighting with one man"? According to the
+next statement, namely "his courage increased, his strength waxed, he
+became very strong, mighty as a troll, all his clothes burst open," he
+seemed, in fact, to have gained strength enough for fighting with
+several men. Again, "he was equal to Bothvar in courage." How did the
+author know it? He knew it from the version of the story in the saga,
+where it is said that Hjalti had wrestled long with Bothvar, and, thus
+having tried his strength on Bothvar, told him, "nor shall I be afraid
+of you henceforth." The saga does not say that Hjalti had courage
+"enough for fighting with one man" or "he was equal to Bothvar in
+courage." These statements are deductions that the author of the _r�mur_
+made from the story in the saga, in the light of subsequent events.
+
+In the _r�mur_, it is said that Hjalti "became very strong, mighty as a
+troll, all his clothes burst open." Why, or whence, this reference to a
+troll? Another harking back to the _Hr�lfssaga,_ another deduction made
+from the story in the saga. The saga does not say that Hott acquired any
+of the characteristics of a troll. He is given the desired strength
+without any reference to the strength of a troll. But when the _r�mur_
+say that he became "mighty as a troll," it amounts to saying, "Hjalti is
+no longer represented as having drunk the blood of a troll and eaten
+some of its heart, as is the case in the _Hr�lfssaga_, but let it be
+understood, nevertheless, that the strength he has acquired is no less
+than that of a troll." The troll-dragon has been eliminated, but so
+great, in the _r�mur_, has the strength of Hjalti become that it now
+equals that of the very monster, the troll, which, in the saga, he
+feared to such an extent that it rendered him pitiable in the extreme.
+Here again the author of the _r�mur_ inserted an element that is wholly
+foreign to his story and unsuggested by it, but that is suggested by the
+saga, and that he probably never would have thought of, had he not known
+of the version of the story that is contained in the saga.
+
+Furthermore, the _r�mur_ say, "The folds at Hleidargard were attacked by
+a gray bear; many such beasts were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki
+was told that it had killed the herdsmen's dogs; it was not much used to
+contending with men." This is still another harking back to the
+_Hr�lfssaga_, and confirms what has been said on pp. 29 ff., that the
+monster in the saga is a cattle-attacking monster, not a hall-attacking
+monster. "The folds were attacked," "it had killed the herdsmen's dogs,"
+"it was not much used to contending with men."
+
+The fact that dogs are here said to be killed, but not in the saga, need
+hardly be mentioned. The idea of dogs is easily associated with that of
+cattle, especially when, as here, the dogs are "herdsmen's dogs."
+
+Again, we notice the statement in the _r�mur_ that "Hrolf tossed to
+Hjalti his sword." Has he been informed since the slaying of the wolf,
+that Hjalti is now a courageous man? Perhaps; but nothing is said about
+it in the _r�mur_. Since Bjarki took pains to go on the wolf hunt
+secretly, and since we are not informed that what occurred on that hunt
+has become known or that it has become known that Hjalti is now a
+courageous man, the presumption is that the king does not know it, and
+we are surprised at his unmotivated action in treating Hjalti in this
+unexpected manner. And if Hjalti is now known to be such a hero that
+Hrolf feels warranted in placing reliance on him to the extent that he
+tosses him his sword at this critical juncture, why has Hjalti taken
+part in the hunt with "nothing in his hands"? In the saga it is not said
+that Hjalti has nothing in his hands; his motive in asking for the
+king's sword has no connection with whether he has anything in his hands
+or not.[116] But the author of the _r�mur_, having apparently missed the
+point in the saga, assumes that, when Hjalti asks for the king's sword,
+it is because he has no weapon of his own. Hence, without realizing,
+apparently, the anomalous situation in which he places Hjalti, who is
+now strong and courageous, he represents him as taking part in the bear
+hunt empty-handed, though there is no indication that Hjalti thinks that
+he can cope with the animal without a weapon.
+
+In the _Hr�lfssaga_, it is said that Bjarki killed a dragon by plunging
+his sword under its shoulder. In the _r�mur_, it is said that Hjalti
+killed a bear by plunging his sword into its right shoulder. This is
+another harking back to the _Hr�lfssaga_. Hjalti has now become as
+courageous as Bjarki; he kills a live animal (instead of knocking over a
+dead one), and he kills it in just the same way that Bjarki killed the
+dragon. It can not be assumed that the author of the _r�mur_ and the
+author of the saga employed this manner of dispatching the animal
+without any knowledge on the part of the one as to what was contained in
+the account of the other. In fact, it is taken for granted by all
+writers on the subject that the later account is an altered version of
+the earlier account. Hence, either this episode in the _r�mur_ is
+modeled after that in the saga, and Hjalti is made to kill the bear in
+the same way that Bjarki killed the dragon, or the episode in the saga
+is modeled after that in the _r�mur_, and Bjarki is made to kill the
+dragon in the same way that Hjalti killed the bear. Is there any doubt
+as to what has occurred? The former is natural and to be expected, and
+is probably what has taken place, because: 1. in all the versions of the
+story Hjalti is represented as having undergone a change that has caused
+him to become very much like Bjarki--"equal to Bjarki," as it is stated
+in the _r�mur_, where he is represented as having killed a ferocious
+beast in the same manner that Bjarki, in the saga, killed a winged
+monster; 2. it was not unusual to represent dragons as having been
+killed by being pierced under the shoulder,[117] since a dragon had to
+be pierced where its scales did not prevent the entrance of a weapon
+into its body; 3. since there is no special reason why a bear, which is
+vulnerable in all parts of the body, should be represented as being
+pierced through the shoulder, the manner in which Hjalti is said to have
+killed the bear is evidently another unmotivated incident in the _r�mur_
+that is imitated from a motivated incident in the saga.
+
+What the author of the _r�mur_ has done to give the story the form in
+which we find it in his composition is quite plain. He noticed that, as
+the monster in the saga attacked the folds at Hleidargard, the situation
+was very much like that at the beginning of the story about Bothvar in
+the saga, where a bear is said to have attacked the cattle of King
+Hring, Bothvar's father.[118] But a bear is a real, not an imaginary,
+animal, and King Hring took a creditable part in the effort to dispatch
+it. Hence, this story was substituted for the story about the
+troll-dragon and adapted to the circumstances, King Hrolf himself taking
+the lead in the hunt and thus acting in a manner that seemed more to his
+credit than the way he acted in regard to the monster in the saga.
+
+This story, namely that the man whose cattle have been killed by a bear
+goes with his men and hunts it down and kills it, is the same that we
+have in connection with the early life both of Ulf and of Bjarki, where
+the bear is represented as being the great-grandfather of the former,
+but the father of the latter. The bear-ancestor feature was not
+applicable in the connection in which the story is used in the _r�mur_;
+hence, it was omitted. Now, did this story spring up spontaneously and
+independently in all these three instances? No, Bjarki and Ulf got their
+reputed ancestry from the Siward story; and this bear hunt story they
+got from a common source through contact with each other, or Bjarki got
+it from Ulf. The author of the _r�mur_, liking it better than the last
+part of the dragon story in the saga, as most modern readers also have
+done, took it from the version contained in the saga of the early life
+of Bjarki and used it for letting Hjalti display his courage. As a
+result, he modified the story where it applies to the early life of
+Bjarki. He has two sets of three sons each, while the saga has only one
+set; and, what is still more suspicious, there is a Bothvar in each set.
+This is the same kind of separation or repetition as the _r�mur_ later
+make with regard to the dragon story, dividing it into a wolf story and
+a bear story. Again, as Finnur J�nsson, summarizing the account in the
+_r�mur_ of the death of Bjarki's father, says, "Bj�rn forf�lges, flygter
+ud i et sk�r og dr�bes der af jarlens m�nd p� et skib (en st�rk
+afvigelse fra sagaen)."[119] This divergence was plainly introduced to
+make the story different from the story that, in substance, was replaced
+and that was transferred to where Hjalti displays his courage. In the
+saga, Bjarki's mother is called Bera (she-bear),[120] not Hildr, as in
+the _r�mur_; and that the name Bera is the earlier of the two there can
+be no doubt.
+
+Furthermore, we find in the _r�mur_ another of the characteristic traces
+that the author left when he tampered with the dragon story. In the
+saga, in connection with Bjarki's early life, it is said that when the
+bear was hunted, it killed all the dogs, but was itself soon after
+killed by the men. From this the author concluded that it was death on
+dogs, but could not contend successfully with men. Hence, he says,
+"Bjarki was told that it had killed the herdsmen's dogs;[121] it was not
+much used to contending with men." This statement must, therefore, mean,
+if it means anything, that the bear was not really dangerous to men or,
+at any rate, not as dangerous as one would naturally suppose. Hjalti
+must have known this as well as Bjarki, for it was probably he who gave
+Bjarki the information about the beast, as he did in the corresponding
+situation in the saga and in the story of the slaying of the wolf. If
+this was the case, the bravery that Hjalti displays in attacking the
+animal suffers considerably. The statement reminds us of the situation
+in the _Hr�lfssaga_. Just as Hjalti knocked over a dragon that was not
+dangerous because it was dead, so, in the _r�mur_, he dispatched a bear
+that was not particularly dangerous because "it was not much used to
+contending with men." In the former instance, however, the feat was not
+the real test of his courage; in the latter instance, it was.
+
+In the saga, Bjarki knew that the dragon was harmless, because he had
+killed it; and his knowledge of its harmlessness is vital to the latter
+part of the dragon story. In the _r�mur_, he is informed that the bear
+is not so dangerous as one would suppose. But his knowledge of this
+circumstance has no bearing on the story whatever; everything would have
+proceeded just as it did if he had been without this information. But in
+spite of the fact that the bear "was not much used to contending with
+men," "the men fled" when it "ran from its lair and shook its baleful
+paws." The author is evidently trying to ride two steeds going in
+different directions. On the one hand, he has in mind the story of the
+bear with which Bjarki's father was identified and which was killed by
+the king's men, and the story of the dead propped-up dragon, which was,
+of course, not dangerous; on the other hand, he wishes to represent
+Hjalti's feat of killing the bear, which, in the _r�mur_, the king's men
+avoided, as, in the saga, they avoided the dragon, as a notable
+achievement.
+
+Finally, "Hrolf and all his men" took part in the hunt; but, as already
+stated, when the bear appeared, "the men fled." The statement, "the men
+fled;" introduces a feature that is wanting in the account in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ of how Bjarki's father, who had been transformed into a
+bear by his stepmother, was hunted down and killed. It reminds us of the
+situation in the saga where King Hrolf and his men avoid the winged
+monster by remaining indoors when it is expected. In the saga, Bjarki,
+of course, did not avoid the monster; but whether, in the _r�mur_, the
+king fled is uncertain. He was, in any event, near enough to Hjalti to
+toss Hjalti his sword. Bjarki, however, must have fled; and while that
+would be strange under any circumstances, it would be particularly
+strange in the present instance, since he knew that the bear "was not
+much used to contending with men."
+
+Considering the dragon story in the saga and the corresponding stories
+in the _r�mur_, it is apparent that there is no comparison between them
+as regards skill in composition; and that, while the stories in the
+_r�mur_ throw no light on the story in the saga, the full significance
+of the _r�mur_ stories appears only when they are read in the light of
+the story in the saga. Therefore, when Finnur J�nsson says, "Sp�rger vi
+om, hvad der er oprindeligst, er der i og for sig n�ppe tvivl om, at
+rimerne her har af �t dyr gjort to (ulvinden og gr�bj�rnen), s� at
+sagaen p� dette punkt m� antages at have bedre bevaret det �gte," he is
+undoubtedly right; but when he continues, "Dette bestyrkes kraftig ved,
+at dette hallen hjems�gende uhyre intet andet er end et om end �ndret og
+afbleget minde om Grendel i _Bjovulf_,"[122] he is, as the evidence also
+shows, undoubtedly wrong.
+
+The fact of the matter is that the account in the _r�mur_ of the killing
+of the bear, though brief, is so confused and indefinite that it does
+not bear analysis; and this is further evidence of the fact that the
+author of the _r�mur_ clumsily re-worked material that he found in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ version of Bjarki's career, and for the dragon story, which
+is a good story, substituted two poor ones, namely the wolf story and
+the bear story.
+
+But the troll-dragon having been eliminated and the bear story selected
+as the one to be used in connection with Hjalti's display of his newly
+acquired bravery, for which purpose it is, indeed, on account of the
+presence of the king and his court, more appropriate than for giving
+Hjalti an opportunity to imbibe secretly an animal's blood, another
+story had to be devised to account for Hjalti's strength and courage.
+The wolf was the next fiercest animal available that the author could
+think of. He therefore invented a wolf story and placed it first; and,
+as the examination of it has shown,[123] a late and very poor invention
+it was, bearing manifest traces of the influence of the dragon story in
+the saga.
+
+
+_Conclusion_.
+
+The principal results attained in the foregoing consideration of the
+dragon story in the _Hr�lfssaga_ and the corresponding stories in the
+_Bjarkar�mur_ may be stated briefly as follows:--
+
+1. The story in Saxo is the earliest story we have of the slaying of an
+animal by Bjarki in order that Hjalti may drink its blood and acquire
+strength and courage.
+
+2. Bjarki having acquired a reputed bear-ancestry from the fictitious
+story about Siward, the saga consistently takes this into account and
+substitutes a dragon, also acquired from the story about Siward, for the
+bear, which, in Saxo's version, is the kind of animal that Bjarki slays.
+
+3. To motivate Bjarki's going forth secretly to slay the monster at
+night, a well defined type of Christmas-troll story is employed and the
+dragon is given the nature of a troll that comes on Christmas Eve and
+attacks the cattle of the king, who, on account of the terrible nature
+of the monster, commands his men to stay in the house the night it is
+expected.
+
+4. That Bjarki may be given credit a) for slaying the monster and b) for
+making a brave man of the coward Hott, and that c) Hott's change of
+nature may become apparent and d) a suitable opportunity and plausible
+reason may be devised for changing his name to Hjalti, the dead dragon
+is propped up and, in connection with the discovery of the ruse, the
+story is manipulated so that the saga-man realizes his fourfold purpose.
+
+5. It is highly improbable that the sword-name "Gullinhjalti" in the
+saga is connected with the words "gylden hilt" in _Beowulf_. The use of
+the word "Gullinhjalti" in the saga is not arbitrary or artificial, but
+a logical result of the situation; and, as the discussion of the matter
+has shown, the attempt to identify Gullinhjalti with the giant-sword in
+_Beowulf_ is based on a mere superficial similarity, in which a
+substantial foundation is altogether lacking.
+
+6. The _Bjarkar�mur_ are a later composition than the _Hr�lfssaga_.[124]
+The author of the _r�mur_ has discarded the story of the troll-dragon,
+has substituted for it the story of the bear hunt connected with the
+account of Bjarki's early life, has invented a new story about Bjarki's
+early life, and has invented the story about the wolf hunt to give an
+opportunity for the introduction of the blood-drinking episode. In the
+stories of the wolf hunt and the bear hunt, the _r�mur_ contain several
+unmotivated statements that are plainly based on the story as we have it
+in the saga; and, on the whole, the two stories in the _r�mur_ represent
+such decidedly poor workmanship in the art of narration that recourse
+must be had to the story in the saga for a realization of the
+significance of some of the incidents contained in the _r�mur_. The
+_r�mur_ must therefore be left entirely out of account in any attempt to
+identify Bjarki with Beowulf, or in attempting to connect Bjarki's deeds
+with those of other heroes, as, for instance, that of Hereward in _Gesta
+Herwardi_.[125]
+
+In regard to some particulars, these conclusions differ from the
+conclusions at which others have arrived; in regard to others, they
+agree with them. This, however, is a mere matter of chance; for, where
+some have affirmed and others have denied, it is impossible to avoid
+agreeing with one party or the other, whatever conclusion an
+investigation may lead to. Nor should there be any desire to strive for
+what is new, merely for its own sake. The merit of the foregoing
+discussion, if it has any, lies in the explanation of the story about
+Bjarki and the dragon in the _Hr�lfssaga_ and the explanation of the
+relation between this story and the corresponding stories in the
+_Bjarkar�mur_. This explanation is new, and the writer believes that he
+has given sufficient reasons to prove that it is correct. If it is
+correct, it shows that the stories in the _r�mur_ are less admirable
+compositions than they are usually held to be; it shows that the dragon
+story in the saga is a better composition than it is usually taken to
+be; and, finally, it establishes the fact that the dragon story in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ has no connection whatever with the Grendel story or the
+dragon story in _Beowulf_.[126]
+
+
+
+II
+
+FR��A��TTR
+
+
+The first appearance of Hroar (Hrothgar) in literature is in _Widsith_
+and _Beowulf_, where we become acquainted with him as the famous King of
+the Danes. Helgi (Halga) appears first in _Beowulf_, where he is
+scarcely more than mentioned. Hroar and Helgi belong to the most famous
+group of ancient kings in Denmark and appear repeatedly in old
+Scandinavian literature. The account of them in the _Fr��a��ttr_ which
+introduces the _Hr�lfssaga_, is, briefly summarized, as follows.
+
+Halfdan and Frothi were brothers, the sons of a king, and each was the
+ruler of a kingdom. Halfdan had two sons, Hroar and Helgi, and a
+daughter, Signy, the oldest of the three children, who was married to
+Earl S�vil while her brothers were still young. The boys' foster-father
+was Regin. Near Halfdan's capital was a wooded island, on which lived an
+old man, Vifil, a friend of Halfdan. Vifil had two dogs, called Hopp and
+Ho, and was skilled in soothsaying.
+
+Frothi, envying his brother the crown of Denmark, attacked his capital
+with a large army, reduced it to ashes, and took Halfdan captive and put
+him to death. Regin took his foster-sons, Hroar and Helgi, to the island
+and placed them in the care of Vifil, in order that they might not fall
+into the hands of Frothi. Vifil took them to a cave (earth-hut), where
+they usually stayed at night; but in the daytime they sported in the
+grove. Frothi made every effort to locate them and make away with them,
+calling in witches and wise men from all over the land to tell him where
+they were, but in vain. Then he called in soothsayers, who told him the
+boys were not on the mainland, nor far from the court. The king
+mentioned Vifil's island, and they told him to look for the boys there.
+Twice he sent men to search for them, but the men failed to find them.
+Then the king went himself. Vifil, who knew the king was coming, met him
+on the strand as if by chance, pretending to be looking after his sheep;
+and when the king bade his men seize Vifil, the old man said, "Do not
+detain me, or the wolves will destroy my sheep," and cried out, "Hopp
+and Ho, guard my sheep." The king asked him to whom he was calling; he
+said, to his dogs. But he had told the boys before, that, when he called
+out the names of his dogs, they should hide in the cave. The king failed
+to find the boys and returned; but Vifil told the boys that it was not
+safe for them to remain on the island and sent them to their
+brother-in-law, S�vil, saying that they would some day be famous,
+unless, perchance, something prevented it.
+
+Hroar was now twelve years old and Helgi ten. The boys returned to
+S�vil, but, calling themselves Hrani and Hamur, did not tell him who
+they were; and as they always wore masks, their identity remained
+unknown to him.
+
+Frothi invited S�vil to a feast. Hroar and Helgi expressed a wish to
+join him; but S�vil commanded them to remain at home. Nevertheless, when
+S�vil and his retinue had started off, Helgi got an untamed colt, and
+mounting it with his face toward the horse's tail, set out, acting all
+the while very foolishly. Hroar also mounted a colt, and joined him; and
+the two overtook the company. They galloped back and forth beside
+S�vil's retinue, until finally Helgi's mask fell off, and then Signy
+recognized him. She began to weep, and when S�vil asked her the cause of
+her distress, she informed him of her discovery. S�vil tried to get the
+boys to return home; but, though they now were on foot and remained in
+the rear, they persisted in accompanying him on his visit to Frothi.
+
+When they arrived at Frothi's, Frothi began to hunt for the boys, and
+bade a witch, who had come to the hall, to try her skill in finding
+them. She told him that they were in the hall. Then Signy threw her a
+gold ring, and the witch said that what she had just stated was false.
+Frothi threatened to torture her if she did not tell the truth; and she
+said that unless he soon prevented it, which he would not do, the boys
+would be his death. But the boys, terrified, fled to the wood. The king
+ordered his men to seize them; but Regin put out the lights in the hall,
+and, in the confusion that followed, those who were friendly to the boys
+used the opportunity to obstruct those who would pursue them. Frothi
+vowed that he would take vengeance at a more suitable time on those who
+had assisted the boys, but added, "Let us now drink and feast"; and this
+they did till the men lay in a drunken stupor in a heap on the floor.
+
+Regin rode out to where the boy's were, but would not return their
+salutation. In fact, he pretended to be angry. They wondered what this
+meant, and followed him. Helgi thought that Regin wanted to help them,
+but without violating his oath to the king. Then Regin said to himself,
+so that the boys heard it, "If I had a matter to settle with the king, I
+would burn this grove." They took the hint and started a fire. S�vil
+came out with all his men and bade them aid the boys, and Regin took
+measures to get all his men and relatives out of the hall. The king
+awoke from a dream, in which the goddess of the nether world was
+summoning him. He discovered the fire, and learning who had set it,
+offered the boys peace on their own terms; but terms of peace were
+denied. Frothi then retired from the door of the hall, hoping to escape
+by an underground passage; but at the entrance stood Regin, who blocked
+his progress, and he returned into the hall and perished in the flames.
+His wife, Sigrith (now mentioned for the first time), the mother of
+Hroar and Helgi, refused to leave the hall and perished also.
+
+The boys thanked their brother-in-law, S�vil, and their foster-father,
+Regin, and all the others who had helped them, and gave the men rich
+gifts. The boys subdued the whole land and seized the late king's
+possessions; and for a while the time passed without the occurrence of
+anything worthy of special mention.
+
+At this time there was a king by the name of Northri, who ruled over a
+part of England. Hroar often passed long intervals at the court of
+Northri, supporting him against his enemies and defending his land.
+Hroar married �gn, the daughter of Northri, shared the royal power with
+his father-in-law, and after Northri's death succeeded to the throne of
+Northumberland. Helgi remained at home, and, by agreement with Hroar,
+became sole King of Denmark.
+
+In Saxo's seventh book, there is another version of the same story. The
+features in which it chiefly varies from the version in the _Hr�lfssaga_
+are as follows.
+
+Halfdan's name has become Harald; Hroar's and Helgi's names have become
+Harald and Halfdan; Earl S�vil has become Siward, King of Sweden; Signy
+has become a daughter of Karl, governor of Gautland, and wife of Harald
+(Frothi's brother). Envy and the quarrelsomeness of Frothi's wife and
+Harald's wife cause Frothi to engage men to murder Harald. Frothi tries
+to avoid suspicion of being the author of the crime, but in vain; the
+people believe he is guilty. When he seeks the boys of the murdered
+king, to put them out of the way, their foster-parents bind the claws of
+wolves under the boys' feet and let them run about and fill a
+neighboring morass and the snow-covered ground with their tracks,
+whereupon the children of bond-women are put to death and the children's
+bodies torn to pieces and strewn about. This is done to give the
+impression that the boys have been torn to pieces by wolves. Then the
+boys are concealed in a large hollow oak, where food is brought them
+under the pretence that they are dogs. Dogs' names are also applied to
+them. The episode with the witch is present, but other men and women
+with superhuman power are not introduced. The whereabouts of the boys
+begins to be bruited about, and Ragnar, their foster-father, flees with
+them to Fyen. He is captured and admits that he has the boys in his
+protection; but he begs the king not to injure them, calls attention to
+the foulness of doing them harm, and promises, in case they make any
+disturbance in the kingdom, to report the matter to the king. Frothi,
+whose severity Ragnar thus transforms into mildness, spares the boys,
+and for many years they live in security. When they are grown up, they
+go to Seeland. Their friends urge them to avenge their father's death,
+and this they promise to do. Ragnar, when he hears of this, reports it
+to the king in accordance with his promise, whereupon the king proceeds
+against them with an army. In desperation, the boys pretend insanity;
+and, as it is considered shameful to attack people who are insane, the
+king again spares them. But in the night the boys set fire to his hall,
+after having stoned the queen to death; and Frothi, having hid himself
+in a secret underground passage, perishes from the effects of smoke and
+gas. The boys share the crown, ruling the kingdom by turns.
+
+Before proceeding further, it would be well to have a summary of the
+relations of the Danish kings concerned, up to the last stage of
+development, the stage with which we are dealing; and this summary is
+best supplied by quoting the following from Olrik's _Danmarks
+Heltedigtning:[127]--
+
+     "Der er en fort�lling, som bar banet Skjoldungsagnene vej til
+     manges hj�rter, i vort �rhundrede ikke mindre end p� selve
+     sagafort�llingens tid: sagnene om de to unge konges�nner Hroar og
+     Helge, der m� skjule sig for deres faders morder og tronraner,
+     farbroderen Frode, men som efter en r�kke �ventyrlige oplevelser p�
+     den enlige holm og i selve kongsg�rden ser lejlighed til at
+     fuldf�re h�vnen og h�ve sig p�, tronen. En str�lende begyndelse p�
+     den navnkundige konge�ts mange sk�bner! Det er denne fort�llings
+     udspring, vi nu skal s�ge.
+
+     "Tidligst foreligger den i en norsk saga fra 12te �rh., der �bner
+     Sakses 7de bog; men smukkest er den islandske _Hr�lfssaga_. Desuden
+     foreligger den kort og kr�nikeagtig i den islandske
+     _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, som lader brodermorderen hedde Ingjald og ikke
+     Frode.
+
+     "Med disse kilder n�r vi dog kun til det egenlige sagamands-omr�de,
+     Norge og Island. I Danmark er fort�llingen ukendt; og Sakse og
+     Svend �ges�n er enige on den lige modsatte overlevering: det er
+     Halvdan, der sl�r sin broder Frode eller begge sine br�dre ihjel
+     for at vinde herred�mmet alene. Det er ikke rimeligt, at den danske
+     overlevering skulde have dels forvansket, dels tabt den mere �gte
+     norske; ti fort�llingen om de forfulgte konges�nner er s� let at
+     huske som et �ventyr og vil vanskelig g� i glemme, naar den f�rst
+     er h�rt.
+
+     "Ogs� den �ldste sagnform, Beovulfkvadets, kender kampen om
+     herred�mmet imellem Halvdan og Frode; men der er den forskel, at
+     den ene er konge over Danerne, den anden over Had-Barderne, og det
+     er imellem disse to folkestammer, striden udk�mpes. Det synes
+     snarest, som om Frode er falden i kampen (flere forskere opfatter
+     stedet s�ledes); i hvert fald tillader sammenh�ngen n�ppe, at
+     Halvdan kan v�re falden imod Frode. For s� vidt st�r denne �ldste
+     form n�rmest ved den senere danske overlevering, fj�rnere fra den
+     norske.
+
+     "Som Halvdans broderdrab fort�lles hos Sakse og Svend �ges�n, st�r
+     det l�srevet, vi kan godt sige meningsl�st. Det �ver ingen episk
+     indflydelse p�, Skjoldungernes liv, og der rammer heller ikke
+     Halvdan eller hans �t nogen moralsk geng�ldelse. Med god grund
+     undrer Sakse sig over denne livssk�bne, at den grumme drabsmand kan
+     d� en fredelig d�d i sin alderdom; ti det er ganske mod
+     heltedigtningens �nd. Forklaringen derp� har vi til dels i den
+     �ldre sagnform: broderkampen er opst�et af den gamle folkekamp,
+     hvor Had-Barderne l�, under for Danerne; men tillige m� der v�re
+     bristet en episk sammenknytning. I n�ste sl�gtled af Skjoldung�tten
+     er det et ret gammelt sagnmotiv, at Hr�rik overfalder og f�lder
+     Hroar; ban har sikkert v�ret opfattet som Frodes s�n og h�vner,
+     ikke blot i norsk men ogs� i gammel dansk overlevering.
+
+     "Den s�rlig norske form er da bleven til, ved at man vendte
+     broderdrabet om. Det er en sagndannelse af ganske samme art som
+     den, der gjorde Hr�rik til Hroars drabsmand; helte�tten kom til at
+     st� skyldfri. Det n�ste trin var at udvikle denne ny situation med
+     Halvdans�nnernes fredl�shed og deres faderh�vn. Vi har en gammel
+     kilde, der viser, at udviklingen virkelig er g�et i disse to trin.
+     _Grottesangen_ slutter med sp�dom on, at 'Yrsas s�n [Rolf] skal
+     h�vne Halvdans drab p�, Frode.' Da kvadet synes digtet af en
+     Nordmand i 10de �rh., har vi i alt fire tidsf�stede udviklingstrin
+     af sagnet:
+
+     "1. Danekongen Halvdan k�mper med Hadbardekongen Frode og bar
+     formodenlig f�ldet ham (_Beovulf_).
+
+     "2. Skjoldungen Halvdan k�mper med sin broder Frode on riget og
+     f�lder ham (danske sagn).
+
+     "3. Skjoldungen Frode dr�ber (sin broder) Halvdan, s�nnesonnen Rolf
+     h�vner det (_Grottesangen_, 10de �rh., norsk).
+
+     "4. Skjoldungen Frode overfalder sin broder Halvdan og dr�ber ham;
+     s�nnerne Hroar og Helge redder livet og h�vner siden deres faders
+     d�d (norsk og islandsk saga, 12te, 13de, 14de �rh.).
+
+     "If�lge dette m� sagaen om Helges og Hroars barndom v�re opst�et
+     mellem �r 1000 (950) og �r 1100, snarest n�r ved den f�rste
+     tid.[128]
+
+     "Langt vigtigere end tidspunktet er dog _arten af denne
+     omdannelse_. Vi st�r her foran det st�rste skel, der forekommer i
+     heltedigtningens levnedsl�b: overgangen fra den l�se skare af
+     sm�sagn, der slutter sig forklarende og udfyldende omkring kvadene,
+     til _sagaen_, der selvst�ndig og i l�bende sammenh�ng g�r rede for
+     heltenes liv. Netop ved Skjoldungsagnene m�tte denne overgang blive
+     afg�rende. N�r Halvdans mord var det f�rste punkt i sl�gtens
+     historie, kunde man umulig unddrage sig fra klart og alsidig at
+     belyse dets f�lger. Det var selvf�lgeligt, at Frode ogs� str�bte at
+     rydde Halvdans to s�nner af vejen; s�ledes fremkom sagnene om
+     fosterf�dre og venner, der s�gte at skjule dem. For Helge og Hroar
+     m�tte den eneste vej til deres f�drene trone g� gennem kamp; deraf
+     opstod da sagnet on h�vn over Frode.
+
+     "Enkeite tr�k i denne digtning bar sagamanden nat�rligvis hentet
+     fra den overleverede rigdom af sagn. Det er allerede forl�ngst
+     indset, at v�senlige tr�k skyldes l�n fra sagnet on _Amled_, den
+     unge konges�n, der redder sit liv ved foregivet vanvid, da hans
+     farbroder bar h�vet sig p� tronen ved mord p� hans fader."
+
+The chapter from which the above is taken contains about a page more.
+Olrik says, "Sagnet om Helge og Hroar er dog som helhed noget ganske
+andet end den specielle Amledtype." He refers by way of comparison to
+the life of Sigurd the Volsung, to the myth of Romulus and Remus, and
+the corresponding myth of the Greek twins of Thebes, Thessaly, and
+Arcadia; and concludes thus: "Er der fremmed indflydelse ved dens f�dsel
+[i.e., the story of Hroar's and Helgi's childhood], m� den v�re svag og
+let strejfende. Snarere m� man opfatte sagnet s�ledes, at dette �mne har
+en livskraft til stadig at f�des p� ny, hver gang den unge belt vokser
+op efter faderens drab. Motivet er s� n�rliggende, s� ubetinget
+heltegyldigt, at da Skjoldungsagaerne voksede frem p� folkemunde, m�tte
+de �bnes med denne digtning; den var stadig--s� at sige--lige n�dvendig
+for at stemple den store helteskikkelse."
+
+The story about the Scylding kings in its various phases (except the
+first, in _Beowulf_) is found in Denmark and in the Old Norse. Among the
+Danes and Norwegians (including Icelanders), therefore, we must look for
+an explanation of this last stage of development. But in the north of
+England were many Danes and Norwegians, and, as has already been pointed
+out, the story about Bothvar Bjarki was known in England and acquired
+distinct features there.[129] To England, then, we turn for an
+explanation of the main features of the Hroar-Helgi story.
+
+Furthermore, the story is due to a combination of influences. Evidence
+of this is the fact that it shows unmistakable influence of the Hamlet
+story, which, however, does not furnish an explanation of the story as a
+whole. And the fact that the story about Hroar and Helgi was not a
+native product of England and had no roots in the soil of the country,
+so to speak, which tended to hold it within bounds, but was an imported
+story circulating rather loosely, far from the scene of the supposed
+events related, would make it peculiarly susceptible to extraneous
+influences adapted to aid in its development.
+
+The first influence to which the Hroar-Helgi story was subjected was
+plainly the "exile-return" type of story, whose general characteristics
+are stated by Deutschbein as follows:--
+
+     "Das Reich eines K�nigs, der nur einen jungen unerwachsenen Sohn
+     hat, wird eines Tages vom Feinde �berfallen. Der Vater f�llt im
+     blutigen Kampfe. Die Rettung des jungen Thronerben ist mit
+     Schwierigkeiten verbunden--h�ufig steht dem jungen F�rstensohn in
+     der �ussersten Not ein getreuer Eckhart zur Seite, eine
+     feststehende Figur in unserm Typus. Der K�nigssohn wird in
+     Sicherheit gebracht, in der Fremde zun�chst in niedriger Stellung,
+     meist unter angenommenem Namen, w�chst er zu einem t�chtigen Recken
+     heran, bis zuletzt die Zeit der Heimkehr gekommen ist. Er nimmt
+     furchtbare Rache an den M�rdern seines Vaters und gewinnt sein Erbe
+     zur�ck; wesentliche Dienste leistet ihm dabei ein oder mehrere
+     treue Anh�nger seines Vaters, die in der Heimat zur�ckgeblieben
+     sind.
+
+     "Eine Abart dieses Typus weist einen anderen Eingang auf: statt
+     �usserer Feinde sind es nahe Verwandte (Oheim, Stiefvater,
+     Stiefbr�der), die den jungen Prinzen seines Vaters berauben und ihm
+     selbst nachstellen. Diese Form bezeichnen wir mit B, die Hauptform
+     mit A."[130]
+
+The Hroar-Helgi story has two young princes; otherwise, it conforms
+exactly to type B.
+
+Frothi, Halfdan's brother (_Hr�lfssaga_ version), attacks him with an
+army and defeats and slays him. The boys are taken by Regin, their
+foster-father, to a neighboring island for safety (this, however, is
+being sent abroad with a limited application of the term), where they
+live with a shepherd in a cave, responding, when necessary, to the names
+of dogs. There they remain until they are twelve and ten years old
+respectively, when they return to their sister and brother-in-law, who,
+together with Regin, render the boys valuable assistance. They take
+frightful vengeance on their father's slayer by setting fire to his hall
+and forcing him to perish in the flames.
+
+The third stage having been reached in the development of the
+Hroar-Helgi story, in which the brother who is slain is avenged by one
+of his descendants, it was easy and natural for it to fall in with the
+"exile-return" type. The type is not an artificial type, it is founded
+on human nature. The guileless and weak must yield to the designing and
+strong. History teems with illustrations of the fact that he wears the
+crown who can win it and hold it. Where a kingdom is the prize, a man is
+under a mighty temptation when he sees that he can seize it by brushing
+aside a weak ruler and a still weaker heir, or, the ruler being out of
+the way, the young heir only. And it is natural that, the young heir
+surviving, he should avenge a murdered parent, regain the crown, and not
+permit the usurper to enjoy the fruits of his crime unmolested. Friends
+each party would also have, actuated, if by nothing else, by
+self-interest, which is bound up in the success of their chief. What the
+Hroar-Helgi story in its third stage of development may have been we do
+not know. We are only told that "Yrsa's son will avenge Frothi's murder
+of Halfdan." But the story was well prepared for the type it was to
+assume.
+
+That the story was clearly regarded as one of this type is evident from
+the fact that in Johannes Bramis' _Historia Regis Waldei_ Frodas is the
+usurper of the throne which by right belongs to Waldef.[131] It is not
+necessary to repeat the story; it has all the characteristics of the
+"exile-return" type. As a whole, it has no connection with the
+Hroar-Helgi story; and it contains the only instance known of the use of
+Frothi outside the story where he originally belongs. But he is so
+typically the same person, with the same unlovable characteristics, that
+he can be none other than the Frothi who plays such a conspicuous part
+in the history of the Scylding kings.
+
+The use of Frothi as a typical usurper in the English Waldef story is
+also a very strong indication that the story in which he has his proper
+setting was current in England; otherwise, by what channel did he get
+into the Waldef story?[132]
+
+Our next question is, What stories of the "exile-return" type were
+current in the portions of England in which the Hroar-Helgi story would
+naturally circulate? We think, of course, immediately of _Havelok the
+Dane_. Deutschbein has shown that _Havelok_ is founded on historical
+events that occurred in the first half of the tenth century.[133] The
+gist of the story is that an heir to the Danish throne is deprived of
+his heritage, suffers deep humiliation, but finally regains his heritage
+and, through marriage, the crown of Norfolk in England in addition. The
+story was of a nature to make a strong appeal to the Scandinavians,
+especially the Danes, in England. It achieved, in fiction, the ambition
+which the Danes realized under Swen and Canute, when these sovereigns
+governed both Denmark and England. It was a Danish story; it was
+developed after 950, which was about the time the third stage in the
+development of the Hroar-Helgi story had been reached; and it was a
+creation of the Scandinavians in England, among whom the story
+circulated.
+
+Closely connected with the Havelok story is the Meriadoc story, the
+first part of which, as Deutschbein has shown,[134] and in regard to
+which J.D. Bruce agrees with him,[135] is based on the Havelok story.
+These stories Deutschbein calls "cymrisch-skandinavische Sage" and says,
+"Wir sehen, dass den Cymren und den Skandinaviern in England der
+wesentliche Anteil an der Entwicklung unserer Sage zukommt."[136]
+
+It is evident that in the Havelok and Meriadoc stories we have every
+condition present for contact between them and the Hroar-Helgi story,
+namely: time (after 950); place (England); people among whom all the
+stories would circulate (Scandinavians, coming in contact with the
+Welsh); and, in the case of the Havelok and Hroar-Helgi stories, a
+popular theme dealing with Danish princes who regain a lost kingdom. The
+theme would be all the more popular as the time when the Havelok story
+was developed was a period of struggle on the part of the Scandinavians
+in the British Isles to gain and maintain supremacy.[137] Again, the
+nature of the Hroar-Helgi story was such that its development depended
+wholly on invention or on contact with other stories.
+
+The first part of the Meriadoc story, with which a comparison will be
+made, is summarized by J.D. Bruce as follows:--
+
+     "In the time of Uther Pendragon, Caradoc ruled over Wales. He had a
+     son and a daughter by his wife, a princess of Ireland, which
+     country he had conquered. As old age approaches, he turns over the
+     government of his kingdom to his brother Griffith and devotes
+     himself to hunting and amusement. Wicked men persuade Griffith to
+     slay his brother and seize the throne. Despite the warning of a
+     dream, Caradoc goes hunting and is slain by hired assassins in the
+     forest.
+
+     "The queen dies of grief, and, to turn suspicion from himself,
+     Griffith has the assassins put to death. Before their execution,
+     however, they revealed Griffith's guilt. Caradoc's friends among
+     the nobles wish to get out of Griffith's power their late master's
+     children, who had been committed to the charge of Ivor and Morwen,
+     the royal huntsman and his wife. Griffith determines to kill the
+     children, but, touched in a measure by their appeal, does not have
+     them executed on the spot. He has them taken to the forest of
+     Arglud, where they are to be hanged. The executioners, however,
+     feel compassion and tie them by a slender rope, easily broken, so
+     that they may fall to the ground unharmed. Hearing of the
+     children's disappearance, Ivor sets out for the forest, accompanied
+     by his wife and his dog, Dolfin. To frighten the executioners away,
+     he kindles fires in the four quarters of the forest and throws
+     flesh into these fires to attract the wolves. He then hides himself
+     in a tree. The wolves gather and the men, afraid, conceal
+     themselves in the hollow of the tree to which the children had been
+     hanged. Ivor drives away the wolves and then begins to smoke out
+     the men. They promise to give up the children, if he will let them
+     come forth. He consents, but kills them one by one, as they are
+     crawling out.
+
+     "He delivers the children, who have been suspended for half a day,
+     and flies with them and his wife and dog to the Fleventanean
+     forest. Here he takes refuge in a caverned rock, called Eagle Rock,
+     because there were built on it the nests of four eagles who
+     constantly faced the four points of the compass. How Ivor and his
+     wife struck fire from flint, and the peculiar way in which they
+     cooked their food is described. One day Urien, King of Scotland,
+     passing through the forest, carries off the girl from her
+     companion, Morwen. Similarly Kay, Arthur's seneschal, carries off
+     the boy from Ivor. Morwen goes to Scotland to seek Orwen, the
+     girl; Ivor to Arthur's court to seek Meriadoc, the boy.
+
+     "The day Morwen reached Scotland, Urien and Orwen are to be
+     married. The latter recognizes Morwen in the throng by the wayside
+     and has her brought to the palace. Ivor comes with a dead stag to
+     Arthur's court and offers it to Kay. Meriadoc recognizes his
+     foster-father and springs clear over the table to greet him. Kay
+     receives Ivor among his attendants. Kay visits Urien and takes Ivor
+     and Meriadoc with him. Mutual recognitions and rejoicings.
+
+     "Arthur and Urien determine to take vengeance on Griffith, who
+     fortifies himself at Mount Snowdon. After a long siege he succumbs
+     to famine, surrenders and is executed. Meriadoc succeeds him, but
+     resolves to leave Urien in charge of the kingdom and go forth in
+     search of adventure."[138]
+
+According to Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story, the usurper
+procures the assassination of his brother and, to avoid suspicion, has
+the assassins put out of the way. In this the Meriadoc story agrees. In
+_Meriadoc_, the queen dies of sorrow. No mention is made of the queen in
+Saxo's version. In the Hamlet story, the brother slays the king with his
+own hand, but secretly, to avoid suspicion. He marries the king's widow.
+In the _Hr�lfssaga_, the brother attacks the king with an army and slays
+him. In _Havelok_, Arthur, likewise, attacks the king with an army and
+slays him.[139] The widow is rescued. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, as appears at
+the end of the story, the widow is not only rescued, but, as in the
+Hamlet story, marries the usurper.
+
+In _Meriadoc_, the murdered king's adherents try to rescue the young
+prince and princess. This feature is common to both the _Hr�lfssaga_ and
+Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story. In _Meriadoc_, the usurper gets
+the children into his power, but, being appealed to, saves them for the
+time being. This feature is found in Saxo's version, where the usurper
+agrees to spare the children during good behavior. It is lacking in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_. In _Meriadoc_, the usurper plans to have the children
+hanged in a forest. In Saxo's version, the children having violated the
+condition on which they are to be spared, the usurper gathers an army to
+attack them. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, there is a continuous effort on the
+part of the usurper to make away with the children.
+
+In _Havelok_, Grim, a fisherman, rescues the prince, who lives as a
+fisherman's son, under the name of Cuaran. In _Meriadoc_, the royal
+huntsman, Ivor, rescues the children and they live in a cave in the
+woods as a huntsman's children; Ivor is accompanied by his wife and his
+dog, Dolfin. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, the children live in a cave in the
+woods as a shepherd's (Vifil's) children, responding, when necessary, to
+the names of dogs. In Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story, the
+children are concealed in a hollow tree, food being brought to them
+under the pretence that they are dogs, and dogs' names are applied to
+them. In the Hamlet story, the rescue is supplied by the insanity
+motive, but friends at court are not wanting.
+
+There is no insanity in _Meriadoc_ or _Havelok_; but it is present in
+the _Hr�lfssaga_ and Saxo's version of the story about the two boys. In
+the _Hr�lfssaga_, the boys, especially Helgi, cut crazy capers while on
+the way with S�vil when he goes to Frothi's hall in response to an
+invitation. Helgi rides horseback with his face to the horse's tail,
+just as Hamlet does; and the horse is an untamed colt, the idea coming
+from the fact that, when Hamlet is thus riding, a wolf appears and one
+of the men, to test his sanity, calls the wolf a colt. It would, indeed,
+be an untamed colt. In Saxo's version, better use is made of the
+insanity motive. Pretended insanity is the only resort left the boys to
+save themselves. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, it serves no other purpose than to
+attract attention to the boys and reveal their identity to Signy and
+S�vil.
+
+In _Havelok_, the prince returns home, and, with the aid of a faithful
+friend, Sigar, who has remained at court, the usurper is overthrown and
+the crown regained. In _Meriadoc_, Arthur and Urien besiege the usurper,
+starve him out, and execute him. Meriadoc becomes king. In the Hamlet
+story, the prince returns from England, whither the usurper has sent him
+in order to get rid of him, sets fire to the hall in which the usurper's
+men lie drunk after a feast, and goes to the usurper's chamber and slays
+him. Nothing is said about the queen, though the presumption is that she
+perishes also. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, the boys, aided by their
+foster-father and brother-in-law, trusty friends, set fire to the hall
+in which the usurper's men lie drunk after a feast; and the usurper's
+egress through an underground passage having been blocked, he perishes
+in the flames. The queen, the boys' mother, refusing to leave the hall,
+perishes also. In Saxo's version, the boys attack the usurper in his
+hall and set fire to the building; he hides himself in a secret
+underground passage and perishes of smoke and gas.
+
+It is told of Ivor that when he rescues the children he is accompanied
+by his dog. Not only that, but the dog's name is given. This looks as if
+some use is to be made of the dog; otherwise there is no point in the
+statement that a dog is present, whose name is Dolfin. Bruce says, "It
+is to be remembered that even this Welsh version, no doubt, passed
+through the hands of a French romancer before reaching the author of our
+Latin text";[140] and there is reason to suspect that this is one of the
+places where the story has suffered. Both Saxo's version of the
+Hroar-Helgi story, and the _Hr�lfssaga_, show to what use a dog's name
+could be put; and this specific reference to the dog in _Meriadac_, and
+the use that might have been made of him in an earlier version of the
+story, arouse a strong suspicion that here is the source of the
+suggestion of using dogs' names in the Hroar-Helgi story to aid in
+saving the boys. Even if no such use was ever made of the dog in the
+Meriadoc story, such specific reference to him is in itself very
+suggestive. That the Hroar-Helgi story employs two dogs' name's is, of
+course, due to the fact that there are two boys to which they are to be
+applied, although, so far as the plot is concerned, the matter could
+have been managed with the use of one dog's name; and the fact that the
+dogs' names, in the _Hr�lfssaga_, are Hopp and Ho, and that the boys'
+later assumed names are Hrani and Hamur, is due to a desire to preserve
+the initial letter, "H," of their names, which is in accordance with
+Scylding nomenclature.[141]
+
+Furthermore, in the _Hr�lfssaga_ it is said that Vifil concealed the
+boys in a cave in the woods. Likewise, in _Meriadoc_, Ivor concealed the
+boy and the girl in a cave in the forest. But in Saxo's version of the
+Hroar-Helgi story, the boys are concealed in a hollow tree. This also
+must be an adaptation from _Meriadoc_. The men who were to execute the
+prince and princess hanged them on the branch of a large oak-tree
+(quercus) and concealed themselves inside the tree, which was hollow.
+Ivor, in an attempt to rescue the children,
+
+     "Quatuor igitur ingentes focos e quatuor partibus ipsius saltus
+     accendit, accensisque plurimas quas secum attulerat carnes passim
+     iniecit ilicemque uicinam cum coniuge et cane ascendens delituit.
+     Fumo autem ignium per nemoris latitudinem diffuso, ubi lupi in
+     confinio degentes--quorum inibi ingens habebatur copia--odorem
+     perceperunt carnium, illo contendere et confluere ilico
+     coeperunt."[142]
+
+Here we have the idea of a hollow oak with people in it, wolves in the
+vicinity, and children at hand who have been hanged, and therefore
+presumably dead. Had the cord broken by which they were hanged, they
+would certainly have been torn to pieces by the wolves. But especially
+striking is the statement that Ivor's dog is concealed in a tree; and
+this tree is called "ilex" (holly-oak), the very word used by Saxo to
+designate the kind of hollow tree that Hroar and Helgi (he calls them
+Harald and Halfdan, as has been stated) are concealed in, under the
+pretence that they are dogs. Also, pieces of meat are thrown into the
+fires; and Ivor, as soon as the men in the hollow tree beg for mercy,
+shoots four wolves and "ceteri omnes lupi in eos qui uulnera pertulerant
+irruerunt eosque membratim dilacerantes discerpserunt."[143] Here is
+again the idea of meat for wolves and the bodies of animals torn
+asunder. The idea of dismembered bodies of children is indeed absent;
+but the whole passage in _Meriadoc_ is so suggestive of what we find in
+Saxo, even to the hiding of a dog, whose name is given, in an "ilex,"
+that it would be remarkable if there was no connection between Saxo's
+story and _Meriadoc_.
+
+Again, as has already been stated, Saxo says that Frothi perished in an
+underground passage, of smoke and gas. The men who, in _Meriadoc_, were
+to execute the prince and princess concealed themselves in a hollow
+tree, which had an entrance that was so formed that "depressis humeris,
+illam necesse erat subire,"[144] which is suggestive of the stooping
+that would probably be necessary in entering an underground passage. But
+what is noteworthy in this connection is that, at the entrance to the
+tree, Ivor starts a fire "cuius calore fumique uapore inclusos pene
+extinxit."[145] Saxo says that Frothi "Vbi dum clausus delitescit,
+uapore et fumo strangulatus interiit."[146] Here is the idea of
+concealment again, but particularly noteworthy is the suffocation by
+"uapore et fumo," the same words that are used in _Meriadoc_. In the
+_Hr�lfssaga_, the account of the events immediately preceding Frothi's
+death resembles more the account of the corresponding events in the
+Hamlet story than does Saxo's account; but in the _Hr�lfssaga_ also,
+Frothi attempts to escape by an underground passage.
+
+The use of wolves' claws and the dismembered bodies of children to
+mislead those who might seek to get possession of the boys is the
+employment, as Deutschbein has observed, of a form of deceit similar to
+that practiced by Joseph's brethren.[147]
+
+In regard to the manner in which the children are saved, it is difficult
+to correlate the Hroar-Helgi story with the Meriadoc story as definitely
+and simply as one would wish, but the explanation probably lies in the
+following idea expressed by Bruce, "In conclusion, as to this division
+there seems to be a certain confusion of _motifs_ in the first part of
+the _Historia Meriadoci_ with regard to the manner in which the children
+are saved from execution."[148] The statement, for instance, that the
+children were suspended for half a day is out of all harmony with the
+statement that they were to be suspended by slender ropes, easily
+broken, that would permit them to fall to the ground unharmed. But
+Bruce's statement quoted above, "This Welsh version, no doubt, passed
+through the hands of a French romancer before reaching the author of our
+Latin text," would account for the "confusion of _motifs_"; and the fact
+that we have not now that form of the story with which the Hroar-Helgi
+story came in contact would obscure some of the points of relationship
+between the two. But the hiding of a dog, whose name is given, in an oak
+tree of a particular species (ilex) is so definite and unique a point of
+identification that there is no mistaking it.
+
+But even if we had the Meriadoc story in its original form, we should
+not expect to find it exactly reproduced in the Hroar-Helgi story.
+Various causes would operate to introduce changes. Such features as
+mountain-rocks with their eagle-nests would be modified to bring the
+topography more into harmony with that of Denmark, so that the caverned
+rock would naturally become an earth-cave. Characteristics of
+Scandinavian life and history would supplant what was peculiarly Welsh.
+Thus the shrewd old shepherd, Vifil, naturally takes the place of the
+royal huntsman, Ivor; and Saxo, quite naturally, gives the story a
+marked Danish geographical and historical setting, which he does by
+introducing such names as Fyen and Seeland, and by connecting the Danish
+royal family in the beginning of the story with those of Sweden and
+Gautland.
+
+Allowance must also be made for two lines of oral transmission, one
+going to Iceland, and the other to Norway and thence to Denmark. This
+would result in the modification of details in the two versions, such as
+details connected with the insanity motive and the concealment of the
+boys, and the omission, in one version, of the dogs' names supposed to
+be applied to the boys and the insertion of the names in the other.
+
+But this would not explain why Hroar, Helgi, and their father are given
+other names in Saxo's version, and why such a radical change has been
+made in the family relationship of Siward and Signy. This, however, as
+will be explained later,[149] is due to arbitrary action on the part of
+Saxo, in order to conceal the fact that he twice includes the same group
+of men in his line of Danish kings.
+
+If the foregoing is substantially correct, much in the Hroar-Helgi story
+is accounted for, besides some striking differences between the two
+versions. But it is possible to account for more. We have seen how the
+Siward story exerted marked influence on the story about Bothvar Bjarki;
+hence, we might expect it to have exerted some influence on the
+Hroar-Helgi story, which is also a part of the _Hr�lfssaga_. And this it
+has done. Siward was historically closely associated with the events of
+the Macbeth story; but the Macbeth story is of a type that, in one
+noteworthy particular at least, resembles the Hroar-Helgi story more
+than do any of the stories thus far considered, and that is in the fact
+that Duncan has two sons, who flee when their father is murdered. In the
+Macbeth story, as in the Hamlet story, it may be said that we have not,
+under a strict interpretation of the term, an instance of the
+"exile-return" type of story; but Hamlet goes to England and immediately
+upon his return avenges his father's murder, and, still nearer the type,
+Malcolm and Donaldbane flee and Malcolm returns and avenges his father's
+murder. But the matter of type is, in this connection, unessential.
+There is no doubt that the Hamlet story exerted an influence on the
+Hroar-Helgi story, nor can there be any doubt that the Macbeth story did
+the same.
+
+First, attention is called to the fact that in the _Hr�lfssaga_ Siward
+himself is retained in the story under the name of S�vil.[150] In Saxo's
+version of the story about Hroar and Helgi, he is called Siward, but
+there his proper relationship to the other characters is obscured.
+Siward was related to Duncan by marriage, some versions, Holinshed's for
+instance, having it that Duncan was married to Siward's daughter;[151]
+similarly, S�vil was married to Halfdan's daughter. Siward aided
+Duncan's sons (Donaldbane, however, not being present to take part in
+the expedition against Macbeth); similarly, S�vil aided Halfdan's sons,
+not by an armed expedition against Frothi, the usurper, but proceeding
+against him in such manner as the plot of the story permits. It is said
+of Donaldbane, that he fled to Ireland "where he was tenderlie cherished
+by the king of that land";[152] similarly, Hroar went to Northumberland,
+where he received a hearty welcome and later married King Northri's
+daughter, �gn.[153] Siward was first an earl in Denmark; similarly,
+S�vil was an earl in Denmark. S�vil did not, however, become Earl of
+Northumberland, as Siward did; but Hroar took his place, so to speak, in
+this respect, and, as Siward had done, married the earl's (king's)
+daughter[154] and became King of Northumberland.
+
+In the Hroar-Helgi story, the usurper is represented as consulting a
+witch in regard to the whereabouts of the young princes. This feature
+must also be due to the influence of the Macbeth story; for, though the
+purpose for which Frothi and Macbeth consult the witch, or witches, is
+not exactly the same, it is the possible future disposition of the
+throne that in both instances causes anxiety; and while at first, in
+both instances, a prediction, or information, is given that is
+favorable, a prediction in both instances is given in conclusion that
+is unfavorable. The witches are so conspicuous a feature of the Macbeth
+story that they would, of course, attract the attention of the saga-man;
+and we naturally expect this feature of the story to leave its impress
+on the Hroar-Helgi story. It is a special feature, not found in any of
+the other stories considered in this connection, and there can be no
+doubt as to whence the Hroar-Helgi story acquired it. The witch in the
+saga is called a "sei�kona." Concerning the kind of witchcraft practised
+by a "sei�kona," P.A. Munch has the following: "Som den virksomste, men
+og som den skjendigste, af al Troldom ansaa vore Forf�dre den saakaldte
+_Seid_. Hvorledes den ud�vedes, er ikke ret klart fremstillet ...; den
+var forbunden med sang ... Men dette slags Troldom ansaaes ogsaa en Mand
+uv�rdigt, og ud�vedes derfor s�dvanligviis af Kvinder, ligesom dette
+ogsaa stedse synes at have gaaet ud paa noget ondt."[155] Thus the
+"sei�kona" is exactly the same kind of creature as the witches in the
+Macbeth story. Consider, for instance, the disgusting practice in which
+Shakespeare represents them as engaging, as they go round the cauldron,
+chanting the refrain, "Double, double toil and trouble," etc. W.J. Rolfe
+refers to the witches in _Macbeth_ as follows: "Macbeth and his fellow
+captain Banquo have performed prodigies of valour in the battle, and are
+on their way home from the field when they are met by the three witches,
+as Shakespeare calls them, and as they are called in the old chronicle
+from which he took the main incidents of his plot. They appear simply to
+be the witches of superstition--hags who have gained a measure of
+superhuman knowledge and power by a league with Satan, to whom they have
+sold their souls and pledged their service."[156] The statements at an
+earlier stage of the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_, while the boys are still
+on the island, that soothsayers and wise men are called in from all over
+the land to tell where the boys are, and that wizards, who are also
+summoned, warn Frothi to beware of the old man Vifil on the island,
+remind us of the statement by Holinshed that Macbeth "had learned of
+certeine wizzards, in whose words he put great confidence ... how that
+he ought to take heed of Macduffe."[157]
+
+Still another feature may have been acquired from the Macbeth story. It
+is said that Hroar and Helgi were transferred to a neighboring island.
+Holinshed says that Donaldbane fled to Ireland. The Macbeth story has
+been treated by a number of chroniclers, who, though they agree in the
+main, occasionally disagree in regard to details. Thus Johannes Fordun
+says, "Hi a Machabeo rege expulsi, Donaldus insulas, Malcolmus Cumbriam
+adibant."[168] This is evidently one version and would supply the hint
+for transferring the young princes to a neighboring island, which would
+be a convenient disposition to make of them till the time of their
+return to regain their heritage. It would also harmonize topographically
+with the coast of Denmark, where there were many islands covered with
+trees, the idea of woods as a hiding-place for the boys having been
+abundantly supplied by the Meriadoc story.
+
+It may be said that this introduces a conflict with the statement that
+Donaldbane fled to Ireland. It is not possible to know, in a case like
+this, which variant has influenced the saga, or whether, indeed, both
+have not been utilized. But there was ample warrant for transferring
+Hroar to Northumberland without such a suggestion as lay in Donaldbane's
+flight to Ireland. In any event, imitation of Donaldbane's flight has
+not been a necessary consideration in making Hroar King of
+Northumberland. A suggestion of the same nature lay in Hamlet's going to
+England, where he married the king's daughter; but chiefly, the
+Scandinavians were numerous in the north of England and regarded
+themselves as the rightful possessors of that part of the country. The
+mastery of Northumberland was long an object of contest between
+Anglo-Saxons and Scandinavians, and this was the chief point at issue in
+the famous battle at Brunanburh, 937. Since Helgi, whom the _Hr�lfssaga_
+represents as the more forward of the two boys, was made King of
+Denmark, no more honorable disposition could be made of Hroar than to
+place him on the throne of Northumberland, and events show that he
+himself was perfectly satisfied. He thus also became ruler of the land
+once governed by Siward, who must have made a powerful impression on his
+countrymen in England; and with one of the two princes reigning in
+Denmark and the other in England, the glory of the Danes when Canute was
+king of both countries would be revived in story, as it was in _Havelok
+the Dane_, where Havelok, likewise, reigned both in England and
+Denmark.
+
+No attempt has been made to point out all the respects in which the
+Hroar-Helgi story resembles the Macbeth story. The Macbeth story has
+most of the characteristics of the "exile-return" type, and striking
+resemblances that fall in with features of the stories already mentioned
+might have been added, but will suggest themselves to the reader. Only
+such things as point to special influence exerted by the Macbeth story
+on the Hroar-Helgi story have been mentioned.
+
+It may be urged that some of the material, such as the "sei�kona," said
+in the foregoing to be derived from foreign sources, is recognized
+saga-material. The point, however, is that it is not the material
+itself, but the suggestion for the use of it, that in such an instance
+is said to be derived from a foreign source.
+
+
+_The Hroar-Helgi Story in the _SKJ[O.]LDUNGASAGA_ and the _BJARKAR�MUR.
+
+Thus far nothing has been said about the "short and chronicle-like form
+in the Icelandic _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, where the fratricide is called
+Ingjald, not Frothi."[159] The story is, in substance, as follows.
+
+Fridleif, King of Denmark, abducted Hilda, daughter of Ali, King of the
+Uplands in Norway, and by her had a son who was named Ali; by another
+woman he had a son who was named Frothi.
+
+Frothi inherited his father's kingdom; but Ali, his half-brother, who
+was a great warrior, conquered Sweden. Frothi's men feared Ali and
+persuaded Frothi to try to have him put to death. Frothi yielded to
+their entreaties, and Starkad, the famous warrior, was dispatched to
+perform the deed. When an opportunity presented itself, he stabbed Ali
+to death. "My brother has caused this," said Ali, and died laughing.
+
+Later, Frothi defeated Jorund, King of Sweden, and made him a tributary
+prince. He also defeated Swelling, a Swedish duke, and treated him in
+the same manner. Frothi abducted Jorund's daughter, by whom he had a son
+who was called Halfdan. But taking another woman to wife, a legitimate
+heir was born to him, and this son was called Ingjald.
+
+Starkad, however, was so filled with remorse for having killed Ali that
+he did not wish to remain with Frothi. He went, therefore, soon after to
+Russia and later to Sweden, but, disgusted with the idolatry of the
+Swedes, returned to Frothi. Ingjald, son of Frothi, had in the meantime
+married the daughter of Swerting, thus, as it seemed to all, effecting a
+reconciliation with him.
+
+Jorund and Swerting, however, formed a conspiracy against Frothi, and he
+was slain one night while sacrificing to the gods. In the meantime,
+Starkad was absent in Sweden, where, under the guise of friendship, he
+was detained by gifts, in order that the plot against Frothi might be
+the more easily executed.
+
+Swerting placated Ingjald, Frothi's son and Swerting's son-in-law; but
+Halfdan, Ingjald's half-brother, conquered Sk�ne and avenged his
+father's murder by putting to death Swerting's twelve sons, who had
+slain Frothi. At the instigation of Starkad, Ingjald put his wife,
+Swerting's daughter, aside. He also granted Halfdan a third of the
+kingdom. Swerting's daughter later bore Ingjald a son (Agnar); and by
+his wife, Sigrith, Halfdan had a daughter, Signy, and two sons, Hroar
+and Helgi.
+
+Ingjald, however, desiring to rule over the whole kingdom, fell upon
+Halfdan unexpectedly with an army and slew him. He married Halfdan's
+widow, and by her had two sons, Hr�rik and Frothi. Signy grew up under
+her mother's care, and later Ingjald gave her in marriage to S�vil, an
+earl in Seeland. But Hroar and Helgi hid from the king on an island near
+Sk�ne, and when they had arrived at the proper age they slew Ingjald and
+thus avenged their father's death.
+
+Hroar and Helgi now became Kings of Denmark. Later Hroar married the
+daughter of the King of England. Hrolf, nicknamed Kraki, who was eight
+years old when his father, Helgi, died, succeeded him on the throne.
+Hroar was soon after slain by his half-brothers, Hr�rik and Frothi.
+Hrolf then became sole King of Denmark.[160]
+
+The story in the _Bjarkar�mur_ is substantially the same as the story
+in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_. Both are plainly based on the same account,
+and, within certain limits, are identical with the corresponding story
+in the _Hr�lfssaga_. Sk�ne, mentioned in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ in the
+phrase "in insula quadam Scani�," is not mentioned in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_. Its insertion in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ is due to the fact
+that Halfdan, the father of Hroar and Helgi, is said to have conquered
+Sk�ne, and, as a result, would be regarded as having ruled there. But
+its presence in one account and omission in the other involve no
+contradiction. In all that belongs peculiarly to the story about
+Hroar and Helgi, the account in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ is identical with
+the account in the _Hr�lfssaga_. According to both sources, the name
+of the boys' mother was Sigrith; their father's name was Halfdan; he
+was slain by his brother, who fell upon him unexpectedly with an army;
+the fratricide married the murdered man's widow; Signy was the sister
+of Hroar and Helgi; she married S�vil, an earl in Denmark; Hroar and
+Helgi had to conceal themselves on an island to save their lives
+(according to the _Bjarkar�mur_, they were brought up by the old man
+Vifil, a circumstance omitted in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, but contained
+in the _Hr�lfssaga_); when they had arrived at the proper age, they
+slew (according to the _Hr�lfssaga_ and the _r�mur_, "burnt-in") their
+father's murderer and thus avenged their father's death; Hroar and
+Helgi then became Kings of Denmark; Hroar married the daughter of the
+King of England; Helgi's son was Hrolf, who later became sole King of
+Denmark.
+
+The essential difference between the story as it is in the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ and as it is in the _Hr�lfssaga_ is that, in the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, Ingjald is said to be the brother of Halfdan;
+while in the _Hr�lfssaga_, Frothi is Halfdan's brother. The
+_Hr�lfssaga_ has, however, preserved the earlier account. The
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ dates from about the year 1200.[161] About the
+year 950, Frothi is said to be the slayer of Halfdan;[162] and in
+_Historia Regis Waldei_, Frothi is made the typical villain in a
+Hroar-Helgi type of story[163] (the "exile-return" type), so that, in
+the version of the story that was current in England, Frothi must have
+been the slayer of his brother. The conflicting statement that it was
+Ingjald who slew Halfdan requires, therefore, an explanation.
+
+In Saxo's _Gesta Danorum_, the story about Hroar and Helgi is told
+twice. It is first told in the second book, where we find the version
+with which is connected the story about Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa, Athils, and
+Ingjald and his son Agnar, whom Bjarki slew; it is told a second time in
+the seventh book, where Hroar and Helgi are called Harald and Halfdan,
+and where the story about them is another version of the same story that
+we have in the _Hr�lfssaga_. Not only do Hroar and Helgi appear
+(disguised under different names), but Frothi and Ingjald again appear.
+
+A comparison of the line of Danish kings as Saxo has it, with the line
+of the same kings in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_,[164] shows that the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ has the story about Hroar and Helgi just where Saxo's
+second story about them (i.e., in his seventh book) puts in its
+appearance. These lines of kings are as follows:--
+
+      SAXO:                 SKJ[O.]LDUNGASAGA:
+
+    Humblus I
+    Dan I
+    Humblus II
+    Lotherus
+    Scioldus                  Scioldus
+    Gram
+    Swibdagerus
+    Guthormus
+    Hadingus
+    Frotho I
+    Haldanus, Roe, Scatus
+    Roe, Helgo
+    Roluo Krage
+    Hiartwarus
+    Hotherus
+    Balderus
+    Roricus
+    Vigletus
+    Wermundus
+    Uffo
+    Dan II
+    Hugletus
+    Frotho II
+    Dan III
+    Fridleus I                Fridleifus I[165]
+    Frotho III[166]           Frotho I[166]
+                              Herleifus
+                              Havardus
+                              Leifus
+                              Herleifus[167]
+                              Hunleifus[167]
+                              Aleifus[167]
+                              Oddleifus[167]
+                              Geirleifus[167]
+                              Gunnleifus[167]
+                              Frotho II
+                              Vermundus
+                              Dan I
+                              Dan II[168]
+    Hiarnus[169]              Frotho III
+    Fridleus II[170]          Fridleifus II
+    Frotho IV                 Frotho IV
+    Ingellus                  Ingjaldus,            Halfdanus
+    Olauus[171]
+    Frotho V, Haraldus[172]   Agnerus, Roericus,    Roas or Roe, Helgo
+      Haraldus,[173] Haldanus,[174]   Frotho (V)[175]      Rolpho Krag
+
+A comparison of the two lines of kings shows that, beginning with the
+first Fridleus in Saxo's account and the first Fridleifus in the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga's_ account, there are important correspondences.
+Fridleus I (Saxo) = Fridleifus I (_Skjs._). Frotho III, son of Fridleus
+I (Saxo) = Frotho I, son of Fridleifus I (_Skjs._). Fridleus II, son of
+Frotho III (Saxo) = Fridleifus II, son of Frotho III (_Skjs._). Frotho
+IV (Saxo) = Frotho IV (_Skjs._); and in both sources Frotho IV is the
+Danish king in whose career Swerting plays such a prominent part. By
+omitting all of Saxo's kings between Scioldus and Fridleifus I, among
+whom are also the Hroar-Helgi group, the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ has avoided
+the difficulty of having to deal with Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki
+where they first occur in Saxo's history.
+
+The paralleling of the two lines of kings also furnishes the key to the
+explanation of how the different names and a different setting for the
+Hroar-Helgi story, from those found in other versions, got into Saxo's
+version. Since the Hroar-Helgi story appears in the same place in his
+line of kings as in that of the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, he must also have
+known the names that really belonged to the story. But he had told the
+story about Halfdan, Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki (in its second stage
+of development, see p. 66) once before, and therefore could not
+consistently tell a different story about the same men. The story was,
+however, in existence and was too good to be discarded, so he retained
+it, but disguised it by making arbitrary changes. This explains the
+loss, which otherwise would be very strange, of such well known names as
+Hroar, Helgi, and Hrolf Kraki. The only incentive any one could have to
+change the names would be just that which Saxo had, namely that he had
+used them before in another connection. He retained the name Frothi,
+which appears so often in the Danish line of kings that its reappearance
+would cause no difficulty; and his retention of Frothi as the slayer of
+his brother is additional evidence that to him, not to Ingjald, was this
+unenviable r�le first assigned. Ingjald, whom he has in his story about
+Hrolf Kraki, he also retained, but in a different relationship from that
+in his second book. It will be observed that Saxo merely shifted the
+name Halfdan from father to son, and that Harald, almost a conventional
+name, he employed twice. Finally, he introduced a strange person, Olaf,
+about whom, he says, nothing, practically, was known.
+
+But since Saxo has the Hroar-Helgi story substantially as it is in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_, except for the changed names, the author of the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, or its source, whose version of the story occurs in
+the same place in the line of Danish kings as Saxo's, must also have
+known the story in the same version. This we shall find was actually the
+case, and that the story as it appears in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ is an
+attempt at reconciling conflicting elements in ancient tradition.
+
+As already stated, according to the _Grottas[o.]ngr_ (from about 950),
+Frothi is the brother of Halfdan and slays him. But according to an
+equally old tradition, the story on which the Ingjald lay in Saxo's
+sixth book is based, Frothi is Ingjald's father and is himself slain.
+The events that gave rise to this lay are also narrated in Saxo's sixth
+book and are as follows.
+
+In Saxony were two kings, both of whom paid tribute to Frothi. They
+planned to throw off the foreign yoke. Hanef made the attempt first, but
+Frothi defeated and slew him. Swerting made the attempt later and slew
+Frothi, but met his own death at the same time. Swerting's sons, fearing
+that Ingjald would avenge his father's death, gave him their sister in
+marriage. Thus a reconciliation was effected, and Ingjald thenceforth
+devoted himself to pleasure. Starkad, the famous warrior, who was in
+Sweden, had been one of Frothi's men and had later been Ingjald's
+foster-father. When Starkad learned that Ingjald, instead of seeking
+revenge, had made friends with his enemies and had taken Swerting's
+daughter to wife and with her was leading a life of luxury, the old
+warrior hastened back to Denmark. When Starkad returned, Ingjald's wife,
+not knowing him on account of his shabby appearance, insulted him.
+Ingjald was away on a hunt at the time; but when he returned, he
+recognized Starkad and told his wife who the old man was. In the evening
+Ingjald sat down to a luxurious meal with Swerting's sons; and his wife
+did all she could to appease Starkad, who was also present. But Starkad
+could not forget the insult he had suffered, and became more and more
+angry with the effeminate way of living that Ingjald and his wife had
+introduced from Germany. In burning words, which are reproduced in the
+Ingjald lay, he condemned Ingjald's neglect of duty, his luxurious mode
+of life, and his living in friendship with those on whom he should have
+avenged his father's death. Ingjald was finally aroused, and he drew his
+sword and killed all of Swerting's sons. In regard to his future
+relation to his wife Saxo says nothing; but as Starkad advised him to
+drive the impudent woman (as he called her) from the land, the
+presumption is that Ingjald did so.
+
+The Ingjald lay has its roots in _Beowulf_. Its relationship to the
+corresponding episode in the Anglo-Saxon poem is explained in the
+following by Olrik:--
+
+     "Kun et eneste af Starkad-digtningens mange optrin kan f�lges til
+     �ldre kilde end de nordiske. Det er den scene, hvor den gamle
+     kriger op�gger Ingjald til h�vn og dermed afbryder forsoningen
+     imellem de to fjendtlige sl�gter. I _B�owulf_ findes dette optrin
+     for f�rste gang, ganske afvigende i den politiske stilling, men med
+     kendeligt sl�gtskab i det digterske indhold.
+
+     "Digtet fort�ller on det fors�g der blev gjort p� at stille den
+     lange fejde, der var f�rt mellem Danernes folk og Hadbardernes, af
+     Halvdan og Hrodgar imod Frode og Ingeld. Forsoningen skulde
+     frembringes ved bryllup mellem Ingeld og Hrodgars datter Freyvar
+     (Fr�aware). 'Hun blev lovet, ung og guldsmykt, til Frodes hulde
+     s�n; det bar tyktes Skjoldungers ven s�, rigets vogter (i.e.,
+     Hrodgar) har fundet det r�deligt, at ved den viv skulde tvisten og
+     d�dsfejden stilles. Ofte, ej sj�lden, hviler dog d�dsspyddet kun
+     f�je tid efter mandefald, hvor g�v s� bruden er. Da m� det mistykke
+     Hadbardernes drot og hver thegn af det folk, n�r ban g�r med
+     jomfruen i hallen, at en hirdsvend af Danerne sk�nked for skaren;
+     ti p� ham str�ler f�drenes eje, h�rdt og ringlagt, Hadbardernes
+     klenodier, s�l�nge de ejede de v�ben (indtil de misted i
+     skjoldelegen de k�re f�ller og deres eget liv). Da m�ler ved �llet
+     en gammel spydk�mpe, der ser skatten, og mindes al m�ndenes
+     undergang; grum er hans hu. Fuld af harm begynder ban at friste en
+     ung k�mpes hu med hvad der bor i hans bryst: "Kender du, min ven,
+     denne klinge, som din fader bar til sv�rdst�vnet sidste gang--dette
+     kostelige j�rn--dengang Danerne slog ham; de beholdt valpladsen, de
+     raske Skjoldunger; siden kom der aldrig oprejsning efter k�mpernes
+     fald. Nu g�r her afkom af de banem�nd her i hallen, pralende af
+     skattene, bryster sig af drabet, b�rer det klenodie som du med ret
+     skulde eje!"--S�ledes maner og minder han atter og atter med
+     s�rende ord, indtil den stund kommer, at jomfruens svend segner
+     blodig ned for klingens bid, skilt ved livet for sin faders d�d;
+     men den anden (i.e., drabsmanden) undflyr levende, han kender vel
+     landet. Da brydes fra begge sider �dlingernes edspagt; i Ingeld
+     koger d�dshadet, men k�rligheden til hans viv k�lnes efter den
+     harm. Derfor kalder jeg ikke Hadbardernes trofasthed, deres del i
+     folkefreden, svigel�s mod Danerne, deres venskab ikke fast.'[176]
+
+     "Trods den antydende stil i digtets fremstilling, s�ledes som den
+     l�gges helten Beovulf i munden, er handlingens sammenh�ng
+     nogenlunde tydelig. Der bar v�ret gammel fejde mellem Daner og
+     Hadbarder; hvis man kan tro betydningen af et ikke helt sikkert
+     ord, er ogs� Hadbardernes konge (Frode) falden i striden. Ingeld,
+     Frodes s�n, slutter fred med Danernes konge Hrodgar og holder
+     bryllup med hans datter. Under selve bryllupet blusser kampen op,
+     idet en af brudesvendene bliver dr�bt af en af Hadbarderne, som en
+     gammel k�mpe bar �gget op til at h�vne sin faders d�d. Bryllupet
+     (og drabet) foreg�r--efter digtets fremstilling--snarest i
+     Hadbardernes kongehal; ti det hedder, at drabsmanden undslap fordi
+     ban kendte landet. Ingelds rolle er indskrasnket til at hans
+     k�rlighed til kongedatteren 'k�lnes'; at hun er bleven forskudt
+     eller selv er vendt hjem, fremg�r deraf, at hun i digtet g�r i den
+     danske kongehal som ugift og sk�nker for k�mperne.
+
+     "Kampen n�vnes en gang til, i _B�owulfs_ begyndelse, d�r hvor det
+     hedder on den danske kongehal Hjort: 'den opleved fjendske
+     ildb�lger, h�rjende lue; det var ikke l�nge efter at kamphadet
+     v�gned efter [gammelt] d�dsfjendskab mellem svigers�n og
+     svigerfader.'[177] Disse ord--der n�ppe stammer fra den egenlige
+     B�owulfdigter--indeholder en afvigende fremstilling: bryllupskampen
+     st�r i den danske kongehal, og synes at v�re opfattet som st�rre og
+     voldsommere end en enkelt mands mord og hans banemands undslipning.
+     At sagnet vakler med hensyn til stedet, er ikke s� underligt.
+     Historiske forhold viser, at bryllup snart er holdt i
+     svigers�nnens, snart i svigerfaderens hjem.
+
+     "Ogs� W�ds��-kvadet taler on en kamp 'i Hjort' (�t Heorote), hvor
+     Ingeld og hans Hadbarder skal have lidt et nederlag mod Hrodgar og
+     hans broders�n Hrodulf. Det er rimeligst, at ogs� dette er
+     hentydning til det blodige bryllup, opfattet p� lignende m�de og
+     henlagt til samme skueplads som i den nysn�vnte antydning.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+     "Handlingen foreg�r i Ingelds kongehal, og indholdet er at en
+     gammel k�mpe bev�ger en ung til i selve hallen at dr�be s�nnen af
+     sin faders banemand, herved blusser det gamle fjendskab mellem
+     folkene op, og Ingeld forskyder sin udenlandske hustru.
+
+     "Forskellen er den, at i _B�owulf_ er faderh�vneren en fra Ingeld
+     forskellig person. Dette er sikkert det �ldre, og Ingjaldskvadets
+     det yngre. Det g�lder som en lov for episk udvikling, at man
+     arbejder sig hen imod det enklere; hvis to personer udf�rer
+     besl�gtede handlinger, vil den ene af dem forsvinde; og i kraft af
+     digtningens midtpunkts�gen, vil bifiguren g� ud af spillet, hans
+     rolle vil enten blive til intet eller overtages af hovedpersonen.
+     Digtningen har gjort et stort skridt frem i episk t�tning, da
+     Ingeld blev b�de faderh�vner og den der forsk�d sin hustru; det
+     hele drama udspilles nu imellem den unge konge og den gamle
+     stridsmand.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+     "Episk er omdannelsen naturlig nok; nationalt er den meget
+     m�rkeligere. Det er ikke s� underligt, at den �ldre form handler om
+     Daner og Hadbarder, den yngre om Daner og Sakser. Men det
+     overraskende er, at Hadbardernes parti g�res til 'Daner' og de
+     tidligere Daner til 'Saksere'; den danske heltetradition er her
+     ganske vildfarende i, hvem der er folkets egne forf�dre, og hvem
+     der er dets bitreste fjender. Dog ogs� dette bliver episk
+     forklarligt. Bevidstheden om Hadbarderne, der engang havde fyldt
+     Danerne med r�dsel, svandt efterh�nden bort, fordi �sters�egnenes
+     hele �tniske stilling forandredes. Ikke en eneste gang er deres
+     navn overleveret i samtlige den nordiske literatur! Men hvor
+     synskres og navne glemmes, drages personer og optrin n�rmere til.
+     Efter Vendernes indvandring til �sters�kysten bliver alle dens
+     gamle sagnhelte opfattede som Danske: Anglernes Offa, Hadbardernes
+     Ingeld, Holmrygernes Hagena. Senere i tiden flytter ogs� andre af
+     den gotiske verdens store sagnskikkelser nordp�: minder om
+     Hunnerslaget overf�res p� Danmarks sydgr�nse (Dan, Fredfrode);
+     Volsunger, Nibelunger, Didriksk�mper--alle blev til en eller anden
+     tid gjorte til vore landsm�nd, efter ganske samme n�rhedslov,
+     hvormed Nordm�ndene gjorde danske k�mper som Starkad og Bjarke til
+     norske helte. I og for sig er der intet m�rkeligere i, at Ingeld og
+     den op�ggende gamle spydk�mpe g�res til Daner. Som _Bjarkem�l_ blev
+     udgangspunkt for ganske uhistoriske forestillinger on
+     Skjoldung�tten, sker det ogs� her--i endnu st�rre m�lestok.
+     Ingjaldsk vadet bar bortkastet alt det historiske stof, undtagen
+     den gamle k�mpes harmtale, og det skaber en ny episk sammenh�ng,
+     som det gennemf�rer paa glimrende m�de.
+
+     "Nu forstaar vi Ingelds nationalitetsskifte. Det m�rkelige er blot,
+     at de oprindelige Daner blev gjorte til Saksere. Men ogs�, dette
+     f�lger af den episke udvikling. N�r den gamle k�mpe er det punkt
+     der tiltr�kkes (fordi han er det poetiske tyngdepunkt), m� hans
+     modparti frast�des og g�res til Danefolkets fjender. Nogen
+     selvst�ndig betydning ejer denne part jo ikke.
+
+     "Udtalt i j�vnere ord vil dette sige, at man i vikingetiden tog et
+     gammelt sagnstof og deri fandt udtryk for sin tids store oplevelse,
+     sammenst�det mellem Danmark og et m�gtigt 'saksisk' rige.[178]
+
+     "Det eneste nye navn, vi m�der, er betegnelsen 'Svertings s�nner.'
+     I �ldre digtning (_B�owulf_) er 'Svertings �tling' Geaternes konge;
+     men da bevidstheden on 'Geaterne' blegnede, er navnet vel sprunget
+     over og er knyttet til en kendt folkestamme, Sakserne. Grunden
+     dertil er muligvis kun, at det danner bogstavrim med Sakser, og at
+     det sproglig har en biklang af sort, i.e., ond og listig, der
+     gjorde det egnet til at bruges om Danernes fjender."[179]
+
+The significance of this is, first, that in the Ingjald lay we are
+dealing with old material; secondly, that the account of the
+relationship in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ between Frothi and Swerting and
+their families is based on the Ingjald lay; thirdly, that when the
+nationality of Swerting and those associated with him is changed from
+Saxon to Swedish, it is merely another stage in the development of the
+story, quite in line with earlier changes made to keep the story in
+harmony with changing conditions.
+
+Thus we have two stories, based on the same events (events first
+related in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_), that come down to posterity by
+two independent lines of transmission and suffer changes in the course
+of time that bring them into absolute conflict with each other.
+According to both stories, Frothi has become a Danish king. But in the
+story connected with the Ingjald lay, Frothi is slain, and is avenged
+by his son, Ingjald; while in the _Hr�lfssaga_, Frothi is his
+brother's slayer, on whom vengeance is taken by the sons (Hroar and
+Helgi) of his victim (Halfdan). In the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, the
+conflict is obviated. It is done very deftly and with only such
+disturbances of the genealogical relations involved as seemed
+necessary to secure the desired result. As a consequence, the changes
+that have been made, for which, in most instances, the reasons are
+quite apparent, can be traced step by step. The story as we have it
+in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ is, therefore, plainly an artificial
+amalgamation designed principally to harmonize conflicting stories
+about Frothi.
+
+The genealogy in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ is as follows:--
+
+  Swerting   Frothi                                       Jorund
+      |       |  |                                          |
+      |       |  |                                      daughter
+      |       |  |__________________________________________|
+      |       |                                           |
+  daughter   Ingjald           Sigrith                   Halfdan
+      |        |  |             |  |                         |
+      |________|  |_____________|  |_________________________|
+        |          |     |                 |         |     |
+        |          |     |                 |[180]    |     |
+       Agnar   Hr�rik  Frothi  Eng. Lady Hroar    Helgi   Signy  S�vil
+                                  |        |         |      |     |
+                                  |________|         |      |_____|
+                                                     |
+                                                Hrolf Kraki
+
+Below is the same genealogy with the portions enclosed that, on the one
+hand, are taken from the Ingjald lay (Frothi, Swerting, etc.) and, on
+the other, from the _Hr�lfssaga_ (Halfdan, Sigrith, etc.). The names in
+italics are found in the _Hr�lfssaga_, but, with the exception of �gn,
+whose name is omitted altogether, are employed in another connection in
+the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ (see the foregoing table):--
+
+  .-------------------.
+  �Swerting   Frothi  �                                    Jorund
+  �    |       |  |   �                                      |
+  �    |       |  |   �                                  daughter
+  �    |       |  |___�______________________________________|
+  �    |       |      �                                    |
+  �    |       |      �        .--------------------------------------.
+  �    |       |      �        �                           |          �
+  �daughter   Ingjald �        �Sigrith   _Frothi_[181]   Halfdan     �
+  �    |        |  |  �        � |  | |____|                  |       �
+  �    |________|  |__�________�_|  |_________________________|       �
+  �      |          | �   |    �            |       |       |         �
+  '-------------------'   |    �            |       |       |         �
+         |          |     |    �            |       |       |         �
+        Agnar   Hr�rik  Frothi �Eng. Lady Hroar   Helgi   Signy  S�vil�
+                               � (_�gn_)    |       |        |     |  �
+                               �   |________|       |        |_____|  �
+                               �       |            |            |    �
+                               �       |            |            |    �
+                               �     _Agnar_   Hrolf Kraki     _Hrok_ �
+                               '--------------------------------------'
+
+It will be observed that the following changes have been made to
+produce the family relationship as we find it in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_.
+Frothi is removed as Halfdan's brother and becomes his father, a
+change suggested, probably, by the tradition related in Saxo's second
+book that Frothi was Halfdan's father, and facilitated by the fact
+that, in the _Hr�lfssaga_, the father of Halfdan and Frothi is not
+mentioned, and, as a result, presents no impediment to the change. But
+to explain how Halfdan has become Frothi's son, a new relationship has
+to be invented, so Frothi is said to have the son Halfdan by the
+daughter of Jorund. According to the _Hr�lfssaga_, Halfdan is slain by
+his brother. This idea, in the abstract, is retained. But, according
+to the new arrangement, Ingjald, Frothi's son, has become Halfdan's
+brother, i.e., half-brother; hence, Ingjald slays Halfdan. According
+to the _Hr�lfssaga_, Halfdan's brother and slayer marries his widow,
+Sigrith.[182] This idea is also retained. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, it is
+Frothi who slays his brother, Halfdan, and marries his widow, Sigrith.
+But, according to the new arrangement, Ingjald is Halfdan's brother
+and slayer; hence, it is now he who marries Sigrith. According to the
+_Hr�lfssaga_, Agnar is Hroar's son; but this, apparently, is not
+according to current tradition. According to Saxo's second book, he is
+Ingjald's son and is slain by Bjarki. This conception of him occurs in
+the _Hr�lfssaga_ also, but towards the close, where Bjarki, in
+recounting his own achievements, mentions his having slain Agnar. This
+Agnar is not Hroar's son, but the Agnar of the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ and
+of Saxo's second book. The _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, therefore, properly
+retains him as Ingjald's son and omits him as Hroar's son. Hrok and
+Hr�rik are the same person. According to the _Hr�lfssaga_, he is the
+son of S�vil and Signy. Olrik has about a page of comment on him,[183]
+in which he shows that he (Hrethric, Hrothgar's son, in _Beowulf_)
+was originally regarded as Hroar's son, but, for reasons that need not
+here be rehearsed, became a fluctuating character. The _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_
+has made him the son of Ingjald. In the _Hr�lfssaga_, Hroar is said to
+have married an English lady named �gn. The _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ also
+says that Hroar married an English lady, but omits her name. Finally,
+Ingjald is given another son, Frothi. He corresponds to Frothi V in
+Saxo. In Saxo, however, Frothi is the slayer of his brother and
+corresponds to the Frothi who appears in the _Hr�lfssaga_ as the
+slayer of Halfdan. As the Frothi who appears in the _Hr�lfssaga_
+becomes, in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, the father of Halfdan, and
+Ingjald becomes Halfdan's slayer, Frothi, Ingjald's son, is, as a
+consequence, assigned the r�le of joining his brother Hr�rik in
+slaying his half-brother Hroar. Thus the idea of Frothi (corresponding
+to Frothi V in Saxo) as a fratricide is retained. But as Ingjald is
+succeeded on the throne by Halfdan's sons, Hroar and Helgi, there is
+no opportunity for Ingjald's son Frothi to become king. It will also
+be remembered that Frothi IV in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, who, like
+Frothi IV in Saxo, was slain by Swerting (or his sons), was himself a
+fratricide, having caused the death of his brother Ali. Frothi IV in
+the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ corresponds to the Frothi mentioned in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_. Thus, as a fratricide, Frothi IV in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_
+corresponds to the Frothi in the _Hr�lfssaga_, and as the victim of
+Swerting, he corresponds to Frothi IV in Saxo; while the account of
+Frothi, Ingjald's son, as the slayer of his half-brother Hroar,
+preserves the idea that Frothi V (in Saxo) is his brother's slayer.
+The _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ has, therefore, amply retained the idea of
+Frothi as a fratricide, and contains an account that, in a way,
+embraces the essential features of the treatment of the same period in
+the _Hr�lfssaga_, on the one hand, and in Saxo, on the other. The
+relationship in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ of Frothi (Ingjald's father),
+Swerting, Ingjald, and Swerting's daughter is identical with that in
+the Ingjald lay.
+
+Thus we see how, at the most conspicuous and interesting juncture of
+the Danish royal line, the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ harmonizes conflicting
+traditions.[184] This involves a train of consequences, among which
+are the following:--
+
+1. "The short and chronicle-like form [i.e., of the Hroar-Helgi story]
+in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, where the murderer is called Ingjald, not
+Frothi," is taken from the account that appears in the _Hr�lfssaga_;
+this account must therefore be earlier than the corresponding account
+in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_.
+
+2. As the story about Frothi, Halfdan, etc., in the _Bjarkar�mur_ is
+substantially the same as in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, it must be
+derived from the same source as the story in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_.
+The _Bjarkar�mur_ are, therefore, at this point a later composition
+than the corresponding portion of the _Hr�lfssaga_; and this fact
+affords further corroboration of the idea that the stories in the
+_r�mur_ of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and Hjalti's slaying the bear are
+later than the _Hr�lfssaga's_ account of Bjarki's slaying the winged
+monster.
+
+3. When the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ says that Hrolf Kraki met Hrani-Odin
+on the expedition to Sweden, though nothing is said about such a
+meeting in _Snorri's Edda_, the idea is probably taken from a version
+of the story essentially as we have it in the _Hr�lfssaga_.[185]
+
+4. Though the _Hr�lfssaga_ is made up of elements of varying degrees
+of antiquity and merit, it contains features worthy of more
+consideration than has generally been accorded them.
+
+5. In discussing the genealogy of the Danish kings in _Beowulf_ and
+comparing it with that of other documents,[186] it is to be remembered
+that the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ has no independent value as an authority
+in this connection; its value lies in its recognition of a conflict
+between the Ingjald lay and the story in the _Hr�lfssaga_, and its
+attempt to harmonize the two.
+
+6. On the whole, as Olrik says, "Hvor v�rdifuld den islandske
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ end er, den er selvf�lgelig ikke p� alle punkter
+at foretr�kke for enhver anden kilde."[187] When it disagrees with
+other documents, its statements should be scanned with care.
+
+A little ought to be said about Saxo's treatment of the problem, the
+solution of which in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ has just been considered.
+The solution in the saga is based on the recognition of the fact that
+Frothi as a king who was slain (i.e., by Swerting) and later avenged
+by his son is irreconcilable with the idea that he slew his brother,
+whose sons later put Frothi to death and thus avenged their father's
+murder. Saxo solved the problem by employing two Frothi's,--namely
+Frothi IV, Ingjald's father, who was slain by Swerting and was avenged
+by his son, and Frothi V, Ingjald's successor, who slew his brother,
+Harald (i.e., Halfdan in the _Hr�lfssaga_), and later was put to death
+by Harald's sons.
+
+On the whole, Saxo's story presents something of an attempt to
+harmonize Danish and Old Norse tradition. The Danish tradition about
+the Hroar-Helgi group of kings Saxo preserves in his second book. The
+Old Norse tradition about them he utilizes in his seventh book, at a
+point where, in the line of Danish kings, it occurs according to the
+Old Norse conception of the matter.[188] In the latter connection he
+repeats certain features of the story as it appears in his second
+book. Ingjald who appears in the sixth book is really the same Ingjald
+(second book) whose son Agnar is slain by Bjarki; and Helgi (here
+called Halfdan) takes to sea, just as he does in the second book. All
+that concerns Hrolf Kraki, Yrsa, Bjarki, etc., Saxo omits from the
+seventh book; but he gives Halfdan (Helgi) a career in Sweden,
+something like Helgi's (second book). Halfdan dies, however, without
+leaving an heir to the Danish throne; and this solves another problem,
+for thus the necessity of introducing Hrolf Kraki, Helgi's son, again,
+or some substitute for him, is obviated, and the story of this royal
+family is brought to an end.
+
+
+_Conclusion._
+
+We have, therefore, only two versions of the Hroar-Helgi story (Saxo's
+version and the one in the _Hr�lfssaga_), and these have been
+subjected to a variety of influences and manipulations. The two
+versions do not, however, always employ the same features in just the
+same way, as is exemplified in the treatment of the insanity motive;
+nor have they always retained the same features present in the source
+of influence, as where the place of concealment of the boys in one
+instance is a cave and in the other a hollow tree. But the possession
+of the two versions is valuable in this respect, that they afford a
+double confirmation of the source of influence, as in the instances
+just cited and in Frothi's consulting the witch.
+
+It is a great transformation that has taken place in the fortunes of
+Hrothgar (Hroar) from the time we become acquainted with him as the
+famous King of the Danes in _Beowulf_ till we finally see him in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ sitting on the throne of Northumberland in England. But
+the conception of him that excludes him from the list of ancient kings
+of Denmark seems to have been shared by Snorri Sturlason; for in
+Snorri's _Ynglingasaga_, where Frothi, Halfdan, Helgi, Hrolf Kraki,
+and other early Danish kings are mentioned, and where one would expect
+something to be said about Hroar also, his name does not occur and
+there is no reference to him whatever.
+
+The foregoing explanation of how Hroar came to be regarded as King of
+Northumberland has a bearing on _Beowulf_-criticism. The name of
+Hroar's wife is given as �gn. In _Beowulf_, Hrothgar's wife,
+Wealhtheow, is called a Helming and is supposed to be an English lady.
+In support of this idea, Sarrazin[189] and, following him, Thomas
+Arnold[190] have stated that perhaps we have a reminiscence of her
+nationality in that of �gn. But, as we have seen, there is no
+connection between the two women.
+
+Finally, let it be stated that not all has been said about the
+Hroar-Helgi story that one would like to say. One would like to be
+able to trace still more in detail the development of the story and
+account for all the variations between the two versions. Such
+knowledge is, however, vouchsafed in very few instances. But if what
+has been said is substantially correct, a little has been added to
+what was known before about this interesting story.
+
+
+
+III
+
+_GENERAL SUMMARY._
+
+
+From what has been said, it will be seen that the origin of the dragon
+in the _B[o.]�vars��ttr_ of the _Hr�lfssaga_ has hitherto been
+unperceived and the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon has not
+been understood. Neither of the two has any connection with _Beowulf_.
+The _Bjarkar�mur_ throw no light on the _Beowulf_ problem, for the
+story of Bjarki's slaying the wolf and that of Hjalti's slaying the
+bear are later than the story of Bjarki's slaying the dragon and were
+written by one who had the story of Bjarki's fight with the dragon in
+mind. Moreover, the story told in the _r�mur_ in connection with
+Hjalti's slaying the bear is merely an adaptation of the story told in
+the _Hr�lfssaga_ about Bjarki's father.
+
+The _Fr��a��ttr_ of the _Hr�lfssaga_ embodies an earlier form of the
+Hroar-Helgi story than is found in the _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ and the
+_Bjarkar�mur_; and this confirms the idea that the story in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster is earlier than
+the corresponding stories in the _Bjarkar�mur_. Aside from the
+influence exerted by the Hamlet story, the _Fr��a��ttr_ version and
+Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story are the result of influences
+emanating from the "exile-return" type of story in England, and, nore
+particularly, the Meriadoc story and the Macbeth story, which were
+well known to Scandinavians in Great Britain.
+
+The version of the Hroar-Helgi story which we find in the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ and the _Bjarkar�mur_ is the result of an attempt
+to harmonize conflicting traditions emanating from events about which
+we now find the first account in _Beowulf_ and _Widsith_, as is also
+Saxo's treatment of the same matter in his sixth and seventh books.
+
+The change of names in Saxo's version of the Hroar-Helgi story is the
+result of arbitrary action on his part in order to conceal the fact
+that he introduces into his history the Hroar-Helgi group of kings a
+second time, namely in his seventh book, and gives an account of them
+that conflicts with the account already given of them in his second
+book.
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+  �ges�n, Svend, 65.
+
+  abbreviations, 5, 6.
+
+  Agnar, 17, 51, 52, 82, 83, 93, 96.
+
+  Ali, 81, 94.
+
+  "Angler," 90.
+
+  Anglo-Saxons, 80.
+
+  Arcadia, 67.
+
+  Arglud, 71.
+
+  Arngrim, 92, 95.
+
+  Arthur, King, 43, 71-73.
+
+  Arthurian romances, 46.
+
+  Athils, 83.
+
+
+  Balder-cult, 8.
+
+  "Baldersagn," 66.
+
+  Banquo, 79.
+
+  bear, 13, 16, 20, 23, 35, 49, 50, 55, 57.
+
+  bear in _Bjark._, 7, 10-12, 47-55, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
+
+  bear in _Gest. Dan._, bk. two, 7, 10, 19, 51, 52, 59, 60.
+
+  bear in _Hrs._, 55, 59.
+
+  bear-ancestry, 10, 14, 16, 19, 20, 56, 59.
+
+  Beaw, 9, 10.
+
+  Beorn, 14, 16.
+
+  Beowulf, 7-12, 30, 41, 43, 60, 89.
+
+  Beowulf (Danish king), 9, 10.
+
+ _Beowulf_, 3, 7-12, 34, 35, 38, 40, 41, 43, 58, 59, 61, 65-67, 88-91,
+            94, 96-98.
+
+  Bera, 16, 56.
+
+  Beresun, 14, 16.
+
+  Berki, 9.
+
+  Bern, 13.
+
+  Bernicia, 13, 78.
+
+  Bi�r, 11.
+
+  bibliography, 5, 6.
+
+  Bi�rn, 13.
+
+  _Bjarkar�mur_, 3, 7, 10-12, 16, 28, 35, 47, 49-60, 81-83, 94, 95, 98.
+
+  Bjarki, 7-12, 16-20, 23, 24, 27-31, 33-39, 41, 44-60, 67, 77, 83, 90,
+          93, 95, 96, 98.
+
+  Bjarki and the dragon in _Hrs._, Story of, 20 ff.
+
+  Bjarki and the wolf in _Bjark._, Story of, 47 ff.
+
+  Bj�rkman, 69.
+
+  Bj�rn, 16, 56.
+
+  blood-drinking, 8, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28, 34, 49-52, 58-60.
+
+  Boduwar, 9.
+
+  Bothvar, 8, 10-12, 16, 19, 22, 23, 33, 41, 49, 52, 53, 55, 56, 67, 77.
+
+  "B[o.]�var," 8, 20-22, 47.
+
+  _B[o.]�vars��ttr,_ 3, 7, 98.
+
+  British Isles, 70.
+
+  Bromton, 13.
+
+  Brunanburh, 80.
+
+
+  Canute, 13, 70, 80.
+
+  Caradoc, 71.
+
+  cattle-attacking monster, 30, 53.
+
+  Christianity, 26.
+
+  Christmas, 27, 46.
+
+  Christmas Eve, 25, 26, 31-35, 59.
+
+  Cuaran, 73.
+
+  Cumberland, 14.
+
+  Cumbria, 13, 80.
+
+  "Cymren," 70.
+
+  "cymrisch-skandinavische Sage," 70.
+
+
+  Dan, 90.
+
+  Danes, 13, 16, 43, 61, 65, 67, 70, 80, 88-91, 97.
+
+  Deira, 13.
+
+  Denmark, 7, 8, 14, 18, 19, 61, 63, 65, 67, 70, 76-78, 80-83, 87,
+           90-92, 97.
+
+  "Didriksk�mper," 90.
+
+  Diere, 14.
+
+  Digera, 13.
+
+  dogs, herdsmen's, 48, 53, 54, 56.
+
+  dog's name in _Hist. Mer._, 74.
+
+  dogs' names in _Gest. Dan._, bk. seven, 64, 73, 74, 77.
+
+  dogs' names in _Hrs._, 61, 67, 73, 74, 77.
+
+  Dolfin, 71, 73, 74.
+
+  Donaldbane, 77, 78, 80.
+
+  dragon, 9, 14, 15, 19, 20, 23, 24, 27, 46, 55.
+
+  dragon in _Beow._, 7-10, 34, 60.
+
+  dragon in _Hrs._, 7, 10, 19, 20, 24, 27,
+    28, 30, 33, 34, 36-39, 44-46, 50,
+    51, 54-60, 98.
+
+  Drifa, 9.
+
+  Duncan, 13, 77, 78.
+
+  Dundee, 15.
+
+  Dunewal, 15.
+
+  Durendal, 43.
+
+
+  Eadwulf Cutel, 13.
+
+  Eagle Rock, 71.
+
+  Ealdred, 13, 78.
+
+  Ebbe, 25.
+
+  Eckhart, 68.
+
+  Edward the Confessor, 13, 14, 17.
+
+  Elgfrothi, 18.
+
+  England, 3, 9, 10, 13-16, 63, 67, 69, 70, 73, 77, 80, 82, 83, 97, 98.
+
+  Excalibur, 43.
+
+  "exile-return" story, 68, 69, 77, 81, 83, 98.
+
+
+  Favnir, 23, 28.
+
+  Firth of Clyde, 13.
+
+  Firth of Forth, 13.
+
+  Fleventanean forest, 71.
+
+  Florencius, 69.
+
+  folk-lore, 24, 28, 38.
+
+  Fordun, Johannes, 80.
+
+  "fornaldarsaga," 15.
+
+  Freawaru, 9, 88.
+
+  Frey-cult, 8.
+
+  Fridleif, 81, 86.
+
+  Fridleus, 86.
+
+  Frodas, 69.
+
+  Frothi, 9, 10, 43, 61-66, 68, 69, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81-97.
+
+  _Fro�a��ttr_, 3, 61, 94, 98.
+
+  Fyen, 64.
+
+
+  Gaimar, Geffrei, 72.
+
+  Gautland, 63, 77.
+
+  Geats, 43, 91.
+
+  genealogy of Danish kings in _Gest. Dan._, 84, 85.
+
+  genealogy of Danish kings in _Hrs._, 92.
+
+  genealogy of Danish kings in _Skjs._, 84, 85, 92.
+
+  Germany, 87.
+
+  giants, 25, 26, 42, 46.
+
+  giant-sword in _Beow._, 11, 38.
+
+  Godwin, 13.
+
+  Great Britain, 98.
+
+  Grendel, 7, 9-12, 34, 35, 38, 58, 60.
+
+  Grendel's mother, 7, 11.
+
+  Grettir, 35.
+
+  Griffith, 71, 72.
+
+  Grim, 73.
+
+  Gr�mur, 31.
+
+  Gudmundur, 31-33.
+
+  Gullinhjalti, 11, 12, 22-24, 35, 36, 39-41, 44, 59.
+
+  Gyldenhilt, 11, 40, 42.
+
+  "gylden hilt," 11, 12, 35, 40-44, 59.
+
+  "Hadbarder," 65, 88-90.
+
+  Hagena, 90.
+
+  Halfdan, 61, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 75, 78, 81-84, 86-88, 91-97.
+
+  Halga, 61.
+
+  hall-attacking monster, 29-31, 34, 53.
+
+  Halvor, 38.
+
+  Hamlet, 67, 73, 80.
+
+  Hamlet story, 67, 72, 73, 76, 77, 98.
+
+  Hamur, 62, 74.
+
+  Hanef, 87.
+
+  Harald, 63, 75, 83, 86, 87, 96.
+
+  Hardecanute, 13.
+
+  Havelok, 80.
+
+  Hei�r, 66.
+
+  Helgi, 19, 61-64, 66, 67, 69, 73, 75, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 91, 92,
+         94, 96, 97, 99.
+
+  Helming, 97.
+
+  Heorot, 89.
+
+  Hereward, 60.
+
+  Hilda, 81.
+
+  Hildr, 56.
+
+  "Hitd�lek�mpe," 24.
+
+  Hjalti, 10-12, 22, 24, 28, 35, 39, 40, 44, 47-59, 95, 98.
+
+  Hjalti and the bear in _Bjark._, Story of, 47 ff.
+
+  "Hjort," 89.
+
+  Hleidargard, 48, 49, 53, 55.
+
+  Ho, 61, 74.
+
+  "Holmryger," 90.
+
+  Hondscio, 12.
+
+  Hopp, 61, 74.
+
+  Hott, 11, 12, 20-25, 27-30, 34, 36-40, 44-46, 53.
+
+  Hrani, 62, 74, 95.
+
+  Hrethel, 43.
+
+  Hrethric, 93.
+
+  Hring, 17, 55.
+
+  Hroar, 19, 61-67, 69, 75, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 91-94, 96, 97, 99.
+
+  Hroar-Helgi story, 61, 67-70, 72-74, 76-79, 81-84, 86, 87, 94, 95, 97,
+                     98.
+
+  Hrok, 93.
+
+  Hrolf Kraki, 7, 9, 17-23, 27, 33, 35, 39, 40, 43, 46, 48-50, 52, 54,
+               55, 57, 66, 82-84, 86, 92, 95-97.
+
+ _Hr�lfssaga_, 3, 7, 9-12, 16-20, 23, 33, 35, 39-41, 45, 46, 49, 50,
+               52-54, 57-60, 63, 65, 68, 72-74, 76-80, 82, 83, 87, 91-98.
+
+  Hross�j�fr, 66.
+
+  Hrothgar, 9, 42, 43, 88, 89, 93, 96, 97.
+
+  Hrothulf, 89.
+
+  Hrunting, 11.
+
+  Hr�rik, 65, 82, 93, 94.
+
+  "Hunnerslaget," 90.
+
+  Huntingdon, 13, 14.
+
+  Hygd, 43.
+
+  Hygelac, 43.
+
+
+  Iceland, 26, 65, 77, 84.
+
+  Icelanders, 67.
+
+  "ilex," 75, 76.
+
+  Ingjald, 81-84, 86-91, 93-96.
+
+  Ingjald lay, 87-92, 94, 96.
+
+  insanity in _Gest. Dan._, bk. seven, 64, 73, 77, 97.
+
+  insanity in Hamlet story, 67, 73.
+
+  insanity in _Hrs._, 73, 77, 97.
+
+  invulnerability, 29.
+
+  Ireland, 71, 78, 80.
+
+  "isl�ndingasaga," 15.
+
+  Ivor, 71-75, 77.
+
+
+  Jorund, 81, 82, 93, 95.
+
+  Joseph, 76.
+
+
+  Karl, governor of Gautland, 63.
+
+  Kay, 71, 72.
+
+
+  Leofric, 13.
+
+  London, 14.
+
+  Lonkentus, 39.
+
+
+  Macbeth, 13, 78-80.
+
+  Macbeth story, 77-81, 98.
+
+  Macduffe, 79.
+
+  Malcolm, 13, 77, 80.
+
+  Margaret, 33.
+
+  Meriadoc, 72, 73.
+
+  Meriadoc story, 70-76, 78, 80, 98.
+
+  Merlin, 46.
+
+  Morwen, 71, 72.
+
+
+  New Year, 32.
+
+  "Niebelunger," 90.
+
+  "Nordm�nd," 15, 90.
+
+  Norfolk, 70.
+
+  Northri, 63, 78.
+
+  Northumberland, 10, 13-15, 18, 63, 78, 80, 97.
+
+  Northumbria, 13, 78.
+
+  Norway, 7, 25, 26, 65, 77, 81.
+
+  Norwegians, 14, 16, 67.
+
+
+  Odin, 15, 17-19, 26, 95.
+
+  Offa, 90.
+
+  Olaf, 85, 87.
+
+  Orkney Islands, 14, 17-19.
+
+  Orwen, 72, 78.
+
+  Osbeorn, 13, 18.
+
+  Osbernum, 15.
+
+  Osbertum Bulax, 15.
+
+
+  Per Bakken, 25.
+
+  Per Gynt, 35.
+
+  Per Sandager, 29.
+
+
+  "quercus," 74.
+
+
+  Ragnar, 64.
+
+  Ragnar Lodbrok, 15.
+
+  Ravenlandeye, 14, 18.
+
+  Regin, 61-63, 68.
+
+  Remus, 67.
+
+  Roland, 43.
+
+  Romulus, 67.
+
+  Russia, 81.
+
+
+  "Sakser," 90, 91.
+
+  Scandinavians, 10, 70, 80, 98.
+
+  "Scania," 82.
+
+  Scioldus, 86.
+
+  Scotland, 13, 17, 71, 72, 78.
+
+  Scots, 13, 15.
+
+  Scyld, 9.
+
+  Scylding kings, 67, 69.
+
+  Seeland, 64, 77, 82.
+
+  "seid," 79.
+
+  "sei�kona," 79, 81.
+
+  Sigar, 73.
+
+  Signy, 61-63, 73, 77, 82, 83, 93, 95.
+
+  Sigrith, 63, 82, 83, 92, 93, 95.
+
+  Sigurd, 23, 28, 67.
+
+  Sigurdur, 31-33.
+
+  Silfr�narstadir, 31.
+
+  Siward, 10, 13-20, 23, 24, 56, 59, 63, 77, 78, 80.
+
+  Sj�varborg, 31.
+
+  Sk�ne, 82.
+
+  Skagafj�rdur, 31.
+
+  _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, 18, 65, 81-84, 86, 87, 91-96, 98.
+
+  "Skjoldunger," 65, 88.
+
+  "Skjoldungsagaer," 67.
+
+  "Skjoldungsagn," 64, 66.
+
+  "Skjoldungsl�gt," 84.
+
+  "Skjoldung�t," 65, 90.
+
+  Skofnung, 39, 40.
+
+  Sleipnir, 19.
+
+  Snowdon, Mount, 72.
+
+  soothsayers, 61, 79.
+
+  Spratlingus, 14.
+
+  Starkad, 81, 82, 87, 88, 90.
+
+  Sweden, 8, 17-19, 63, 77, 81, 82, 87, 95, 97.
+
+  Swedes, 81.
+
+  Swerting, 81, 82, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 94-96.
+
+  S�var, 78.
+
+  S�vil, 61-63, 73, 78, 82, 83, 93, 95.
+
+  Thames, 14.
+
+  Thebes, 67.
+
+  Thessaly, 67.
+
+  Tosti, 14, 17.
+
+  troll, 7, 9, 11, 16, 21, 22, 24-28, 30-35, 38, 52, 53, 59.
+
+  troll-animal, 29.
+
+  troll-bird, 29.
+
+  troll-dragon, 28, 29, 31, 34, 35, 49, 50, 53, 55, 58, 59.
+
+  troll-hare, 29.
+
+  troll-wife, 35, 66.
+
+
+  Ulf, 16, 55, 56.
+
+  Ulfius, 14.
+
+  Ulsius, 14.
+
+  Uplands in Norway, 81.
+
+  Urien, 71-73.
+
+  Ursus, 14.
+
+  Uther Pendragon, 71.
+
+
+  Valhalla, 19.
+
+  Valsleit, 17.
+
+  "Vender," 90.
+
+  Vifil, 61, 62, 73, 74, 76, 79.
+
+  Vitholphus, 66.
+
+  Vi�olfi, 66.
+
+  "Volsunger," 90.
+
+  Waldar, 92, 93.
+
+  Waldef story, 69.
+
+  Wales, 71.
+
+  Wealhtheow, 97.
+
+  Weder-Geats, 41.
+
+  Welsh, 70.
+
+  werewolf myth, 12.
+
+  Westminster, 14.
+
+  Westmoreland, 14.
+
+  Widsith, 61, 89, 91, 98.
+
+  winged monster in _Hrs._, 7-12, 20-22, 25, 55, 95, 98.
+
+  witch, 26, 61, 62, 64, 78, 79, 97.
+
+  wizard, 26, 79.
+
+  wolf in _Bjark._, 7, 10-12, 28, 47, 49-52, 54, 57, 58, 60, 95, 98.
+
+  wolves in _Gest. Dan._, bk. seven, 63, 64.
+
+  wolves in _Hist. Mer._, 71, 75, 76.
+
+  Worcestershire, 13.
+
+
+  York, 13.
+
+  Young Siward, 13.
+
+  Yrsa, 66, 69, 83, 96.
+
+  Yule, 25.
+
+  Yule Eve, 22, 25, 30.
+
+  Yule-feast, 22, 25.
+
+  Yule-tide, 27.
+
+  �lfl�d, 13, 78.
+
+  �sir, 26.
+
+  �gn, 63, 78, 92, 94, 97.
+
+  "�sters�en," 90.
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+
+[Footnote 1: For these portions of the _Bjarkar�mur_, see pp. 47-48.]
+
+[Footnote 2: For the story of Bjarki's fight with the winged monster,
+see pp. 20-22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: See p. 51.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ant. Tid._, 1852-54, p. 130.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ang._, 1886, IX, pp. 198-201.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _P.B.B._, 1887, XII, pp. 55-57.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Beow. Stud._, 1888, pp. 62-63.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, 1889, p. 55.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Beow. Unt._, 1888, pp. 185-88.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _Eng. Stud._, 1892, XVI, p. 80.]
+
+[Footnote 11: The list is "Osbern Thruwin Aeskitil Riculf Aeskyl Rikui
+Boduwar Berki Esel Petre Osbern."]
+
+[Footnote 12: _P.B.B._, 1895, XX, pp. 157-58.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _Eng. Stud._, 1897, XXIII, pp. 243-46.]
+
+[Footnote 14: _Notes, Beow._, 1898, p. 96.]
+
+[Footnote 15: _Grundr._, 1898, III, p. 649.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _Ark._, 1903 (the article is dated 1901), XIX, pp. 19 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _Oldn. Lit. Hist._, II, 1901, p. 832.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _Helt._, I, 1903, pp. 135-36.]
+
+[Footnote 19: _Helt._, I, p. 135.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _Helt._, I, pp. 139-41.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _Helt._, pp. 215-17.]
+
+[Footnote 22: _Helt._, I, p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 23: _Hrs. Bjark._, 1904, Introd., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 24: _Eng. Stud._, 1905, XXXV, pp. 19 ff. The similarity
+between "Gullinhjalti," in the _Hr�lfssaga_, and "gylden hilt," in
+_Beowulf_, was first pointed out by Friedrich Kluge in _Englische
+Studien_, 1896, XXII, p. 145. Sarrazin would write "gylden hilt," the
+form in which the words appear in _Beowulf_, in one word and capitalize
+it (i.e., Gyldenhilt). This manner of writing the words brings them
+nearer in form to "Gullinhjalti," as this word is written in the
+_Hr�lfssaga_. Holthausen in his latest edition (1909) of _Beowulf_ also
+uses the form "Gyldenhilt." Lawrence, likewise, identifies "gylden hilt"
+with Gullinhjalti (see p. 12), as does also Panzer (see p. 12).]
+
+[Footnote 25: _St. Sag. Eng._, 1906, pp. 249 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 26: _Camb. Hist. Lit._, I, 1907, pp. 29-30.]
+
+[Footnote 27: _Gesch. Alteng. Lit._, 1908, p. 993.]
+
+[Footnote 28: _P. M. L. A._, 1909, XXIV, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 29: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]
+
+[Footnote 30: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 231.]
+
+[Footnote 31: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 231.]
+
+[Footnote 32: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 224.]
+
+[Footnote 33: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 34: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 224.]
+
+[Footnote 35: _St. germ. Sag._, 1910, pp. 366 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 36: _St. germ. Sag._, pp. 372-73.]
+
+[Footnote 37: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 383.]
+
+[Footnote 38: XVIII, pp. 318-19.]
+
+[Footnote 39: See the legendary life of Siward in the following.]
+
+[Footnote 40: _Ark._, XIX, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 41: Olrik, _Ark._, XIX, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 42: _Ark._, XIX, pp. 212-13.]
+
+[Footnote 43: _Ark._, XIX, pp. 205-07. See also _Helt._, I, pp. 215-17.
+In his _St. germ. Sag._, p. 378, n., Panzer calls in question the
+connection that Olrik makes between Bjarki's bear-ancestry and that of
+Siward. But Olrik's theory furnishes the only satisfactory explanation
+of all the phenomena involved, and is so extremely probable that it must
+be regarded as correct.]
+
+[Footnote 44: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 59-60.]
+
+[Footnote 45: _Sn. Ed._, pp. 107-10.]
+
+[Footnote 46: See p. 95, 3 and note.]
+
+[Footnote 47: _Ark._, XIX, p. 211]
+
+[Footnote 48: _Helt._, I, p. 136.]
+
+[Footnote 49: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 50: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]
+
+[Footnote 51: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 68-71. Lawrence's translation of the
+above is as follows:--
+
+     "And as the Yule-feast approached, the men grew depressed. Bothvar
+     asked Hott the reason; he told him that a beast had already come
+     two successive winters, a great and terrible one,--'and it has
+     wings on its back and flies about continually; two autumns it has
+     already sought us here, and it does great damage; no weapon wounds
+     it, but the king's champions, the best warriors of all, don't come
+     home at this time.' Bothvar said, 'The hall isn't so well defended
+     as I thought, if a beast can destroy the domain and property of the
+     king.' Hott answered, 'That is no beast, it is rather the greatest
+     of monsters.' (�at er ekki d�r, heldr er �at hit mesta tr[o.]ll). Now
+     came the Yule-even; and the king said, 'Now I desire that the men
+     be still and quiet in the night, and I forbid them all to run any
+     risk on account of the beast; let the cattle fare as fate wills
+     (sem au�nar); my men I do not wish to lose.' All promised to act as
+     the king commanded. But Bothvar crept secretly out in the night; he
+     made Hott go with him, but Hott only went because he was forced to,
+     crying out that it would surely be the death of him. Bothvar told
+     him it would turn out better. They went out of the hall, and
+     Bothvar had to carry him, so full of fear was he. Now they saw the
+     beast, and Hott shrieked as loud as he could, and cried that the
+     beast was going to swallow him. Bothvar commanded the dog (bikkjuna
+     hans, i.e. Hott) to keep still, and threw him down in the moss, and
+     there he lay in unspeakable terror, and didn't even dare to run
+     home. Then Bothvar attacked the beast, but it chanced that the
+     sword stuck in the sheath when he wanted to draw it; then he pulled
+     so hard at the sword that it flew out of the sheath, and he plunged
+     (leggr) it immediately with such force under the shoulder of the
+     beast that it penetrated the heart, and hard and heavily fell the
+     beast down on the ground dead. Then Bothvar went over to where Hott
+     was lying. He took him up and carried him over to the place where
+     the beast lay dead. Hott trembled frightfully. Bothvar said, 'Now
+     you must drink the blood of the beast.' For a long time he was loth
+     to do this, but he finally didn't dare to do otherwise. Bothvar
+     made him drink two big gulps, and eat some of the beast's heart;
+     then Bothvar grappled with him, and they struggled long with each
+     other. Bothvar said, 'Now you have become very strong, and I don't
+     believe that you will be afraid of the troop of King Hrolf any
+     longer.' Hott answered, 'I shall not fear them any more, nor shall
+     I be afraid of you henceforth.' 'That is well, comrade Hott,' [said
+     Bothvar] 'and now will we set up the beast, and arrange it so that
+     the others will think it alive.' They did so. Then they went in and
+     were quiet; no one knew what they had done.
+
+     "The king asked in the morning whether they knew anything of the
+     beast; whether it had showed itself anywhere in the night; they
+     told him the cattle were all safe and sound in the folds. The king
+     bade his men see if they couldn't find any indication that it had
+     come thither. The warders obeyed, came quickly back again and told
+     the king that the beast was advancing rapidly to attack the town
+     (borginn). The king bade his men be courageous, [and said] each one
+     should help, according as he had courage for it, and proceed
+     against this monster. It was done as the king commanded; they made
+     themselves ready for it. The king looked at the beast and said, 'I
+     don't see that the beast moves; but who will undertake the task and
+     attack it?' Bothvar answered, 'A brave man might be able to satisfy
+     his curiosity about this! (�at v�ri n�sta hrausts manns
+     forvitnisb�t.) Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about you,--men
+     say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up and
+     kill the beast!--you see nobody else wants to.' 'Yes,' said Hott,'I
+     will undertake it.' The king said. 'I don't know whence this
+     courage has come to you, Hott, you have changed marvellously in a
+     short time.' Hott said, 'Give me your sword Gullinhjalti, which you
+     are bearing, and I will kill the beast or die in the attempt.' King
+     Hrolf said, 'This sword can only be borne by a man who is both
+     brave and daring.' Hott answered, 'You shall be convinced that I am
+     such a man.' The king said, 'Who knows whether your character
+     hasn't changed more than appearances show? Take the sword and may
+     you have good fortune!' Then Hott attacked the beast and struck at
+     it as soon as he was near enough so that he could hit it, and the
+     beast fell down dead. Bothvar said, 'Look, lord, what he has done!'
+     The king replied, 'Truly he has changed much, but Hott alone didn't
+     kill the beast, you were the man who did it.' Bothvar said, 'It may
+     be so.' The king said, 'I knew as soon as you came here that only
+     few men could compare with you, but this seems to me your most
+     illustrious deed, that you have made a warrior out of Hott, who
+     appeared little born to great good fortune. And now I wish him
+     called Hott no longer, he shall from this day be named
+     Hjalti,--thou shalt be called after the sword
+     Gullinhjalti.'"--P.M.L.A., XXIV, pp. 226-27.]
+
+[Footnote 52: _Ark._, XIX, pp. 207-08.]
+
+[Footnote 53: See p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 54: _Gratis_., p. 92.]
+
+[Footnote 55: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 56: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 57: _Sc. Folkl._., p. 108.]
+
+[Footnote 58: _Sagn._, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 59: _Event. Sagn._., p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 60: _Event. Sagn._., pp. 52-53.]
+
+[Footnote 61: "Ebbe svarede, at trolde k�mpede ved nar."--_Helt._., I,
+p. 126. The sunlight is represented as being invariably fatal to
+trolls.]
+
+[Footnote 62: George Webbe Dasent says (_Pop. Tales_, Introd., pp.
+57-58): "The trolls, or, the other hand [i.e., in comparison with the
+Giants], with whom mankind had more to do, were supposed to be less easy
+tempered, and more systematically malignant, than the Giants, and with
+the term were bound up notions of sorcery and unholy power.... But when
+Christianity came in, and heathendom fell; when the godlike race of �sir
+became evil demons instead of good genial powers, then all the objects
+of the old popular belief, whether �sir, Giants, or Trolls, were mingled
+together in one superstition, as 'no canny.' They were all trolls; all
+malignant; and thus it is that, in these tales, the traditions about
+Odin and his underlings, about the Frost Giants, and about sorcerers and
+wizards, are confused and garbled; and all supernatural agency that
+plots man's ill is the work of Trolls, whether the agent be the arch
+enemy himself, or giant, or witch, or wizard."
+
+It is quite impossible to characterize trolls in detail with unqualified
+words or phrases. They are usually malignant, though there are instances
+of their doing men a good turn. They are always very powerful, and are
+usually very large. It is told of one troll that, had she not made a
+misstep, she would have succeeded in wading from Norway to Iceland; and
+of another, that the thumb of his glove held four bushels, good measure.
+In some instances, however, it is possible for many trolls to enter one
+room of an ordinary dwelling house. There are trolls with three heads,
+with six heads, with nine heads, and with twelve heads. Sometimes they
+are one-eyed, and sometimes they have other characteristics that
+differentiate them from human beings. In fact, anything with
+supernatural qualities is apt to be called a troll. As a rule, it is
+impossible for human beings to cope with trolls except by outwitting
+them, which often is done. They are inimical to Christianity; and,
+though their depredations may occur on any day of the year, between
+sunset and sunrise, adventures with trolls, as stated above, are
+frequently represented as occurring Christmas Eve; and that is the time
+when particular precaution must be taken to avoid them. Usually it is
+taken for granted that trolls will not attack the inmates of a house,
+and people feel perfectly safe so long as they do not venture out. In
+another type of troll story, however, people expect trolls to invade the
+house Christmas Eve and attack them; and to avoid injury, the inmates
+vacate the house for the night, before sunset. Illustrations of these
+statements are found in such well known collections of fairy tales as
+_Sc. Folkl._, _Nor. Tales_, _Folk. Huld. Even._, _Event. Sagn_.]
+
+[Footnote 63: This story is in print and was related to the present
+writer by one who had read it; and, though diligent search has failed to
+locate it again, the writer ventures to reproduce it, for he is certain
+that it is in existence.]
+
+[Footnote 64: _Folk. Huld. Even._, Pt. I, pp. 66ff.]
+
+[Footnote 65: _St. germ. Sag._, pp. 367-68.]
+
+[Footnote 66: "Dette hallen hjems�gende uhyre."--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd.,
+p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 67: _Icel. Leg._, pp. 140 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 68: That it was the cattle of King Hrolf that the dragon
+attacked has been recognized by others, M�llenhoff (_Beow. Unt. Ang._,
+p. 55) and Chadwick (_Camb. Hist. Lit._, I, p. 29), for instance; but
+they make no more of the matter than to state it correctly.]
+
+[Footnote 69: _Grettis._, pp 92 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 70: _Folk. Huld. Even._, Pt. II, pp. 53 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 71: _Helt._, I, pp. 117-18.]
+
+[Footnote 72: _P. M. L. A._, XXIV, p. 239.]
+
+[Footnote 73: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 366.]
+
+[Footnote 74: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 75: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 76: See pp. 11-12.]
+
+[Footnote 77: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, p. 55.]
+
+[Footnote 78: _Beow. Unt._, p. 187.]
+
+[Footnote 79: _Helt._, I, p. 135.]
+
+[Footnote 80: _Nor. Tales_, p. 366. The sword here in question is just
+like the sword in Grendel's cave in _Beowulf_, except that it is not
+said to have a golden hilt.]
+
+[Footnote 81: Other tales which contain the motive that a
+strength-giving drink enables one to wield a sword that has supernatural
+qualities are: _The Big Bird Dan_ and _The Seven Foals_ (_Nor. Tales_,
+pp. 266 and 449); _The Three Brothers_ (Polish, _Yel. Fair. Bk._, p.
+144); and _Lonkenlus_ (_Event. Sagn_, p. 268). It may be urged that in
+all these instances the drinking imparts strength, not bravery. But the
+two qualities are closely related; and the saga-man makes it plain that,
+by means of the drink, Hott has acquired both. Bothvar says, "Now you
+have become very strong, and I don't believe that you will be afraid of
+the troop of King Hrolf any longer." Hott answers, "I shall not fear
+them any more." Later Bothvar says, referring to the proposed attack on
+the propped-up dragon, "A brave man might be able to satisfy his
+curiosity about this! Comrade Hott, destroy this evil talk about
+you,--men say that there is neither strength nor courage in you; go up
+and kill the beast!" "Yes," says Hott, "I will undertake it." The king
+says, "I don't know whence this courage has come to you, Hott, you have
+changed marvellously in a short time." From the foregoing and what is
+said about Hott's wrestling with Bothvar, it is plain that the author
+has taken particular pains to emphasize the fact that, by partaking of
+the heart and blood of the dragon, Hott has acquired great strength, the
+lack of which seems to have been the cause of his cowardice. It seems
+equally plain that when Hott knocks over the dead propped-up dragon by
+means of the sword Gullinhjalti, which the king explicitly says "can
+only be borne by a man who is both brave and daring," the purpose is to
+call particular attention to the fact that it is by wielding the sword
+that Hott gives proof of the change that has come over him. Regardless
+of the deceit that has been practiced in connection with the dead
+dragon, the king is compelled, if he believes what he has said about
+Gullinhjalti, to recognize that Hott has demonstrated by his ability to
+wield the sword that he is now "a man who is both brave and daring." And
+the king does recognize it, for he says to Bothvar, "You have made a
+warrior out of Hott."]
+
+[Footnote 82: _Hrs. Bjark._, p. 100.]
+
+[Footnote 83: Ll. 1557, 1567, 1607, 1666.]
+
+[Footnote 84: Ll. 1558, 1569, 1605, 1615, 1663, 1696.]
+
+[Footnote 85: Ll. 1559, 1573.]
+
+[Footnote 86: Ll. 1564, 1616, 1667.]
+
+[Footnote 87: L. 1697.]
+
+[Footnote 88: _Eng. Stud._, XXXV, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 89: L. 1697.]
+
+[Footnote 90: Ll. 1573-74.]
+
+[Footnote 91: "The chief of the Weder-Geats took no more of the
+treasure-holdings in the dwelling, though he saw many there, but only
+the head, and with it, the sword's hilt, brave with gold; the sword had
+already melted" (ll. 1612-15).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 92: "I bore the hilt thence away from my enemies" (ll.
+1668-69).]
+
+[Footnote 93: "Then the golden hilt, the work of giants long ago, was
+given into the hand of the old prince, the white-haired battle-leader"
+(ll. 1677-79).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 94: "Hrothgar spake, looked on the hilt, the old heirloom, on
+which was written the beginning of that far-off strife, when the flood,
+the streaming ocean slew the giant kind--they had borne themselves
+lawlessly. The people were estranged from the Eternal Lord; the Wielder,
+therefore, gave them their requital through the whelming of the waters.
+So was it duly lined in rimed staves on the guard of gleaming gold, set
+down and told for them for whom that sword was wrought, choicest of
+blades, with twisted hilt and decked with dragon-shapes." (LI.
+1687-93).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 95: L. 1687.]
+
+[Footnote 96: L. 1698.]
+
+[Footnote 97: "He gave the guardian of the boat a sword ornamented with
+gold" (ll. 1900-1901).]
+
+[Footnote 98: "Then the shield of earls, the king stout in battle, bade
+fetch Hrethel's sword, mounted in gold; there was not then among the
+Geats a better treasure in the like of a sword. He laid it on Beowulf's
+lap." (ll. 2190-94).--_Beow._, Child.]
+
+[Footnote 99: _Mort. d'Arth._, p. 480.]
+
+[Footnote 100: "En l'orie pont assez i at reliques."--_Ext. Ch. Rol._,
+p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 101: "Preditum auro capulum."--_Gest. Dan._, p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 102: See pp. 31 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 103: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 370.]
+
+[Footnote 104: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 105: _Eng. Nov._, p. 2.]
+
+[Footnote 106: _Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 139-40 and 141-42. Lawrence's
+translation of the above selections from the _r�mur_ is as follows:--
+
+     "Most of the men insulted Hjalti; he was not clever in speech. One
+     day they (Bjarki and Hjalti) went out of the hall, so that the
+     king's men did not know of it. Hjalti was afraid, and cried, 'Let
+     us not go near this wood; there is a she-wolf here, which eats men;
+     she will soon kill us both.' The she-wolf burst out of a thicket,
+     frightful, with gaping jaws. Hjalti thought this terrible; his legs
+     and all his limbs trembled. Undaunted Bjarki advanced upon her,
+     struck deep with his axe; fearful blood streamed from the she-wolf.
+     'Between two things,' said Bothvar, 'shall you choose,
+     Hjalti,--drink this blood, or I will kill you, no courage seems to
+     be in you.' Angrily answered Hjalti, 'I don t dare to drink blood;
+     (but) it is best to do it if I must; now I have no better choice.'
+     He lay down to drink the blood; then he drank three
+     swallows,--enough for fighting with one man! His courage increased,
+     his strength waxed, he became very strong, mighty as a troll, all
+     his clothes burst open. So he became courageous at heart, he feared
+     not the flight of steel, the name of coward he feared no more, he
+     was equal to Bothvar in courage." (IV, 58-66.)
+
+     "He (Hjalti) has gained a brave heart and a courageous disposition;
+     he has got strength and valor from the blood of the she-wolf. The
+     folds at Hleidargard were attacked by a gray bear; many such beasts
+     were there far and wide thereabout. Bjarki was told that it had
+     killed the herdmen's dogs; it was not much used to contending with
+     men. Hrolf and all his men prepared to hunt the bear--'he shall be
+     greatest in my hall, who faces the beast!' Roaring the bear ran
+     from its lair and shook its baleful paws, so that the men fled.
+     Hjalti looked on when the combat began; he had nothing in his
+     hands. Hrolf tossed to Hjalti his sword; the warrior stretched
+     forth his hand and grasped it. Then he plunged it into the bear's
+     right shoulder, and the bear fell down dead. That was his first
+     heroic deed, many others followed; his heart was ever brave in the
+     battle. From this exploit he got the name of Hjalti the brave, and
+     was the equal of Bjarki." (V, 4-13.)--_P. M. L. A._, XXIV, pp.
+     229-30.]
+
+[Footnote 107: _Helt._, I, p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 108: When, here and elsewhere in this discussion, the
+_Hr�lfssaga_ is referred to as an earlier composition than the
+_Bjarkar�mur_, the implication is not intended that the version of the
+saga which we now have was earlier committed to writing.]
+
+[Footnote 109: See p. 51.]
+
+[Footnote 110: _St. germ. Sag._, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 111: _Beow. Unt. Ang._, p. 55.]
+
+[Footnote 112: _Beow. Unt._, p. 186.]
+
+[Footnote 113: _Helt._, I, p. 116.]
+
+[Footnote 114: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 250.]
+
+[Footnote 115: _Gest. Dan._, p. 56. Elton's translation of the passage
+is as follows: "When he was triumphing in these deeds of prowess, a
+beast of the forest furnished him fresh laurels. For he met a huge bear
+in a thicket, and slew it with a javelin; and then bade his companion
+Hjalti put his lips to the beast and drink the blood that came out, that
+he might be the stronger afterwards. For it was believed that a draught
+of this sort caused an increase of bodily strength."--_Elton's Saxo_, p.
+69.]
+
+[Footnote 116: See pp. 36 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 117: See, for instance, _Sc. Folkl._, p. 253, where dragons
+are said to have been pierced "under their shoulders to the heart."]
+
+[Footnote 118: Finnur J�nsson has also been struck by the similarity
+between the story connected with Bjarki's birth and the second story in
+the _r�mur_, in which Hjalti slays a bear. He says, "I rimerne (V, 5-14)
+er der endnu tale om en 'gr�bj�rn.'"--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 119: _Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 120: See p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 121: The dogs are here said to be the herdsmen's dogs, in
+conformity with the spirit of the story in its new setting and to
+differentiate the story from what it is in the place whence the author
+of the _r�mur_ took it.]
+
+[Footnote 122: _Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 123: See pp. 50 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 124: For further proof of this, see pp. 81 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 125: See p. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 126: In the foregoing no implication is intended as to the
+identity of the story of Beowulf's fight with Grendel and Saxo's story
+of Bjarki's slaying the bear. The result, however, of the discussion is
+to establish the priority of Saxo's story to that in the _Hr�lfssaga_;
+hence, an attempt to identify Bjarki's exploit with Beowulf's exploit
+must consist principally in an attempt to identify the Grendel story
+with Saxo's version of the corresponding story told about Bjarki.]
+
+[Footnote 127: I, pp. 175-78.]
+
+[Footnote 128: "Det �ldste vidnesbyrd om sagnet bar vi i den s�kaldte
+_V[o.]lusp� in skamma_; det hedder her: 'eru v[o.]lur allar fr� Vi�olfi.'
+Denne troldkvindernes stamfader er identisk med troldmanden Vit[h]olphus
+i Sakses norske saga; og n�r vi ser, hvorledes digtets troldmandsremser
+n�vner kendte sagnfigurer--Hei�r i _Volusp�_; Hross�j�fr i Sakses norske
+Baldersagn--, t�r vi ogs� i Vi�olfr se hentydning til en bestemt
+digtning, i.e., til dette norske Skjoldungsagn. Desv�rre kendes digtets
+alder ikke videre n�je; det er efterhedensk og er digtet som et till�g
+til _Volusp�_, sikkert efter at dette digt var blevet udvidet med
+dv�rgremserne. (F. J�nsson, _Oldn. lit. hist._, I, 204, g�r det til
+islandsk og s�tter det til 2. halvdel af 12te �rh.)."--Olrik's note.]
+
+[Footnote 129: See pp. 9, 15, 24.]
+
+[Footnote 130: _St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 120-21.]
+
+[Footnote 131: See R. Imelmann's edition, pp. 45 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 132: "_Hroarr-Helgi_. Frodas, der Florencius gegen�bersteht
+und Waldeus zu beseitigen sucht, hat zwar als Usurpator in einem ganzen
+Typus seine Verwandten, aber eine in formeller Hinsicht auffallende in
+der nordischen Sage von Hroarr und Helgi. Hier stellt Fro�i zwei Neffen
+nach, die aber durch ihren Erzieher in Sicherheit gebracht werden. Sie
+r�chen sich sp�ter an dem Usurpator in seiner Halle. Bei seinen
+Nachstellungen l�sst Fro�i sich t�uschen. F�r diese Z�ge bietet der
+Waldeus eine genaue parallele (S. 45-60). Seine Vorlage konnte die Sage
+kennen, da sie in England entstanden und beliebt war; und ihre Benutzung
+m�sste angenommen werden, sobald man die Namensgleichheit Fro�i--Froda
+(Frode) f�r nicht zuf�llig h�lt. Der Name Fro�i scheint in England sonst
+zu fehlen; er steht nicht bei Bj�rkman."--_Hist. Reg. Wald._, Introd.,
+p. 52.]
+
+[Footnote 133: _St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 103 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 134: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 134.]
+
+[Footnote 135: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 30.]
+
+[Footnote 136: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 139.]
+
+[Footnote 137: See, for instance, _Dan. Nor. Rig._]
+
+[Footnote 138: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., pp. 65-67.]
+
+[Footnote 139: The version of the Havelok story here referred to is that
+contained in Geffrei Gaimar's _Estorie des Engles_ and summarized in
+_St. Sag. Eng._, pp. 98-100.]
+
+[Footnote 140: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 30, n.]
+
+[Footnote 141: See _Helt._, I, pp. 22-23.]
+
+[Footnote 142: _Hist. Mer._, p. 8.]
+
+[Footnote 143: _Hist. Mer._, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 144: _Hist. Mer._, p. 8.]
+
+[Footnote 145: _Hist. Mer._, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 146: _Gest. Dan._, p. 218.]
+
+[Footnote 147: _St. Sag. Eng._, p. 129.]
+
+[Footnote 148: _Hist. Mer._, Introd., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 149: See pp. 86 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 150: A variant of "S�vil" in the manuscripts is "S�var." See
+_Hrs. Bjark._, pp. 3, n. and 5, n.]
+
+[Footnote 151: _Chron._, V, p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 152: _Chron._, V, p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 153: There is something similar to this in _Meriadoc_. Orwen,
+the princess, marries the King of Scotland. This feature of _Meriadoc_,
+besides being in line with Hroar's marrying Northri's daughter, points
+toward Scotland also.]
+
+[Footnote 154: Siward married �lfl�d, daughter of Ealdred, Earl of
+Bernicia in Northumbria (see p. 13).]
+
+[Footnote 155: _Nor. Hist._, I, pp. 180-81.]
+
+[Footnote 156: _Macb._, Introd., p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 157: _Chron._, V, p. 274.]
+
+[Footnote 168: Quoted by Langebek in _Sc. Rer. Dan._, III. p. 291, n.]
+
+[Footnote 159: Olrik; see p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 160: _Skjs._ (_Aarb._, pp. 110 ff.).]
+
+[Footnote 161: _Oldn. Lit. Hist._, II, p. 665.]
+
+[Footnote 162: See pp. 64 ff., where Olrik's explanation of the
+development in the relations between Frothi and Halfdan, from the
+earliest to the latest account, is given in full.]
+
+[Footnote 163: See p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 164: "Vi finder _Skjoldungasagas_ konger�kke bekr�ftet i de
+andre skrifter. _Langfe�gatal_ stemmer helt igennem i kongersekken
+og--p� et enkelt punkt n�r--ogs� i sl�gstskabs-forholdene. Rolv krakes
+saga stemmer ligeledes; kun g�r den sin konge Frode til Halvdans broder,
+ikke til hans broders�n som de to andre kilder. _Hervararsaga_ bar
+forvansket nogle af de mindre vigtige konge-og dronningnavne, men har i
+det hele samme bygning af Skjoldungsl�gten. De p� Island bevarede
+oldkvad (_Grottesangen_, _Bjarkem�l_, _Br�vallakvadet_ og _Hyndlulj��_)
+stemmer belt med prosaskrifterne."--Olrik, _Aarb._, p. 157.]
+
+[Footnote 165: Son and successor of Scioldus.]
+
+[Footnote 166: Said to have been king when Christ was born.]
+
+[Footnote 167: Brothers, sons of Leifus.]
+
+[Footnote 168: Married to Olafa, daughter of Vermundus.]
+
+[Footnote 169: Chosen king upon the death of Frotho III, when Fridleus
+II was absent from the kingdom.]
+
+[Footnote 170: Son and successor of Frotho III. He defeated Hiarnus and
+later slew him.]
+
+[Footnote 171: Olaf appears here in a disturbing manner; but that Saxo
+had no clear conception of him is plain from the way he introduces his
+seventh book. He says: "Ingello quatuor filios fuisse, ex iisdemque,
+tribus bello consumptis, Olauum solum post patrem regnasse, perita rerum
+prodit antiquitas: quem quidam Ingelli sorore editum incerto opinionis
+arbitrio perhibent. Huius actus uetustatis squalore conspersos parum
+iusta noticia posteritatis apprehendit; extremum duntaxat prudencie eius
+monitum memoria uendicauit. Quippe cum supremis fati uiribus arctaretur,
+Frothoni et Haraldo filiis consulturus, alterum terris, alterum aquis
+regia dicione preesse, eamque potestatis differenciam non diutina
+usurpacione, sed annua uicissitudine sortini iubet."--_Gest. Dan._, p.
+216.]
+
+[Footnote 172: Son of Ingjald, but not his successor on the throne.]
+
+[Footnote 173: Halfdan in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]
+
+[Footnote 174: Hroar in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]
+
+[Footnote 175: Helgi in _Hrs._ and _Skjs._]
+
+[Footnote 176: _Beow._, ll. 2024-69.]
+
+[Footnote 177: _Beow._, ll. 82-85.]
+
+[Footnote 178: "Dette forhold, at det egenlige vikingeliv ligger forud for
+digtet, f�rer os hen til 10de �rh. som dets tilblivelsestid."--_Helt._,
+II, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 179: _Helt._, II, pp. 37-41. Olrik's notes, of which there are
+a number, have been omitted.]
+
+[Footnote 180: Later, the statement is made that Hroar had a son called
+Waldar; but the statement causes no difficulty in this connection.
+First, we observe that when Hroar, who is older than Helgi, is slain,
+Helgi's son, Hrolf Kraki, becomes sole King of Denmark with no
+competitor for the throne. Secondly, Arngrim says: "Roas. Hujus posteros
+etsi non repperi in compendio unde Regum Dani� Fragmenta descripsi;
+tamen genealogiam hanc alibi sic oblatam integre ut sequitur visum est
+contexere. Valderus cogn. munificus, Ro� pr�dicti filius."--_Aarb._, p.
+139, n.]
+
+[Footnote 181: Halfdan's brother, who, after Halfdan's death, married
+his widow, Sigrith.]
+
+[Footnote 182: This is not expressly stated; but her appearance and
+action in the last scene admit of no other conclusion. This is Finnur
+J�nsson's opinion also; see p. 95, n.]
+
+[Footnote 183: _Helt._, I, pp. 173-74.]
+
+[Footnote 184: Finnur J�nsson, in his comment on the _Fr��a��ttr_,
+regards the version of the Hroar-Helgi story contained in the
+_Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ and the _Bjarkar�mur_ as earlier than the version
+contained in the _Hr�lfssaga_. His most significant statements bearing
+on the matter are as follows: "I _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_, der blandt de
+islandske kilder har st�rst betydning, har vi herfor [i.e., instead of
+Halfdan and Frothi] H�lfdan og Ingjaldr, der er halvbr�dre, b�gge s�nner
+af kong Fr��i froekni; Halvdans moder er en datter af kong J�rund i
+Sverrig, Ingjalds moder er en datter af Sverting og Frodes virkelige
+hustru; herom ved vor saga alts� intet. Halvdan er ifg. _Skj._ gift med
+en Sigr��r (s�ledes ogs� i _Hrs._, hvor hun pludselig dukker op). Deres
+b�rn er de samme som i sagaen; ogs� her er Sign� gift med S�vil. Ingjald
+dr�ber sin broder Halvdan og gifter sig med hans enke (heri finder vi
+motivet til at hun lader sig indebr�nde med Frode i _Hrs._, hvilket d�r
+st�r ganske umotiveret)."--_Hrs. Bjark._, Introd., p. 9.
+
+The _Skj[o.]ldungasaga_ does not, however, say that Ingjald's mother was a
+daughter of Swerting. It says, "Postea ducta alia, Ingialldum filium
+legitimum h�redem suscepit" (_Aarb._, p. 111). And later it says that
+Ingjald married Swerting's daughter. The words of the saga are,
+"Ingialldus Frodonis filius Svertingi baronis paulo ante commemorati
+filiam in uxorem accepit firmioris grati�, ut omnibus visum, conciliand�
+ergo" (_Aarb._, p. 112). This would indicate that Ingjald was not the
+son of a daughter of Swerting.]
+
+[Footnote 185: "Arngrim tilf�jer, at natten efter var de hos en bonde,
+i.e., Hrane, hvis gaver de afslog. (Footnote. Her tr�ffer vi sikkert det
+oprindelige forhold, kun �t mode med Odin.) Hvorledes Rolv rejste
+videre, siges ikke i nogen af kilderne. Det er klart heraf, at Arngrims
+fremstilling st�r sagaen n�rmere end _Skj._, hvilket n�ppe kommer af, at
+Snorre skulde have udeladt det som Arngrim har; det har v�ret den yngre
+bearbejdelse af _Skj._, som A. Olrik vistnok med rette har ment at kunne
+p�vise, som Arngrims fremstilling beror p�."--Finnur J�nsson, _Hrs.
+Bjark._, Introd., p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 186: See, for instance, Sarrazin's _K�nig Hrodhgeirr und seine
+familie_; _Eng. Stud._, XXIII, pp. 221 ff.]
+
+[Footnote 187: _Aarb._, pp. 164.]
+
+[Footnote 188: See p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 189: _Beow.-Stud._, pp. 41 ff., and _Eng. Stud._, XXIII, p.
+228.]
+
+[Footnote 190: _Notes, Beow._, pp. 43.]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Relation of the Hrolfs Saga Kraka
+and the Bjarkarimur to Beowulf, by Oscar Ludvig Olson
+
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